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Western Clarion Jun 18, 1910

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Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, June 18, 1910.
A Job-hunter's Experience with a 'Prospective (Master of\
a "Socialistic" Turn of Mind. '
The sun shone brightly on Benota,
and the citizens of this famous burg
were inside enjoying the sweets of
repose," as the poet says. None but a
few wageslaves were astir, and these
were actively engaged in digging a
sewer, which goes to show that Benota
was a progressive city, and one that
was proud of its ability to find other
outlets for dish-water, than out of the
kitchen window.
Along the dusty road came a tired
looking wayfarer, halting beside the
busy workers, he asked of the nearest
man the way to Mr.  and on receiving the desired information, he sat
down, and producing a pipe, began to
solace himself with "My Lady Nico'
tine," or such substitute as profit-making ingenuity supplies for the use of
wage slaves.
Said the man in the trench, "What
are you after to Mr. **"    "Oh, a
job." "Are you out of work, then?"
pursued his interrogator. "Yes,"
"Well," says the knowing one, "you'll
sure get plenty out there, If that's
what you want." "Is that so," said
the others, "and how is he to work
for?" "Oh, not too bad, as bosses go,
but he claims to be a Socialist, yet
I've always noticed that his hired men
aint treated any better than other peoples, and like all other financiers he
wants all the work he can get out of
you." "Well," said the other "I can
go and see anyway."
A further walk of a mile or more
brought him in sight of the house he
was in search of. It was a new structure, and looked commodious. Outside, on the verandah, sat a group of
ladies and gentlemen, and our hero approached these, cap ln hand, and asked
for the master. A portly old gentleman stepped out and conducting him
to one side, asked him what he wanted. Says the wanderer, "I'm looking
for work.' The other sized him up for
a few minutes, looking at his worn
clothes, holed boots and general appearance of wear and tear, and finally,
coming to a conclusion, announced,
"I want a man right enough, but I
don't know whether you wlll suit, can
you plow corn, and handle horses
good?" "Oh, yes, was brought up on
a farm." "Are you married?" was the
next question, the reply was "yes."
"Well, I'll give you a job, to start on
next week, but I want you to get your
wife, and furniture round, so as to
move in this cottage here when this
fellow gets out, he is no good to me."
"Oh, you have a man now, eh? And
does he know of my coming?" "No
hut I'll tell him as soon as you're
gone." "But," said our sensitive
friend, "its hard lines on him and his
wife and children, to be turned out at
such short notice." "Oh," responded
the portly one, "there is plenty of
■work for those who will look for it,"
"and," added he, with a wise look,
"It wlll teach him self-control and
humility when he has to ask round
for work. He was getting very independent."
"You know," he went on, setting
himself Into a commanding position;
"I don't want you to think I am
against the workers, not by any
means, my sympathy is with them always, in fact I am a member of the
Socialist Party," here he paused to
Bee if his auditor were duly impressed,
and noticing the curious expression
writ large on the features of the audience, resumed. "I have always been
leaning towards the movement for
progress, and I was finally moved to
join, by the exposure of the wicked
white slave traffic, and the connivance
thereat ot our two old parties; I think
it Is simply awful. Then again, the
"way the poor Russian refugees are
treated in this country is a shame and
disgrace to our country, I think a law
ought to be passed to stop the Czar's
agents from coming over to seize these
unfortunate people, who have sought
refuge with us.
Seeing he was expected to say something, the bewildered job seeker, stammered, "yes, he thought lt would be
alright."    Beaming   complacently   et
the approving auditor, our intellectual
friend went on, "then again, there is
the terrible rottenness in our civic
life, look at Chicago, look at the Illinois revelations on graft, why lt makes
me ashamed of our legislators, but the
only way is to elect honest men to
office, do the same as ln Milwaukee,
get men pledged to reform civic government, start municipal enterprise, 3
cent fares on cars, free hospitals, etc.
for the benefit of the people. Of course
it will take time to do all these things,
but the other cities will come to see
the great change for the better, and
will follow suit, until we capture the
entire country."
"But," mildly suggested the jobless
one, "how will you run the country?'
"Easy, my dear man, easy, look at our
postal institutions, owned by the people, no one owning one post office,
but the whole lot collectively by tbe
people, you, my man, are as much a
proprietor as I or any one of us. We
will acquire all public Institutions and
utilities in this way and have them
run by all the people, the profits of
course going to relieve the taxes and
rates, and to make conditions better
for the working men. You know, my
heart aches for the way he is oppressed, and the way he is cheated and
robbed right and left. For instance,
see the way he is cheated when he
buys meat; the trust has put up the
price, away above his means, so that
the poor person can afford .but little.
Which, by the way, I regard as a blessing in disguise, for the chances are
he will then come to see the advantages of vegetarianism, and eat some of
the cereal foods, which are pure and
wholesome, compared with the abominable decayed flesh of animals, also
I am a humanitarian and as such opposed to taking of life in any form"
taking a vicious swing he killed it),
(here a fly alikhted on his nose, but
taking a vicious swing he killed it.)
Unheeding the smile on the listener's face, the gentlemanly speaker continued: "Of course it may be urged
against me, that I sell cows and chickens to the meat trust, but it is a maxim of mine, that there Is no room for
sentiment in business, but I am In
hopes that under Socialism all people
will be non-flesh eaters, and thus the
taking of life will be ended, and another era of progress begin. Then,
again, I am for temperance reform,
and think the Socialist movement Is
the true place for such reforms. I am
aware that many people say that if
we abolish the saloon, It will make
more unemployed, but think of the
immense profit made on whisky and if
the money spent were turned into
legitimate channels of trade, the
amount of work it would make, and,"
added he, wiping away an imaginary
tear, "think of the homes made happy
once more by the abolition of the
demon, strong drink, the wives and
children clothed neatly, and the way
they will sing for joy at the approaching millenium. It Is also in my mind
that when we have destroyed the
saloon, the worst barrier will be gone,
In the way of attacking the white
slave traffic, that damnable (excuse me
If I use strong words) traffic which is
born in hell. Can there be anything
worse than compelling a pure girl to
sell her virtue for a living? The Socialist Party must make lt a point to
go after these things at once. And I
also believe a great weapon would be
given us if we could only secure the
votes for women. Who so prone to defend her sex as woman herself; the
home, the children; to enact laws
which shall make future citizens fine
healthy boys and girls.
Of course you are also aware that
lt Is said of the Socialists that they
are atheistical, and it is unfortunately
true of many, but I am glad to say
there are an increasing number who,
like myself, hold that this life is not
all there is, but that there is a great
guiding Intelligence Impelling us to
seek new things to reach out into the
unknown and thuB ever move forward
the wheels of progress. I believe this
life within me is Immortal and resum
es its course in some other form when
the time comes to lay this body aside
and, I am glad to think that I may be
an Instrument in teaching members
of the new party this great new doctrine.
But I am afraid I must be wearying
you, let me see, if you come to work
for me I shall expect you to start in
early, go ahead, do as you are told, do
it cheerfully, without pouting, do good
for ME and good for yourself, that's
all I want of a man. I will pay you
reasonable wages, all I can afford; of
course in the winter I can't pay very
much, but then I havent much work
so we will be square there. Now I'll
give you till tomorrow to think lt over
and then you can let me know early
so as to get the other fellow out. Remember I only want you if you can
take an interest in the place as if it
were your own, and not as though the
wages were the only interesting point
here; so many working men are that
way. I treat a man right and expect
him to treat me right. Now think it
over and let me know as early as possible, good day."
Arriving back in the town, the enquirer for work once more halted by
the sewer diggers, his acquaintance of
the morning spied him, and called out,
"Say, pardner, how did you make out
with the Socialist?"
"Huh!" grunted the other with a
look of disgust, if that is Socialism be
talked to me, I want none of it, his
dope made me feel so dry I guess I'll
go face the bartender, 'So long.' " And
the nearest saloon door opened long
enough to admit one more seeker after
forgetfulness of the weary work of
choosing a master.
F. S. F.
Cynics, Limited, surplus-value brokers, Box 101, North Battleford, June
6, 1910, in acconnt with Dominion Executive, S. P. of C. Terms cash; 1000
per cent, charged on all overdue accounts.
Some time in 1909; For damage
done to one antique golden
oak finish King Edward VII.
chair, by C.  M.  O'Brien,  M.
L. A ..$ 50.00
1908; C. M. O'Brien, trying to
hone a razor and transforming lt into a hay rake * 10.00
March, 1910; For damage done
to crockery, window and
looking-glass by Wilfrid Gribble,  through singing out of
tune  100.00
March, 1910; For polluting the
air with acrid fumes of Shamrock   near-tobacco        25.00
March, 1910; For shrinkage in
production of eggs and causing one rooster to throw a cat
it; by the frequent discharge
of heavy artillery (membership card No. 2) in the imme-
1 dlate vicinity of barn-yard.. 75.00
May 24, 1910; Organizer Desmond smoking one foul clay
pipe          5.00
May 24, 1910; For stopping
three able-bodied slaves and
one team of oxen from planting potatoes     150.00
Comment on the French Elections and on  the •Movement
in Spain, Italy and 'Belgium.
C. M. O'Brien washing dishes,
leading hens to water, digging  gardens and  making  a
bum  job  of  it 50
Toronto,   June,   8th,   1910.
Goldwin Smith is dead and the
newspapers are full of the most
extravagant eulogies of his character and accomplishments. Even
the Gingoes and Imperialists, who
vilified him during his life, are
now joining in the general chorus of appreciation. The late philosopher of the Grange has always inspired me with what the
novelists describe as "conflicting
emotions." He is certainly entitled to
the respect of all progressive-minded people for the enemies he made,
and the hatred with which he was regarded by the reactionists. It is impossible not to admire his courage
in the expression of his opinions. But
on the other hand he was a bitter and
not over-scrupulous opponent of Socialism and, most Inconsistently, a
keen upholder of capitalism and the
privileges of the possessing class.
Therefore his life was largely a failure.
Goldwin Smith was a British Radical of the old school with all its limitations. While he honestly hated and
fearlessly denounced tyranny and oppression of the more concrete and obvious sort such as the despotism of
monarchs and aristocracies, be was
apparently totally unable to realize
that the results of an unjust system
of industrial organization are just as
crushing and oppressive, just as productive of misery and suffering to the
mass, as the absolutism of a Czar or
Sultan. To the last he utterly failed
to understand the significance of the
change in Social conditions resulting
from the concentration of capital and
the organization of industry upon the
modern scale. He regarded life from
the point of view of half a century
ago. His knowledge of history was
great, but his deductions from its examples were usually misleading on
this account. He had a marvellous
style and as a master of pure English he had no rival. He was a great
writer, no doubt, but by no means a
great thinker. His gift of language
was made such that he could take a
commonplace Idea and present it in
new and telling phraseology, so that
the people who are caught by wordB
rather than their significance gave
bim  credit  for  originality  and   deep
thinking. But most of his utterances
were really shallow and superficial.
He seldom got to the core of the subject. So far as bis Ideas on Socialism
arc concerned, he never got beyond
the old familiar trick of setting up a
scarecrow stuffed with straw labelled
"Socialist," and then battering it to
smithereens triumphantly. Ot the
principles of scientific class-conscious
Socialism he either was or allowed
himself to appear profoundly Ignorant.
All through Goldwin Smith's writings on current subjects runs this
note of shallowness and superficiality,
this lack of insight and clear thinking.
Actuated, as every one admits, by the
best motives he was never weary of
denouncing the spirit of militarism
and upholding the cause of international peace. He sacrificed much ot
the popular appreciation that he might
have enjoyed by his outspoken opposition to the Boer war. But he couldn't
see that the Boer war, like the American raid on Cuba and the Philippines,
was the rational and inevitable outcome of the system of capitalist government which he supported—that the
great, almost the sole, Incentive to
wars ls the absolute necessity which
tbe commercial nations are under of
finding new markets for their surplus
products—new territories to exploit.
In like manner Goldwin Smith, in season and out of season, took up his
parable against political corruption.
All he said was very good, and people
read it and approved, and said 'it was
sound doctrine and right to the point,'
and then went on with the old game
of buying votes, and grafting for contracts and concessions and bonuses
just the same. It never seems to have
occurred to him that corruption In
politics is not something in the nature
of an abnormal development peculiar
to public life, but It simply reflects
the general morni standing of the
community under a system based on
dishonesty and robbery. It ls merely
an Incident of capitalist rule. But
Goldwin Smith, with all his wisdom,
was one of the numerous claas that
tries to have omelettes without the
breaking of eggs! That wants peace
and purity and reform and all manner
of good things, while deprecating any
Interference with the social system
*iiat makes all these things impossible.
While Goldwin Smith was a great
literary light and probably did much
Paris, May 26, 1910.
May 21-28 is the anniversary of the
Commune "bloody week," and on Sun
day last (21st) a new monument was
inaugurated in Montparnaaae cemetery in memory of the slaughtered
Communards who were burled there,
was permitted to the monument and
speeches   were  made.    About   three
A procession with banners flying
thousand people were present. There
was the inevitable company of mounted soldiers, "together with a large
number of police, but after the
speeches the demonstrators carefully
folded their banners at the cemetery
gates and all seemed to have passed
off quietly, a number marching off
toward l'Avenir de Piaisance where
Allemane and others were to address
a meeting. It seemed that after getting some distance away from the
cemetery the flags were unfurled, for
I was surprised to read in the next
day's papers that the police (having
taken another road to head off the
procession) brutally attacked the Socialists and endeavored to sieze the
banners. After a momentary panic,,
however, the demonstrators stood
their ground and gave the police a
hot time, and the arrival of a high
official was the signal for the retreat
of the police. Considerable indignation exists among the Parisian Socialists at the brutal action of capitalism's watchdogs last Sunday, and a
determination is expressed to resist
to the utmost any similar police aggression at the more important pilgrimage to "Mur des Federes" in Pere
Lachaise on Sunday, the 28th.
The gain of 22 seats by the Socialist
party here (which brings the number
of "Unified" representatives up to 76)
very widely hailed as a Socialist
victory, but I am afraid the facts
hardly support that view. The chief
item for which the "Unified*" candidates stood was proportional representation—not Socialism. All the
"Unified" representatives and many,
If not most, Radicals, curse the present second ballot (including the individual candidates by arrondissement)
for the confusion and corruption with
which it ls associated. But is regional
proportional representation and the
vote by party list that is proposed any
better? The present electoral arrangements do not give the results a
Socialist desires solely because of the
lack of Socialist education among the
voters, for otherwise tbere could be
no confusion; they would know and
control their own organization and
would refuse to be humbugged by
politicians   on   the   make.     The  pro-
by his writings and example to get
people out of the ruts ot partylsm and
conventionality, lt is very doubtful
whether Canadians would ever have
found out his ability if he had not
come here with a ready-made reputation and a good social position. Had
he been a poor, unknown man trying
to mnke a living by his pen, he would
have been mercilessly snubbed and
black-listed as soon aa he ventured to
assail the cherished popular Ideals.
But for bis Oxford professorship, his
prestige as a noted English writer,
and his money he would have been
completely crushed under the load of
obloquy formerly lavished upon the
annexationist" and the "traitor."
Needless to say, he couldnt have held
down a $12 a week job on any one
of the Toronto papers that are now
shedding hypocritical tears over his
coffin. As it was, his means and position saved him from the black-list and
he could snap his fingers at his detractors. It ls to be regretted that at
some early period of hlB life he was
not under the necessity of making his
living by hlB pen. Such an experience would have completed his education and given him an insight into
the social problem that he failed to
get from hooks, and had ho survived
the ordeal he would probably have
made a first-class Socialist.
posed reform simply replaces the intrigues of the Individual candidate or
local committee by tbe party caucus,
so long as the present chaos within
the "Unified" party continues. The
number of paying members of the
party is ridiculously small compared
with tbe huge election vote obtained,
hence the danger. Moreover, a party
that includes the anti-parliamentary
Herve and the Radical Breton la obviously extremely loose ln principles,
and the numerous examples ot compromise and treachery that have come
to light during the recent elections
show that there is something rotten
in the state of the "Unified" party.
Many of the manifestoes issued by
"Unified" candidates opened well with
a statement of the Socialist position,
but tailed off wretchedly into an Insistence upon the primal necessity
for trumpery reforms such aa proportional representation. The Radical
government (with the help of the
Unified deputies) will probably grant
that reform, but it wlll not be because
it helps Socialism.
In some cases the "Unified" candidate was also the Radical candidate,
and ln other cases the "Unified" candidate stood down in favor of the.
Radical! Sembat and Willm wrote a
joint letter ln aid of tbe candidature
of the Radical patriotic badgetfaklr
Doumer, and other instances of the
way not to wage the claas struggle
are too numerous to mention. Clearly,
then, the "Socialist" victory In these
circumstances must be taken with a
grain of Bait.
The popularity of electoral reform
brought many votes to the "Unified"
candidates, for these were its moat
zealous champions. Another (actor
was the vote of the last chamber rala-
lng the deputies' salaries to 15,000
francs a year. This "reform" waa
passed through both houses ln a few
days, whereas the paltry contributory
old-age pension scheme which gives
threepence a day to those living beyond the age of 65 (and having paid
all their contributions) dragged on
from session to session and was only
finally made law on the eve of the
elections! Disgust with these measures brought grist to the mill of the
Unified critics (who now pay a portion of their increased salaries toward
the "-party funds). While the introducer of the resolution proposing the
increase was defeated at the first ballot, as were Beveral others Intimately
connected with the measure. Another
matter which influenced the elections
was the callous brutality of Clemen-
ceau, Briand & Co. in shooting down
workers. Doubtless this does not account for all the increase in the
Unified vote, for an indeterminate portion Is probably due to the steady
trend toward the "left" that may be
Intermittently observed among workers the world over.
Be this as It may, the Unified vote
presents a featnre that is significant
and must not be overlooked. In Paris
and the department of tbe Seine,
where revolutionary feeling Is sometimes held to be strongest, the "Unified" party suffered a check. The
reason for this Is attributed (by "Unified" candidates themselves, such aa
Rouanet) to revolt within the party.
In some places the party candidate
was opposed by a revolutionary Socialist on account of the compromising policy of the former. In other
places also, determined efforts were
made to secure the defeat, not only
of traitors now without the party, such
as Millerand and tbe "Independent
Socialists," but also of traitors within
the party such as Brousse, whose defeat no Socialist will regret. The fact
that in these circumstances several
majorities were reduced and several
seats lost almost justifies tho cynical
paradox that the real Socialist victories were the "Socialist" defeats!
It also Illustrates the fallacy of fictitious "unity," and gives point to the
Marxian principles and of getting rid
of the compromisers in time.
(Continued on Page 2.)
SATURDAY, JUNE 18th,  1910
Published    everr    Saturday    br    the
Socialist Party at Canada, at the OJBce
. at   the   Western   Glarioo,   Flack   Block
■ Basement. US Hsattegii Street, Ta-ieeu
. ve». B. C.
MR o-moa A-BBm-ssa. »ox as*.
gt.ee Tn Waa*, W enta ta* Btx Months,
M aenta ta* Three itaatha.
BuBdlas  of  (  or  mare  capias,  for
mettet ot not loss than three months, at
Be rat* of oae oeat per oopy »er Issue.
Advertising rate* am epplscatlen.
tt yoa reeelvo tttU  paper, It la paid
la making reasttUnce by cheoae, ex
•kaag* most bo added. Address all
aosaaaanleatlatia aad make all money
■4-dors  payable ta
m w-wni oBABUHr.
Tiuuoavw, ». 0.
Watch the label on your paper. If tide Bumbor la on it,
font at-bacription expires tha
8ATURDAY,  JUNE   18th,   1910
Ottawa, 9th June, 1919.
Sir,—Numerous items appearing in
the press of the British Isles, or cabled
from there to the press of Canada,
commenting unfavorably upon the
present Canadian immigration regulations have doubtles come to your notice, and you will have observed that
criticism is being directed almost exclusively to two regulations; the first
requiring immigrants coming to employment other than farm work, or, in
the case of females, to domestic service, to have In their possession at
time of landing the sum of $25.00, in
addition to railway transportation to
ultimate destination; the second providing that the consent-to emigrate to
Canada (required by law to be granted
by the Asistant Superintendent of
Emigration for Canada in London,
England, to such charity-aided emigrants as he considers suited to this
country) shall be given only to such
as are suited for, willing to accept, and
have assured employment at farm
A strong agitation ia being carried
on to have these regulations which we
consider necessary for the prevention
-of an Influx of pauper immigration,
Abolished or altered. Practically every
Canadian paper, irrespective of political connection, which has so far
.dealt with the subject, has upheld the
regulations and Insisted upon Canada
"being the sole judge as to who shall
or Bhall not be allowed to enter this
-In this connection I would consider
It a favor if yoa would kindly deal
editorially In your paper with the two
regulations above referred, and send
me a marked copy, so that your opinion may be used in placing the consensus of Canadian opinion on this
.question before the reading public of
ihe British Isles.
Your obedient servant,
Superintendent of Immigration.
Sure, Mike. Anything at all to confer a favor upon our "obedient ser-
We quite agree that "Canada"
Should be the sole judge as to who
.Shall or shall not be allowed to enter
.this country, and we insist that they
shall have at least $25.00 to spend
irhen they get here. "Canada" needs
the money. ..Moreover, "Canada" cannot be expected to give them credit
for groceries, etc., right off the reel
.before their credit has been established. Coming in without funds, they
might, despite the well-known and
widely advertised fact that there is
plenty of work for all, become "public
charges," and -there are already
enough public charges holding down
jobs under the government.
It is quite clear that the opposition
■to this regulation is Inspired by
greedy and shortsighted employers of
labor who caro little how many public
charges we have, provided they have
access to a well-stocked labor market.
In which connection, we may remark,
that all danger of the regulation producing any scarcity in the labor market Is offset by the far-sighted provision regarding farm laborers, under
■which the Salvation Army'has already
"assisted" the immigration of a large
number of skilled mechanics and even
strike-breakers. Hence we cannot at
all see what valid objection can be
taken to these regulations by "Canada."
Of course there arc workingmen in
Canada who always make a howl about
,such regulations always working out
against their interests, but as that la
exactly what they were Intended to do,
wo cannot see that their howl ls justified. They elected the men who
drafted the regulations and there the
regulations are.
In view of the proceedings of the
Ontario convention, published on page
3, It may not be out of piace to review
the events which have led up to It.
The strife ln the Party in Ontario
is of long standing and even antedates the publication of the pamphlet
"The Socialist Party of Canada and
Social-democratism," by the Finnish
members, for the conversion of the
English-speaking membership to the
advantages of a reform platform and
a compromising policy.
The actual crisis was brought about
by two events—the seating of O. B.
Koenig upon the Ontario Provincial
Executive, and the granting of a charter as Local No. 24 to the English
branch of Local Toronto No. 1.
O. B. Koenig, though resident and
ln business in Toronto for almost a
year, had retained membership in Local Brockvllle, and, after some ten
months' residence In Toronto, took his
seat upon the Ontario Provincial Executive as delegate from Brockvllle
Exception was taken to this by mem
hers of the* committee, but he was confirmed in his seat by his own vote.
An appeal was refused also by his own
vote, but the matter was subsequently
referred to the Dominion Executive
over the head of the Provincial Execu
tlve Committee. The Dominion Executive Committee ruled that O. B. Koenlg, being a resident of Toronto, could
not very well sit as a delegate from
About the same time the English
branch of Local Toronto, No. 1. voted,
with one dissentient, if we remember
rightly, to apply for a charter. A charter was granted them as Local Toronto, No. 24, whereon some of those
who had voted to apply for the charter suddenly changed their minds and
declared themselves the English
branch of Local No. 1, and seized the
property of that branch.
This also was referred to the Dominion Executive, which, seeing the
transaction had every appearance of
considerable underhanded scheming
being in progress, as the best method
of bringing things out into the open,
revoked the charter of Local No. 1,
and requested the Language branches
to take out charters as separate Locals, offering the charters at the nominal fee of one dollar. Thereby the
anomaly of an English-speaking Local
and an English-speaking branch of another Local ln one and the same locality would have been removed and
the members affected would have been
compelled, to re-affirm their allegiance
to the Platform and principles of the
S. P. of C. This the branches refused
to do, and have not done yet. Never-
the less, we find their delegates seated at this convention and representing, on their own showing, some 21S
of the 727 members claimed.
At the same time Local 24, as the
only remaining Local In the riding
which was the seat of committee, was
designated to carry on the Provincial
Executive until such time as the membership in the Province should decide
The disaffected members thereupon
proceeded to circularize the Province
and set themselves to making the position of the Provincial Executive as
difficult as possible, until Local Cobalt
passed a resolution calling on the
Dominion Executive to take over the
Ontario Provincial Executive as the
best means of abating the strife, for
Its control. Local 24 also passed a
resolution giving up the position of the
Provincial Executive seat. The Dominion Executive thereupon abolished
the Ontario Provincial Executive until such time as the Party decides otherwise, and submitted its action for
review by the Party as a whole. Up
to the time of writing, though two
months have elapsed, and more, no
exception to the Dominion Executive's
action has been taken, to our knowledge, by any Locals outside of Ontario. So that, if the actions of the
Dominion Executive have been "arbitrary and unconstitutional," as the disaffected members assert, then the entire Party outside of Ontario has also
been arbitrary and unconstitutional.
It Is not within the power, even
were lt the desire, of the Dominion
Executive to recognize the proceedings of a convention, some of the moving Bplrits of which were "delegates"
from Locals without a charter, Locals
without membership, and LocalB without either. And further, had the Press
Committee not been discreet enough
to omit the usual formality of appending the names of the delegates and
the Locals they represent, it could be
shown, and we challenge disproof, that
they represented an alleged membership of which the majority, possibly
two-thirds, ls absolutely opposed to
the Platform and principles ot this
Party, however much they may now,
with the compromiser's Instinct, reaffirm their support of them, as a matter of expediency. Moreover, when a
convention prefaces a request for a
referendum with the threat that, If
the referendum does not result in their
favor, they will disregard the referendum nnd will secede from the Party,
this committee would not be justified
ln taking any other course than to decline to recognize that convention.
Such a threat, even though it be an
empty one, can hardly be said to har
ocracy and constitutionality and their
denunciations of our autocracy and
unconstitutionality. It yet remains to
be show.n when this committee has
voiced any intention of disregarding
the will of the -majority.
The matter ls now up to the Party
for final decision, and Locals favoring
a referendum should so notify their
respective Provincial Executives,
whence all returns should be in the
hands of this committee before the
end of July.
Dear Comrade: —
It Is sometime since I have written
the Clarion, for, having been upset
through moving a couple of times and
also having disgraced the whole Socialist Party a la bottle according to those
who regard lt as Moral Reform Association, it has been, rather, aw, incompatible, this writing. Still, time has
not lessened or assuaged my revolutionary aspirations and nothing flung
at my personal actions should affect
me as a Socialist.
The Campaign last autumn was
without doubt well-conducted by the
committee. A lack ot support and attention from some Comrades apparently Incapable of better effort greatly
hampered the Secretary, but In spite
of this our campaign was better managed than either of the old parties'.
The result showed a steady growth
aud the lesson to be learned is the
need of better organization.
Since the . election there has been
no one in particular to look after the
movement and at present it is a case
of what is everybody's job is nobody's
job. There are reasons for this state
of chaos. Many Comrades have moved
away and nearly all are busy trying
to pay off last winter's debts, or economic pressure in some way interferes. Also a few sentimental ideas
and grouch have assisted a natural
elapse from which the Party will recover with added strength.
Since coming back to my former diggings, I have been constantly meeting
new Socialists and they often lay the
blame on individual members who
have hammered it into them. That a'l
of these new-made Socialists come up
to the mark as being terribly bravf
wildly revolutionary, paper subscribing, hard-at-it Socialists, I do not
mean. But they are class conscious
and will, many of them, become loyil
members of the Party. As it Is, tile
movement Is going ahead of its own
accord, gently assisted by Capitalisih.
A monument has been placed in Vernon to Archie Hickling, who lost Ma
life with a number of other working-
men in the Okanagan Hotel fire, for
his bravery in saving others. The
man who is supposed to have set the
fire is still in hiding. Some seem to
think the town would be liable for
heavy damages, etc. Anyway It does
not matter much as they were all
working men who were burnt.
This Okanagan Valley must be a
tough proposition alright. Why the
crowd of suckers that pulled out of the
district according to the revised
voters' list was a beastly shame; they
must have borrowed the money to
"Git." It seems that If you only move
a block or two that you have "left the
district." They had the gall to put
four of us on the "left," including Com-
T. F. Johnson, our candidate for 1909
and myself. The clerk explained their
zeal at the office to one Comrade ln
this way: "You see we have to protect the Mail Order Houses back East
as they don't want to waste money
sending catalogues, etc., to dead men
and absentees, because they use the
voters' lists as their own mailing lists."
Probably our own little store keepers
will be glad to know this.
Now it ls reported" that there is a
scarcity of labor in the Okanagan, so
everyone had better rush in and get
When living am high
And wages be low,
Out of the District
They surely will go.
Eh! Gribble?
Yours In revolt,
Having recently purchase a copy of
'Value, Price and Profit," I have been
ible to study the book more closely
than heretofore. The other night I
waa reading Chapter 8 on the Pri-
iuctlon of Surplus Value. Summary
of this Chapter, Karl Marx Bays,
"the rate of surplus value will therefore depend on the ratio ln which the
workingman would only reproduce the
value of his laboring power, or replace
ills wages."
I think Marx errs ln making the rate
of surplus value depend on TIME. I
think it depends more on MOTION.
H depends on the amount of work
done in a given time. '
Suppose two bricklayers (receiving
same wages) to be working for a capitalist. They would' each work the
same length of time, but as ability
und energy vary with each Individual,
one workman ls more skilful and more
expert than the other and so lays 1200
bricks while the more unskilled lays
only a thousand bricks. Is it not plain,
iherefore,  that  the   capitalist   makes
the same number of hours. ■ So it is
not so much that surplus Value depends on time as the quantity of labor performed by the laborer in a
given time: The quantity of labor resolves itself into motion. The difference between, the skill of the two
bricklayers ia in degree of motion, one
moves with more celerity than the
Again capitalists very often find out
that highest paid labor ls really the
cheapest. This proves contradictory,
but it ls true all the same. A paint
contractor can hire a dub for 16 cents
an hour and an expert brush hand
for 25 centB an hour, but he will make
more profit out of the hand than out
of tbe dub. The cheapest is sometimes the dearest. Why? Because
the skilled workman will get through
double the quantity of work. Intelligent motion again, you see. More
Editor, you have probably heard of
Lord Brassey. He belonged to a firm
of railway contractors. They employed laborers to build railways ln
all parts of the world, so he had good
opportunities of estimating the different capacities of English, Irish,
French, Hindoo and other navvies,
lie embodied his observations in a
book called Work and Wages. He
found that tbe highest paid laborers
produced more work in a given time
in proportion to their pay than the
less well-paid did and that an increase
of pay, whether by drawing a belter
class of men or by enabling the men
to get more nutritious food, often pro-
luced a more than' proportionate increase of product.
Thus In 1842 on the Paris & Rouen
railway. English, French and Irish
quarryinen worked side by side. The
Englishmen were paid about six
francs (about five shillings) a day,
the Irish four francs and the French
three francs, Yet of the three the
Englishmen did the most work in proportion to the pay.
In building a lefreshment room nt
an English station, a London bricklayer worked on one side at 5s. lid. a
day; two countrymen on the other at
3s. fld.. Yet the London man "without undue exertion" did more work in
a day than the other two together.
I have quoted somewhat freely in
the latter part of this letter, but do
not the quotations go to prove that the
rate of surplus value depends on the
cost of labor, which resolves Itself
into motion—not time? Is there a
hole in your coat, Karl Marx? Let
the  editor  decide.
P. S.—Skilled w6rkman works 10
hours at 50 cents an hour, lays 1000
bricks; wages $5.00. Slower skilled
workman haa to work 12 hours at 50
cents an hour to lay 1000 bricks;
wages $5.50. More wages, lesa profits.
I think this ia proof enough that
profits depend,on motion and not on
the ratio in which the working day Is
prolonged as per Marx, because here
we have proof that the day is prolonged aud results in less surplus
value  for   the   capitalist. C.   B.
Socialist Directory
g/gf Every Local of die Socialist Party of
Canada should ran a card under this seed.
tl-M ear mestk.     Secretaries please note.
Boclallat Party ot Canada. Meet*
every alternate Monday. D. O. Mo-
KeaMe, Secretary, Max III, Vanoouver,
b. a
HIMl     MsV	
Executive Committee, BoalalUt Party
•f Canada. Meeta every alternate
Monday. D. O. McsTmsIq, Beoretary.
■oa III. Vaaoeuver. B. C.
_.. joxal -n-e-c-sr-tT*-**
•ealallat Party af Can-
-very sllarsatc Monday In
, "Bah*"- Ave. Bast, opposite nestoBoe. Beoretary will te
pleased to answer any eemmuuloations
regarding the movement la tha nrev-
fee., Box      (47      Cal-
P.    Oxtoby.
Iary. Alta.
tlve Committee. Meets flrst and third
Tuesdays in tbe mouth st laoH Adelaide St.
ley reader of tbe Clarion deriring information about the movement in Manitoba, or wbo
wisbea to join tbe Party please communicate
wltb the undersigned. W. H. Stebbing, Sec.
Si6 Good at.
        PBOTXWOZAI.      BXBOV-
tlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKln-
non's, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box i Olace Bay, N. S.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tueaday evening at headquarters, over
Bdgett's Store, 151 Hastings St. W.
P. Perry, Secretary, Box Bid.
Finnish.      Masts    every    seoond
MA**, KAMA, B. C, BO. 84, fj. P. at O.
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m.    Cyril
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
"bOOA-ft XAB-rSMRBt *g«. it, B. T. OB
C. Bualneea meetlnga every Satur-Uv
7 p.m. In headquarters on First Arti
1 ".il-t. Williams. 8ec., Ledyailth, ■. *
looal Mo-na. a. a, bo,
-—-— 1:|» p.m. _
Hall),   Mrs.
„ ,, d Sunday  7 :l9"'p.m""inMo8rim5
Hall   (Mine/a   Hall),   Mrs.   Thuratay.
_ „-*"•*- ■• P. OP a, K-uras*
•yery Friday evening at T p.m.. la
Miners" Hall Nelson, B. C. C A
a Organiser; I. A. Austin. Seoy.
LOOAL riM*m, no. 8. B. T. OV O.
meeu every Sunday at juu p.m.. Ta
JJi?'*rV,H-!"*1, M,»", Halld.y.Pb^aE
Mar.    h. K. Macinnls, Secretary.
*°,?*r "M*!***' AL*A" *°- *• "• »■
or C. Meetings every Sunday at I
•>,m. In the Labor Hall,  " --■
Si.i.  .      T-; ■ Barber Block,
hth Ave. E. (near postofflce).   Club
« .•.•Re,,Sn« J?oorn'    *-"b»** Hall, T. H
Mschm    Box 147.    Secretary,
oonald, Organiser,    Box 847.
"p04* ■■"■JfBB, ALTA, BO. ia, a.
r oi c, meeta every llrst and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall
J. Ohphaut, Secretary.
*5fets ,'\"Y Sunday night ln thai
Miners' Hall and Opera House at I
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to oall. H. 1.
Smith, Secy.
fourth Thursdays In the month at 161   locaz, EDKOVToa   alti    wn   i   •
Hasting. St. W.   Secretary. Wm. MyattlJ    "£*£ "  " eadSTttaS «i First St
propaganda    meetings'
Headquarters aad Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, lilt Government Bt Business meeting every
Tuesday evening, I p.m. Propoaanda
meeting* every Sunday at orand
Theatre.      K.   Thomas,   Secretary.
LOOAL BABAXMO, BO. 8, ■. P. of O.,
meets every alternate Bunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:11 o'clook sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 1:00 o'clock!
Jack Place,  Reo.  Secy.,  Box  III.
(Continued from Page I)
In Spain, Pablo Igleslas, president
of the national committee of the Spanish Labor party and editor of El Soclalista, was recently elected deputy
as the result of a Republican and Socialist coalition. In view of the fact
that the workers of Spain are fighting
for the very elements of political liberty, there are doubtless reasons for
the alliance which exists scarcely anywhere else, but the reasons must be
powerful Indeed that Induce Igleslas
to be party to an alliance with those
who have in the past persecuted him
without mercy.
In Belgium also, the battle is obscured by purely electoral considerations, for a system of plural voting
exists which mechanically keeps the
Clerical party In power. Nevertheless
the Belgian Labor pary has not the
same excuse as have our Spanish
comrades. At the recent partial elections there has again been a general
alliance with the Liberals In spite of
the repeated treachery of the latter.
The Labor purty has gained one seat.
The Delglan party ls professedly ministerialist and reformist—as Indeed
might be guessed from the number of
seats It holds, for the movement is
no more advanced than in England.
The electoral anomally ls tbe secret of
their strength, and they are simply
doing Radical work. There is, however, a considerable minority in revolt
against compromise, but the initial
error will be difficult to repair.
LOOAL   PBBBIB,   B.   P.   ef  O,   WOLTlB
educational meetings In the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:41. Bual-
""    "    Bunday   In   each
month, same place at 1:10 p
meeting   first
h, same i"
David Faton, Secy, Sox lot
C,   meete   every   Sunday   In   Miners'
.Union   Hall   at   7:30   P.m.     Business
meetings, 1st and Ird Sundays of eaeh
month.     Qeo.   Heatherton,   Organizer;
R. J. Campbell, Secretary, Box 124..
LOOAL TBBBOB, B. O, BO. 88, 8. P. OP
C. meeta every second auu last Friday iu
each mouth, t'haa. Chancy, Secretary, Box
117, Vernon, B. C.
-cooAX, pmncoB nvrnnr, b. a.
88, 8. P. of 0.—-Meets every Sundi
hail ln Empress Theatre Block at 1:00
p. m.    Angus  Mclver, Secretary.
I,    ■.a.g.p.c—
Propaganda and business meetings at
I p.m. every Sunday evening In the
Edlsen Parlor Theatre. Speakers
passing through Revelstoke are Invited to attend. B. F. Oayman. Secretary.    W. W. Lefeaux, Organiser.
LOOAX. MUOWML, B. C Bo. 18, 8. P. of
C. meets every Sunday la Oraham's
Hall at 10:31 a. m. Socialist speakers
are Invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
Business  and
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. shara.
Our Reading Roomie open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 141 Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Blsaett, 321 Fourth
St., Organizer.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, uo i-j Adelaide Stree
opp.Robliu Hotel. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening I p.m. Everybody welcome.       Secretary,} w. Hilling,
370 Young st; Organiser,
Jarvis St.
D. -McDougall, 434
t00A? *OBOM*ro, OB*., XO. 84, a. 9.
ot O.—Business meetings Ind and 4th
Wednesdays In the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meet-
In us every Sunday at 3:|| o'clock at
the Labor Temple. Speakers' olaaa
every Thursday at 8:00 orolock at labor
•I*-*?-""?"    ~- J"'  BWwarti Secretary,
• 2 Seaton St.
LOOAL  OTTAWA,  VO. 8, B.  P.  OP tX
Business meeting 1st Sunday la
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundaya at 8 p.m. ln Roberts-
Allan Hall, 'it Rldeau St. The usual
weekly Inside propaganda meetings discon
tinned during summer months. H.s. old-
bam Sec. 123 Drummond St.
LOCAL   COBALT,   BO.   I,  B.  P.   OP  •.
Propaganda    and    business    meeting**
every  Wednesday at 8 p.m. In Minora-
idy   ■---"■ -    -        »
Hair   ' Everybody "invited
*■ tlil.-hert J01 ei, Financial Secy.
to   afteavX
LOOAX, BBBL-ar, OBT., BO. 4, B. P.
of C, meeta every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at I p.m., II
King St E., opposite Market dotal.
V. a. Hints, Sic, sM West Lancaster Street.
Business and Propaganda meeting*
every Thursday at 8 p.m. In Macdoa-
aid's hall, Union Street All are welcome.     Alfred    Nash,    Corresponding
?',cI*,tAr-'- ?'»*•.. B»'ri Wm. Sutherland, Organiser, New Aberdeen: H. Q.
Rosa, Financial Secretary, offloe la D.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Unloa
The headquarters of the Belgian
Parti Ouvrler Is nevertheless a suitable background for the present so-
called International Socialist Bureau,
with Its eagernes to relegate everything revolutionary to the rear. It Is
also significant that the I. S. B. did
not congratulate the French Unified
party on a success for Socialism. It
said,  through  its  secretary:
"Your representattlves wlll thus
have a greater moral authority In order to Impose protective labor legislation upon the bourgeoisie, Inspired by
our  common  Ideas."    No  revolutton-
." This caused great indignation among Socialists. Next Ferrl declined, by an open letter, to allow hla
name to be used by a Socialist circle.
And last Sunday, on the occasion of
the centenary celebration of the independence of the Argentine Republic, a
Victor Emanuel, he was appointed official orator. His opening words
were: "Your Majesty, Ladles and Gentlemen," and, says the Carrlere della
Sera, a great Milan dally:
"The speech of Enrico Ferrl lasted
35 minutes. In a thunder of applause
he left the platform, shaking the flrst
ary mensureB, you see.   But the I. S. hand he came across.   But the mayor
more surplus value out of the one than
monlze with their protestations of dem-|iile other, and yet they both worked
Trade Mark*
Anyone sending a Rite* r.h and description mar
milcklv nsce-ruln our opinion free whether an
Invention Is probably nati,ntab]a. Communlcn-
tlniiB strictly conodentlal. HANDBOOK on Paten's
sunt free. Oldest alienor forser.urliiK pntoiitn.
Patents taken through Munn A Co. reoelvs
epelol rwMM, without chame, In the
Scientific American.
A baadsomelr ninstrated weekly. Unest sir.
eulaUon of any scientlfle losrnal. Terms for
CeaadSjj&A a year, postage prepaid.   Bold by
B. deserves a chapter by Itself. It
epitomizes the faultB of a wide movement that has tried to run before It
has learnt to walk.
Perhaps the most striking thing tbat
has happened duiing the past few
days, us tar as Socialists are concerned, Is the deviation of Enlrlco
Ferrl, the well-known Italian Socialist
and criminologist. Last year he caused a scandal by saying ln the course
of a lecture tour through South America that he did not understand the
use of a Socialist party In that country! Recently on the occasion of a
ministerialist crisis in Italy he commenced his reply to an Interrogation
on the 'possibility of a "Socilalst ministry" In these terms: "If the King
had done me the honor to call me   .
of Rome took him by the arm and led
htm toward the King, who rose and
waited for him smiling.
" '1 am very happy to have heard
you,' said the King ln shaking hands.
" 'Thank you, your majesty,' replied
Ferrl amid the enthusiastic applause
of the whole assembly."
The Italian Socialist party ls scandalized, and lt is posible tbat Ferrl
will be expelled. Principles, not persons are the mainstays of the Socialist. But politicians on the bounce
have ln all countries done their best
to retard the emancipation of the
workers by cultivating hero-worship
to the neglect and detriment of principle. Let us hope that the Italian
party will act firmly.
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'Clock
City Hall
Vancouver B. C. T**" .■■"."* ' ! _	
SATURDAY, JUNE 18th,  1910
Tb1* Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Cotnmunications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Meeting held Monday, June 13, 910.
Present: Comrades Klngsley (chairman), Karme, Mengel, Morgan, Peterson, Stebblngs, and the Secretary.
Comrade K. Drawson seated as delegate from Local No. 58.
Minutes of previous meeting affirmed.
Correspondence dealt with from
Maritime, Manitoba, and Alberta Ee-
ecutlves. From Locals Neplgon, Gar-
son and Cobalt, Ont. Winnipeg, Man.,
Revelstoke, B. C. From Organizers
'O'Brien, Gribble, Fillmore and Desmond, and Comrades Lyon, Ottawa,
aud Stubbs, Bellevue.
Proceedings of convention held ln
Toronto discussed, and resolved that
the proceedings be published, but that
this committee decline to recognize
their validity and refer the matter to
the Party, and that the Secretary be
instructed to set forth the committee's
reasons In the Clarion.
Manitoba Executive    $95.00
Local Cobalt,  Ont., stamps     2.50
Local Garson, Ont., stamps.... 3.00
Local Neplgon, Ont., stamps... 3.00
Publishing Fund, C. M. O'Brien. 10.00
Literature    nnd    Buttons—Local
Vancouver, $10.00;  Revelstoke,
$1.00; J. B. Merritt, $1.00;  C.
M, O'Brien, $25.00  37.00
Wm. Watts, receipt books     1.40
Total    $151.90
Meeting held .lune 13, 1910.
Minutes of previous meeting affirmed.
Correspondence deal with from
Ixieals Prince Rupert, Mara and Vancouver Finnish.
John  A.  McClelland    admitted    to
membership at large.
Local Mara, stamp s $ 3.00
Local  Vancouver   (Lettish)     3.00
Local Prince Rupert, stamps and
supplies        5.45
J.A.McClelland, member at large
per R. I. Mathews     1.80
Total    $12.25
The following adopted by Innisfali
Local No. 3, without a dissenting vote.
June 2nd, 1910.
.."Most disgraceful scene occurs In
Alberta Legislature, .O'Brien, Socialist member for Rocky Mountains, insults memory of King. .Narrowly escapes assault. .The other members
enraged want to do him bodily harm."
The above appears in the Calgary
Daily News, May 28, 1910, labeled
''Special to the Dally News."
Whether lt is a correct report or not
we 'know not, and care less. O'Brien
was elected to the Legislative Assembly at Edmonton by the revolutionary
Socialist working class of Alberta and
ls voicing the sentiment of that party
in a strictly working-class manner.
Members of the working class are
used to being shot down and otherwise
maltreated outside the legislative
halls, but ln this country at least a
mob composed of M. L. A.'s Inside the
legislative halls has been unheard of.
It ls high time tbat this mob rule be
given to understand the position they
are placing themselves ln. The working class stand abuse well, but there
is a limit beyond which they cannot
go, and this ls one. Let that bunch of
capitalist henchmen beware. The
working class of this Dominion will
atand no mob "tomfoolery" with their
July elected representatives. Is there
any wonder that the working class are
already arming themselves when we
read of such brazen performances by
the chuckers-in of the master class.
The S. P. of C, ln common with
every Socialist of North America, has
a general feeling to the effect that the
first murder or assassination of one
of their class in North America by a
mob of M. L. A.'s or otherwise on account of political differences will be resented and the offenders dealt with
speedily in their own kind. Let that
body of M. L. A.'s, whose long suit out-
aide the house has been bully and bluff,
dare to harm one hair of the working-
class M. L. A. (O'Brien) inside the
legislative hall, and the spark will be
struck that will put them completely
out of business.
In accordance with above, Innisfali
Local No. 3, S. P. of C. sends greeting
and words of appreciation and good
cheer to C. M. O'Brien, Socialist M.
L. A. for Alberta, assuring him that
the working class of this province
commend his every action.
The Ontario Comrades assembled In
convention on May 24th, 1910, meeting
at Toronto, in the Labor Tebple.
Comrade G. Prager of Berlin was
elected chairman pro tern, and Com. L.
S. Grue of Brockvllle secretary pro
tem. The Credential Committee, composed of Comrades H. Martin, Berlin,
Brignall of Woodstock, nnd Armstrong
of Hamilton, in bringing in their report stated that the convention was
represented by 29 delegates, having
42 votes and acting on behalf of a
membership of 727. All Ontario Locals, except No. 24, Toronto, Elk Lake
and Brantford, had delegates present.
After acceptance of the Credential
Committee's report, the convention
elected Comrade Peard of Gait as
chairman and Com. L. S. Grue of
Brockvllle ns secretary of the convention.
On motion of Com. H. Martin of Berlin, the convention resolved Itself into
a committee of the whole on resolutions to deal with the resolutions before it.
It was moved by Com. L. S. Grue,
Brockvllle, seconded by Com. Peel, Toronto, that this convention on behalf
of the Parly throughout Ontario, reaffirm Its adherence to the Party
pledge and Platform, which clearly
states the program of collectivism, the
tactics of the class war, the need of
political action and the policy of a no
compromise, no political trading, and
be it further resolved that a copy of
this resolution be forwarded to the
Western Clarion.   Carried.
It was then moved by Com. G. Prager of Berlin, seconded by Com. Welsh,
Whereas, the time at the disposal of
this convention for transaction of business Is very brief; therefore, be lt resolved, that no delegate be allowed to
speak on the same motion more than
once except by special permission of
the convention; that a time limit of
ten minutes be imposed on all speeches; that no Comrade not a delegate
be given the floor except this courtesy,
be extended to him by courtesy of the
convention.    Carried.
It was then moved by Com. Armstrong, seconded by Com. Cameron,
both of Hamilton:
Whereas, a more extensive and a
more consistent propaganda can be
carried on by Socialists working together in the same organization, and
whereas, separate Socialist bodies only
confuse the public mind and divide the
Socialist movement against itself, and
whereas, a feeling of strength and solidarity is derived from union; therefore, be it resolved, that the Socialists
of Ontario as represented by this convention, declare their Intention of doing all in their power to preserve Party unity, but be it further resolved,
that it declare also its intention that
if the proceedings of this convention
were not recognized by the S. P. of C.
as a whole, lt will nevertheless maintain Its .organization as a Provincial
Party.   Carried.
The following resolution was moved
by Com. Armstrong, Hamilton, seconded by Com. Martin, Berlin:
Whereas, this convention of the Ixieals of Ontario of the S. P. of C, was
called at the joint initiative of Ixieals
Guelph, Gait and Berlin, the proceedings being entirely democratic, a referendum having been submitted to all
Locals regarding same, and whereas,
this convention Is thereby representative of the Party membership of Ontario, all Locals except Toronto, No.
24, Elk Lake and Brantford taking
part; and whereas, Section 4, Article
5, of the Constitution provides that
the Provincial convention shall select
the seat of Provincial headquarters,
and investigate aud decide all difficulties of the Party in Ub own jurisdiction, and whereas, absolutely no confidence can be placed in the Dominion
Executive Committee owing to its recent arbitrary and unconstitutional
administration of Party affairs;
Be it therefore resolved, that we
have the full questions submitted to a
referendum vote of the entire Domln'
ion membership: "Shall the constitu
tional rights of the Ontario Locals In
convention assembled to locate the
seat of Its own headquarters, and to
solve its own difficulties, be recognized; and be it resolved, that we request (1) that Locals be allowed ten
weeks' time ln which to record their
answer, and (2) that the secretaries
of all Locals be Instructed to send
number of the votes, both pro and
con, to the secretary of the Ontario
Provincial Executive Committee, ns
well aa to the secretary of Dominion
Executive Committee, and (3) that results be tabulated in the Western Clarion, also that a form showing these
results be sent to the secretaries of all
Locals throughout the Dominion."
This resolution was taken up clause
by clause, and carried In all Its details.
Resolution was then brought in regarding proposed amendments to the
Moved by Com. Peel, seconded by
Com. Yaffe, both of Toronto: That
this convention of the Ontario Locals
of the S. P. of C. recommend the following amendments to the Constitu
(1) The alteration of Section 2, Article 6, making it obligatory upon the
Dominion Executive Committee to submit any referendum when such is demanded by five or more Locals, and
(2) The alteration of Clause C, Section 3, making lt obligatory upon the
Provincial Executive Committees to
submit any referendum when such Is
demanded by three or more Locals,
(3) The elimination of Section 20 of
the By-laws and substitution ot the following: Two or more copies of all
Manifestoes issued by local movements!
shall be filed with Provincial and Do-f
minion Executive Committee. Carried.
Moved by Com. Lindala of Toronto,
seconded by Com. Zalklnd of Toronto,
that this convention request the Dominion Executive Committee to submit to the members of the Party of the
Dominion a referendum, asking whether or not It be deemed desirable to
affiliate with the International Socialist Bureau.   Carried.
Moved by Com. Lindala, seconded
by Comrade W. Faber, both of Toronto, that this convention recommend
that a Dominion convention be held as
soon as possible and that all members
of the Party be assessed $1.00 to defray expenses.    Carried.
Moved by Com. Lindala. seconded
by Com. W. R. Shier, both of Toronto,
that this convention devise ways and
meanB to keep a permanent organizer
in the field.   Carried.
Comrade Beal of Lindsay offered $50
to start organization fund. (Applause.)
It was then moved and seconded
that convention act as committee on
the whole to deal with expenses of the
convention.   Carried.
Moved by Com. Prager, of Berlin,
and seconded -by Com. Stewart of Ottawa, that the money owned by the
province and held in trust, be used to
defray the expenses of the convention.
Comrade Beal of Lindsay asked for
the privilege of paying the difference
between amount on hand and bills presented. The convention accepted his
kind offer.
A resolution introduced by Comrade
Armstrong and Cameron, both of Hamilton, asking the convention to endorse
Industrial unionism, provoked considerable discussion, but was lost on a vote
of 38 to 4.
It was then moved by Com. Farley,
of Guelph, seconded by Com. R. M.
Beal of Lindsay, that Berlin be made
seat of Provincial headquarters. Motion carried, with one dissenting vote.
The convention then adjourned.
For the Press Committee, submitted
by yours In revolt,
And what is capital? Unpaid labor-
power. Then lt follows that unpaid
labor-power ls, in the last analysis,
the basis of the economic power of the
ruling class of today; as it Is also the
basis of all wealth.
Now labor-power is tbe one thing
which the working class either as individuals or as a class possess, and
which (labor-power) they endeavor to
sell at the highest possible price that
they can obtain. Then does lt not
follow that If we can so organize our
labor-power as to control it, we have
the capitalist on the hip? I claim
that our only means or hope of freeing ourselves from wage-slavery lies
In getting control of our labor-power.
That being the object of our organization, we cannot look about us for a
form of organization suited to our
Does the political form of organization suit?  In my judgment it does not.
possession of capital or unpaid labor-
power) and shows how to organize
to get control of that labor-power,
thus putting the workers in a position
to call the turn on the capitalist. To
the second question, he gives a practical constructive policy, namely, by
building up their own organization,
wherein the basic Industries are divided into industrial departments, and
managed by the people working in
that industry.
To my mind their propositions
ought to appeal to the common sense
of the most indifferent.
My article ls much too long for a
beginner, though I couldn't well make
[it shorter. With the hope that lt will
be taken ln the spirit In which it Ib
given, I will ring off.
A. F. B.
Rossland, B. C.
By "Smith."
Taking advantage of Gourock's
friendly discussion on the subject of
the merits of Political vs. Industrial
L*nlon action for changing the present
capitalist Industrial system to one of
social ownership and co-operation, I
venture to draw attention to a few
points as they occur to me, hoping
that, it being a "friendly discussion,"
I wtll be allowed to escape with nothing worse than a bald head and a
desire   for   peaceful   solitude.
Be it understood, however, that I
do so with an honest desire to get at
the right, and not' with the purpose
of attempting to tear down or bolster
up any Individual's pet   hobbles.
We are agreed that a government
is but the expression of the dominant
economic class at a given period, or
as a writer In the Clarion (May 28,
1910), In summing up puts lt, "the
political class has for its basis the
most powerful economic class; ln
other words, the political class is
merely the governmental expression
of the economic class. The economic
class is composed of those possessing
the greatest amount of the things
which constitutes wealth ut a given
period." He winds up by saying,
"Surely then the answer Is clear.
Workers, capture the state."
Capture the state, eh? Tbe political expression, etc.? And what will
will we do with the expression when
we capture it? Prominent political-
action Socialists will tell us that when
they capture the powers of government, by obtaining a majority of representatives in the legislature, they
wlll abolish them and form an administration of affairs; which sounds
somewhat ridiculous, too.
If the government Is the expression
of the most powerful economic class
and we wish lo capture the govern
inent, doeB it not follow that we must
become the most powerful economic
class? But some Socialists Bay the
working class have no economic power. I deny the charge, and I claim
their power lies In being properly
What ls the" economic power of the
capitalist?   The possesion of capital.
In organizing politically we subject
ourselves to the rules ot the game
laid down by our enemies, thus placing ourselves at a disadvantage to
start with. We get an opportunity to
express our sentiments once in four
or five years, or when they see fit to'
let us, if we are allowed to stay ln one
plac*e that long. Otherwise we may
have to chase around after the exclusive job and so become disfranchised
—when our political action becomes
Again we assign our perogatlve to
a representative for a length of time,
with no assurance that he wlll not
become one of our enemies also. The
long list of turncoats that we have
already before us throughout the Socialist movement rather argues that
he will go bad sooner or   later.
Political organization, again, gives
us no control over our labor-power
until we have captured the powers of
government, whereas lt Is the control
oi our labor-power that we must get
in order to capture the powers of government. Because we must have control of our labor-power to enable us
to become the most powerful economic class. It doesn't organize our labor-power at all. It organizes our
franchise, which about 50 per cent, of
us are deprived of in one way or another, at election time.
Does the industrial union form of
organization look any better? In my
humble opinion it does. It organizes
our labor-power, and does lt right on
ihe market where we are selling it—
on the job. It gives us entire control
of our vote at any and all times, subject to majority rule, in our local
union. It keeps our perogatlve always
ln our own hands. We can discharge
a crooked representative or officer and
replace him by another at any time,
instead of waiting until a capitalist
government gets ready to give us an
opportunity to make the change, thus
making our representatives our servants instead of our masters. It gives
us a form of organization, by which
(when fully organized and developed)
we can take charge of the Industries
of the nation and continue running
them without a wheel stopping; which
ls the way the change of systems can
and must be made.
Looking back through history we
see that all changes have come about
by the new society gradually growing
out ot the old, a new clas gradually
gaining ln economic power until it
gets in full control, and it is but
natural to presume that this change
will be' made in tbe same way. Contrast this with the politlcal-actionlsts'
plan of finally capturing the powers
of government and then suddenly turning everything topsy-turvy, and starting at that late hour to organize an
administration of affairs.
Again, most of us will readily recognize that the method of estaablishing
a new society is, at bottom, a matter
of educating the working class, and to
act collectively; when lt becomes a
question of what tactics to pursue to
reach them the most readily. Those
ot you who have tried to influence
votes along about election time know
that a large majority of the working
class have an instinctive distrust of
political parties. They have been
fooled so often that they are unwilling
to listen to any argument lu favor of a
new political party.
The editor is inclined to scoff at the
Idea ot workingmen developing a political mind nnd rather ridicules the
phrase "shop instinct," notwithstanding if he had the old familiar chestnut put to him, "it's Impracticable;
you can't change human nature," he
would promptly answer that human
nature Is largely the product of en-
were changed, human nature would
soon adjust Itself to the change. So
with the worker. Working in the different Industries, he developes an Intensely practical mind and his flrst
question is "how do you propose to
make the change?" and, second, "How
do you propose to run the industries
after the change is made?"
The political-action Socialist answers the first question by saying:
elect Socialist representatives to parliament, and legislate the industries
of tho country into the bands of the
workers. (No sidestepping goes, Mr.
Ed.) To the second he has no answer,
as frankly admitted by the Ed.
To the flrst question the industrial-
union Socialist points out the secret
of the power of the ruling class (the
Comrade Editor,—Gourock's article
In edition for May 28 seems to me to
contain an excellent argument against
industrial unionism aa a means of
emancipation. Here are his very
"When the rising tide of modern industry broke the power of the old
feudal barons, the 'captains of industry' were left In control of the Industrial field, but being of a modest and
unassuming character (for which they
are still noted), somewhat rough and
unlettered, and having but a slight
knowledge of French, the then diplomatic language, they were quite content to allow their "superiors," the
old aristocracy, to hold the political
control. However, as their industries
expanded and the need of 'foreign'
market for the surplus product began
to make itself felt, they found themselves hampered by the adverse legislation of the aristocracy, and were
consequently forced to seize the political control. This they obtained with
the aid of the workers (who are always ready and willing to fight anyone's battle but their own), by throwing them a few 'sops' in the way of
shorter working hours' and a fair
wage, etc.—quite old friends of ours
The object of seizing political power
at the expense of surplus-value, when
they had the all-potent Industrial or
economic power la something I cannot
Say, by the way, Mc, what Is economic power? "Gourock," like all Industrial unionists, has a quiet way of
fixing history to suit his purpose, pe
states that the capitalist class gave
the workers shorter hours and a fair
wage, etc. I don't know what "etc."
stands for, but shorter hours and fair
wages never did come from the capitalists until they were forced to give
them during the fight for political control.
I believe the names of Saddler and
Lord Shaftesbury represent bright
stars in the landowners' political
galaxy and methinks they were strenuous fighters for the shorter working
day. While on the contrary, John
Bright and Richard Cobden, the political champions of capitalism, most
bitterly opposed the shorter working
The Reform Bill of 1832, which perhaps Gourock has in mind, was not
the result of shorter workday legislation, but of burning farmsteads, besieged palaces, street riots and the
turmoil across the channel. The landowners dared hot risk a civil war.
The Liberal government of 1832 did
set to work, goaded by some Tories,
to shorten the hours for children, but
they were careful not to allow this
legislation to Interfere with the adult
working day. The ingenious relay
system was therefore adopted. It
was frequently discovered that children of the flrst relay worked ln the
This of the flrat Reformed Parliament. In 1839 Shafesbury sought to
further reduce the hours of labor for
children. The Liberal (capitalist)
parliament voted lt down by 94 to 62.
Tory fought for chattel slavery; Liberal for wage-slavery. Mighty Interesting period. A giant black male
toiling 59 hours a week In a cotton
Held was a sight which the soft hearts
of our capitalist friends could not boar
und the thought of a lash laid upon
the muscles of that wight's frame
brought cries of indignation from them
all. The howls of the negro, however,
prevented them from bearing the
feebler cries of the little children toiling 72 hours a week In the cotton
mills, nnd the blood streaming from
the shoulders of a slave three thous-
anil miles away obliterated the lacerated limbs of the little mites ln their
own factories. And what about Sen
lor's last-hour theory. Lord Beacon-
field, the bitter opponent of capitalism's Hercules, W. E. Gladstone, secured household suffrage. Six years
he fought for it and secured it by
some radical Liberals supporting hlm.
The brutal suppression of tho Chartists' movement is also of this period.
No, nil", the sops came from the common enemy—the land owners.
One thing I dearly long to know.
Gouinck says "us wages rise, so also
does the cost of living." Why then
does the cost of living not fall when
wages full?
J.  H.
Without the state, their most powerful instrument, the capitalist system
would fall to pieces ia a few hours.
While it remains in their bands they
will retain, their power. Through lta
agency they are enabled to maintain
their hold on the machinery ot production and therefore control of the
lives of those who. owning ho, property, must apply themselves to the machine in order to live. The working
class cannot free themselves from
capitalist exploitation till they have
secured political power. Then than
(may overthrow the existing order and
supplant lt with a more economic and
more reasonable one.
• •   •
John Burgess must have been busy
[in Calgary lately. Eight subs In a
bunch ls something like a hustler.
Some of you aspirants for the laurel
wreath might take a hunch from this.
• •   •
From Sandon comes another two
through the Instrumentality of L. R.
• •   •
All kinds of Clarions to be given
away ln Winnipeg. Watts seems to
have Infected some of his Immediate
comrades. The newest phase is an
order for one hundred a week for
seven weeks for Winnipeg Local. The
Literature Committee think they
should have a thousand a week, and
as some of their comrades will probably send in some dough on their
own they muy reach this number yet.
• •   •
The same kind  of stunt is to be
worked by Comrade Taylor at Sydney
Mines, N. S., and W. Allen sends the
rhino for ten per week in June, fifteen
in July and twenty-five in August.
• •   •
Another dollar for a bundle to go
to Winnipeg per W. H. Kyle.
• •   o
When the capitalist purchases from
the worker the only commodity be has
to sell, labor-powOr, it ls with a certain
object in view, to realize a profit on
the deal. If he can make no profit
he wlll not employ you. The difference between the cost of production of
labor-power, and the value it creates
is his profit, the measure of exploitation. This exploitation finds Its limits
only tn the power of human endurance and the resistance which the
worker may be able to offer to the
exploiter, which last is practically a
minus quantity, as the demands of the
stomach must be obeyed. The capitalist has a lead-pipe cinch on us sure.
• •   •
Despite his efforts to overthrow the
system in the Alberta Legislative
Assembly, Charlie O'Brien has landed
two in Edmonton.
• •   «
J. Stewart feels miserably lonesome in Owen Sound and wants to
know the names of the Clarion subscribers in that ineffable burg. There
are none. So it ls up to him to get
busy and remedy this state of affaire.
He can have the territory all to himself, meantime at least.
.  •   •   •
Two more from S. H. Robson, Whon-
• •   ■
John Beckman, writing from Meeting Creek, Alta., put four stiffs onto a
good thing, and complains that his
Clarion has ceased to come since
April.   From our count it is run out.
• •   •
Two seems to be the magic number;
R. Jamleson rustled two right here in
Jack Cottam wants his address
changed along with another contented
wage-plug. How they move around,
those plugs, beats hell.
As the ownership of the tools of
production becomes more centralized
the power of the few over the many
becomes greater and greater. So long
as we recognize the right of the few
to absolutely own as their private
property the things that are necessary
for our existence, our lot cannot but
become worse and worse.
• •   •
Singles:—N.  S.  Sherwood,  Masset,
B. C; W. H. Stebblngs, Winnipeg; J.
Devaue, L. Stow, A. Fletcher, Vancouver; J. C. Busby, Malakwa, U. C;
J. N. Sohorock, Abbotsford, B. C;
MIbs Lucy Budden, North Battleford,
Sask.; J. R. Merrlt, Prince Albert,
Sask.; Desmond, Edmonton;; J. B.
Mikelsen, Bawlf, Alts.; E. Vercellotti,
Porcupine, Ont.; J. H. Robinson, Hillcrest Mines, Alta; J. Rolls, New Westminster; I. A. Austin, Nelson, B. C;
Austin McKels, Coraliitul,a, B. C; J. E.
Rogers,  Mclx-od,  Alta.
(To  Locals.)
Charter     (with     necessary    supplies to start  Local) $5.00
Membership  Cards,  each     .01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform and    application    blank
per 100   25
Ditto in Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto in Ukranian, per 100 50
Constitutions, each   20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen 50 "■aa-****"
SATURDAY, JUNE  18th,  1910
It has been said knowledge is power, knowledge
is the key to happiness, the step-ladder to peace
and pleasant living. Humanity through long ages
of blind groping, has accumulated a vast store of
useful knowledge, which has greatly helped to
make things easier for a small proportion of the
earth's population. Science, bond slave of capitalism, has searched the heavens, tunneled the earth,
linked continent to continent, bound numanity
closer together so that men may speak to each
other across a thousand miles of ocean, has performed what fifty years ago would be deemed impossible—to what end?
One would think that all these wonderful discoveries would tend to make life easier for all humanity. Alas, it ls not ao! Science has so improved our methods of production that the working section of mankind are enabled to produce so
vast a mountain of wealth, has given them such
power over natural resources, that the master
class, to whom the wealth belongs, ls certainly the
richest body of slave owners this old earth haa
ever seen. The modern captain of industry Is by
comparison with any of the great Roman nobles
as the Bank of Montreal is to a child's money-box.
Millionaires are aa common today as were barons
ln mediaeval England and a hundred times more
wealthy. And the class who produces all this—
the working class—what of them? Ah! that ls another story. Theirs ls the meagre life, the starving diet, the wretched hovel, pauperism and an
early grave. On them aa a class Is showered a
poverty aa great, a misery as wretched, by comparison, as is the wealth of the masters.
It is often asked, why should this be? Pleasant
ideas are put forward ever and anon by well in-
tentloned people (usually of the non-producing
class), by which the problem of poverty is to be
solved and humanity live happily ever after. Government bread factories, elevators, stores, etc., single tax, local option, and a hundred other absurdities. They ask that the state shall look after babies, shall establish depots for the distribution of
free breakfasts, etc., forgetful or ignorant of the
fact that the state, hard, unyelldlng, merciless, exists for one purpose only, to dupe and exploit the
working class.
The solution of the poverty problem ls to be
found ln none ot these; its solution is dependent
upon the working class gaining one thing, that
thing is knowledge. For the working class must
work out Its own salvation, must be its own leader, must, if the future is to be better than the
past or present, take upon its own shoulders the
burden of emancipating Itself.
Science has done great things. Upon airfields
of research save one, lt has pursued sane and
reasoning methods, rolling back, step by step, the
powers of reaction and ignorance arrayed against
it, until at laat opposition has broken down before
its triumphant march and forward lt goes to yet
more wonderful results. Save one? Yes, one
branch of science has been steadily suppressed.
That branch is economics, an examination into the
methods by which the world's wealth is produced.
Every now and then someone has taken a peep
Into this subject and apparently alarmed by what
they found, slammed tight the doors of knowledge,
shut out for ever from their minds, reason and
logic, bandaged their mental vision and devoted
the rest of their lives to the art of scientific misstatement and obscurity. There has been however, a few men brave enough to tell the truth,
and foremost amongst these stand Marx and Engels, whose message of hope ls already the inspiration of a gigantic army of workers, an army
whose ranks are swelling every day, for Marx'
message is for the working class alone. To understand Marx is to be a revolutionist, to have done
with petty reform and palliation, to cease pruning
rotten fruit from off a tree that can produce none
other, and to work to the end that the tree may
be cut down and the roots burnt, in a word, to
abolish for ever this system under which we now
live, and establish a better one.
It is for the spreading of the necessary knowledge amongst our own class that the Socialist
Party of the World exists, the S, P. of C, therefore, place this pamphlet in your hands with the
hope that the subject matter will help to place
your feet upon the first rungs of tbe ladder of
economic truth, a ladder we all must climb as
high as we can.
In this great West, prosperity, like a guardian
angel, is supposed to dwell. Here is great wealth
in grain, ln fat herds of beeves, ln chubby, short
faced, "lean singers," in fruit, vegetables and all
manner of lesser farm produce. Truly a fat land
and of course Its inhabitants are well off; jolly,
contented farmers. At least so say the immigration pamphlets and capitalist newspapers.
The farmer knows, however, that things are not
always what tbey seem, and that tbe much talked
of prosperity is for someone else, certainly not
for him, and so, as if in direct contradiction to
the lurid stories of real estate sharks, burst out
every now and then spasmodic attempts at organization for self-protection. These organizations
come and go like sun and rain in April, and of
course accomplish nothing. Farmers' alliances,
equity societies, sons of equity, and, last child of
misinformation, the Grain Growers' Association,
of which more anon. Suffice lt to say here that
these efforts are certainly not the outcome of prosperity, rather of poverty. Organizations of the
above sort are the effects of economic pressure,
traceable to a direct cause, and the results which
the G. G. A. and others of Its kind seek to obtain
can only be reached in one way, and that way is
not theirs, or perhaps It would be more correct to
say that just exactly what they do seek to gain—
a rise in wages—they are Ignorant of, and up-to-
date seem likely to remain so.
Perhaps lt would at this point be advisable to
reassure the farm-slave organizations that there Is
no danger of the S. P. of C. trying to amalgamate
with any one of them; the S. P. of C. deals with
and seeks to abolish the cause of poverty and refuses to fritter away valuable time and money
skirmishing with poverty-effects. From which it
would appear that we are bo far from seeking an
amalgamation with any farm-slave organization as
to absolutely refuse to discuss the subject with
them. Capitalism has so far advanced as to render trade unions In farm or factory, powerless, and
the time Is now at hand when you must choose
between industrial slavery a hundred times worse
than It is today, or Socialism. Yes, repulsive as
Socialism Ib to some of you slaves today, tomorrow
you will accept It. Not because you think it ls
alright, not because "you don't mind if you do,
just to oblige," not because it is a noble Idea and
a righteous thing, but simply because you must.
Remember that it is the aching void in the stomach of the slave, it is the pinch of winter upon his
skinny frame, that is the propelling force of this
movement, and thus as conditions grow, as they
must, steadily worse, so will the Socialist movement, the political expression of the slaves' discontent, grow stronger until one day, not far distant, victory shall be ours, and once and for all
shall the slaves abolish slavery.
To speak of slaves will sound odd to the unthinking, yet a little reflection wlll easily prove
that the worst form of slavery is with us today—
aye, even in this twentieth century.
One of the most deeply rooted Ideas amongst us
today is the strange notion that the farmer is the
foremost man in modern production, and as such
is entitled to special favors; that but for him all
the world would perish, etc., etc., and, as nearly
all the farm-slave organizations are built upon this
notion, it behooves us to see just how much truth
there is in this claim.
There was a time many years ago when farming was the foremost occupation, and it is because
of this habit common to humanity of "thinking,"
If we may put it that way, in the past and living
in the present, that old ideas linger on amongst
us.   ,
The cultivation of the soil is, after hunting and
herding, perhaps the oldest of human pursuits.
With Its coming slavery was born, for, look you,
hunting is a very precarious Job at the best, and
the hunter, were he dependent upon his gun alone,
would of times go hungry; game will become
scarce and no skill upon the hunter's part can
make lt otherwise. In these primitive times it
must have been very unstable indeed, and starvation was no doubt often tbe lot of a people dependent upon the spoils of the chase, varied with
roots and nuts.
Hence only sufficient food for the tribe was obtainable, and that by tbe exertions of "all hands."
And, again, a captive of war would hardly be the
man to send out hunting, for obvious reasons. The
village herdsmen would also of necessity be of the
tribe, and trustworthy. But when some wiseacre
scratched the soil and found that certain grasses
flourished exceedingly thereon, it was not long
before prisoners of war were discovered to have
a use value, and so they were set to work instead
of being killed as heretofore; for it was possible,
by this new method of getting the social living,
for one man to produce enough for himself and
some over.
In those bad old times the passion for toil which
disgraces modern man, could not have been very
strongly developed, and the prisoners, used to a
free life, naturally resented being presented with
the primitive hoe and compelled to wield it. A
bolt was therefore always likely, and the captors
were compelled to place armed guards to watch
the workers and keep them busy. They were in
consequence slaves, for mark this carefully—he
who must work at the command of another la a
slave. He who must go to another and beg for
permission to live is a slave. He who must deliver up the fruits of his toil to another ls also a
slave; and the modern farm worker ls according
to his own lights a free man.
We shall not dally with primitive life, however,
it is sufficient for our purpose tbat the cultivation
ot the soil produced slavery. Later on in the classic period slavery and farming were still hand ln
hand and the historian Gibbon tells of the Immense wealth produced upon the fertile plains of
the Roman provinces for tbe use of tbe then master class.
Another turn in the wheel of social evolution
and the slave has changed his name; he is now a
serf, bound to the soif. Now he labors three days
for himself and three for his master, resting upon
the numerous holy days. It seems, owing to primitive methods then in vogue, to have taken that
time for him to produce enough to keep himself
alive, hence the apparently generous conduct upon
the master's part. For observe, the slave's portion has always been just enough of his product
to keep him in working order. Why should lt be
Social evolution proceeds slowly but Is very
sure. While yet the established order of things
seem strong as ever, another form of society is in
the making and will presently burst through and
overturn the old order, just as a moth or butterfly burst the walls of its chrysalis, or a chicken
the shell which imprisons it, usually with a struggle, you remark. So we find from chattel slavery
through serfdom to wage slavery haa been the lot
of the working class, and ever they have done the
work and the masterB reaped the produce.
Now up to the age of feudalism the cultivation
of the soil certainly held prime place In world's
work. Great lords counted their wealth ln hides,
in cattle and in corn, and the trades such as they
were, sheltered under the lee of farming and
were tributary to it. But the new form was forming inside the old, and soon the tradesmen gathered into towns and became, as commerce grew,
very strong; presently reaching out for political
power. And so we find them today masters above
all—the capitalists.
It is not our purpose to follow tne development
of capitalism closely; all we need remark ls that
as soon as the manufacturing interests gained
enough power they freed the serfs from the land
and called them into the towns, to compete with
each other as wage slaves. Now a period of frantic expansion set it, the towns grew in wealth and
power as the rural nobility grew poorer. All Interest was centered upon manufacturing pursuits,
and the farm was steadily thrust into the background. The feudal lords holding political power
were enabled to hold things in check for a time,
but the young and vigorous capitalism soon became paramount and won in the end.
So backward were things upon the land that as
late as 1750 the old three-field system of farming
was in vogue, and lt was not until the discovery
by Jethro Tull and Lord "Turnip' Townshend of
intensive farming that agriculture came under the
heel of capitalism. In Europe the feudal lords
still hold their ground, but here upon this continent capitalism has free play and none to say
it nay. Cyrus McCormick, Appleby and others,
by their Improvement of farm machinery, bave
made the modern farm Blave a 100 times more
productive than the old serf or chattel slave; yet
since they cannot farm without their fellows' help
lt follows that they are entitled to no more consideration than the rest of their class. All are
dependent upon each other, and to treat farmers
as a class is rubbish.
Thus farming from being tbe foremost pursuit
of the workers, has been brought by the power of
capitalism upon an equal footing with the rest ot
production, and, because capitalism is a slave system, all the workers under Its sway are slaves, for
they are forced to give up the fruit of their toll
under pressure. Yes, even our independent farmers. Modern production is social production, and,
as a matter of fact, when you, good homesteader,
are digging out willow roots with a mattock, lt
really is society doing it, although it must be admitted the pain in the buck is all yours. Social
production we have today; let us take a brief look
into its workings.
We have seen that modern methods of production seem to have forced agriculture into the background and given more prominence to the industrial or manufacturing pursuits, and, indeed, it
would seem that capitalism thrives at the expense
of farming. Be that as it may, ln order to understand the farmer's position exactly, we must take
a short survey of modern production.
Old-time methods of production were of an Individualistic nature. One man or a number made
goods, say, boots, armour, or clothing, ln order to
exchange them for other things they needed. Thus
the shoemaker would exchange with the miller or
tailor, shoeB for flour or clothing. This of course
was many years ago, before money or a medium
of exchange was generally used. Gradually this
changed until we find ourselves living in the age
of absolute social production. Each and every
member of the working class (and no other) adds
his quota to the general stock, incorporates his
labour-power Into the stream of production aa it
passes him; not producing anything ln particular
but helping to produce all things that are produced. There is no man today who can say, I have
produced this wheat, these boots, this binder, these
potatoes, for society alone ls capable of producing
It is this all important fact that the farmer finds
hardest to understand, owing, no doubt, to the Isolated life he leads. The factory hand working
alongside many mates sees that many others assist in producing the particular commodity they
are working on, but the farmer very often works
alone upon the land and so imagines that it ls by
his own efforts that wheat is produced.
Glance for a minute at your binder; in good
working condition lt is capable of cutting and
binding grain, but take out the "bull wheel" or
pitman rod and start them out to cut grain alone
Can it be done? No. Each part supplements the
other and together, "bull wheel," pitman, knotter,
tables and the thousand lesser parts make up the
binder. So It ls with society; take out any unit,
say, just for example, the farmers; deprive them
of any aid from the rest of humanity by removing
their clothes, machinery and stopping their food
supply, and start them out upon wild land to raise
grain. They would be as hopeless as a plow without a share. Fancy them, stark naked and grubbing up the soil with their hands. Great success
they would have, would they not? A fine time
for them, living on wild berries and gophers and
sleeping under trees or in caves. This would be
a return to savage times, a thing impossible In a
capitalist society and altogether undesirable. In
order that wheat may be produced, binders, mowers, plows, harrows, in fact, all the machinery of
agriculture must first be made, tbe farmer must
be clothed, fed and housed, the railway men must
transport them to the place where they are wanted. Before all this machinery can come into being the miners and loggers must dig the ore and
cut down -the lumber, and, since all these must be
fed, the farmer must produce grain for bread, this
being unfortunately the staff of life for the working class. Once again, if the reader will excuse
the painful repetition of this all-Important fact,
society produces a number of commodities, any
individual man or woman, nothing.
Now let us see just what all other wage workers get for their share in production. Labour-
power is a commodity, that is, a thing useful or
ornamental, socially produced for the purpose of
exchange, and labor-power is furthermore a man's
vital energy. It is the active factor in production,
but another factor is needed before anything can
be produced, tbat ls the passive factor, machinery and land. The passive factor is in the possession of the master class, hence the working
class who own the other, active factor, must in
order to live, gain permission to use this machin
ery of production. How is this brought about?
Upon what terms do the masters allow the slaves
access to the passive factor? Briefly these, that
the working man sell his labor-power (the active
factor) at the market price, and by so doing disclaim any interest in the resulting product.
We have said labor-power is a commodity and
therefore falls under the law of value. There is
a great deal of confusion in the lay mind as to
how the value of a commodity is determined.
Most people seem to think (when they think upon
the matter at all) that It Is the law of supply and
demand which makes value in an article. Now to
correctly understand value Is to be enlightened as
to the cause of present day distress amongst the
workers. Farmers in particular should study this
question, and they would soon quit fooling wltb
labor unions.
Let us then suppose that two things are to be
exchanged, a bushel of grain and a bale of binder
twine. Placed together there would seem no way
of determining their value. How to know what
length of twine to give for 10 lbs. of wheat looks
like a puzzle. No use to measure the twine and
then place grains of wheat end to end until you
have them of equal length, or to try and measure
their value in any manner but one. These two
things have in them one common factor, and it is
labor—human labor. Upon this basis then can
they alone be measured, and so they are. Thus
it comes about that the value of a commodity is
determined by the labor time fixed therein. But
as we have seen that no individual's labor-power
makes a commodity entirely, and we are forced
to admit that society as a whole Is alone capable
of doing so, therefore we must measure the value
of a commodity by the socially necessary labor-
time incorporated therein. If society can, next
year, reduce the labor-time in the production of
wheat, then Its value wlll go down and no power
on earth can stop lt. Value however does not always tally with price; sometimes it ls above,
sometimes below value. Why is this? Price Is
determined in the first place by value, but is swayed by supply and demand; thus when supply is
good, price falls; when, on the other hand, a commodity is scarce and demand brisk, the price rises.
The process is very like a swing balance. The
fluctuations of the market set the scales swinging, but they will always return to the horizontal
—value. Thus it is that prices always hover
around value and compensate each other.
We have said that the labor-power of the factory, mill or mine hand is a commodity and is
therefore subject to the above laws of value and
of the market, supply and demand, and that, furthermore, labor-power ls all he has to Bell. And
once again (forgive the painful repetition), a commodity exchanges on the average at the socially
essary labor required to produce it, therefore
when the wage-slave sells his commodity he gets
back just enough of this world's goods to sustain
life and reproduce more labor-power.
This happens to all the social workers save the
farmer, is what we usually hear from our friends;
but does lt? Is there any reason to suppose that
the farm-slave adding his quota of labor-power to
the mass of production (and nothing else) gets
any more than its value? We think not, but it is
also objected that the farmer holds property and
has an Interest in the wheat he raises, and both
these statements are true, as we shall see, although some Socialist propagandists are inclined
to deny this.
First, then, let us look Into the question of the
farmer's property In this country. A few years
ago when this West was opened up for settlement, the government loudly proclaimed that they
were giving away free land upon which the overcrowded people of Europe might settle and live
happy, contented lives. This looked like benevolence, but was simply business; for land has no
value, despite the real estate boosters, and in order to get wealth out of this golden West one
thing must be applied—human labor. The free
homestead idea, then, was a ruse to coax this very
necessary factor away from the older lands out
upon the new. That it succeeded well the reader
can see for himself. The government then gave,
after three years' residence and work upon this
land, a title to the homesteader ln fee simple to
160 acres of land, and he became in theory an independent man. We have already seen that no
person is Independent, the farmer less than any,
and we shall find that the title deed business is a
rank bluff.
Who were these people who came in to settle
the West? For the most part they were very poor
men of the artisan class and the poorer peasantry
of Europe. To start homesteadlng, money is needed, and this ls obtained by selling one'B labor-
power for six months of the year and retiring to
one's homestead for the remaining portion. At
the end of three years this type of homesteader
Is ready to start farming, for he is then in possession of his deeds upon which he can raise the
money to buy horses and machinery by handing
them over to a mortgage company. Thus his
farm departs from him and he becomes a renter,
goaded on to heroic exertions by the hope of getting the title back, which as a rule he never does.
(Continued next issue)
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the. principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of the
meant of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist la therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect aad
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production aad
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the" abolition of the wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means ot wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt by
political action.   This is tbe class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Wlll this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if lt will not, the
Socialist Party Is absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in Its hands in such a manner
aa to promote the interests of the working class alone.
Books of all Kinds
The Works of Josephus 3.00
Origin of the Bible, Remsburg ....
Ingersoll's 44 Lectures 1.50
Darwin's Descent of Han I SI
HcCabe's Life of Ferrer   10c
Paine's Age of Reason Mc
Three Weeks, Elinor Glynn... 1.50
Robbery Under Arms,
Boldrewood t.It
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