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Western Clarion Mar 25, 1911

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Array NO. 624.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, March 25, 1911.
Sobicrtptlon Price •>■ mm
rxtytAx       •I.UV
Youthful Imagination Not So Readily Inflamed Today as
One still occasionally meets with
the optimistic individual who professes to believe that "there is still room
at the top" of the social ladder, and
with the capitalist scribbler who ls
paid to foster the contemplation of
such a beautiful mirage by the youth
of the day, particularly by the youttt
of the higher ranks of the working
class and that hybrid assortment
known as "the great middle class."
One can still occasionally run across
a prominent paragraph in  the dally
are enjoyed, not by the society that
produced them, but by an ever decreasing fraction, who give in return
for the benefits they enjoy from the
activity of the social organism—
nothing. The attribute of capital with
which the means of wealth production
nre endowed ensures to the owners of
the title deeds to that property ownership also of the time, the mental ana
physical energy, of the vast mass who,
by the merciless grinding of the
stones of exploitation and competition,
press or an article in the magazines have been ruthlessly wrenched from
from the pen of a Carnegie or a Rockefeller, recounting with unctuous satisfaction their early struggle to get a
foothold on the social ladder, ana
dwelling with pride on their virtuous
self-denial of sleep and recreation, and
prodigality in the use of candles ln
the effort of fitting themselves for the
positions they now so gracefully adorn.
Fond parents, whose view of contemporary conditions Is taken from the
standpoint of things as they were ln
tbelr youth, and who unconsciously assume that what ls truth once is truth
for eternity, still indulge in pipe
dreams of what the future may hold
in store for their son and heir, ana
hold up to him the examples of these
"self-made" "captains of industry'' and
"pillars of society" as pictures of what
the future has in store for the boy who
is determined to "get on," and willing
to forego the pleasures of youth for a
season in order that he may climb
out of the ruck and ultimately attain
the felicity of consorting with the social "elect," an example in his turn
to which future fond parents can point
for the purpose of inculcating the like
lesson of the virtues and rewards of
all secure hold on the means of life,
and forced into a competitive struggle
for a precarious existence ln the mod-
ern slave market, a struggle getting
yearly fiercer and more hopeless.
Science, while lt has resulted ln
multiplying man's productive power a
thousand fold, has necessitated production on such a vast scale that tt
has grown beyond the powers of the
Individual owner of capital to control.
The trust has been evolved to meet
the changing conditions, or as a result of them, and in the not distant
future seems itself to be destined to
be replaced by the capitalist state in
the most important fields of national
activity. Instead of a competence at
middle age ensured to the thrifty and
industrious youth by the acquisition of
a title deed to some capitalist property, his ambition is now directed no
higher than to the attainment of a
position as a well paid slave to the
owners of the dominant capital. In the same issues ln
which appear the magazine and
newspaper articles referred to will
be found, in ironical contrast, the advertisements   of  the  modern   corres-
youthful abstinence.
But what is truth for a time is not P°**<-<*nce school, in which the young
truth for all time and the morals, max- man ot today ls P°-nte<1 to th<-* on-y
lms and ideals of a past generation, Dath alon& whlch he can n°Pe t0 Pr°*
in these days of kaleidoscopic changes *reaB by exercising the old fashioned
"virtues" of thrift etc. and studying
into the small hours of the morning.
No pretence is made that by so doing
he may attain what is termed "Independence." Such a bait would no
longer appeal to the young men sought
in the social relations, are not applicable to a succeeding generation.
Omitting more than a passing reference to the fact that the great fortunes
of today were not built up by he practice of the middle class "virtues" of
Doolan me bhoy, did yez ivver play
at bein' a shteam shovel? Man dear
but its an illigant pastime. All yez
have to do Is to take a pick in th' wan
hand, an' a shovel in the other, an'
th' foreman '11 tell tell yez how to
make th' dirrt fly. Th' was a time
Doolan' when th' Oirish and th' Dagoes
wuz th' uncrowned kings av excavation activities; but that was befoore
th' inthroduction of th' "modern Instruments of production an' disthribu-
tlon," as the , great Socialist orator,
Mike Mulligan, used to say. 01' tell
yez, Doolan, me bhoy, Presidlnt Roose.
felt Is right, we are sure living In
"shtrenuous" times. B' th' power that
be 01 don't know what the wurrld is
comin' to at all at all. Shtreet carrs
an' carriages runnin' without horses,
guns bein' fired without shmoke or re-
poort, and didn't 01 see th' superlnttnd.
ent llghtln' his pipe wid a piece of
glaBS an' th' sun lasht week, "to Save
matches," says he, wen I axed 'im
th' reason.
I tell yez, Doolan, lt. can't lasht
Father Murphy was rolght—the wurrld
must come to an end sooner or later.
An' thin, there's th' shteam shovel,
Doolan. 01 can't fr' th' life of me get
away frum th' brute. Didn't Oi ask
Mike Mulligan wan night what'ud become of th' Oirish an' the Dagoes
whin th' bosses all had shteam-shovels
to do th' wurrk wid? An' what did
Mike answer, says you. Well Oi'll tell
yez th' answer, Doolan, seeln' yer a
frlnd uv mine an yez won't laugh at
me fer axln him. He says, sez he, th'
wurrkln class, he sez, havln' made the
shteam-shovel, sez he, wlll wan day,
"not yet, but soon," he says, take possession by force if necessary, of the
things that they have created by their
labor-power says he. An' th' crowd
clapped their hands wen' 'e said it,
Doolan, an' I don't know but he wus
speakln' th' truth, me bhoy. But what
he meant I couldn't tell yez If 01 lived
as long as St. Patrick '11 be remimber-
ed in th' ould sod.
However, its a blessin' all th' bosses
haven't got shteam shovels or
may be th'd be a lot more applications
for our jobs on th' perlice foorce than
there are at prisint, an' that's no small
number, says you.
But what I was goln' to tell yez
about, Doolan, was beatln carpets. Did
ever yez beat carpets in yer back
yarrd Doolan? Well, lasht week, my
Bridget says to me, Mike, she sez I
want yez to help me to beat th' carpet
she sez. You see she wuz havln' her
! Bprlng cleanin', an' the way th' house
was turned inside out an all th' furniture In the back-yarrd made me think
uv th' cursed English land-lords in
ould Oireland—Wlmmen do be queer
creatchers entoirley, Doolan, me bhoy.
They all want to be turnln' th' house
inside out ivery springtime, an be
jabers th' scrubbin' an' cleanin' an'
dustin' an' beatin' they do beat Mc-
Fadden's Physical Culcher lessons Intil
a shmaller quantity than th' remnants
ov an Oirish wake, me bhoy, so lt does.
Well, I takes a shtick in me hand an'
Biddy she takes wan in her hand, an'
b' the powers, th' dust was risin' 'til
th' sun was obliterated entirely; an'
01 tell yez, Doolan, me han's is that
sore ivver since Oi wouldn't dare to
thry an' put han'cuffs on a two-year-old
kid, be jabers. So Oi says ter th'
wife this morning, Oi says: "Biddy,
dear," Oi says, "th' bees machines fer
jcarryin' passengers," 01 says, "an' we
I quit walkin," 01 says. "Th' bees ma-
I chines fer washin' close, an' we sends
jthim f th' laundhry," 01 sez. "Th'
j bees machines fer makln' th' bread,
and' we gets lt fr'm th' baker," Oi sez.
"An' be gorrer Oi'll nivver bate carpets be han' agen if 01 live ter be as
old as thon ould shoemaker at number ten Hogan's Alley," 01 sez. An'
be th' powers, Doolan, 01 mean lt, me
bhoy, so Oi do.
Let th' machines do th' wurrk, 01
sez.   Dlvil th' odds who owns thlm.
J. B.
Clearing the Ground for Settlement of the Agricultural
Timothy's Epistle
thrift, abstinence, and Industry, but^or t0 anv appreciable extent, when
chiefly by means of theft, fraud and I submitted to consideration in the light
murder, practiced on the actual pro- °f  every-day  knowledge  and   expert
ducers of wealth, and also on their fellow competitors for business supremacy, the day when aspiring youth could
look forward to attaining a position of
even moderate comfort and "independence" in middle age, measurable by
tbe standards of these modern days,
must be Included in that vague and
shadowy period so often alluded to by
poets, capitalist historians, fond parents, and other pipe dreamers as the
"good old days." Within the lifetime
of many now living the greater and
most momentous victories of man over
nature have been accomplished.
Science, once the pastime of a select
few, has been called upon ln every department of civilized man's activity
to strife with natural forces and conditions, to chain those forces to do
man's will, and to change conditions
ln accordance with man's wish. It has
made possible industrial operations
on a scale beyond the Imagination ot
the last generation, forging ahead in
its conquering progress at such a rate
and in so many directions that what
a few score years ago would be looked
upon with awe and misgiving, as something in the nature of a miracle, now
receives nothing but a passing notice
ln the dally press, and is forgotten In
the announcement of a fresh discovery, a new application of science,
marking another milestone passed on
man's march to complete mastery over
And yet—keeping pace, step by
step, with the progress of society, Its
marvelous conquests over natural
forces, growing In exact proportion as
the application of science to industry
endows man with the potentialities of
a god lu his collective mastery over
nature, grows the ever-Increasing sum
of human misery. The fruits of the
marvelous discoveries of science and
the social activity resulting therefrom
ence. Their position is no better than
that of the chattel slave who was pick
ed out by his master on account of
possessing the required capabilities,
and removed from the coarse physical
labor ln the cotton Held to keep his
master's looks or clothes ln order.
Never at any time sure of retaining
his. position, the educated and highly
trained modern wage slave, like his
counterpart In ante-bellum days, Is
liable to be thrown back into the ruck
by the mere whim of his master, once
more to pit himself against his fellows In the beast-like struggle for existence spurred on by the ever threatening menace ot the unemployed—
Such advertisements seek to attract and hold his attention by evil
conceived pictures of an intelligent,
ambitiouB looking young fellow, with
grimy hands and standing in line at
the pay offlce window, waiting for his
weekly wage, and he is exhorted to
"Improve" himself by studying along
a chosen course, with the incentive,
not of attaining "independence," but,
as before stated, of climbing out ot
the social ruck of "wage" labor and attaining to the distinction of a "salaried" worker—but nevertheless still
a slave. Small wonder ls it that sucn
an Incentive falls to awaken enthusiasm in an ever increasing number of
the young men of the day and that
they form 50 per cent of the audiences
gathered to hear the Socialist analysis
of the capitalist system of production.
J, H. B.
"Work for the night is coming" then
sleep so you can repeat the same
damnable operation the next day—for
the sole benefit of that parasite class
the capitalists. Then call yourselves
"free citizens," and rejoice.
Timothy, to the brethren which are
scattered abroad, and especially to
those who inhabit the wild and Inaccessible places of the west. Greeting.
It seemed good to us to once again
mall unto thee our lastest catalogue
brethren, inasmuch as there are those
among you who say, "beware of false
teaching." "Fight shy of Timothy."
"Boost your own town;" and many
other such vain babblings In their desire to confuse your minds and to turn
your hearts from the truth of the gospel of the perfect law of liberty and
evolution of which we are the humble
and unworthy ministers (some manuscripts of late date have "most unworthy—ahem!" but this ls thought
to be merely the Interpolation of some
cynical translator).
But we rejoice to know that your
faith remains steadfast and that, dally,
many saved and repentant sinners are
being added to the fold, as Is witnessed
by the many free-will offerings which
are flowing In from the brethren to
the church at Winnipeg. (Some older
manuscripts have "Jerusalem").
Now concerning the things whereof
ye wrote; of the profane babblings and
oppositions of certain of your own
scribes, I would not have you Ignorant
brethren that these men are but hirelings of the small capitalist and petty
tradesman of your city, and cannot,
therefore, know the freedom that mak-
eth for truth, nor the truth that mak-
eth free. Exhort and reprove them with
all authority, but with gentleness,
knowing that thou also art a slave of
the conditions under which thou
We have read with much pain and
sorrow the dissimulation of one who
says "who pays all Timothy's expenses
of Inscribing these gorgeous catalogs?
Why not deal with your own town
and so cut out nil this waste of advertising, and proclamations from the
housetops?" And on another page this
false prophet, whose soul shall be sear,
ed with a hot Iron, salth "we believe
in advertising so we advertise our advertising." Out of his own mouth doth
he stand condemned. Whilb wo are ln
the capitalist flesh brethren there ls
no escape from the abomination of advertising. If these profane men were
to study the scriptures more, and es
pecially Marx' Gospel, they would know
of a surety that your small trader ls
but <a pawn ln the game of life. It Is
Inevitable that he be swallowed up by
the big capitalist, who in turn must
bend to the trusts and combines, who
ln turn must bow the knee to the state,
and Anally, brethren, that the state
also may dissolve that the people may
be all in all.
There be many things, brethren, which
show us that the day of salvation is
drawing nigh and of these we shall
speak at another season. Meanwhile
be diligent ln your teaching and continue to point out the great and silent
workers who are steadily but surely
working out our Balvatlon, ever remembering with joy and gratitude that one
of the greatest of these ls Timothy.
See those poor deluded creatures,
Working there with might and main;
Calloused hands and care-worn  features,
Bending down beneath the strain.
Life to them is full of sorrow,
Ceaseless grinding every day,
Nothing brighter for the morrow,
Work or starve the masters say.
Think of all the wives and mothers,
Who can tales of sorrow tell;
Think of all our lucklesB brothers,
Bearing tortures worse than hell.
Shall we still be meek and humble,
Trembling at the least command,
And with all onr fellow workers,
Beat and robbed on every hnnd.
Shall we take the sops they liing us,
And In tones submissive send
Praises to the great Creator,
While in (toil our lives we spend?
No! a host Indignant answer,
Such a system soon must cease;
We'll unlto to win the battle,
And our class from bonds release.
Fellow-workers join the chorus,
Let our watch-word be, unite;
We can sweep the world before us,
If In harmony we fight.
J. A. M.
The problem of the farmer appears,
on the surface at least, a hard one.
It is to the credit of the Socialist Party
of Canada, its members and the Western Clarion that they and we are going
after the proposition in a determined
way. The S. P. of C. will have to do
much propaganda during the next few
years amongst the prairie provinces,
and it ls well that we start as "right"
as possible.
In order to clear the ground, lt might
just as well be stated that the writer
is not putting up as a profound economist, is not looking for an economic
scrap with any one and Ib not going
into the thing with the idea of making
a fool of anyone. Neither, in this article, do I intend to do much more than
perhaps clear the ground a little. For
myself I have been mostly an industrial worker, and would perhaps be
considered by some as getting outside
my own particular sphere in taking up
the farmer at all. But a man does not
always need to be right in the game
to understand lt. Very frequently it
is the onlooker who sees the most of
the play and I am inclined to think
that an understanding ot the art of
butter-making or even a knowledge of
the science of grain-growing may not
be necessary to the understanding of
economics as they effect the agricultural section of the working class.
That this question has not been thoroughly, or even superficially gone Into
need not cause us any fear. The
writers of the Socialist Party of Amerl.
ca, almost without exception, it is
true, dodge it—this, be it remarked
parenthetically, Ib not said because of
any personal spite against either the
Socialist Party of America or its
writers; but simply because it is a
fact. A. M. Simon's book on Socialism
and the Farmer has a certain value,
but helps us very little so far as an lying at any conclusions are concerned.
Also some others with whom no, or
little, fault can be found along other
lines become ambiguous and appear to
be attempting to say nothing as ponderously as possible on this subject.
None of them have even done as well
as a member of the S. P. of C. in his
(avowedly) superficial statement of the
case—in fact for its size and scope
Com. Budden's "Slave of the Farm
ls to my mind the best yet. But to
get on with the subject, and to put tt
in shape for others to follow.
What ls a farmer? is undoubtedly
the first question to ask ourselves.
And right here Is an important point.
We must at all times distinguish between "working farmers" and "land
capitalists." Nobody has so little seme
as lo call the owner of a colliery a coal
miner; but. lt appears to be quite the
fashion to refer to Individuals who
have three or four farms rented to tenant* as "farmers." Such, however, Is
not the case. These Individuals may
have been farmers once (just as the
owner of the colliery may have been
a genuine coal miner), but as soon as
they start to rent oul their farms anil
live on the rental, they become "land
capitalists," and must be treated as
Below the land capitalist comes that
economic hermaphrodite tho "capitalist
farmer." I fancy I hear some of the
economists snort at. this term. Nevertheless, I fancy it ls a fairly correct
one. Tho poaltlon ot tho capitalist
farmer—one, say, who owns a good
many hundred acres and employs a
couple or more wage workers tho year
round. I am of opinion with comrade
Lestor, that, such are best lefl alone in
a general sense. They will in the near
future cither become "land capitalists"
pure and simple or through tho failure
to keep up the pace demanded by tho
evolution of farm machinery or the investment of much capital in agriculture
by the capitalist class (which has
already It appears, almost run industrial production Into tho ground) be
forced back to the ranks. We can
safely leavo them, as we leavn the
petty bourgeois Industry, to evolution.
Of course thero aro odd members of
this subdivision who will come to our
party by reason of past experiences or
througn the possession of an acute
mentality which will enable them to
grasp the scientific exactitude of Socialist theory, and we may also get a
few "sympathizers" through sentimental reasons, but taking it all round, a
revolutionary party and programme
will not appeal to them, and to repeat
Com. Lestor's words, they can safely
be left alone.
Below the various grades of capitalist farmer comes the main body of
the farmers proper.     These   can,   I
think,   be   considered  as  rightly De-
longing to the workingclass and will
be more so in the future, ln as much
as it   is   always   becoming   harder,
through  the  increased  cost of farm
machinery, tor them to • develop into
laud  capitalists  or  even   "•capitalist
farmers" and in fact the tendency 18
for such to become renters,  or  (as
agriculture develops still further), farm
wage workers.   I do not think, as do
some comrades that the fact that a
"farmer"  employs a man or even a
couple of men, for, say, two weeks in
the year at harvest time, ls likely to
render him less susceptible to revolutionary propaganda   Tbe fact that he
figures as a "boss" two weeks in the
year is offset by the fact that he (and
his) work like blazes all the rest.   Of
course it may be pointed out tbat the
working   farmer  is   different   to   the
average wage worker ln as far as he
may "own" the land and machinery he
uses to work tho land.   Com. O'Brien
gets round this by taking social production.   This is all right. But when lt
comes to telling    the   agriculturalist
that it is simply because they do not
control   the   railroads   that  they  are
"exploited" (as I have heard him do)
then, with all due  respect  (however
much   that   may  be),  to   the   Rocky
Mountaineer, I beg to state that his
economics  and his logic  will neither
of them stand investigation.    Ownership of the means of transportation ls
not necessary to ensure large profits.
Hundreds of members of the capitalist class have, and do, extract large
amounts in profit without ownership or
control of the transportation system.
Neither will it do, as has been done,
to say that the ownership of the farm
Is "purely nominal" because the farmer, on the average, simply gets a I'-dng.
It would perhaps, be nearer tbe truth
to say that there are certain tools ot
production which on account of their
primitive character bring little or no
profit to their owners because they are
nol  sufficiently    large   or    up-to-date
enough to give rapid or large production   (production   of   large   quantities
of commodities) with little expenditure
of labor   power.     Com. ' Lestor   has
touched on this proposition in his mention  of  the   quantitative   relation  of
constant nnd variable capital as It affects  the   production  of  commodities
However, Mr. Editor, 1 find I am pressed for time.   Next week, with your per.
mission, we will follow up the thing a
little   farther  nnd   in  the   meantime
the  bunch  can  chew  this  over  and
Bharpen the axo for your,
The heart or Man la full o' hope
For  Heaven,  ne'er a Hell.
He drinks too deep o' prleslly dope
And eanna save himsel'.
Enthralled by superstition's chains,
A meek and humble slave,
Free   thought,   can't.   Btlr   his   addled
His ntiing place—tbe grave,
But some there are who do not foar
Tho tyrant  master's volte.
Willi ire, return the traitor's sneer
And take tbe "manly" choice.
The whole earth shall their kingdom
With body, and with mind
They dare and do, and will be freo,
This hope of humankind.
—J. S. Robertson.
Medicine Hat. Two
SATURDAY, MARCH 25th, 1911.
Published every Saturday by the
Socialist Party of Canada, at the Of lice
of the Western Clarion, Flack Block
Basement, 165 Hastings Street, Vancouver, B. C.
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next issue.
SATURDAY, MARCH 25th, 1911.
Not the least amusing, not to say
ridiculous, characteristic of those who
take it upon themselves to better the
lot of the workers, is their cheerful
disregard of any knowledge of what
the workers lot actually Is. One would
Buppose that the first thing that would
occur to any one undertaking sucb a
task would be to inform himself more
or less thoroughly of the facts of the
-case. But, as a matter of fact, this
seems to be the very last thing that
-occurs to him, If it ever occurs to him
at all.
For Instance, It has of late become
quite fashionable for labor unions and
kindred organizations to declare it
their high purpose to secure for the
worker "a larger share of his product."
Than which nothing could more clearly display their absurd lack of understanding of the workers position.
The fact of the matter Is that the
■worker is entitled to no share whatever ln the product of his labor, and,
by the Bame token, gets none of It. He
works for wages—that is, he sells his
power to labor, and delivers It on the
Job. His boss buys that labor power
and pays for it, on the average, its
market price—wages. Whose labor
power is It? Most assuredly It belongs to the buyer—the boss. He sets
his boughten labor power to work producing and whatever It produces must
certainly belong to him. What claim
has the laborer to any share of it?
There can be no dispute whatever,
and ls none, about their respective
shares of the wealth produced. The
only matter in dispute is as to the
price of the labor power—the wages.
The boss wants more labor power for
less money, the worker wants more
money for less labor power. It Is
purely a matter of haggling over the
price of a commodity. The buyers of
labor power try to beat the price down
the sellers try to keep lt up. In trying to do this the latter are compelled,
by necessity, to combine. And a combination of the sellers of labor power
' is just what a labor union is; in no
way different lo a retail grocer's association or the like.
That is the stand the Clarion took
before we arrived on the Job, and that
is the stand it wlll continue to take
tor a minute or two yet. At first a
most woeful wail went up that this
would utterly blast the hopes of the
S. P. of C. That such a doctrine was
nothing short of an Insult to "organized labor." That Ihe unions were
being wilfully antagonized. This wall
has died down some in view of the fact
that, In the west at any rate, the relations between the 8. P. of C. and the
unions are belter than where u careful policy of not antagonizing the unions and of assisting them In their
class struggle on the industrial field
has been in vogue.
From being Insulted at being pointed
to as more or less unsuccessful combinations of commodity peddlers, the
western unions have gradually been
turned to regarding themselves as
such and, accepting the situation, and
bave consciously sought to acquit
themselves as such, where they previously did so unconsciously. So far so
that, to no small extent, they now
study the conditions of the market in
taking action and what measure of
success has attended their efforts has
been attained thereby. Moreover, as
the leaven of Socialism permeates their
ranks, they begin more and more to
appreciate the odds that confront them
on the industrial field, nnd to see that
their salvation lies in supporting political action along class lines. Action
looking, not to obtaining a greater
share of the wealth they produce, but
to seizing the means of production that
they may produce for themselves.
Comrade Olsen has asked if friendly
relations, such as prevail between the
S. P. of C, aijd the Miners' unions,
could not be established between the
S. P. of C. and the "Grain Growers'
Association." Possibly, but only in the
same way and by taking towards the
G. G. A. the same uncompromising
stand as towards the unions.
Bring your dull razors to
Clarendon Poo) Room, opposite
car barm
We-tminsler Avenue
Vancouver, B.C.
Canada's nautical pugnacity, as exemplified In H. M. C. S. Rainbow succeeds in making Itself exceedingly
noisy, so much so that a stranger who
was subject to hysteria might almost
be led into imagining it dangerous.
When the said Rainbow ls not en
gaged ln the serious task of making
herself and the Laurier administration
ridiculous, somebody very kindly does
it for her.
A strike has been ln progress at
Prince Rupert for some time, con
ducted by the Prince Rupert Industrial Association, a branch of the I
W. W. against the contractors engaged
in city work. The men have, as usual,
been perfectly orderly and peaceful,
there being nothing to fight physically
with or about; and certainly there Is
nothing there worth the trouble of
The bunch of mentally undersized, would-be bourgeois pettifoggers
comprising the council of that embryonic burg, however, saw In the
strike what they considered an opportunity to get themselves on the
map as a full-grown capitalist organization by adopting "suppressive"
measures. Gathering together, therefore, in solemn and "secret" conclave, they decided to send for the
navy to quell any disorder that might
possibly arise. Wherein they displayed almost human intelligence, for they
must have realized that the Rainbow
would be at her best pursuing the
misty wraith of a phantom riot, or
savagely threatening a body of unarmed men peacefully "snagging herring at the wharf, or digging for clams
at Lighthouse Point as "The Optimist"
has it.
We recognize that conditions produce men. To be deeply deplored are
the unhappy conditions which foisted
such a set of Insufferable creatures
upon a long suffering world as the
present ruling class. Jealous of one
another and squabbling among themselves they will yet bawl in complete
unison to their beloved State for "protection'' from anything that threatens
all their pocketbooks. Ye Gods! but
tbe working class stomach is a strong
one to tolerate their unlovely presence
even for a moment.
the workings of che different sections
of the great mills were explained.
"The lumber Industry of the Pacific
Coast is certainly tremendous. Very
few in Great Britain have had the
privilege of observing for themselves
the inside workings of this great industry in British Columbia and the
remainder can not realize the magnitude of it."
Yet these nuns are owned largely
ln Great Britain, by people who admit
that they do not know a circular saw
from a peavy and who would be astounded by a sight of their own possessions.
In the same party were an eminent
entomologist and botanist who were
able to tell a fir tree from a gooseberry bush by their pictures, to the
astonishment of everybody. Verily,
the workingman who admires and respects these persons, Is an amusln'
A special edition of the Clarion will
be issued for the May Day celebration.
Extra effort will be put forth to make
this an excellent propaganda number.
International Labor Day this year will
bring forth an expression of advance
toward proletarian triumph unequalled
In the history of the working class,
and the Clarion will not be backward
In voicing that expression, lt ls not
too early to order NOW.
The toughest task ever presented to
a ruling class in any civilization will
be that with which the capitalists will
be confronted when labor finally demands a satisfactory reason for their
continued occupation of the position
they now enjoy. That a capitalist Is
a necessary part of the production of
wealth is becoming daily more apparently a myth.
As the development of industry
hurries them Inexorably toward obsolescence, the masters of money give
increasing evidence of their fitness for
that condition by displaying their mental sterility in public.
Among other Inflictions, this portion of 13. C. Is having just now a visitation In the shape of a party of prominent, persons who, presumably, are
peregrinating fn pursuit of profits.
They are all very great and Important
persons, for reasons which wlll become
very clear If you read further.
Note this:
"As a newcomer the great draw-
buck of British Columbia seems to be
the lack of cheap labor. Your urban
centers seem to be growing faster
than your farming sections," said Sir
Edward Tennnnt to a representative
of The Province, "How would it do
if the government permitted the Importation of Chinese labor to be Indentured for a period of, say, three
years, for building railways, the cool-
lies to be returned home at tho end of
that period? That system of Indenture of East Indians for a period of
five years works well on my sugar and
cocoa plantations In Trinidad."
Sir Edward evidently did not Include
Powell Btreet In his visiting list, or
he might have not bad the nerve to remark on the scarcity of cheap labor.
We saw a large number of men there
the other day ready lo sell themselves
at any price, but there are not enough
railways waiting to he built. The system quite manifestly works exceptionally well In this gentleman's case, as
It is not necessary fir him to get within some thousands of miles of his
plantations In order to draw quite a
respectable living therefrom. The
East Indians referred to are ln all
probability "worked well" to ensure
a sufficient quantity of their life energy being transferred Into shekels
for Sir Ed. in five years. The same
proposition nlso Works well in B, C,
witness another of the party;
"it's beyond comprehension," said
one of the members of the party as
The  Philosophy of the  Revolutionary
The Duke of Westminster receives
from rents alone £3,000,000 per annum.
No, no, not a bit of it. Who can
blame him?
Thirteen millions of people In this
country are living always on the verge
of starvation!
Again shame!
But why?
By all the logic of nature the former is entitled to as much as he has
the power to grasp, while the latter
deserve no more than they are willing
to fight for—ay, and to conquer for
Man has a right to live only—If he
can. Tbe mightiest beast and the
meanest parasite have as much right
to live—and as little.
The hungry tiger strikes down the
hunter and devours him—if he can,
and nobody says shame! or thinks it
wrong. The maggots burrow deep into
the nostrils of the hartebeaste, and
we say simply "Nature is cruel."
Yet Nature Is not cruel; she knows
nothing of emotions. She leaves her
children lo fight things out for themselves, giving them one universal law:
Might ls right.
"The race is to the swift,
The battle to the strong."
Let us be strong, then, for the weak
have neither right nor portion in Nature's economy.
Those wolves in sheep's clothing,
the Christian priesthood, commonly
profess to hold that man has other
i Ight to live than this right of might—
this elementary right of the tiger and
the maggot. Of such jealous guardians
of the rights of man this question may
be asked:
What becomes of the "right" to live
if the means by which alone it is pos-
! sible to live are In the hands of others?
j Clearly In this case man cannot live
j by any heaven bestowed "right," but
j only on sufferance. So the logic of
i their own ethic places the Christian ln
i contradiction to the social system
< which they uphold, and whose central
| principle — private property In the
means of life—is the very denial and
| negation of their fundamental belief,
j that God having created man, man has
a "right" to live.
Far nearer to the truth of things was
1 that London magistrate who answered
the pilferer's plea that one "must live,"
I with the sententious announcement:
"Not necessarily." Two words sufficed to reveal the naked truth in all
Its frank brutality. Capitalist society
recognizes no "right" to live, and the
cynical lawyer gives* the lie to the syco.
phantlc priest.
Logic In the Making
If man has a God-given right to live,
as Christians commonly hold, then it
devolves upon men to secure for themselves the means by which alone they
can live, in the first place, and in the
second place it sets the mark of Cain
upon the brows of those who have
taken "the earth and the fullness
thereof" from the people.
If, on the other hand, man has but
the right of might—the right of tiger
and of the maggot—to live, then Westminster, with his vajat rent-roll, ls
justified, in the face of starving millions,
If It appears strange that only the
ethic of the revolutionary can justify
the lords of capitalism, whilst the logical conclusion of the creed that bolsters them up in their high place on
their mountain of spoils, condemns
them, this ls only because the first ls
the true ethic, both of capitalism and
of the revolution It is producing,—aye,
and of all life, for all time—while the
second ls false, a soporoflc, the chloroform rag ln the hands of the social
However, under both philosophies
we proceed to the same action—to live,
by our "right" or our might—nnd therefore to seize all those things necessary
for the fullest enjoyment of life; in
the one case because common property
is the first essential to living by
"right," in the other case-simply because it ls expedient.
Down With the Meekling!
The revolutionary requires no other
justification than that of expediency.
No revolutionary in history ever really
did. True, they have paid much lip
service to Justice and other figments
of the popular mind, but that has been
only because they have required the
assistance of those who were to gain
nothing from revolution, and who had
therefore to be Inspired with empty
phrases and confused with humbug.
But the highest sanction revolutionaries ever have required has been—op
The Socialist asks no more. Let who
will grovel at the feet of Justice, or
slobber over the "natural rights of
man"—the Socialist has no use for
such meaningless vaporings. Expediency is his justification for all things,
and opportunity finds hlm always in
the right.
Notwithstanding the prevailing cant,
Machiavelism is inherent in every
"state." Wherever a "state" exists,
wherever, in short, society is founded
upon the subjugation of a class, there
the suppression of that class follows ss
a matter of course, and utterly without scruple.
In the name of law and order, and
of freedom and justice and equality, as
befits a world of commodities whose
freedom of motion and equality
become nature, becomes at least
a fictitious freedom and equality
for their owners. And in the
name of Christ, too, as behooves
men who must seek some higher sanction than that of commodity owners to
suppress   commodity  owners.
Any Means That Are Means
The feudal lord appeared as a different order of being to the serf. They
were not commensurable In the flesh,
for heaven bad made one noble and the
other base. But under capitalism all
are commodity owners—the man who
holds untold stores, and the man who
haa only his labor-power to sell. As
commodity owners they stand equal.
Henco suppression in the name of
equality—but not on the authority of
all commodity owners: oh dear, no;
that would never do. Nor on the authority of some commodity owners,
for that would be contrary to that
beautiful capitalist ideal—the equality
of all possessors of commodities.
So Christ Is their refuge and their
salvation; Christ the meek and lowly
and submissive, who recognized "constituted" authority in the command,
"Render unto Cffisnr that which is
I But under all this, might is right. A
'great show of "moral suasion" is exemplified In 40,000 parsons, It Is true;
but for every parson there is a policeman and three bluejackets and half a
j dozen soldiers—for every "man of
peace" ten "dogs of war."
I« Much talk of loyalty and honesty
and honor. Loyalty, indeed, in the
;thieves' kitchen of capitalism; honor
i where nothing ls trusted to honor!
Honor and force are contradictory
terms, mutually exclusive. Capitalism
has no need for the flrst (except as a
piece of humbug); it relies upon force.
Among equals honor is the voluntary
observance of the rules of the game;
but in present day society we are not
■ equals, hence honor is replaced by
I The tradesman, in his thirst for
[profit, gives credit. Does he trust to
honor? No. He makes a calculation
based on the fact that he has all the
forces of the law behind him. Can I
make him pay? is the only question
he is concerned with, and he acts according to his judgment of that problem, and If, leaning upon the force of
the law, he finds it a broken reed, he
has made a mistake, that Is all.
The rules of the game—who made
the rules of the game? Those who
say we shall observe them. But if a
hooligan or a footpad jumps us in the
street are we slavishly careful of Marquis of Queensbury rules? Not if a
brick is handy. No, any means that
are means!
So with the revolutionary. He takes
his stand upon the same code that has
served to carry so many exploiters to
power, and which at last must help
the workers to their emancipation.
There is no right but might. We deserve nothing but what we can get
with our teeth and claws.
The Ethic of Socialism
Against the might of tho strong few
shall be put the might of the many
weak ones. Before that might capital-
Ism and private ownership wlll go
down forever. Then, when society
founded upon common property In the
means of life, has become one harmonious whole, the brutal dictum, might
Is right, will hold good only between
the social organism and external nature, while between man and man a
new ethic wlll arise—or rather the old
ethic of gentile society under a new
form—that only the social good ls
right.—A. E. Jacomb In Socialist Standard.
Socialist Directory
Every local of tlie Socialist Party   LOOAL   VANCOUVEB,   B   O    HO   1 '
of Canada should run a card under this       Canada.       Business    nieetlnes    i-verv
head.     $1.00   per   month.       Secretaries      Tuesday evening at Headquarters  229?
please note. '     iM««*™r««*—   , ..„ '     ' c,a> -*i0'
Westminster Ave.
F. Perry. Secretary. Box 1SS8.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate' Monday. D, G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver,   B.  C.
VEBNON  B.   O.,   No.   38,   S.
Meets every Tttosday,  8 p,
at   L.   O.   L.  Hull.  Tronson
W.  H.
Gilmore, Secretary.
Executive Committee, Socialist l'urty
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688 Vancouver, B. C.
LOOAL   VICTORIA,  B.   C,  No.  3,   8.  P.
off C.— Heading: room and headquarters,
I III!» Government St., Hoom 2, over
Colllster's Gun Store. Business meetings every Tuesday, $ p.m. Propaganda meetluKH every Sunday at Crystal Tlieatre.    T. Gray, .secretary.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East', opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding tiie movement in the ■•province. P, Danby, Sec, Box (>47 Calgary,
Committee: Notice—Tills card is
Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" interested in the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any information, write the
secretary, \V. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good street, Winnipeg.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9,
Miners' Hall and Opera House—Propaganda meetings at S p. m. on the flrst
und third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T, Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
secretary, Jas. Glendennlng, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W*. Graham, secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. In the Labor Hall, Burber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (.near postofflce). Club
and Heading Hoom. Labor Halt,
Gtorge Rosslter, Sec, Box 647, A. Maedonald,   Organizer,   Box   647.
LOCAL   PERNIE,   S.   P.   Of   C.   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle. every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business
meeting flrst Sunday In each month,
same place ut 2:30 p. in.
David Pnton, Secy., Box 101, I
LOCAL   GREENWOOD,   B.   0.,   NO,   9,
S. P. of C, meeta every Sunday even-i
ing at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.)
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.j
G. Johnson, Secretury.
LOCAL   LADYSMITH  NO.  10,   S.   P.   od
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. in headquarters on First Ave
J. H. But-rough, Box 31, Ladysmith.
B. C.
LOCAL  MICHEL,   B.   C,   NO.   16,   S.   P.
OP O.j holds propugundu meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:80 p, tn,
in Cfah'an's Hull. A hearty Invitation
Is extended to all wage slaves witbln
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the llrst
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a. hi. in the same hull. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
P. of C. Hearuuarters 622 l-'lrst St.,
Business and propugunda meetings
every Thursday ut 7:3'l p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
Beoretary, A. Farmilo, Q22 First St.
Organizer, \v. Stephenson, *
8. P. of a—-Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday In the month, at 4 p.m. ln
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box I9S3.
every Sunday at 7:30 p.m., in Trades
Hall, Scartb Street. Business meetings 2nd and -1th Fridays at S p.m.
Trades Hall. Secretury B. Simmons,
Box 1046.
OP C, headquarters No. 10 Nation
Blook, Rosser Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at S p, in.; Jnislness meeting, second and fourth Mondays at S
p. tn.; economic class, Sundays at 3
p. m.; speakers' class, Wednesday at
8 p. m.; algebra class, Friday ut 8
p. in.; debating class, flrst and third
Mondays at 8 p. ni. D, France, Organizer,  1126  Victoria Ave.
LOCAL MARA, B. C, NO. 34, S. P. Of O.,
Meets flrst Sunday ln every month In
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rose man,   Recording  Secretary.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGregor
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos. Roberts,
LOCAL   NANAIMO,  NO.  8,  8.  P.  Of O.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
ln Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7;0t) o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences ut 8:00 o'clock.
A.   Jordan,  Secy,   llox 410.
LOCAL   NELSON,   S.  P.   of  C,   MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p. m„ In
Miners' Hall, Nelson. B. C. I. A. Austin, Secy.
S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday in
hall In Empress Theater Block nt 2:00
p. m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOCAL   REVELSTOKE,   B.   C,   NO.   7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. T. S. Cassidy, Organizer; B. F. Gayman, Secretary.
of C. Headquarters, 528 1-2 Main
Street, Room No. 2, next Dreamland
Theatre. Business meeting every alternate Monday evening at 8 p.m.;
propaganda meeting every Wednesday
ut 8 p.m.; economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh
Luldlow, Room 2, 628 1-2 Main Street.
Secretary, J. \V. Hillings, 270 Ydung
The prevalence of humped backs
among tbe working class is due mainly
to long ages of bowing to "superiors."
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Flnlanders' Hail, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
54 Rossland.
headquarters and public reading room.
Show building- Hamilton street. Business meetings every Saturday night at
S p, in. Neil McLean, secretary, John
Mclnnis. organizer. Comrades contemplating coming lo Fort George are
earnestly requested to write fur reliable information.
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays In the month at 21^
"Westminster Avenue. Secretary, Wm.
To Canadian  Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make tha
subscription price of the International Socialist Review in Canada
11.20 a year Instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For $3.00 we wlll mall three
copies of the Review to ono Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
ooples of any one issue.
For 13.00 we will mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
134 West Klnzle St., Chicago.
ft solid, the business of Manufacturers,
Engineers and others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted
by Expeits, Prelimiuaryadvice free. Charges
modeint**. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon
request. Marion -St Marion, New York tife Bldg,
ttoutreal: and Washington, II C, U.S.A.
A good
place to eat       	
305  Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mtilcahey, Prop.
LOCAL     HO.     34,     TOBONTO,   OWT	
Heudquarters, 10 and 12 Alice St.
(neur Yonj-re). Musi ness meeting'
every 2nd und 4th Wednesday; propugunda meetings every Sunday at i
und S p. m. By arrangement wft*i
Toronto University popular .scientific
lectures every Monday at 8 p.m. during the winter. Address all communications to Secretary, No. 10 and IS
Alice St.
LOCAL BRANTFORD, Vo. 16, S. P. of O.
Meets ut headquarters, 13 George St.,
every Thursday and Sunday nights.
Business and Speakers' Class on Thursdays; Economic Class on Sundays.
Wage workers invited. A. W. Baker,
Secretury, il George St. W, Davenport, Organizer,  HI Nelson St.
LOCAL OTTAWA, N*». 8, S. P. of a
Business meeting 1st Sunday ln
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays nt 8 p.m. in Kobert-
Allan  Hull,   78   Kideau  St.    John Lyons,
Secretary, 43 Centre street.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sunday
in the Cape Breton uttice of the Party,
Commercial Street, Glace Bay, -N. S.
Dan Cochrane, Secretary, BOX -191,
Glace Bay, X. S.
Business aud Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G, Ross,
Financial Secretary, office in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co.**building, Union
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel    25c
Life of Jesus, Renan ....,.'.   25c
Age of Reason, Paine     25c
Merrie England  20c
God and My Neighbor, Blatch
ford  25c
Ingersoll's Lectures,each 25c
Origin of Species, Darwin..." ISc
bvoiution oi the Idea of God
Grant Allen ,' 25c
Postage prepaid on books
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
Room soi
Dominion Trust Bldg.
Saw Weitmlnater Land District, District
of New Weitmlnater.
Take notice that William Mcintosh, of
Vancouver, occupation real estate agent,
Intends to apply for permission to purchase the following described lands:
Commencing at a post planted about 476
feet in a westerly direction from the
southeast corner of Block 18, District
Lot 196, City of Vancouver; thence
northerly 120 feet; thence easterly 128
feet to old high water mark; thence
south 120 feet, along old high water
mark; thence west to point of commencement.
williaii Mcintosh.
Dated Feb. 24th, 1911 (630)
^        atST IN B.C.     CIOA-R^J SATURDAY, MARCH 25th, 1911.
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
iDear Mac.
The following ls a report ot the
Saskatchewan (acting) Provincial Executive.
Meeting held March 8, 1911.
Present Comrades. Alton, Boerma
(chairman), GlldemeestefT P. Budden,
I.. Budden and Com. Lestor.
Minutes of previous meeting held
Over till next meeting. Correspondence
dealt with from Zelandla, Star City,
IMozart, Alameda and the Dominion Executive
Com. Lestor appointed Organizer,
land a tour arranged for him tp take
n the following places. Start at Zea-
andla and district, then to Haddington
ind surrounding district, from there
lo Star City and Melfort, speaking at
jll possible places en route.
In order to'raise funds for organizing
Bmrposes, Secretary was instructed to
Bvrite all Ixieals ln the Province asking them to make a voluntary assessment of one dollar, more or less, per
A sub-committee was appointed to
!ecure a building    suitable for head-
rom Dominion Executive |50.00
Organizer Leslor    25.00
Next meeting decided to be held as
loon as the secretary receives the oftl-
ial confirmation, and supplies from
he Dominion Executive.
Recording Secretary.
it takes to keep him from year to year,
is drawn out by the railroads, but not
in the box car that contains his wheat
etc., for that he has received value
in the shape of money, but rather It
will be found in the mail car In the
shape of banks drafts payable to the
mortgage companies and Machine Co's
for Interest due them. This obtains today, but tomorrow e**ven you Mr. farmer
tnat they are not so well off as the
wage slave, and are oasting about for
ways to stop the robbery of the poor
farmer, some are talking of putting up
independent farmers to run in the coming elections, but their hope is not
Farmers coin their labor power into
wheat, beef, butter, eggs etc., and then
think these commodities are produced
Comrade Editor:—
I wish to report to the readers of the
Clarion, that Com. O'Brien, on his way
through here from Medicine Hat, stepped off his private pullman and spoke
to a full house at the Eureka Threatre
on Sunday evening, the 12th of March,
and for the hour and a half he spoke
had one of the most attentive audiences I have seen listening to a Socialist speaker in this town.
The general concensus of opinion
was that he is a top notcher, hammering nails into the coffin thats going
to hold the present system which ii
composed of millionaires' castles and
lickspittle politicians on one end,
paupers, jails and poorhouses on the
other end.
No doubt the powers that be will
breath easier while he Is gone from
Alberta, but to make up there will be
many a victim with red in his eye before he reaches the Atlantic Coast, and
if the comrades throughout the East
fail to get dates and advertise his meetings, well they will lose a good chance
to swell the ranks of the revolutionary
army.   Yours for the Cause.
S. L.
Lethbridge, Alta
who have your farm and Implements by themselves, when all they do is to
paid for, unless said implements be of add their quota of labor power to them,
the larger and most modern style, cap-: for, remember nothing is produced unable of producing a vast amount of I til in the hands ot the consumer. These
wealth with a minimum amount of la- things have to go into numerous other
bor, enabling you to compete your com-.hands, also into elevators, through
petitor out of existence, then you are | mills, over railways, etc., and finally
My work as organizer In this district commenced on December 17,1910,
^nd ended March 17, 1911. Amongst
■the places visited during, this date
|wcre, Kamloops, Salmon Arm, Silver
Creek, Malakwa, Sicamous, Mara
[Armstrong, Enderby, Vernon, Okanag-
]an Centre Kelowna, Summerland, West
Summerland, Naramata and Pentic-
Four new locals were organized by
me, namely, Silver Creek, Malakwa,
Enderby and Naramata. About 25
new members are thereby added to the
party. Sixteen or seventeen public
meetings were held and about the
same number of economic classes.
Special attention was paid to litera-
'ture work and about a hundred dol-
jlare worth was disposed of during the
three months. About 40 subs and renewals for the party organ were
rustled up, No territory south of Pen-
jtiction was touched, owing to organizer
[being forced, through breakdown of
vocal apparatus, to quit 8 or 9 days
[sooner than had been intended.
_ The organizer acknowledges co-op-
deration and assistance of comrades
everywhere.   Much credit is due the
I district secretary, who worked hard to
make the tour successful.
_ The work of future organizers will
Bbo rendered much easier, and more
[can be done if comrades will keep the
district Beoretary posted.   In particu-
Jlar let your exact location be known.
On   several  occasions   the   organizer
ias gone to places expecting to find
[comrades, only to discover that they
[were located a long distance from the
jpostal towns given as their address.
■This causes disarrangement of plans,
land should be avoided.
Dear Comrade:—
. On Friday, 10th, Comrade O'Brien
gave a splendid lecture here in tho
Eagle's Hall, the wage beasts intellectual and manual—numbering something like two hundred, proved an attentive audience.
The speaker dealt with the science
of sociology, now called Socialism,
touching on the materialist conception
of history, value and the class struggle.
His exposition on value was an eye-
opener to some, as he showed how
capitalism had had its slaves taught to
measure lumber and wheat, but omitted to teach them how to measure
value. Such knowledge in the possession of a slave class would be detrimental to the interests of their masters, the Blaves would then be able
I to estimate the value of what they
[' produced and when they saw their miserable share, it would make them think,
then there would be something doing.
Comrade O'Brien is maBter of his
subject. His power ot illustration
which he brought to bear on the outstanding features of his argument had
an educational effect which I am sure
will bring forth good results in the
city that is supposed to have its foundations built over the dominions of
Yours ln revolt,
Comrade Editor: —
I am loath to take up more space ln
the Clarion, yet I feel that a few words
of explanation are due Com, Budden.
You appear to think, Com. Budden,
that I have taken the "Slave of the
Farm" as a joke. The fact that I assumed that you were ln a humorous
mood while writing a paragraph, did
not necessarily imply that you were In
that mood while or during the writing
of the entire work.
The fact is that <ip to page 14 you
appeared to me to have shown yourself
to have a thorough understanding of
the nature of production, not only under capitalism, but under the different
systems that preceded capitalism, also
the laws governing the exchange of
commodities. I therefore was at a
loss to discover why you so suddenly broke loose and made it appear that
one section of the working class, namely the small farmers, did not get the
value of his production.
In your reply to my criticism of this
portion of your pamphlet, you In fact
admit the error but further on attempt in part to justify your position
by comparing primitive methods of
production with modern.
Now, both the elevators and railways handle your produce for fai' less
than you could have done in those days
you speak of, and granting all sorts of
trickeries in the shape of false grading, heavy dockage etc., being practiced (which is no fake for I lived on a
farm on the prairie for eighteen years
and have seen my share of it) yet you
will admit that that in no appreciable
measure accounts for ,the poverty of
the farmer.
Such things as the above occupy the
attention of the grain growers and
their societies, but have no place In
the Socialist movement, as they are
only effects, the cause of which we are
fighting and should the G. G. A's succeed in getting proper grades, full
weights, etc., they will have accomplished little.
Now it would be a foolish thing for
me to maintain that because I had to
pay more for a suit of clothes from the
local store keeper than what I could
have got the suit for elsewhere, or that
I got less flour than I paid for, that
that was where my class was robbed;
yet that is as sound as the elevator
short-weight argument. The conclusion In either case would lead us to
believe that commodities did not exchange at their value, Whither' "Old
Friend" would this line of reasoning
lead us? Into a sea of confusion, 1
venture to say. As for taxes, well,
make your own roads and educate your
own children in some other way and
pocket the taxes you now pay and
watch yourself grow rich.
Yes, I have seen wealth drawn out
as well as into the country via the railroads, and have helped produce some
of it, and though I at one time indulged
in all kinds of fancied causes for the
farmer's hardships, such as paying too
much for the Implements I used, and
getting too little for my produce, yet
it was not until I got in touch with the
Socialist movement ln B. C. that I at
last grasped the truth, and though 1
might continue to write all night, l
could not put my own view of the
farmer's position under capitalism in
a plainer or more concise manner than
Com. Lestor has done ln the last edition. However, I am only a youngster
ln the study of economics, and if my
reasoning is erroneous, by all means
come down on me heavily, and I will
readily admit my error when I am
shown it, and profit thereby.
But to return. Yes, what little the
small farmer, with his crude tools, is
able to produce over and above what
gone; never again to gain a foot hold
while this competitive system lasts.
Thus, my fellow slave of the farm,
whether you would or would not, you
| are forced to look to Socialism to save
you from a pauper's grave.
And now, my orthodox friend, who
denies that your material interest determines your actions; have I not seen
you after coming home from prayer
meeting, when you fancied you were
filled with brotherly love, pick up your
daily paper and upon reading of bumper crops all over the world, have I
not seen, I say, the frown upon your
brow, very different to what I expected
from one who loves his brother. Why
was it? Was it because you were a
sinner? If so, I guess we are all such.
No, It was because your material interests were at stake, and the big
crop for the other fellow meant a low
price for you, consequently more struggles for existence. If you develop
that faculty that you say a supreme
being gave you, your power to reason,
and clear the atmosphere of all super-
stltous nonsense, and trace all your
actions down as far as the mind is
capable of going, you will be convinced
that your economic condition has determined your actions. Don't stop by
saying 1 know the cause of such and
such a thing, for the said cause ls only
an effect of some other cause, and the
primary cause can only be found In the
last analysis.
In conclusion, let me say, that if you
trace all the vexing problems that have
been confronting you my fellow farmer in your struggle for a living, and
which have appeared to debar you
from the fruits of your toll, you will
find the cause in capitalism.
By a Farmer.
To the Socialist the only subject
worth discussing is Socialism. The
reason is because in studying economics he has come to the conclusion
that it is a better theory than the
capitalistic system is based upon, as
far as his own interests are concerned.
That is the reason why he is throwing
off so much "hot air," as some folks
call it; trying to get others to see
eye to eye with himself, for he knows
that the only way to free himself is
to get the balance of his class to help
'dm. That is the reason I am writing
this to the farmers.
It ls very necessary to get the farmers educated in economics for they are
about 45 per cent of the population
and we need their help to free ourselves. I wish to show the farmers
who read this, 1st that Socialism is
not the horrible thing the capitalistic
press paint it to be. 2nd that the interests of the farmers and the industrial wage slaves are identical. 3rd
how Socialism can be ushered in by political action. 1st, Socialism does not
mean dividing up, it aims to stop it.
The capitalist does that when he
causes the products of labor to be divided up and he gets all that Is left
after the laborers get what it costs
them to live. It Is estimated that the
laborer receives about one-fifth of the
wealth he and his class produces. Socialism is not Anarchy, it is strictly
opposed to any man being a law unto
himself, it alms to organize society in
the most democratic manner possible
so that every one can have the greatest amount of personal liberty possible. Socialism is co-operation in its
truest sense; every worker should cooperate with his fellow, thereby eliminating waste and obtaining the greatest returns to the individual. Socialism stands for the abolition of wage
slavery and as soon as the workers are
ready to abolish it they can do so by
political action.
2nd, The interests of the farmers and
the industrial wage slaves are identical. Labor power is a commodity and
sells in the market at so much per
hour, day or year, like so much wheat,
pigs, etc., and, on the average, the cost
of production, or in other words, what
lt costs the slaves to produce more
labor power and furnish the market
with more slaves to take their places
when thrown on the industrial scrap
pile. Somstlmes supply and demand
comes into the price, viz, when there
Is more labor than laborers the price
goes up and vice-versa. Farmers of
the west are now organizing themselves on the economic field. All the
permanent good they will do themselves Is to learn that the powers that
be will take no more notice of their
demands than they did of the trades
union demands. Farmers have an
idea that some day they will become
capitalists, that is the reason why they
hold aloof from the wage slave. Some
of them  are  waking up to  tbe  fact
back into the hands of the much dis-
pised store keeper who the farmer
thinks is robbing him right and left,
which he is not, for he has done a
socially necessary labor and has received wages for his trouble.
Society produces everything, the
tailor, the clerk/ the schoolmistress
and every other useful worker helps
to raise the produce of the farm, the
farmer helps to produce a suit of
clothes as much as the tailor does, for
does he not help to raise sheep, and
does not the engine driver, fireman,
section men and a host of other workers take that wool to the woolen mills
and does not every other line of industrial workers enter Into the building of that factory? When the farmer
has helped to raise the products of a
farm, he has to have access to capitalistic property to exchange these
products so that he can get his pay out
of it and that is where he is robbed to
a frazzle. I doubt if a farmer gets as
much money per year to live on as the
steady working wage slave.
Seeing that there iB practically no
difference between the farmer and the
wage slave, it is up to the farmer to
study up what the wage slaves are
doing and get into the game with them
and own the means of life collectively.
That is their only hope, If they would
study economics instead of party poll-
tics they would cease voting for politicians and would come out for a man
wh stands on the platform of "Labor
produces all wealth and to labor it
should belong." The industrial slaves
have entered the political arena with
the idea of eventually seizing the reins
of government, and if the revolt of
labor grows in the next decade as tt
has done in the last, It will be up to
the farmers to take sides. Will they
have learnt by then that, (as I have
shown) their interests are identical
with the industrial workers and not
the capitalist class.
3rd, How can Socialism be ushered
in by political action? There is at
present in the field a political party
called the Socialist Party of Canada
of which I am proud to be a member.
This party is the political expression of
reflex of the revolutionary workers. To
put this reflex Into action necessitates
their organization into locals of the
party then conventions can be held in
each constituency and candidates nominated to run ln the elections. After
a majority of Socialists are elected to
the legislative halls they will put into
practice the platform of the party.
Kitscoty, Alta.
ity has been on the side of the ruling
class, and so it ls today. So the Socialist says to Divinity: Take to
yourself wings and fly away.
• •    •
What is it that causes you to delight
to hear the love-song of the spring
birds, and to admire their beautiful
plumage? Is It not because you long
to be free, and because you are clothed
ln such shoddy, and rags yourself; and
your wife and family also? Then
why don't you study up Socialism and
learn how all mankind can become as
free, and as beautiful, and sing as
sweet love-songs as those birds.
* •   •
Some comrades are scratching their
manes and wondering where the farm
er gets robbed.
The farmer ls no different from any
other laborer (that is of course the
working farmer and not the capitalist
farm owner). The ordinary laborer
sells only his labor power, or surrenders lt In return for the opportunity to
labor all day and keep enough values
out of hla day's labor to reproduce his
labor power; the working farmer simply does the same thing, only he has a
permanent job at one place called
"his farm." He, like the worker in
other lines is merely Instrumental in
the production of commodities. After
these leave his hands they go through
many more hands before they are produced. The farmer merely produces
his labor power and gets out of his
work enough to reproduce that labor
power. P. ROSOMAN
I heard a lecture on Socialism here
the other day, delivered by F. W. Ries,
Toledo. In describing the future Socialistic state he has Bellamy beaten
to a frazzle. I would like our organizers up in Canada to take a few points
from Ries in the art of lecturing. In
the first place, have the chairman,
when he introduces you, tell the audience what university turned you out,
how much you gave to the cause In
hard cash, how much you are
going to give in the future,
etc., etc. Then if you happen
to be the author of a book, start
rfght In to spout about your book. Tell
the audience that the book explains Socialism from A. to Z., and that if they
want to   understand   socialism   they
must read your book—a course ln
Blatchford's '"Merry England" will
give them the finishing touch and they
are graduated.
In explaining the present and future
states of society, use a chart with
figures written all over It. The audience won't understand the figures
but will get a deep impression of your
scholarship. Tell them that as soon
as we have a majority of the voters
we are going to take over the means
ot production by buying out the trusts.
If you try to explain the class struggle, tell the audience that it ls a known
fact to the best of your knowledge. If
you ask the boss for more wages and
he ls not willing to dig up and you are
forced to go on strike, that is the class
struggle pure and simple. Make your
closing remarks pathetic with your
hands and eyes lifted upward (if possible make the sign of the cross).
Well, Mac., I hope you will give our
organizers some pointers on this. For
instance, Gribble would cut a good figure by conducting his lectures in this
manner. H. ELMER.
e    e    e
A good opportunity to secure a set
of the Library of Original Sources for
$45.00, cash, regular price, $54.00
Owner obliged to sell. Apply at Clarion Offlce.
*   * i
Sub list for the week:
Local Ymir, B. C     7
Gordon Brown, Victoria    6
C. M. O'Brien     6
J. Thomson, Medicine Hat, Bundle &   2
F. J. Stroud, Toronto     3
"Smith," Vancouver       3
M. Stafford, S. Wellington     2
G. Beagrie, Calgary     2
A. Taylor, Toronto      2
A. G. McCallum, Ottawa     2
K. Johnson, Montreal     2
D. A. McLean, Calgary     2
Local Reglna  Card and Bundle
Local Brandon Bundle
G. Waples, Steelton, Ont.; D. Cochrane, Glace Bay, N. S.; Walter Menzles, Haddington, Sask.; H. Jones, Seattle; J. T. Trather, Penticton, B. C;
H. Cherry, Claxton, B. C; H. T. Bastable, Brandon, Man.; Com. Trebett, S.
Vancouver; A. Hll, Stillwater, B. C;
H. Walton, Ruskin, B. O.j Mrs. Allen,
Fernle, B. C; J. Johnson, Enderby, B.
C; T. Derrill, City.
Nearly all clergymen are In bondage
to capitalism. They believe that capitalist private property, based on the
labor of others, should be upheld and
maintained. They believe that capitalism with its accumulation of wealth,
out of unpaid labor should continue.
They believe that wage slavery with
its accumulation of misery, agony of
toil, agony of the fear of want, ignorance, brutality and mental degradation must continue also, and so they
give it a religious consecration by the
worship of sorrow. Socialists know
the secret of free trade yet In English hlBtory we have a striking illustration of the clergymen being on the
side of the ruling class.
In 1840 a struggle for supremacy was
on between the aristocratic landlords
and the commercial middle class. The
whole of the established Church of
England was in bondage to the High
Tory Party.
The Rev. Thos. Spencer, uncle of
Spencer the philosopher, (with one exception) was the only clergyman out
of 15,000, who voted for the repeal of
the corn laws.
He was the only one out of all these
thousands who contended that the
people of England, mostly poor, should
not be compelled to buy corn at high
prices to enrich English landlords.
He was a tee-to-taller when the temperance movement was looked upon
as a subtle form of Atheism. In these
days It would be difficult to flnd
many of our black sheep who are Socialists.
The other day a Socialist came Into
collision with a Doctor of Divinity,
president of a Moral and Social Reform League. Citizens had been Invited to discuss the matter and the
Socialist was giving his opinion when
up jumps the D. D| and protested vigorously against the Socialist being
heard. The Socialist ignored the D. D.
but the chairman appealed to the meeting and the Socialist was voted down,
The D. D. by his atti'ude implied
divinity and Socialism are opposed to
each other. He implied—O my kind
Christian friends, do be careful,
However we see, in the past, dlvin-
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MUNN &to.™*™***' New York
Sunday, March
Issued   by   the   Dominion   Executive
"Slave ot the Farm," or "Proletarian in Politics," to locals subscribing
to the publishing fund, $1.00 per 180;
to others, 25c per dozen.
"Socialism and Unionism," to locals
subscribing to the publishing fund,
$1.00 per 100; to others, 25c per dozen.
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fund, $1.00 per 100; to others, 25c per
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Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism," to subscribers to publishing
fund, $6.00 per 100; to others, 75c per
Capital, Vol. I, II, HI, Karl Marx,
per vol $2.00
Ancient Society, Lewis Morgan $1.50
Six Centuries of Work and Wages,
Thorold  Rogers     2.00
Woman Under Socialism, Bebel.. 1.00
Essays on the Materialist Conception of History, Labrlalo  1.00
Socialism and Philosophy, Labrlola   1.00
Positive  Outcome  of  Philosophy
Dietzgen     1.00
Philosophical Essays, Dietzgen... 1.00
Socialism and    Modern    Science,
Enrico Ferrl  1.00
Evolution Social and Organic, Arthur M. Lewis   50
Vital  Problems  ln  Social  Evolution, Arthur M. Lewis 50
The above works will be sent postpaid to any part of Canada. This ls
only a selection of our stock and almost any bound work ln Chas, H.
Kerr's catalogue can be had. Orders
to be addressed David Galloway, 2243
Main St., Vancouver.
<][If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone your address to our office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate ol cost of
installing the gas pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited. Four
SATURDAY, MARCH 25th, 1911.
So far removed in lhe dim past is the period of human
development previous to the appearance of slavery that it
has left little historic trace beyond the scattered remains of
primitive handiwork that have been unearthed from time to
time, and any conception of that period would be almost
impossible were it not for ils present day survivals—the
races yet existing in a state cf primitive savagery.
By piecing together the information derived from a
study of these races, with what can be gathered or guessed
from the prehistoric remains, such knowledge as we have
on the subject has been attained.
The characteristic that marks the ante-slavery period
from ours is the non-existence of property in the true sense
of the word. Personal possessions the primitive savage has,
such as his weapons and his dwelling, but the resources of
the earth, being free of access to all, are the property of
none. For property is not so much the assertion of the claim
of the individual as owner as a denial of the claim of all
others to ownership.
The economics of this period are as simple and crude
as its tools, but are nevertheless worthy of attention, as,
owing to that very simplicity, they afford a clearer conception of the fact that labor is the determining factor in comparing the values of articles, a fact of supreme importance
to the Socialist conception.
Production under savagery differs from that of today
in being hand production instead of machine, and individual
instead of social production. That is to say, each article
produced is completed by one individual instead of being,
as it is today, the result of the toil of a whole army of workers, each one doing a little to it. Furthermore, under
savagery, articles are produced for use; under capitalism,
for profit.
The elimination of these three factors—social production, machinery, and profit—reduces economics to their
simplest form.
What exchange, or barter, of articles would take place
under savagery would be carried on clearly upon the basis
of the labor involved in producing the respective articles.
Thus a savage wishing to barter, say, ornaments for weapons,
would exchange them upon the basis of the labor it would
cost him to produce either. He would know how long it
took him to make the ornaments, and he would have a pretty
good idea how many of the weapons he could make in the
same time, and would therefore insist on just so many in
exchange for his ornaments. To accept any less would be
foolish, as he would be better off to make them himself.
And, be it noted, that this stands I of value has endured
through all the succeeding changes in the methods of production and exchange. •
The resources of the earth have no value, a fact which
is quite clear under savagery, but obscured under capitalism
by the fact that they are bought and sold on the strength of
their potentialities. It is only when the hand of labor is
applied to the natural resources to convert them into articles
usable by man, that anything of value is created.
The primitive savage's method of life is predatory. He
lives by hunting and fishing, and upon wild fruits and roots.
Such a method of life is, at any time, precarious and becomes more so with the increase of population and the consequent restriction of the tribal hunting grounds. As time
goes on the savage is driven to domesticate animals and to
cultivate the soil in order that his means of life may be more
certain. Once this becomes general, the way to slavery is
The primitive savage kills his enemies on the battlefield
—perhaps eats them. He has no incentive to make them
captive, as it would only mean so many more mouths to feed.
He cannot even compel them to maintain themselves by sending them to hunt, as, obviously, they would escape.
But witn the cultivation of the soil it becomes at length
possible for an individual to produce more than is necessary
for his own keep. It then becomes well worth while to make
captives. They can be compelled to toil in the fields and
produce for their masters; their escape can be prevented by
armed guards. So property, the slave and the soldier make
their advent upon the scene of events together, never to leave
it till they leave it together—when the slaves shall emancipate themselves.
Be it noted that the slave of old toiled in his master's
fields and the fruits of his toil belonged to his master, and
that the worker of today toils in his master's factory or farm,
and the fruits of his toil belong to his master. The slave of
old received for his toil enough for his own subsistence, just
what the worker of today receives at the best. The slave
was bought and sold bodily and, being so much invested
wealth, was more or less well cared for whether he worked
or nol. The worker of today sells himself from day to day,
and, being a "freeman" and nobody's property, nobody is
under any obligation to care for him or to feed him when
there is no work for him to do. The slave was generally
an unwilling slave, but the worker votes for a continuance
of his servitude. His freedom lies in his own hands, but he
refuses to be free.    Which is the baser slave?
To sum up, the savage came upon the scene endowed
with power to labor, which he applied lo the natural resources, and produced for himself wealth—articles of use
to him. The chattel slave was owned by a master, who
compelled him lo apply his labor-power to the natural resources, and took the wealth he produced. The worker of
today sells his labor-power to an employer, to whom belongs
the wealth produced by the application of that labor-power.
It is noticeable that those people among whom slavery
of one sort or another docs not exist are not very far advanced
in the arts and sciences. This would point to the fact that
slavery is essential to human progress, and such is actually
the case.
While the savage is living by fishing and hunting he
has little leisure for the pursuit of knowledge. All his time
is laken up with the economic problem, how to provide for
his wants.
When, however, the agricultural stage is reached, and
it becomes possible for an individual to live upon the fruits
of another's labor, society becomes divided into two classes,
the slaves and their masters, lhe working class and the leisured
class. This master class then has leisure to turn its attention to other things besides its immediate necessities.
Upon this basis the civilizations of the ancient world
were built. Upon the labor of slaves Babylon upraised her
temples and gardens, Egypt her pyramids and tombs, Greece
her colonades and statuary. The armies of Xerxes and
Hannibal, the mighty empire of Rome, were all maintained
out of the surplus product of vast armies of chattel slaves.
Built thus upon the backs of toiling millions, empire
after empire arose, attained its zenith and crumbled to decay,
some of them leaving scarce a trace to mark their place in
history. The course of each one was in many respects similar, and for the reason that they were slave civilizations.
Commencing as an aggregation of rude husbandmen
conquering their neighbors until, becoming great, and having
overcome all dangerous rivals the masters degenerate into a
mere horde of parasites living upon the ever-increasing
product of their slaves. Wealth tends ever to accumulate
into the hands of the most wealthy, and, as the wealthy
become fewer the slaves become more numerous, until the
disproportion becomes so great that the wealthy few, with
all their luxurious extravagance and wastefulness, are no
longer able to consume the volume of wealth, and there
are more slaves than employment can be found for. As
the slave thus becomes of little value his condition becomes
more and more precarious and miserable. Society is no
longer able to provide for the wants of the useful portion
of it, and, there being no possibility, at the time, of any new
form of society to take its place, the slave civilization perishes,
its extinction as a general rule being hastened by the inroads
of some younger and more virile race.
The fall of the decadent Roman empire marked the
dawn of a new era. For thousands of years chattel slavery
had been the only form of slavery. In endless rotation
civilizations founded upon that basis had succeeded one another, but now, at last, conditions were ripe for a change
for which these cycles of chattel slavery had been but a
The drying out of the uplands of Asia displaced the
population of that continent, and a great westward migration commenced. Goth, Frank, Vandal and Hun swept
wave on wave across Europe. Before the inrush of these
rude barbarians, Rome, already tottering, could not stand.
Gnawing at her vitals ..was the old disease common to all
slave civilizations—"where wealth accumulates and men
decay." The wealth of Rome had concentrated inlo the
hands of a very small percentage of her population; the
number of slaves was greatly out of all proportion to the
masters; their productivity beyond even the wasting capacity
of the dissolute Roman patricians. Roman society had
reached the brink of destruction. The barbarians had but
to push it over.
Western Europe, formerly one great forest, had now
become populous. The incoming races amalgamated with
the former inhabitants who had, under Roman rule, been
reduced to some semblance of order. Conditions became so
settled that it was no longer easy for a slave to escape. It
was no longer necessary to own and guard him. Therefore, gradually, a new system of slavery evolved. The slave
was attached to the land; he became a serf. His master
was now the owner of the land—the lord. The serf toiled
on his lord's land, producing wealth for him, in return for
which he was permitted to toil in his own behalf upon a
piece of land set apart for that purpose. The wealth he
thus produced was just sufficient to meet his necessities so
that he might continue to live and produce more wealth for
his lord.
The difference between the chattel slave and the serf
is more one of form than of reality. Each produced the
wealth that maintained both himself and his master. Each
received of that wealth only sufficient, at the best, to maintain him in good working condition. While the chattel slave,
being generally bought, represented so much cash laid out,
and was therefore worth taking a certain amount of care of,
the personal welfare of the serf was a matter of little concern
to the lord beyond that it was to the lord's interest to protect
him from other robbers in order that he himself might get
the full benefit of the serf's labor. The reason serfdom
displaced chattel slavery was lhat it was a more economical
and less troublesome method of exploiting the workers. The
point best worth remembering about the feudal system is
that the serf worked a part of his time for himself and the
rest of his time for his lord, much as the worker today works
a part of his working day producing his own wages and the
rest of the time producing profit for his employer.
It had taken several thousands of years of chattel
slavery to prepare the way for serfdom. And it took several centuries of feudalism to prepare the way for a new
form of society—capitalism—the kernel of which already
existed in the feudal society. While lhe agricultural districts
were under the sway of the nobility, the towns and cilies of
the Middle Ages were, to a certain extent, free from their
domination. Here were congregated the merchants, artisans
and handicraftsmen, whose interests were at all times more
or less antagonistic to those of the land-barons, who naturally
sought to place restrictions on the manufacture and marketing of the cily products. This antagonism was accentuated
by the discovery of America and of the Southwest Passage
to the Orient, and the consequent expansion of trade.
As the wealth and power of the townsmen increased,
that of the nobility decreased. The invention of gunpowder
sealed the fate of the mail clad knights and their chivalry.
The noble became a mere parasite upon society; feudalism
ran its course as other forms of society had done. It was
dying when the invention of the steam engine gave it its
death blow.
That invention threw wide the doors of opportunity to
society's new masters, the townsmen or bourgeoisie. Heretofore lhe production of articles of commerce had been carried on by hand, lhe town worker was a craftsman who
learnt his trade by a long apprenticeship, who, when he
became a journeyman, worked by the side of his master, and
had reasonable hopes of becoming himself a master. The
tools of production were yet so primitive as lo be within
the purchasing power of the thrifly workman. Land alone
was the sacred property of the ruling class.
The coming of the steam-driven engine changed all
this. The hand tool grew step by step into the gigantic set
of machines we know today. Ownership of the tools of
production became more and more of an impossibility for
the worker. The master workman left the bench for the
office; the foreman took his place. The factory called for
more labor—cheaper labor. The capitalist turned profit-
hungry eyes on the brawn of lhe agricultural districts. Serfdom stood in the way, so serfdom was abolished. The serf
was freed from his bondage to the land that he might take
on a heavier yoke, that of the factory. The factory needed
not brains, but "hands." The hands of the country yokel,
of his wife, and of his children, would serve equally as well
as those of the skilled craftsman. No apprenticeship was
needed, no training. Only "hands" with hungry stomachs
attached. The serf was not only freed from the land, he
was driven off it by the closing in of the commons and by
other measures. The freeing of the serfs was no humanitarian measure. Greed—and greed alone—was its inspiring
The conditions of the new form of slavery that has
taken the place of serfdom, and now is the form prevailing
throughout the "civilized" world, are somewhat different
from the old. *
As has been pointed out before, the essence of enslavement is that one man should be compelled to work for
others, and surrender to them the product of his toil. Wage-
slavery, the present form of servitude, fulfils this condition
exactly a? much as did chattel slavery or serfdom. The
workers of today have not an atom of claim upon the wealth
they produce. That is sufficiently self-evident to call for
no proof I And while they may not be actually compelled
to work for any given master, they must work for some
master. They are therefore slaves in the proper sense of the
word. And, indeed, the conditions of their servitude are
in the main more severe than they were under the previous
forms of slavery. They are exploited of more wealth—
that is to say, the masters obtain from their labor greater returns than did the masters under any other form of slavery.
In fact, were it not so, the other forms would be now in
existence. But no feudal serf or chattel slave can compete
with the modern wage slave at slaving. Moreover, while in
favored trades and in favored localities, the modern worker
may lead a more or less tolerable existence, the misery and
suffering prevailing in populous centres today are undeniably
worse than could have been in existence under the old forms
of slavery at their worst, for the reason that the masters of
old were, to a certain extent, interested in the welfare of their
slaves, having, directly or indirectly, a property interest in
them. The moae.n master, on the other hand, has no such
interest in his slaves. He neither purchases nor owns them.
He merely buys so much labor-power—physical energy—
just as he buys electric power for his plant. The worker
represents to him merely a machine capable of developing
a given quantity of labor-power. When he does not need
labor-power he simply refrains from buying any.
Wage slavery is the most satisfactory form of slavery
that has ever come into existence, from the point of view of
the masters. It gives them all the slaves they require, and
relieves them of all responsibility in the matter of their housing, feeding and clothing.
The capitalist class had humble enough beginnings.
Its progenitors were the bourgeois, literally townsmen, of the
Middle Ages. A part of the feudal society, they were yet,
in a way, apart from it. They were neither nobles nor
serfs, but a species of lackeys to the nobility. From them
the noble obtained his clothing and the gay trappings of his
horse; they forged his weapons and his armour, built his
castles, loaned him money. He stood to them in the relation of a consumer, and, as a consumer, he legislated, defining their markets, prohibiting them from enhancing prices,
enacting that wages should not exceed certain figures, insisting that goods should be of such and such a quality and
texture, and be sold at certain fixed prices.
Naturally these restrictions were little to the taste of
the bourgeoisie. As trade and commerce increased they
found these conditions less and less tolerable. As they grew
in wealth and influence they became less and less inclined
to tolerate them. In England they had joined with the
nobles to weaken the king, and with the king to weaken the
nobles. Finally they broke the power of both. In the name
of freedom they crushed feudalism. Bul the'freedom they
sought was a freedom that would permit them to adulterate
goods, that would allow the workers to leave the land and
move where the factories needed them, their wives, and their
While in other lands the course of the bourgeois revolution was somewhat different than in England, the result
was the same.. In France, for instance, the revolution was
pent up for so long a period that when it burst forth it
deluged the land in blood, through which the people waded,
bearing banners inscribed "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,"
to a new order wherein Liberty, Equality and Fraternity
were the last things possible.
Once freed from the fetters of feudalism the onward
march of capitalism became a mad, headlong rush. Everywhere mills, factories and furnaces sprang up. Their smoke
and fumes turned fields once fertile and populous into desolate, uninhabitable wastes; their refuse poisoned and polluted the rivers until they stank to Heaven. Earth's bowels
were riven for her mineral hoards.   Green flourishing forests
became mere acres of charred and hideous stumps. Commerce pierced all mountains, fathomed all seas, explored all
lands, disturbing the age-long sleep of hermit peoples that
they might buy her wares. Capital spread its tentacles over
all the world. Everywhere its voice was heard, crying
"Work, work, work," to the workers; "Buy, buy, buy," to
all lhe peoples.
Ages of chattel slavery were necessary to break ground
for feudalism, centuries of feudalism to prepare the way for
capitalism. In a dozen decades capitalism has brought us
to the threshold of Socialism.
Capitalism has done a great work, and done it thoroughly. It found the workers, foyhe rnp$t part, an ignorant,
voiceless peasant horde. It leaves them an organized
proletarian army, industrially intelligent, and becoming politically intelligent; it found them working individually and
with little co-ordination; it has made them work collectively
and scientifically. It has abolished their individuality and
reduced their labor to a social average, levelling their differences, until today the humble ploughman is a skilled laborer
by comparison with the mere human automata that weave,
cloths of intricate pattern and forge steel of fine temper. In
short, it has unified the working class.
It found the means and methods of production crude,
scattered and ill-ordered, the private property of individuals,
very often of individuals who themselves took a part in production; it leaves them practically one gigantic machine ol
wealth production, orderly, highly productive, economical o!
labor, closely inter-related—the collective property of
class, and of a class wholly unnecessary to production,
class whose sudden extinction would not affect the speed o(
one wheel or the heat of one furnace.
It found the earth large, with communications difficult
divided into nations knowing little or nothing of one another,
with prairies unpopulated, forests untrod, mountains unsealed; it has brought the ends of the earth within speaking
distance of one another, has ploughed the prairies, hewed
down the forests, tunnelled the mountains, explored all
regions, developed all resources; it has largely broken down
all boundaries, except on maps; it has given us an international capitalist class with interests in all lands on the one
hand, on the other, an international working class with a]
common interest the world over. I
Aristotle, with something akin to prophetic vision, laid
clown the axiom that slavery was necessary until the forces
of Nature were harnessed to the uses of Man. This has
now been accomplished and the necessity for slavery is past.
Armed with the modern machinery of production, with steam,
electricity and water power at their command, the workers,
a fraction of society, can produce more than all society can
use or waste—so much more, that periodically the very
wheels of production are clogged with the superabundance
of wealth, and industrial stagnation prevails.
In the throes of just such a period we now find ourselves,
and of one that promises to attain such proportions as to
seal the doom of capitalist society. At the very heyday of
prosperity, industry suddenly became unjointed. The wheels
of industry came to a standstill. The furnaces cooled off.
smoke ceased to belch forth to the skies, the belts ceased
their eternal round over the pulleys. The workers, from
being worked to the limit of their endurance, found themselves unexpectedly without work at all, and soon without
means of subsistence. Not here and there alone, but everywhere where capitalism rules, from all quarters comes the
same tale. Famine-stricken where food is plenty; ill clad
where clothing lacks not; shelterless among empty houses;
shivering by mountains of fuel; tramping where the car-
wheels rust. And ever the tale grows! There is no promise of alleviation, but rather portents of worse to come.
Society can no longer feed itself. When the societies
of old could no longer feed themselves they perished. And
capitalist society is about to perish. A revolution is at hand!
Another leap in the process of evolution I Society has grown
too big for its shell. It must burst that shell and step forth
a new society.
The means of wealth production are the collective
property of the capitalist class. The operation of these
means of wealth production is the collective function of the
working class. The working class, working together, produce
all wealth. The capitalists, owning the means of production,
own all the product. They allow the working class, when
working, sufficient, on the average, for their subsistence—just
what the slave owner allowed his slaves, what the feudal
lord allowed his serfs. But when the worker of today is
not working he is allowed nothing except freedom to starve.
He is the worst kind of a slave.
What stands between him and his emancipation is the
collective ownership of the means of production by the
capitalist class. If the means of production were the collective property of the working class that collectively operates them, the product would also be the collective property
of that class, and the workers would be able to individually
consume the wealth they collectively produced. They would
not need to be hungry, homeless, ragged, shivering outcasts.
The world is theirs for the taking. Presently they will be
compelled to take it. Man cannot be equalled in endurance
by any animal, but even his endurance has a limit. When
that limit is reached capitalism will be at an end; its mission
will have been accomplished to the final touch.
The economic problem, which to solve slavery had
arisen, will have been solved. Labor shall step forth free
at last from its aeons of bondage. Man shall be master of
his own destiny, able with little effort to produce all that his
heart desires, and with ample leisure to enjoy the fruits of his
handiwork and the legacies of time. The earth shall be his
and the fullness thereof. The forces of Nature his to command. The Giant Machine his tireless servitor. Speed the
While, on the industrial field, the workers have been
steadily losing ground, a new alignment of the forces has
been taking place. The battle is shifting from the industrial
to the political field.   Here it becomes a class struggle.   No
(Continued in  Next Issue)


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