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Western Clarion Feb 19, 1910

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VW-;   ;*KflHA,10   *?.*'.T8SW   am
V BrilMo Gtkmftia, Stfuntey, febniao 19. 1910.
iwthornthwaite's Final Speech on Sowser's Amendment
to the Factories Ad—Criticism of ^School Legislo-
tion—The Assessment Act.
ictoria. B. C. Feb. 12.—Tlie activ-
the Socialist members this week
expended In. amending and mak-
suggesttons to Improve Ihe Bill
-riding for the Medical Inspection of
Ola and  the  Public  Schools Act,
the standpoint of poor parents
children  attending  the  schools,
amendment to the Factories' Act
with their determined opposition.
Hawthornthwalle'a sole object In
king to amend It waa to obtain the
ortuniy to explain the true mean-
f Bowser'* action.
Monday. Feb. 7th.  Minister of
cation Young, while the Bit! for
[Medical Inspection of Schools was
ommittee.   announced   that    he
amend the Bill to meet the serl-
Dint raised by Hawthornthwaite
£e previous debate, as to (be dan-
»f allowing any other but quail-
medical  practitioner* being per-
under Iny circumstances to ex-
the children »s to mental and
leal health.   The alteration was
sfactory to the Socialist Party and
!Act went through the final corn-
be Public Schools Act was alter-
a minor respect by striking out
term "superior" as applied to the
schools and the substitution of
word 'Intermediate," by Hewthorn-
ite, as savoring less of snobblsh-
wtion 6, of the same Act was at-
■>d by Hawthornthwaite on the
that it offered opportunities for
ical graft ami favoritism on the
[of the government and their sup-
t. He moved to amend the
by striking out the words "not
ihan" and Inserting in their place
rords "equal to." The amend-
was accepted later on In the
falter the clause had been allow-
nd over. As amended It reads
Mows: 'To tbe Municipal Cor-
Jon of any Municipality whose
of School Trustees shall pro-
suitable accommodation In con-
wlth the school or schools units jurisdiction tot instructon In
I tralnglng, there shall be grant-
Bun "equal to" three-fourths of
Initial amount expended for
necessary benches, tool*, materials
[other equipment required.
10, was severely criticised by
lallsU. supported by tha Ltb-
on the (round that it allowed
■ers to hold third-class certificates
flfe, thus removing spy incentive
oprovement, and as unfair to
in Who had gained higher grade
Bcates. Aa things always worked
lender the present., administration
nfcrlor teachers would be left in
Ipirnl districts and a low stand-
education become permanent,
pffqrts to alter the clause were,
ver, Ineffectual.
Wednesday, Hayward, of Cow-
moved to amend the Bill as fol-
"Section 23 (c)   Nothwllhstand-
ly provisions contained In sec-
|23 of this Act, the ratepayers of
jjrural school district, within the
limalt and Nanaimo Railway Belt,
, at the annual school meeting, de-
f to supplement the teacher's sal-
, it appears in the Provincial Es-
jtea by voting to raise by local as-
Bent such sums as they may think
er    Williams    attacked      the
ndment.    He did not understand
^hat method of argument the am-
pent could be supported.   In deal-
rith the School Act the govern-
had assumed full reBponsiblllty
he schools ln the K. & N. Railway
i and for good reasons. In the oast
[south Oyster school districts tn
rn constituency, there wero two
pis three miles apart, and about
[acres of land paying no taxation
Ichool purposes.   Two years ago
a party had endeavored to purchase
tbe lands and had not succeeded, they
being withheld from the market. The
E. A X. Belt was thus on a different
basis to the rest of the province. Hayward had at last discovered that It
was Impossible to get satisfactory
teachers at the government salary and
would solve the difficulty by permitting
the local people to assess themselves.
Why did be go and expect tbe farmers
to lake part of the bill the government
intended to discharge? He virtually
supported his party against his district in so doing. The government
should be fran': and say whether they
intended to pay the bill or not. It
would be a more manly part and more
satisfactory to him (Parker Williams)
if the government disclaimed all responsibility than to retain it and pay
the teachers insufficient salaries. All he
world knew that Hayward was after a
cabinet position and a petition bad
been circulated in Ladysmith and
along tbe E. A N. for that purpose,
which he (Williams), had refused to
sign. Hayward realised that ihe government would not pay a fair salary
to teachers, and refused to Jeopardise
his chances for that cabinet job by
taking up the cudgels for the teachefs,
and the people of bis own district.
That waa practically all there was to
the matter. He (Williams) would give
a good deal to stand with him before
tbe people of his (Hayward's) district,
and thrash It out. He would still Insist that the government retain the
full responsibility of paying the school
teachers salaries ln the E. & N   Belt
The position taken by Williams was
further supported by Brewster and
llawlhornthwa'te, in active debate
which space forbids to recount and the
amendment finally passed, only the Socialists and Liberals voting against it.
The Assessment Act was criticised
adversely by the Socialists on tbe
ground that the relief of taxation was
proportionately greater for the rich
taxpayers than for the poor ones, Hawthornthwaite finally seeking to amend
•t by exempting all Incomes under ti.-
000 dollar* from income tax. The Attorney-General took it under consideration but finally aaserted that it was
"Class legislation" of the worst Und,
and the amendment was defeated, only
Hawthornthwaite, Williams and Brewster voting for It, Jardine being absent.
On Monday end Tuesday, Feb. 7 and
8th, the Socialist* expended themselves In condemning Bowser's amendment to the Factories' Act, prohibiting Inspectors from giving evidence in
civil suits for damages. The Socialists were backed up by the Liberals,
and as the same argument* were repeated as reported ln last weeks Clarion it Is not necessary to repeat them.
An amendment by Hawthornthwaite
to preface the Bill by tne words "If
the trial judge ao orders," was defeated on Monday, but be brought It
again on Tuesday when the Bill was in
the report stage (as allowed by the
House rules), and carefully rehearsed
the whole history of the laws affecting compensation for death or injuries and incidentally effectively replying to Bowser, who on Monday, on
the strength of having obtained the individual approval of a member of the
deputation ot the Trades and Labor
Council from Vancouver for his Bill,
bad deliberately told the House that
the Trades and LsJbor Council had endorsed tho Bill, and triumphantly
claimed for himself the endorsallon
of labor, as against Hawthornthwaite
and the Socialist Parly.
Nothing Doing.
February lftth, 1910.
To-day saw the opening of tbe Provincial Legislature of Alberta. Tbe
assembly Is composed of' Liberals, 37;
Conservatives, 2; Independent (?) 1;
Socialist, 1. The Government benches
are fairly full, both Conservatives and
the Independent member are also present The Socialist f(r)actlon is not In
its place, that is nothing to be won*
dered at, for lt was well known that
a large number of ladies would be
present, and we arc quite aware of
Charlie's bashfulness. His (O'Brien's)
chair is placed immediately behind
that of the leader of the Oposition, and
ls significantly close to tbe main entrance and exit
After the reading of tbe King's
speech. Premier Rutherford moved tbe
election of the Standing House Committee, and then moved the adjournment. Before the question was put,
however, Bennett (C.) gave notice that
he will on Tuesday next ask the Gov-
ernmenf the following questions:
1. Has tbe guarantee of the Province been endorsed upon the bonds
of a New Tork Railway Co. since the
last meeting of the legislature?
2. If so, for what companies?
3. In respect of how many miles of
railway of each company?
4. For how much per mile?
5. At what rate of interest?
6. For what amount in tbe aggregate?
7. How many miles of railway in
respect of which bonds have been
guaranteed have been constructed and
by what companies?
House adjourned till 3 p.m., February 11th.
February 11th.
O'Brien (S.) has token the oath of
offlce and is comfortably esconced in
bis chair. Bennet (C.) leader of the
Opposition, is absent, thus giving
O'Brien a straight line to the speaker's
eye. Nothing occurred, however, sufficiently of importance to induce
O'Brien to take a standing position in
tbe business of the day.
The Orders for the day was as follows:     Presenting  petitions
Who has introduced an amendment to
the Coal Mines Regulation Act
in the Alberta Legislature
n '   ■ 4
How the Cunning British Capitalist, Under the Pretense
of Solving Unemploymeni is Turning it to His Own
lng of the various committees) Government notices of motion, motions,
Government motions, public bills and
orders. Motions other than Government motions, private bills.
The committees were named for the
following purposes: On privileges and
elections, on railways, miscellaneous
private bills, standing orders, public
accounts, printing, municipal law. legal
bills, and on agriculture and colonization. Com. O'Brien was named for the
following committees: Miscellaneous
and private bills committee and legal
bljls committee.
J. R. Boyle (L.) gave notice that be
would on Tuesday move for all papers,
orders in council, agreements, specified plans, profiles and location plans
of the railway be laid on the table,
and tbat he will ask the Government
questions regarding the subscribed and
paid up capital of the company; what
price was paid for the bonds, and
what was the total amount realized,
reading j and also whether a government engi-
and receiving petitions, presenting re-1 neer had been appointed to inspect the
ports by Standing and Select Commit-, route of the road. Adjourned till Mon-
tees.     (This   last  Included  the  nam-  day. February lt. BLAKE.
Bowser   Answered.
The Attorney-General moved the til-
option of the report on the Act to
amend the Factories Act.
Hawthornthwaite again moved his
amendment to precede the amending
(Continued- en Page 4)
Verily the heart of capital melteth
with charity and the benevolence
thereof spreadeth abroad.
The Canadian Pacific Railway Company has long been known as aa institution, the sole purpose of which is to
bestow Job* copiously upon, and make
glad the hearts of the people. But
previous efforts of its lovable nature
are now to be thrown dismally into the
shade. Sir Thomas Shaughneesy has a
scheme. A scheme crowned with affection for the poor, and clothed in
shimmering robes of generosity. Let
us be brief:
By the will of Gog and a Conservative Government, or vice versa, the
C. P. R. Is possessed of many fertile
acres of prairie, which have long been
the abode of the lean coyote and the
ungentle billiard. And now Sir
Thomas, by and with the consent of
the most honorable, tbe Board of Directors , comes forward wltb a proposition whereby this same fertile expanse ls to be dotted with the happy
homes of a prosperous and contented
people. The usual Immigration procedure is to be departed from—that of
turning a hungry and pertinacious
horde of Job hunters loose into a country from whence some might quickly
emigrate again—and a system adopted
calculated to put the newcomer on the
land and keep him there.
The now Idea ls to select rural residents of Britain having a few hundred
pounds each, hitherto guarded from
1 tho encroachments of capital—dazzle
them with promises of Canadian
v ,.ith awaiting accumulation, thus
enticing them to Cnnada to be further
operated upon. The money they have
Is to be removed for transportation,
for the purchase of stock "on terms"
and for machinery which the machine
companies will also obligingly let go
"on terms." Tbe land is to be paid
for out of future crops—Oh, magnanimity! thou art a holder of C. P. R.
The settlers, then, are bound to be
the "wards" of the company. That is,
there will be no escape. Their little
savings, which they "invest" wlll be
the means of chaining them to the
location is wpTcb ihey are placed, and
-be "terms" of their settlement: will
force them to pay tribute Indefinitely
to tbe owners ot capitalist property.
Thus tbe C. P. R. will be assured of
permanent revenue-producing residents on Its land and a resultant
stream of wealth constantly flowing
into Its capacious coffers. Of course,
a settler or so may, at the age of
eighty-three, be able to retire to Slim-
vale, Sask., there to enjoy the reward
of virtue, watching with dizzy delight
the trains arrive and depart.
However, come what may, they will
lie happy in the thought that they will
be the "partners" of a great corporation. Partners! The very word is
a caress. A partnership In which you
do the work and I collect the funds.
You drink alkali water and eat canned
horse, while I attend club banquets
and, * under the Influence of vintage
rare, dilate mellifluous]}' upon "our
The "Company "—when I think of
what we would be without It, a large
tear wanders on to the bridge of my
nose and leans disconsolately against
the railing, the while a lump like a
nickel's worth of gum wells up between my teeih.
There is one consolation, the seeds
of Revolution that are sure to be "colonized" iu this scheme, will thrive
lustily in the frost-laden zephyrs that
breathe upon the plains.
Any wagemule who still doubts our
statement to the effect that he, in common with all other mules of his
species, is merely a more or less animated parcel of labor power (tbe degree of animation depending upon the
amount of sowbelly and greens be is
habitualy enabled to stow in hi* breadbasket) should be handed a copy of
the cable reports just to hand, concerning the system of labor exchanges
inaugurated in Great Britain since the
elections. What a munificent lemon
to hand the crop of suckers who reelected the Asq*-rith-Burns-"f«|aeer"
Hardie-Lloyd George combination!
What a bouquet! We presume the
loyal British subjects who remained
true to their "glorious traditions'* are
at present singing, with tears of maudlin joy (beer is cheap in Great Britain)
trickling down the emaciated cheeks,
"Britons Never Shall Be Slaves!"
What the devil is this Labor Exchange business, anyhow? Why, you
mutt, it's going to> do away with the
unemployed (Oslerize them, I guess).
A total of 250 exchanges have been
opened up to date. That means, on a
basis of ten managers, clerks, straw
bosses, etc., at each place, a total of
2,500 fat government jobs. Now subtract that 2,500 from the several million who go to make up the unemployed army. Quite an item! At that rate
we'll see the end of the unemployed
problem about six months after old
Gabriel gets through blowing his horn
to awaken the wage slaves who have
been planted in tbe meantime.
What's tbat? Well, Socialists are
wet blankets. Some wild-eyed galoot
has just suggested that the fat jobs
will be held down by those who have
been useful in "delivering the goods"
in the shape of the votes of the aforementioned suckers. The naughty
"chronic kickers!"
But let us see! These exchanges
are to serve as markets for parcels of
labor power (wage mules). Now we
begin to see the light! A sign wlll be
stuck up on the entrance, "Labor power for sale in bales to suit the buyer.
Sellum Velly Cheapee," or something
to that effect, Or, "Great clearance
sale of wage mules. Must be all disposed of before they starve. Fifty
per cent, discount for cash. Bales are
in all sizes, genders aad colors to suit
buyer." Now, I call that just too
sweet for anything! These generous
masters of ours! After all the hard
names we've called them, too! How
Well, all unemployed bundles of labor power (wage mules) are to register at the nearest exchange. (We
presume a ring, bearing a number,
will be welded in the nose of each, but
upon this point the cable Is strangely
silent.) Attached to each of the ten
divisions into which the country will
be split will be a divisional clearing
house (the very thing! "Clearing
house for unemployed labor power,"
broken down wage mules!), which will
be in direct communication with the
central celaring house in London.
(Somehow I like the sound of that
I word "clearing house." Has. a business like riijg!) Do you need any
further proofs that wage mules are
.commodities,    "things,"   bought   and
sold like cabbage,
potatoes or sexual
If so, here we have them. "Suppose
a builder in Sheffield requires 300
(bales of labor power) men. He communicates his requirements to the
nearest exchange • • • and
the demand is speedily supplied." He
goes to the 'phone and the following
conversation takes place: "Hello!
Hello! This the Manchester Exchange?"
" Tis."
"Got lots of 'hands' (not men) In
"Hands galore."
"Well, send up 300 by freight at
The hands (bale* of labor powerY
are hustled Into cattle cars and rushed,
to the spot.
And right here is where tbe fine,
hand of the beneficent guardian of public morals comes in. Listen—If you're,
"broke" your fare will be paid for you.
(Now I call that downright generous!)
But wait! That would pauperise the.
"self-respecting Bitish" object whose,
pockets are empty (his head ditto) and
who is trying to sell himself as a,
"thing," a "hand." So in order to,
avoid such dire results the "hand" a*
compelled to refund the fare from the
meagre price that he receives for his
services as a "thing." Generous!
Well, I guess! It's got that yarn
about the widow's mite skun to a fragile and then some!
But, seriously, do any of you mutts
suppose for a holy minute that the-
masters purpose doing away with one
of the most useful of the many institutions that they make use ot to-day-
no unemployed army? This reserve
army is just as necessary to tbe upholders of the "sacred rights of property" as are Dreadnoughts, militia, police, tentorial armies, etc. It Is by
means of the unemployed that the masters render our unions obsolete, or, at
best, merely social clubs. It is by
using this reserve army as a club over
our stomachs that they hammer the-
standard of living of the workers low-.
er and lower. The unemployed defeat-
'ts in strikes, cut down our rations of
sowbelly. It is an institution as sacred
as the rights of property and must be
The unemployed problem is unsolv-
able under the sway of capital. Jo
solve it you must tear out the roots oi
capitalist society. This the master*
certainly will not do. Why should
they? This you must do; you, the
"thing" bought and sold in the market. If you don't do it yourself you
will rot in the price of your own misery- So you had better get a wiggle
on you.
The Labor Exchange scheme is a solution that doesnt solve. And the
same applies to all capitalist pretences
at doing away with any of tbe eon*
nomic chains that, bind us to the grind-,
stone. The masters take up these,
schemes to keep you quiet. Their hypocritical solicitude in your behalf.
around election time is equalled o*J**
by their utter indifference as to yonr
conditions once they are safe in the,
saddle again. They bave refined hypocrisy .down to a science. They have
piled outrage upon outrage and then,
shed crocodile tears over our miseries
and told us to "trust in Jesus" and all
will be well. ,
Tet there are those who claim to
be Socialists who would compromise
with these hell bounds. There are
some (few in Canada, praise de Lawd)
who would have the Socialist Party rescind its position on the class struggle. There are some who tell us It Is
unchristian to hate pur masters; the
seducers of our daughters, wives and
mothers; slaughterers of babes, and
masters in the art of disembllng.
Unchristian?   So be it.   It matters-
naught to us.    Call  it anything you
like.   Our motto is, "No compromise;
no political trading and more power
to your hatred of your masters."
We "Reds" are working for Revolution. Nothing short of that will satisfy. Nothing short of Revolution wilt
solve the unemployed problem and
tbe numerous other problems that confront the workers to-day. 8o let it
come and let it be hot—for the masters. We have no fear of the result.
We've have nothing to lose and there
is a world to gain.
SATURDAY, PIMUARV  itth,  1»10.
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■H    nest
SATURDAY,  FEBRUARY  19th, 1910.
That human nature cannot be changed Is one ot the favorite axioms of the
age and probably it has done duty in
•every age. Of course like most axioms
Ht contains not an atom of truth, but
that is a mere detail. The fact that
it is very convenient is sufficient reason for its acceptance and perpetuation. A socialized society, we are
told, would require a change in human
nature, which is anatomically impossible, and, inferentially, undesirable.
The idea seems to be that the habits and peculiarities of to-day, termed
human nature, are as they always
■were. But thank the Gods, it isn't
quite as bad as that. The present
brand of human nature is of quite recent origin, and there is reason to
hope it won't last long. For it is certainly a most unlovely variety.
Look at its completest expression,
the bourgeoisie. Are they not inimitable. Human nature? It is huckster
nature. Not only do they lie and
swindle and cheat. Not only, doing
these thingB, do they pretend to and
exalt honesty, respectability, piety, sobriety, fidelity and all the other virtuosities. Their business calls for a
happy union of unscrupulous villany
-with unblemished repute. But in addition they actually deceive themselves
Were they to be merely scoundrelly and
Tejoice in lt; were they to make a
wirtue of thievery like the Spartans
•were they to glory in their cunning
nnd deceit; we might, while detest
ing them, perhaps a little, respect
them. But we can do nothing but des
pise them when they attempt to do
these things behind their own backs.
When they possess consciences with
-which to compromise at every turn.
When they believe in truthfulness,
frankness, honesty and incorruptibility While lying, diasumulation, thievery and venality are their daily practices. To pretend to such principles
would be not so bad. It would be merely attributable to their method of gaining a livelihood. But to actually believe in them is surely the limit of absurdity .
Really, if there is no hope of changing or exterminating a human nature
-such as this, the sooner Halley's comet gets action on us with tbat tall full
of meat preservatives the better for
all concerned.
Happily if there Is such a quantity
ns human nature, the one fixed fact
ascertainable about It is .ts.complete
-lack of fixity. It varies with time and
-place, creed and race. The cannibal
'king might plead that it was human
nature for bis tribe to eat "long pig."
The Moslem might advance tbe same
defense for bis four wives; the Him
nlayan woman for her seven husbands;
the Kaffir for bis nudity and the New
Bnglander for modestly putting trousers on table-legs.
Yesterday, serfdom and the divine
tight of kings was ta accord with human nature; the day before it was chattel slavery and tbe divinity of the "pa-
ter-famallas;" to-day It is wage-slavery'
-nnd the god-given regency of Baer.
Human nature, la truth, I* the child
-of the mode of production.   As that
changes the ideas and ldiosyncracles
of the race change.   That meanwhile
there remains an appearance of fixity
Is due largely to the fact that the
"names of things.and institutions are
frequently perpetuated after their ori-
.-stud meaning has been modified or
'. loot.   Truth and falshood, justice and
injustice, liberty and oppression, piety
' mid blasphemy, mean one thing ln one
'"TgmVat of society, another,    often the
*"-~f~ety reverse, in another. The honored
'institutions of one age are loathsome
practices to another.   The sedition of
yesterday ls the law of tomorrow.
Tbe capitalist Institutions of the present, to the defence of which press
nnd pulpit rally, will in the near fu
tore be the execration of all men. Present ideals of success and Incentives
to effort will be regarded with scorn
as toe most mean and sordid in history. Human nature) with an equitable change in the mode of production will change for the better. New
hopes higher ideals, nobler incentives,
will Inspire the race, as the innate decency of humanity is allowed room to
manifest itself.
Who's a foreigner, anyhow? We true
Britons, of coare, are not. Wherevet
we go we have a happy faculty of regarding the natives as foreigners.
Which says a great deal for our good
opinion of ourselves, though it doesn't
say much to warrant that opinion.
When we come to Canada we naturally consider immigrants from other
shores as foreigners, though we are
immigrants ourselves. But more than
that, we look upon the native-born
Canadians as foreigners also, though in
a lesser degree, they being sufficiently
intelligent to speak a kind of English.
The deficient English of the non-lirlt-
ish foreigner is a never ending source
of amusement to us and clear evidence
of his stupidity and ignorance, despite
th fact that generally we cannot ourselves speak a word of any language
but our own.
In point of fact, however, the less
the Canadian worketjB have to say
about ignorance the better. Here education is at a pretty low ebb. From
the university to tbe country school
Canada is very much behind the ignorant foreigners, many ot whom can
speak or understand two or three
languages and nearly all of whom, except those bred under the benign Influence of the "Uttle.Father." have a
more or less sound grip of general
knowledge, as knowledge goes in a
capitalist society. While in Canada
even the finished products of the universities, If they are characterized by
anything more than their priggiahness.
it In by their dense ignorance even of
the variety of learning they are supposed to admire. As for the workers,
they are so little removed from illiteracy, tbat it is rather ln spite of, than
because of the'r education, that they
ever learn anything of consequence be-
yoHd the gentle art of delivering up
their labor power. In the case of the
high schools, the best that can be said
of them is that they are excellently
calculated to serve the ends of commerce by turning out a plentiful supply
of cheap counter-jumpers and Ink-slingers equipped with capitalist minds
perfectly Impervious to an idea.
Nothing more -Significant of the
petty and picayunish character of Canadian pedagogy could be adduced than
the fact that its sole advance has been
towards an easier method of teaching
the alphabet.
AS capital Increase*, capitalists decrease As job* become'fewer, laborers become more numerous. An the
standard of living Is lowered, the
standard of revolt Is raised.
As np.tion after nation enters the
field of capitalist prcducilon. the workers are forced to compete, in the sal;1
of Iheir labor power, not on'y with
neighbors, but with workers In other
lands, and with workers of a lower
standard of life. Ever their position
as .-tellers of labor power becomes
more hopeless, their foothold more insecure. Ever more pressing becomes
the necessity for removing their labor
power from the category of commodities.
To accomplish that but one way offers. By virtue of their ncn-ewner-
ship of the means of life are they
compelled to sell their labor power.
Only by acquiring that ownership can
they hope to apply that power lor their
own advantage. Only thus can they
achieve their freedom, for to toil at
■.mothers' behest and (or another's benefit is the essence of cuslavement.
appears to, me that Untermann lakes
a single process and calls It production.
This would not be correct. The baker
no.more produces bread than the coal-
miner produces coal. They each perform a necessary act In the social production of these two commodities, and
In the uei-rt>ruuince of that act expend
on these coirVmo' "es a portion of ,hc-
socially necessary labor time em' j-(.
led In them, and which deter- ne>
their value. TUty compliment e-.h
other in production, the baker assitu
ing the coal miner, and vice-versa;
both depending on the other divisions
of the working class which are lu
turn supplement*-"', by each other and
by them.   This makes the workers lu
n. ■  p
.». .uld
e/ the  Soctslist  "artr  el
r-m a  card under  lit*  bead
.vx-reurie. plaaat no**
semsiiii nnawiBtif ooi___ _... ..
foetal! it Pnrij* o'.' Canada. Meets
e *r<* rc-'i-t-i.te Mot-day. D. O. Mc-
Ken-U- Soorotary. Bos 114, Vancouver.
n. c
Sentimentalists, idealists, politicians and pyrotechnic orators may decry and lament the "continual grind
of economics," but outside of economics, the Socialist movement and
philosophy has no foundation.
Its bedrock ls the commodity nature
of labor power. Thence lt rises in an
uninterrupted and co-ordinate series
of steps to its natural consequence, the
social rev .utlon.
Once It is realized that the worker's labor power, his physical energy,
is a commodity, a ware, a thing of
purchrse and sale, it necessarily follows that in It* removal from the category of commodities alone lies there
any solution for the problem tbat insistently confronts blm.
Because bis labor power is a commodity. It Is subject to tbe laws of
the market and ts sold at or about
Its value—that Is, for a price sufficient for blm to purchase food, clothing and shelter sufficient to reproduce
Because, wheh sold, it belongs to tbe
purchaser, bis employer; its product
also belongs to him,
Because, applied to the raw materials, the resources of the earth,
through tbe* medium of modern machinery, It produces wealth far In excess of the price paid for labor power, the commodities produced tend to
accumulate in greater and ever greater
quantities, the purchasing power of
the laborers, tbe vast majority, being
totally inadequate to repurchase tbe
product of their toll.
Because commodities thus accumulate, production must be restricted,
and purchasing power further curtailed, necessitating a further restriction
of production, and a further curtailment of purchasing power, and so on,
until tbe accumulated product shall
nave been gradually scattered to the
ends of the earth and absorbed in the
development of one enterprise and another.
Periodically this recurs, and wltb
each period the new territory that affords the ground for recovery becomes
more restricted, on tbe other hand
the productivity of the workers becomes more enhanced, and tbe disparity between their productivity and
their purchasing power more marked.
Every discovery, every advance,
every invention makes the workers
poorer, the capitalists wealthier, and
brings the capitalist system tbat much
nearer bankruptcy.
It is a matter of resret with me.
shared, 1 have r.o doubt, by many of
the Clarion readers, that the editor
and Mr. McDonald (I missed Issue of
Jan. 22nd) were content to deny that
Karl Marx laid a groundwork on which
Com. Untermann might bul'd his
theory of exploitation ln consumption.
I am not at Marxian scholar, I never
found leisure to achieve that coveted
advantage, therefore 1 leave Marx to
Untermann/ the editor, and Mr. McDonald; believing that the laat two,
with a faithful translation, might familiarise themselves with Marx's
views, and be as competent to interpret them as even the eminent translator. And. while I'cannot determine
whether Com. Untermann has been
faithful to Marx or not, I may express
the hope that, for Marx's sake, he has
With the record of brilliant service
to the Socialist movement that Is unquestionably Untermann's, he seems
unable to see from the proletarian
viewpoint. And this inability, shared
by most of the "leading lights" on this
the "American" side of the line, is
responsible for the bitterness with
which the whole "intellectual group"
is being pursued, and Its domination
of the party resented. This claim
to a monopoly of intellect is absurdly
presumptions, and lt tends to bring
the term "intellectual" into such disrepute that while, as an adjective, it
is rather complimentary, as a noun, tt
is quite the reverse, carrying a suggestion of a high brow, due less to
intelligence than to conceit.
Comrade Unterman's contention is
a complete denial of the class struggle,
the foundation of which rests the
whole Socialist philosophy, at least, as
I understand it.
With the conception that In the purchase of the stew 1 have Just eaten,
tbe paper that I am using, tho pencil
with which I am writing, and the tobacco I am smoking, I have been exploited, as well as being exploited tn
tbe sale of the labor-power used In
forwarding the freight I handled all
day, I am at a loss to determine from
which direction I am most violently
attacked; I am undecided whether I
should hand my protest over the grocer's counter, the butcher's block, or
the paymaster's desk. In the butcher's
shop I rub shoulders with the grocer,
the capitalist by whom I am employed,
and Pierpont Morgan, and we have a
common cause—being common victims
of a common exploitation—ln curtailing the butcher's prices, even if we
must go Into politics together to do It.
Afterwards we could tackle the grocer
and this time the butcher would be
with us. Each of these two would
have changed sides in defense of his
material Interest. Bat Morgan, my
employer and myself baring an Identity of Interest would preserve "our"
political organization until we bad succeeded in legislating "reasonable"
prices all along the line from tbe consumer's point of view. Wben an adjustment of prices satisfactory to-tbe
consumer bad ben secured R might
dawn, I fear It would, on my erstwhile
friends, may capitalist and Pierpont,
that with tbe decrease ln the price of
other commodities the cost of producing labor-power had fallen and they
might demand a reasonable price for
that commodity also, 'from tbe consumers point of view." At the end of my
activity I would be rewarded with
what I bad already had—a living—Id
exchange for my labor power, and perhaps a realisation that I was meddling
with what did not concern me, to the
neglect of my own affairs.
It is unnecessary to more than mention tbe Impossibility of legislating
prices, or tbe improbability of anything
of the kind being attempted.
Worthy of note too, Is tbe fact that
tbe large aggregations of workingmen.!
now presenting their demands on their
employers are seeking raises In pay,
contending tbat the prevailing high
prices Justify the Increases demanded.
Does Comrade Untermann see tbe
class character of modern production?
I would not willingly misunderstand
him, but if he does, I have failed to
grasp him. I may not have, what Gribble terms tbe "mathematical mind," It
lhg class production
The vast army of the \ ..■•id"-, worker*, engaged ln taahionluK and l> -iir-n*.
to their destination (thi conn tner),
the things that constitute the wu Id's
wealth, work tor wages. That is to a; y.
In all tne ramifications of modern bra
dUCtlon, wage-labor Is incorpori img
values in excess of Its wage, sud Its
products go forth from lis ha.-J- vltfi
thi* two elements of paid and u , a I
labor time In them. The sum cf t**es*
two is what determines the' ■ , * ntion
to all other commodities-' tn.' ex
change value.
If   wages   fii'l.   the  labor 'tne   wll*
still be the determining fjicti,  In -.•*«
change,'but th * DeJ-J l« wpr-tttDe would
diminish,  and  the      ,   ut  labor-time
would increase, and with "   *•*■ *->lum«
surplus values (profit-1     iV     It na
turally follows that It I- in  U .<  in
terest of those who bear ,i< b> itM ut:
paid labor-time to 'ncre-iM ti.
It is agreed that w»i*>*s uf* ti -er-
mined by the cc ' o' prodtwl) . thf
laborer I.e. tbat is nt cat jl « biis-
tence and reproduction ecscyi Has vo an
historic staiidni"' To Ie sen G -it cost
no surer way can N f* ird ths:- tr.
lower his standard ot li- and, *-th
the acceptance by the wnrk- lionV
rade Untermann's theory, io * ay that
will meet with less resist mee. If the'
price of the commo.iit■'■•» ibM C* 'ei
into the make-up oi ihe wurfcera' living standard g<- aj>. Without a co npen-
sating increas.' la Uis r re, he pluck
es and scrap*«. dlain-.h-- with this
that, and tb s -ji . tiling which h«
has lilthertt rui'Side'l n.> ui rnJiai*«&-
sibte necess.i > 'e Icwrr* ,ils >t.&inl
ard, lessens bis mat jf pro Jut tlon,
diminishes th. rrea.-ve o' paid yxbo\
time and increi -a 'f,*» volume of pro-
fits. In the cta*h f nsss i it "rests,
capital has scored a vrtoi, ovdr tabor.
The workers rellnr,u:*L < Is hold be-
grudgiugty and iuoi'kI »> ey »on»
times hearken in gixat u >-t-ers to
some blatent Ignoramus am .it some
such ridiculous antics as tin- present
"meat strike" their sanity returns, or
their native Instinct asserts i" r.r.d
as tbe railroad men and coa. c i-.n-
are now doing, they seek a larger envelope at the pay window.
Socialists -with whom I have talked
here, while upholding that the consumer Is exploited, decry the "me.it
strike." Yet it would seem to me to
be the logical thing to do und' ju-'h
circumstances. If you are the vtct'iu
of exorbitant prices at the hands of
unscrupulous sellers, declare a boycott—get Justice—as when you fti'l
that you are exploited excessive'v n
the sale of lal->r-power you strlk •■ lor
a better price. It Is, under Unicr-
manne theory, logical.   Why not?
Again can the monopolists dl*f "
the prices of their commoi.ities *
does the market dictate them. If
dictate, then the meat boycott has
no meaning. It has—but let Charle>
O'Brien, M.P P. deal with that. It is
bis specialty.
Comrade Untermann,   one   of   t
wise men of tbe   party   of   workii'
class   emancipation   inculcating   'J <
minds of the workers with a doctrii i
tbat prompts them to voluntarily low "-
their living standard, Is a sorry w ' •
cle. And  those,  who with  him lu e
beld  and  preached  the  dootriuo    f
exploitation In    consumption,   ca.   <»
shirk responsibility for the pitiful i.peo
tacle of a nation-wide agitation o   ■»-*•'
denial,to no purpose, save only to ex-
blbit to tbe world the uenul po ai ty
of American labor.
Untermann's theory, superficial and
plausible, Is tbe last hope of the bourgeoisie. Wltb It they may be able to
enlist the support of the workers to
secure a little longer lease of life for
tbe system tbat enslaves, and tortures, and plunders labor. All our force,
every last atom of our strength must
be used to combat this fallacy.
Workers of America, of the world,
we produce as a class, we are robbed as the producing class, let us face
that robbery as a class. We need
fear no entangling alliances, all will
be opposed to us. We will then have
running orders on a clear track to the
co-operative commonwealth.
I almost forgot to say I am going te
make tlms to study Marx, and find out
for myself what he said. Do you, dear
reader, do likewise.
oFeaeed'to answer any communlcatlone
ragartllng tbe movement In th* urov-
inT.   oatoby.    too. Boa     «4?     Calgary, Alto.
VAVXTOBA  .   _._
tlv-i I'ommltUe. Meets flrst and third
Mo.iduya of every month. Jubilee Hall.
.-.-rii-'r of King and Alexander The
ififfl.i» will bo pleaaed to furnUh
an/ Inr< rmatlun and an«wer any cor-
rt."<-i'>«d'>iH'« relative to th* nuivomon*
". .'uin mi'|« 'taania-1. W II M.Mnni.
S*t . -.un- • t.»'lu Court, Winnipeg . man
oirtnaio x-noYWCiAi. ■saonrrrn
C'nmmlttee. Meeta in l.nlx-r Trntplr. im
Church St.. Toronto, on let and 3rd
* tdnndaya. Organiser. W. Urlbble, 114
Hocarth Ave, Toronto. P. C. Young,
-Secretary. 110 Hap* Ave.
s-ocAi.    utiutoxi,    nc.s.1- c
Propaganda and buuine** rn.-.-tlt,,-'"~T
I p.m. every Sunday eventna It" ut;
Edition Parlor Theatre. Hp.'uk,.,
pa-mint- throush Revel-ttoke „',,. ' '"
vtted to attend. B. K. dayman, s--,'
tary.    W. W. Lefeaux. Orsanlzor     *
■ja-aw •*-*-»■■*-•»-■ mm. IU, U.  ». Of
O. B-Mlneaa meeting* every 8alur,u,
1 pm. In headnearter- on Kin,t A**»
U »... William, sec., Udya-nith, h   * *
x-ooax. win, a. a, vo. so— -am
every hunday f:SS p.m. In McO-ncb!
Hall i Miner's Hallf. Mrs. ThorXv
Hecretarv *»•
bobBubb, are. as, a. s>. or n
iii-*-.i» In Mln«r»' Hall every Sunday --
K  Cssr**-*-
•aa wvmry OUIKUt  at
r.   m.      K   Ce-apbrll, Secy.,   p  TT
71.     Rowland   Finnish   Branca
i In Klnlanders' Hall, Sundaya \Z
p. m.   A. Sebblo, Secy.. P. -/flS
Til Rowland. B. C.
t:ii „ .
Bos   174.
.___ JsT. m. 9. OV 0, Mian
Krlday evening a: I pm Z
• Hail N*lsoit B. C. ™ "J
Organiser; 1. A. Austin, Secy
Committee, Socialist Party of
Meet* every eecond and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKinnon e. Cot togs Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary. Bos II, Olace Bay, *>. S.
gtm. x. s. ». o»
Canada. '"Baata*** ^^
Tuesday evening at heedo
Wgett.   Store,   l»t   He-el'?/"
r/Krry. seoretary. Bos SIC
x-ooax. pxfourax. so. a. s. p. or a.
meet*) every Sunday at a.lu p m TJ
Mlnore' Hall. Matt Hall-lay. o..-,in
Iter     H.  K. MaclnnU. Secretary
UMAX. -PAX-BAST, AX.TA., MO. 4, S. ».
of C. Meetlnse every Sunday at -
p.m. In the Labor Hall, Barber llluck.
Klahtit Ave. K (near poaloffloe) <?lub
and  Headlns  Room.     t.«l>«.-   li.    n   -,
Mcl.tau.     Box lit.    Secretary,   a     m.c
duuald. Organiser.    Box 147.
A4KLAX. BBX-X-Xr-rVm, AMA- MO. la. a
P of C,  meet* every  drat and third
Sunda** evening!, Bellevue Town H»u
tinge    every
unrtere. ovo-r
St.  W.  ,
Meeta every Sunday night In Um
Minora' Hall and Opera House at I
p.m. "everybody welcome. Soclall**
speabere or* Invited to coll. U. 1.
South, Seoy.
B Q^ f/0, 40.
Planish. Moots every second and
fourth Thursday* In the month at ill
Hastings St. "rV.   Secretary. Win   Mynttt
_^^_^^^^__ ro. a. b. p. ep a
Headquarters aad Reading Room.
Room 1. Eagle Building. Ill* Government St Bualneee mooting every
Tuesday •venlng, I p.m. Propomnda
meetlnse every Sunday at Orand
Theatre.     K.   Thomas.   S**rr«Uiy.
I'-OOAX. VAXtAXMO, MO. S. U. P. of O,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
In Korestem Halt. Buelness mooting
at T:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 1:00 o'clockl
Jack  Place.  Roc  Secy..  Box  IIS.
x-ooax, n»sto*Toxf, ax-ia. vo. i. a
P. of C. Headquarters Ut First 8L.
Buatresa nnd propaganda • meetlnfi
ever/ Thursday at 718 pm. .hir*.
Our Roadlr.s; Room Is open to tbe pas-
lie free, from 1* am. to 11 p.m daily.
P. BUM «4I Athabasca Ave.. Sec-v
t-nry-Trannurer, T. BLasett, 111 PourU
St., Ofi'aniser.
 r. b. p. op a SDUsV
qua-icr* Kerr's Hall, ih i-> Ad.lsMr Mm
..pp. He hoHt.-tri Buslnoasmeetlnssvwr
Sunday morning Ham Propags '
  |a Kv«
meeur* Sunday even In ( I p.m.
body welcome.      Srcrrlsry. ]. W   II tliie'i.
»7«V". «■»   »
^^^^^^^^^_^^ I 111!
orgsnlscr, D.. MclK-uka,i
X-QQAXt  XfnXfXB, B.  P.  of o,
etiucatlnriMl nK-rtlngn In the Miners'
Union Hall. Victoria Ave. Pernio,
every Sunday evening at 7:41. Business meeting first Sunday In each
month,  seme place at  2 JO p  m
llavnl t**lt<m, St-vy   1,,,B tot
*. B. P. OP
In _Mln*rer
C.   meets   every   Sunday   _   _
Union   Hall   at   7:10  p.m.     Business
meetlnffa. 1st and Ird Sundays of each
month     Uee   H a hrrt-u    urgsnlstr. K J
Campbell. S**-*rr*STy, Sob IM-
XrOCAXs TOBOXfTO. OWT.. SO   14. I   P
ef ©.—Hu*iii-*«.» meetings 2nd an i 4th
W-tlmv J*>■« ln the montti. at the I
Temple, "."nurch St
Propscanvla moei-
___mmmmmmmmmmmm at -Til
the   Labor   Tempi*.      speakers'
Ings'every Sunda/ at I
o'clock at
every lbarsdar at 1:00 uclovk atutttj
Tempe J.   Stewart,  Secretar>.
c; Seaton St.
BO. O. B.  P. OP C-i
Business mooting let Sunday is I
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at I p.m. In Roberta-
Allan Hall. U Rldenu Bt. A. O. Mt|
Collum. M Slater St. Secretary.
r, b. o, bo. aa, b. p. op
te every secou-l .no last Priday ia
i ni'-eth. t has Cbat-ey -wcre.sry. Bos
Vernon. B. Q,
 •vpn*. b. a. »o.
SS, B. P. of CV—Meets every Su* Jay in
hall In Empress Theatre B1<h-« at 3.40
p.  m.    Angus  Mclver, S**ci-.  , ,
X-OOAX. XflAJU, B. C BO. SO, S. P. Of 0.
Meets first Sunday In .every month In
SocVsilst Hall. Mara. 1:10 pm.
Rosoman, Recording Secretary
X-OOAX.  OOBAX.T   BO.  S, B.  9.
Propagaods   And   buslnoso   a	
every Wed>»-I»y at C •*». rs 'Aj^aOetr*
HaJL Kvor-body In.Aeo io sUe-n
Arthur L. BeUc-f. Soey.. Box. 44*.
pi c.
■*,  BO.
eecond at
__^_^^_^^^    4, B. f I
, sMot* every eecond aad f oarU
oo-t-ay  ovoodasa,  oa  I   p m     ti
Kins  St   K,   oppieUe  Market   Hot-*
H. MerUn. Socroiary. II Weber St t
BAT to. i, or I. I
_, ._    __J    Propagaadn    moetisil
every Thursday at I p.m. la Mncdos-f
aid's hall. Union Street. All are ■*•
come. Alfred Nash, CorreeponiUnf I
Secretary. Olace Boy: Wm Suttue-1
load. Organiser. Now Aberdeen; It 0
Rosa, Ptnnnctol Secretary, office In HI
N. Brodle Printing Co. building. Unlet I
i iVa^a Workers
e ueaally soetsmns.   Barter look Into
Write year eddress
lb* -itaesum for yoursslf.    . ._
on sssllaes betow, mail ee tbe ens-mo olib IS
earls sod yoo Will set s bsadredesse lllee-
•:.,md m	
•Ids i '»s are on.
-Bs-rsslne aad a Sim Ulnstrsisd bonk
ill betp yoa osctde very wsjealy et**-*
Ot-HnlllitT-lCrt. IM UukSU Cok***e
An "embryo Socialist" takes exception to the "blasphemous" remarks of
a speaker at' the city hall. That ts
to be expected for If he did not, the
teaching of the Church would fall
In Its   object.
Teacher Wanted
Male or female. First or second class professional certificate,
for the Beaupre School District 850
Apply stating salary, experience,
references, etc. to
W. Mackay
Omrvtty, AlbtrU.
A. F.  Cobb
Men-chant Tailor
OKotoKB.   Alberta
for every salt sold throttgb
this advertisement 1 will give
|z-M to the clrenlatlon ot the
Western Clarion.
1. Write sm for saxaplss of
I. Mention th* price yoa want
to pay for salt
I. Compare my sample with
the pries.    .
4. It soluble, send mo deposit of I6.0S.
5. I will guarantee- to deliver
suit to fit within six weeks.
«. Clarion will .acknowledge
receipt of |1N from mo whoa
milt to paid tor.
•-alto to measure from |1M0
hand For Safe
.00 aires in N. Enderby district, Okanagan Valley. Finest
agricultural land in the province.
The best to he obtained for fruit
hay and veu*--tables.
In blocks to suit at 140 per
acre, net. % mile from new railway station, % mile from school.
River frontage. Enough dry
wood on property to pay for clearing. Socialist neighbors. For
full particulars apply to
Bernard Rosoman
578 Enderby B. C.
•0 ViAMV
sent free, (
Tsaot «•»«■<•
•ending a rteteb and ^tXatm
—— 9»r o-*ln^^'*tes,«»-0"ll„i-»
•ttRrksug OS;
'fres! 'OI-teM «««^f.l
^^^ ft weekly.  L-««'»]»'
J Saturday, February ittn. -int.
Tb1" Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address' All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
aarter   (with    necessary    supplies to start Local)  $6.00
leahership Cards, each       .01
ues Stamps, each it
platform  and  application blank
per 100 IS
*tto In Finnish, per 100 60
«tto In Ukrainian, per 100 ....   -60
Itto In Italian, per 100 M
itutions. each  '.' .20
Itto, Finnish, per doaen SO
Amalgamated   Society  of  Carpenters & Joiners, Fernle...} 19.25
tollectlons Fem.e Local Meetings,  8.P.   ot'C	
i-ttish    Local,    S.P.    of    C
Winnipeg Local, S.P. of &...'
oal Creek Local, S.P. of C  9.00
ernle Local, S.P. of C  25.00
acky Mountain Riding, per L.
E. Drake  59.00
llcbel Local, U.M.W. of A..... 100.00
Dllected by W. F. Hunt  2.50
"   J. E. Smith  10.60
41   W.  H.  Evans.... 17.60
"   W. Mlnton,  200
"   D. Rees   11.50
•        "   J.  C.   Turner  8.00
"   T. H. Wray  10.00
"   J. Lancaster  8.0Q
•.     "A, Hamilton, Corbln     25.00
Dilations A.  Segal   ...,  1.00
J. W. Bennett  2.00
A. McLaughlin   2.00
'        E. Harper  5.00
Mrs. Allen 50
Charles Pelakala.... 1.50
Lady Friend  5.00
J. Crafton  25.00
A. Cawthorne   1.00
J. W. Fitch   6.25
_M   c. stubbs   r»oo
ollected     Michel     Csmpstgn
Committee    69.85
•licit  met   by   Fernle   Local
Of  C-   JsBBSBBBsnSBBsnV • •- •
Meeting held at headquarters, February 6th. 1910.
Comrades present: Machla (chairman), McDonald, Pamplln, Danby,
Hawryluck and  secretary.
Correspondence dealt with from Edmonton, Coleman, Bellevue, Waskasoo
and Dominion Executive.
Moved and seconded that we grant
the Finnish comrades at Bellevue a
charter.   Carried.
Moved and seconded that Comrade
Pamplln's suggestion for an alteration
in the quarterly report cards be forwarded to tbe Dominion Executive.
Warrants   authorized   to   secretary
for postage, $1,00;   to Calgary Local
for postage stamps, 75c.
Coleman (Finnish)   $ 0.50
Bellevue (Finnish)        5.25
Buttons     3.00
Waskasoo     2.00
Calgary  (Ukranlan)   	
Edmonton    5.00
Sale of books     1.00
Total    y, .*/;;..$17.25
Total    $490.07
all rent, Fernle   $ 58.35
tall rent, Hosmer      8.00
all rent, Jeffrey      10.00
eclal trains to Coal Creek..   20.00
inting .*»<i-*K-Vv,.._«ft"£v'i
shlng cheque   25
itlneers' expenses    21.00
ire of Rig      200
D. Harringtons expenses —   77.30
E. Drake, expenses. Including hall renU     74.50
•Itersture       13.00
foters' lists      12.00
Gribble. part expenses     25.00
I W. Gray, part expenses      5.00
Psion, expenses       3.25
Stationery          2 10
oil 50
stage on posters and literature         2.39
loney orders and stamps      1.38
^elegrams and telephone      3.70
fly   total   expenditure   Michel
committee    112.85
Regular meeting of Manitoba Provincial Executive Committee. Present, Fisher, Saltzman. Voss. Armstrong, Cumming and secretary.
Correspondence from Locals Valley
River and Dauphin, Dominion Executive Committee, Appeal, to Reason snd
Ontario Provincial Executive.
Reports from Dauphin, German and
Ukranlan, Winnipeg, received and
adopted. The reports of the few locals
In this Province show that they are
In a healthy condition, which is eminently desirable in view of the forthcoming elections In the Province. Tbe
Executive has under way an undertaking which has for Its object the
organization of all Socialists not connected with locals Into a working organization for the purpose of facilitating the circulation of literature and
arranging   meetings   for  speakers.
A bill for $3.00 for Western Clarion
ordered to be paid.
Org**site*- iaatructed to report proceedings of the Convention to be held
by Winnipeg Locsls.
Expenditures:       Western    Clarion,
$3.00.     Receipts:      Dauphin,  stamps.
$3.00; Jewish Looal. stamps. $3.00.
Yours in revolt.
Total . $490.07
On behalf of the Committee.
D. PATON,   •
Regular meeting, Pebruary 14th,
Present-—Comrades Mengel (chair-
aan), Karme, Klngsley, Peterson and
fthe Secretary.
Minutes of previous meeting ap-
Correspondence dealt with from On-
j tarlo, Manitoba and Alberta Provincial
| Executives. Local* Montreal, Que.;
'Hamilton and West Toronto,. Ont.;
: Menxles, Saak; from Organiser Tom*
iashavsky, Hosmer, and Miss Mushkat,
[Moncton, and W. Jones, Alameda,
^J Receipts.
ocal Menxles, Saak., supplies.. .$3.60
W. Jones, member at large,
dues  3.00
Warrant authorised for Organizer
[Tomashavsky, $50.00.
Regular meeting February 2. 1910.
Present. Comrades Green. Farmilo.
Stewart. Stroud. Woodhouse and the
Comrade Woodhouse was electedr
Minutes of last regular meeting
were read and approved as read.
Communications were dealt, with
from locals Cobalt (Finnish and English), Port Arthur (Finnish). Gait. Fort
William (Finnish). Windsor end from
Cameron of Hamilton. Caster of Port
Arthur, and the Manitoba Provincial
On motion the resolution from Port
Arthur (Finnish) callng for a referendum was ordered sent to the Dominion Executive, and the press committee
was to send them a similar communication to the ones which were sent to
other points calling for the same referendum.
Comrade Desmond rendered a report on his trip through the Province
as organiser, and considering tbe very
severe weather and also the factional
quarrel that Is now on In tbe Province, the report was accepted as a
very successful trip, he having held
12 public meetings, sold In the neighborhood of 8 to 10 dollars' worth of literature and secured two applications
aa membera-at-large.
The following bills were allowed:
Moore Bros,, printing pamphlet. .$ 7.00
Comrade Desmond, part payment 88.00
Comrades: —
Ontario Local Nd. 13 of the 8. P. of
C, constituting a section of the movement In the riding of Toronto, at a
regular meeting held Jan. 19th, 1910,
Instructed Its secretary to forward a
copy of the following resolution - to
Ontario Locals, also to the Western
"Whereas the Dominion Executive
Committee, by an arbitrary ruling, exceeded the power delegated to it by
tbe Constitution, and has declared that
the regularly elected Provincial Executive Committee of Ontario no longer exists, and has further declared that
several branches of the Toronto movement are no longer a part of the 8.
P. of C. and has authorized, without
constitutional warrant, a Provincial
Executive Committee elected by one*
Local (24) at an ordinary meeting, In
which Local 13 or the branches of
Local No. 1 had no part; therefore
be it
"Resolved that Local No. 13 does not
recognize the authority of the Dominion Executive Committee In this
matter or the Provincial Executive
Committee elected under their ruling."
The secretary was instructed to say
further tbat a Provincial Executive
Committee cannot possibly function
democratically as such unles It, is a
creation by the consent of the entire
provincial movement, we would, indeed, be spineless and lacking in the
revolutionary spirit were we to tamely acquiesce in such capitalistic methods, snd therefore assist in expelling
from the Party over two hundred members against whom no charge has been
made or proven.
Only as the rank and file retain control ot their own movement can they
hope to succeed.
We therefore ask you to condemn {
the arbitrary act of the dictators and
demand the support of the whole Canadian  movement If necessary.
Yours for revolutionary action,
Secretoory Local No. 13.
o    o   o
On the face of the foregoing it would
appear as if Local No. 13 had just
cause for complaint in not being ai- |
lowed to take part ln the election of
tbe Ontario Provincial Executive. But
the fact of the matter is. unless we are
away out fn our geography, that the •
very first sentence of this complaint
is a misstatement. Local No. 13 does
not lie in Toronto riding, but in West
York and is therefore constitutionally
entitled to one representative upon
the Provincial Executive, Vhich, so
far as we know, has never been denied it.
As .to whether the Dominion Executive has been arbitrary and has exceeded Its powers Is a natter of opinion. In which the decision lies with
the Party vote, to which those dissatisfied with the Committee's rulings have
repeatedly been requested to refer the
However, It spears that they prefer to circulate communications such
as  the foregoing.
Need any more be said?
and tbe only remedy for the present
rotten condition. To Comrades of
this kind, I say, let them take offence,
economic pressure will, sooner or later,
force them to realize that what you
tried to knock into their thick heads
was right, and then tbey will find how
foolish they were to have taken offense
at you, for having explained to them
the only way "-y which they could
throw off tbe chains of capitalism.
I will now take the other portion of
our members whom I term indifferent.
These seem to think that If they pay
their dues they are doing all that can
be expected from them; that all tbe
work of organizing and all propaganda
work should be done by the officials.
How can we expect to send our representative to the legislature by this
kind of energy, I for one, fait to see.
To this class of members I say get
this idea out of your heads at once and
try to realize that it is as much your
duty to work herd for the movement
as the officers. Not one day a month,
but everytime you have the opportunity. Be like a comrade I once heard
spoken about to this effect; "everytime
you meet so and so, his conversation
always leads to Socialism."
Some of these comrades who leave
all the work to others are probably
more capable than the officials, in making new members, and if they would
only get out and work for the movement, instead of replying wben another comrade speaks to them about
not taking a more active part, "I can't
find the time." Although probably you
find time to go to dances, socials or
some other pettifogging meeting,
which does not benefit you one lots.
Now for conscience sake don't show
your indifference or hopeless feeling by
saying you can't find the time to push
forward the propaganda work of the
movement. If you always retain such
an attitude how can we expect to accomplish the overthrow of capitalism.
Another word or two in reference
to this indifference. Do not think that
all that is required from us is just
merely our little monthly* dues. Whenever we have a little cash to spare, we
should try to give a portion for the
purchasing of literature or any other
needs that the Local may be called
upon to meet. And knowing as all
class-conscious Socialists should, that
conditions are rapidly becoming ripe
for tbe overthrow of capital, we should
put all the energy forward possible to
hasten the day on.
Yours, always scrapping for Socialism,
Regular meeting, February 14th,
Minutes ot previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from Locals Prince Rupert, Courtenay, Fernle,
and Michel.
Local   Vancouver,   stamps   and
supplies  '. .$26.55
Local Fernle, stamps  10.00
Local Prince Rupert, supplies..   1.00
Button and constitution 76
Total $88.30
" Warrant authorised tor postage, $3.
Total $48.00
Fort   William    (Finnish),   due
■tamp* $ S.00
Windsor, due stamps     2.00
U. S. Soc. Party, refund    3.50
Cobalt (English), account In full     .85
Toronto, No. 24, account In full..   5.00
Total    $16.86
P.  C.  YOUNG,
Timidity may apply to a certain percentage of our Comrades or members
and a much larger number seem to
think that oil they need to do is to
pay their little dues regularly each
month and call themselves Socialists
with a capital "S." This seems to me
a very slow operation to overthrow
I will deal first with those members
whom I term timid. If they are class-
conscious Socialists and understand
that they are the very worst kind of
slaves that ever existed, if lt is possible at times to call it an existence,
ss I know some bachelor friends of
mine that hardly know what an existence means, surely to goodness they
houId not be afraid to try and pound
Socialism into their fellow slaves'
skulls, and now Is the time to do it.
Don't be so cowardly as to wait until
capitalism has killed the poor devil
and then go to his coffin and* say if he
had understood Socialism, he would
not have worked so hard. It you are
unable to explain to him why he Is a
slave, give him a good supply of Socialist literature and entice him to
subscribe for the "Western Clarion''
and then he can go home and reason
with that. Some comrades have,
amongst their intimate friends, several bigoted religionists and they seem
afraid to pound Marxian Socialism into the brains of these so-called friends,
thinking they would take offence. Why
should we care whether we offend or
otherwise If our reason has taught us
that scientific Socialism ls Inevitable,
Written for the Benefit of th* Ruled.
The reader of this, if he is one of
that class who are forced to sell themselves for wages to a possesing class.
Will perhaps be somewhat surprised
at the above title. Wage workers still
clinging to that pet fancy that their
employers are divine, and for that
reason hsve nothing to confess.
Now the object in my writing this is
to provoke you into doing something
for tbe benefit of yourself snd class. I
have seen a dog after being beaten,
that would gather up bis courage and
turn upon tt tormentors, so the same
thing can happen with the workers.
The ruling class have you beaten;
they have It ln their power to do
with you what tbey will, and the absurdity of the whole thing is that you
present them with that power, you
give them the chains by which they
bind you. You workers are the only
means by which we get the power to
hold you enslaved. We look upon you
workers as mere abject slaves.
We stand in two different positions,
your function is to sell tbe only thing
you have got to sell, that is your labor
power, which you attempt to sell for
the highest prices you can. On the
other hand we as buyers of your labor-power want the same with the least
possible outlay. So that makes our
interests "Identical."
Now I will grant you that occasionally you will find one of your employ-
era who favor you somewhat, but tbe
majority regard you just as an ordinary working mule. To us you appear
like any other commodity, such as pig-
iron, scrap, or any other raw material.
If we find labor-power becoming
scarce we send agents to countries
a here there is* a surplus of labor, to
give glowing accounts of the prosperity
of our country. By these means we
obtain a sufficient supply of cheap labor-power to appease our lusty appetites for profit, which is our God.
We are*not surprised at your density In regard to your own interests,
because we purposely subsidize all tbe
sources of your information. We subsidize the papers, the churches, universities,   political     platforms     and
schools. We do this so that you will;
be told just what we want you to
know. By means*bf the sources of Intelligence, we, your masters, mould
your opinions. Your thinking Is all
second handed. There is nothing original ln your line of though. You merely utter like a phonograph, what you
have either read in our press or heard
some theologian or professor dole out.
But arising now as If to track us to
our lair, is an ever increasing political organization who refuse to take
their learning from our sources of information, but are beginning to think
for themselves. This organization being composed of the workers, it Is impossible for us to use any means of
subsidization. They hsve no leaders,
so we cannot buy them over to our
side. We see in this our doom; our
days wben we can live on the sweat
and blood of the workers are numbered.
We, as parasites, must, as nature
decrees, be eliminated. The progress
of the world cannot be stopped. We
who live in palaces without building
them; Oho ride In automobiles without making them; we who appease our
appetites with all the choicest wines
and foods without producing them,
must cesse to be.
Socialists recognize all this and the
majority of the ruling class recognizes it also, and it spurs us on to strain
every effort to stem the flowing tide,
by attempting to stop the Socialist
propaganda. We do, in places where
It wlll not recoil upon ourselves, deny
them the use of free speech, by setting
our willing tools, th police, to arrest
their speakers and clap them Into jail.
Were the religious organisations opposing our interests we would do the
same with them, but we recognize in
them our allies. They are endeavoring to take tbe workers' eyes away
from physical attainment and get them
subdued by spiritual affairs, which
greatly helps us in our system of robbing the workers. Hence our approval
of the churches and ail organizations
which preach the metaphysical dogma.
Another of the means we employ to
choke back the growing strength of
this working class organization, is by
the aid of our mouthpieces, we give
out false impressions of the Socialist
tactics and are readily believed by
the less intelligent of the workers, who
think we are gifted with Infinite wisdom.
We control the law courts and so
continue to bring their editors into
courts on the charge of sending sucrri-
lous matter through the mall and deprive them of their mailing privileges
or else keep the case hanging aroud
the courts so as to cripple them financially.
Another method we have got, is to
victimize any prominent Socialist,
thereby making it impossible for him
to earn a livelihood. But we are beginning to se that this last means ls
being played out, for just as fast as we
'victimise one, another takes his place.
All thla goes to prove that unless
we have got you cowed down so that
you have lost all sense of manhood
or freedom, your place is ln the ranks
of the Socialists. Remember, you workers give us the power to keep you in
subjection, find out when and where
you give it to us and then take that
power away, which you will have to
do before you find your position In
society any brighter.
More and 7}ow
By " LEEDS',"
As the secretary of the Campaign
Committee wishes to have the books
audited and it is more than time to do
so, it is highly desirable that those
comrades who still bave campaign receipt books In their possession, not
withstanding several requests for their
return, forward these books with account to the Secretary at once.
Why, comrades, the next election is
only a few years away and then you
can get another receipt book.
Mara, B. C.
One of your best means of propaganda just now, is to flood your district
with copies of tbe Clarion containing
the reports of what is doing at Victoria. The Capitalist press cannot understand and cannot give the facts, so
if you wish your fellow-worker to see
this struggle ss it ls and from the
standpoint of his class Interests, it is
up to you to see that he Is supplied
with the necessary information. The'
session is likely to last for fire or
six weeks yet.  Do tt now!
e   o   e
Now is the time to put in your application on the voters' list.
L. R. Mclnnis, Kaslo, B. C, is In the
ring for two stralg-ht hits this week.
e    e    e
Winnipeg Local donates $30.00 to the
Manitoba Campaign Fund. Elections
are expected there by the end of April.
If you intend to help the Prairie slaves
there is no time to lose,
What's this?  Toronto! Yes, up bob*
Comrade A. Farmilo with a pair. Finding your pins again eh?
e    e    e
Comrade J. W. Wooster. Claresholm,
Alta., finds a couple who would like to
learn more. He tells us that the "Grain
Growers" of Alberta have allowed
themselves to be made into a toil to
fly the Liberal kite. That's good—for
the Liberals.
* •   *
Comrade L A. Frets adds two more
students to the rapidly growing bunch
of investigators of Vancouver.
e   e   e ...
Knowing bow desirable It Is to have
a little ammunition always on hand,
Comrade A. Lyon, who is taking a
six-week's trip to the old country, orders three copies of the Clarion weekly
to be sent after him. Also a new sub
from Toronto.
e    •    e
Toronto again!   This time K ia Comrade J. P. Kinnear who renews his own
supply of dope for a year ln addition -
to four new ones.
• •   •
Comrade James  Cartwright,  South
Wellington, B. C, has a bum leg and
cannot get around so swiftly as he
would like to, but anyway he manages
to hustle up two yearlies and one renewal.
e    e    e
Comrade Ed. Wilkinson, Nanalmo, B.
C. renews his own sub. for a year and
of course encloses another yearly with
o.   *   o
1). J.  L., Vancouver, B. C. comes
along with the regular donation of one
dollar to   the   Clarion   Maintenance,'
Local Brandon pays up for usual
bundle and Comrade Ed. Fulcher, who
has lately been taking the rest cure
thinks be has about recovered and
flops in with two new subs. ,
e    e    e
Three yearlles from Port Moody, B.
C, is the work of Comrade John V.
The "Kicker" renews his reading
matter for a year and sends in another
yearly with It.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
 the Austnrss of Msnursnor*---*.
Sa-rinstrsand*Kfr»*rriiwhorealise the sd-Hssbil-
tioutrssl I lad Washington. D.C, V.BJa.
Edttor Clarion:
I enclose one dollar for renewal ot
my sub—glad to see the good cause
going ahead. Our two champions In
the House here are keeping things
moving, that is for the wage plug.
The Farmer? No he ts too independent. He owns his 2x4 rock patch. Do
I talk to them? You bet, I rub it ln.
What? You Socialists want to take
my little farm which I have worked
hard for all my life to get myself a
home? Rustle a sub for the Clarion
from this bunch of thick hides? I
couldn't buy one. Let the good work
go on Comrades.
I lost my strawberry crop last summer about 20 tons of fruit, down and
out, but taxes, rent, etc still come ln—
no failure.
Yours for the Revolution,
Local Fernle forwards the necessary
for bundle and card, and Ladysmith
for special edition bundle.
e    e'   e
How about it? Every little bit helps.
Try for a single as the folowlng Comrades did since last report: J. De
Meyer, Vancouver, B. C; J. W. Hope,
Vancouver, B. C; J. Lamer, Stillwater,
B. C; Peter F. Olsen, Red Deer, Alta.,;
Fred Alderson, Hosmer, B. C. Geo.
Mulholland, Toronto, Ont; Vancouver
Finnish Local. J. A. Tett, Spence's
Bridge, B. C; Miss Twedlly, Irvine,
Scotland; J. Schweers, Brtdesvllte, B.
C; W. W. Jones, Alameda, Sas.; A.
Gutntck. McLeod, Alts.; Jno. T. Lawrence, Grsnd Forks, B. C; G. Howels,
mints, Vancouver, 3. C; G. Howels,
Hanson, Sask.; Lee Wilson, Barons,
Alta.; H. ColHngwood, North Battleford, Sask.; D. Forest and Smith, Vancouver, B. C.
e    e    «.
The Alberta law factory has again
started up. We uote that the slave
M. P. has given notice of an amendment to the Coal Mines Act and you
can bet your boots that said amendment will be something tending towards advancing the interests of the
working class.
WKlcK Stands for a Living Mfmgm
Vancouver LoeaU-67. BboIHH!
"Canada wants a navy." When we
remember the resolutions passed last
year by labor organizations in reference to war, we are kind of muddled.
But it all becomes as clear as a bell
when we substitute for the word "Canada" the men who will get tbe contracts for building the "navy."
They are "revising" tbe voters' lists
ln Manitoba so the fight will be on
shortly. Hurry up with tbe ammunition. A B. C. comrade offers $100 to
the Manitoba organising fund on condition that the rest of B. C. makes It
$500 right away. Every Local should
do what it can and send the money to
W. H. Stebblngs, 316 Good Street,
Winnipeg, Man. As soon as he gets
$400 from B. C. he can call Up this
office for the other $100.   Get busy. *
itxiW-'titi words, "unless'the trail
judge otherwise orders."   \
As the matter had  been  fuly discussed in committee he would speak
briefly.   He desired the House to understand,  however, tbat  he was acting entirely in the Interests of labor,
organized and unorganized.    The Attorney-General    had    taken    a    very-
strong stand on this amendment and
administered   a  flaggeiation   to  himself which he duly appreciated (laugh
ter).    If   the   Attorney-General   was
right, the BUI would do no harm, he
would withdraw his amendment and
let the matter drop, but he was more
than ever convinced of the truth of
his own assertions regarding the effects of the   bill.     He (Hawthornthwaite) was no lawyer, nor had he any
desire to be one, but as a member of
the House he bad to make a study of
the bills presented, and he would try
to make this matter simple snd clear
The Bill affected   very   seriously   a
great number of workingmen   in   B.
C,   and   in   Vancouver   particularly.
Many cases of compensation for death
and injury had been tried in Vancouver and   heavy   damages   had   been
awarded, which was naturally obnoxious to the employers  of  labor and
they could be relied on to do all in
their power to alter that condition of
affairs.   Some years ago the position
of labor in the province was one of
complete helplessness in  these matters.   Therefore they effected their objects in the House in an open and
crude way.   As things are to-day the
employers are compelled to adopt more
skilful and smoother methods.   They
came to members of the House for
their assistance and to do this work
for them.    He believed  that  many
members of the House acted quite con-
scientiously in these matters and frequently gave their sssent to bills the
true character of which they were unaware.   But there were some among
them who thoroughly understood these
scheme;- ar-l w»-»f. &*» yf^P-tlottlE:- .A
jrt-Juiber of ■<&* H&JfV'
in UUa poaltluai;  he cither gave his
support to these schemes without un-
derstsn-llng their effort or deiiberaate-
ly toted for them fully realising what
the effect would be on the working
class.  He did not wish to cast reflections on the Attorney-GenSral, but lt
was generally admitted that he was
an Intelligent and able man, and he
was therefore either doing these things
deliberately or was being mode a tool
of, unknowingly, by the corporations
of B. C.    He would explain the bill
carefully and clear up all misconceptions and If any one could show him
where he was wrong he would recede.
But be was very well satisfied that this
could not be done.
They had now in this province an
Employers' Liability Act Once, here
and also in Great Britain, compensation could only be obtained for injury
by action at what is known as common law, when tbe employer was responsible for accidents caused by himself or the negligence of bis agents,
and he could be held responsible therefor. That position held for many
years, but a celebrated case arose in
1837 in which a decision was given
that a workman was not entitled to
compensation for injuries arising from
the negligence of bis fellow worker,
because he must have been aware of
such risks when he accepted employment, which he did vountarily, and
therefore was not entitled to damage*.
Thla established the theory known as
the "doctrine of common employment,"
which was sustained by numerous
other judicial decisions. This practically meant that in a very great number, of cases at least, an employee
or his dependents could obtain no com.
peaaatlon whatsoever for   Injury   re
in ISM la Great Britain, the Employers Liability Act was passed, and
Inter ia B. C, providing compensation
■p to $2,000. This act deprived the
employers within tbe limits Of the bill,
of this defence of "common employment." but when contributory negligence could be proved (and the employer generally could do that), the worker
failed to obtain compensation. Later
oa, owing to the utter recklessness of
the employing class, It was found necessary to prove the condition of the
worker* In this respect, and in 1897
the Workmen'* Compensation Act was
passed, providing that In any' accident
however caused, except by wilful misconduct, the worker could get damages. This established a new principle,
the Idea being that tbe employer
should charge up the accidents' to the
business, which being spread on the
price of commodities, would thus be
ultimately borne by tbe general public.
This act was later Introduced Into B.
and entailed considerable expense,
which materially reduced the amount
the plantiff received. Still, the workingmen could obtain heavy damages,
in certain cases, where gross negligence on the part of the employer
could be established, by action at common law, particularly in those cases
where the injury was not caused by
the carelessnes of a fellow worker. It
was gratifying to know that they had
freqently done so of late in Vancouver. The accidents in industry in B.
C. were a disgrace to the province
and that House. It the members wished to stop this and follow the dictates
of conscience, they could do this to
considerable extent, but they had never done so. These accidents frequently took place In industries which were
regulated by no specific act, and hence
the workers had a freer hand Ih obtaining compensation. With the professed
object of protecting the workers in
these industries a factory act bad been
introduced and made law last session
by the Conservatie party. An inspector had been appointed under the act,
and he (Hawthornthwaite) would now
show how the work of the corporations
was got in to i revent workers obtaining any material benefit
The Attorney-General now seeks,
after the flourish of trumpets is over,
to amend that Factory act in such a
manner as to totally change the position in regard to responsibility for
damages and compensation. When
there is an accident the employer can
only be held legally responsible for
damages at common law when a
breach of the act con be shown. Damages at common law, tt must be remembered, can be obtained to-an even
greater extent or from $5,000 to $10,000
differing, therefor, widely ln this respect from action under the other acts
specified. If a breach of the factory
act could be proved leading upto the
accident—and this Factory act, it must
not be forgotten, covers most of the
industries ln the province, there could
be little or no questions as to the right
of the plaintiff to damages.   If the Act
t**V ▼*#•'* "»V"^r iVjf
praeUoaiij ini-A-ow*.':*'- :or **>c wert***^'** *<**' "-*
to obtain the heavy damages awarded
at common law.
The members then quoted in extenso
from the Factory act to show the
power possessed by the Inspector to
deal with the safety of factories more
particularly ln regard to notices to be
served by him upon the employers in
regard to alterations which he deemed
necessary to prevent accidents, but
Which were not specified in the act
Tbe Attorney General had dilated upon
what he had done for organised labor,
particularly in relation to this act But
what had he done? He had deliberately taken out of the power of the inspector, who was the only person in a position to provide it, the means of proving that a breach of the act* had occurred. If the employer went into
court and denied that any negligence
on his part bad taken place, or the
receipt of any instructions from the inspector as to necessary alterations or
repairs, who would now prove lt? That
was the position and the Attorney-General could no longer conceal or truthfully deny It.
If this bill passed it was safe to assert tbat damages could no longer be
obtained at common law ln industries
covered by tbe Factory act except ln
very rare cases. Such cases, for instance as where the employer himself
went into the factory or machine shop
and gave Instructions to the worker
which led to his Injury. If you wanted to find an employer, the factory,
the mill or mine were tbe last place
to look for hhn.
The next position deserved complimentary notice. The Attorney-General
preceded to delude and bambng the
HOuse by saddling upon the representatives of organised labor from Vancouver (The Trades and LahorCoun-
cfl deputation) the responsibility that
should rest on his'own back, and hailed It as a a!; lal victory for himself
and the Conearvative party. But he
(Hawthornthwaite) asked the House
to look at the facts and these would
show tbat the Attorney-General's pretentions of friendship to organized labor and endorsement thereby were
wholly Insincere and hollow, and posl-
without foundation. The Attorney.
General,had made a statement to the
floor of the Abuse, with the unquestionable Intention of inducing members to
believe that the bill in question had
tbe support of organized labor, more
especially ot tbe Trades and Labor
Council of Vancouver. He had stated
positively on the floor of the House
that this delegation from the Trades
and Labor Council had approved of
tbe bill under discussion.
The Speaker here interfered and objected to this line of argument, but the
ion to fliiftfl  m*mk*rfrom M*a*Tsso sXMtlan«d after il.it,.IB. BSjCIALtSM. ■•*—.-.     "ft   I      i
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, <S o'clock
City Hall
Vancouver B. C.
some argument.
r'Tf 'tie statement mode .'t)y the Attorney-General had been true the objection of the Socialist Party to the
bill was greatly hindered and deprived
of forte.
Bbt what was the truth?, Let the
Trades and Labor delegation speak for
The Speaker here again interrupted
and ruled that the member for Nanaimo could not read the letter he
held In his hand. He, however, proceeded  to read it, as follows:
Trades and Labor Council,
Vancouver, B. C. Feb. 7, 10
Dear Sir.—In re the statement made
upon the floor of the House by Attorney-General Bowser that his proposed
amendment to the Factories Act, preventing the factories Inspector from
giving evidence In civil cases was endorsed by the representatives of organised labor in Vancouver and Victoria,
we desire tosay that so far as the
Trades and Labor Council in Vancouver is concerned the question has never been discussed by that body, officially or otherwise, nor by any other
branch of organized labor, as far as
we know.
Jas. H. McVETY.
The Speaker then read a rule showing that Mr_ Gladstone had been pre-
ventd from rading a letter on the floor
of the House of Commons, and tne
Nanaimo member, with laborious
courtesy, observe-:- that ^fifo^j^,
had said so before, be would not have
then have read tbe letter. The House
He then continued. Now this dirigible baloon of tbe Attorney-General
waa pricked and had totally collapsed-
He could no longer float round as the
sole and only representative of organized labor. He was the Attorney-
General of the* Conservative party, the
Minister of Finance of the Conserve-
a.tiv-' iSririy. 7 HO was
strictly It! But he waa no longer the
representative of organised labor and
ths Trades snd Labor Council of Vancouver.
It would appear that one member
of the delegation had carefully given
it as hla personal opinion that the bill
was good, and upon this simple and Irresponsible statement the Attorney-
General had built up his whole case.
Was it any wonder that the Attorney-
General, when he could confuse a majority of the members of that House,
could also confuse this delegate, and
Induce him to say what he wanted him
to say? But fortunately labor had
other representatives on the floor of
the House. The Socialist Party represented the working class as a whole,
organized and unorganized, and did
not claim to represent organized labor
specially, as In* 1 mated by tbe Attorney
General,—they represented all the
workers whether engaged In direct
production or not, and could not be
confused by the oratory or guile of the
Attorney-General. Concluding, the
member for Nanalmo said that having thus cited the actual facts
and the law on the subject he hoped
tbe members would reconsider their
attitude, and show an independent and
manly spirit by voting for his amendment.
Parker William* reiterated hi* opinion that the whole Bill was objectionable, and the amendment would
not make It better. The reason for the
presence of tho Bill was that the employers thought there was too much litigation. Economy on the part of the
Attorney-General's department was
again the trouble. One solution of the
Attorney-General's objections to the Inspector giving evidence was to increase the number of Inspectors. The
BUI also Indicated the unsafe conditions in the Industries of the Province
by stifling enquiry. The effect would
be to make conditions worse Instead
of better. - There Were many lll-llgbted
dangerous, and unhealthy factories, and
only one man knew all about the
buildings and that waa the factory Inspector. If an oiler of machinery was
killed ho one had a wort, to say. The
foreman might know tbe facts of the
case, but would aa a rule not be willing to give evidence for obvious reasons. To get at the facts tho Inspector
ought to be cilled to the court. In
many cases all traces of the accident
were eliminated In a few hours, as In
the case of the train accident outside
New Westminster, where all the
wreckage had been burned and all possible evidence removed. That almost
invariably happened in cases of that
sort. With a muzzled inspector what
chance hod the Injured to get relief?
They had no point from which to
procure evidence. If the Bill passed
the inspector should be compelled
to lodge an official record of the Inspection with the government.
No replies were made and the amendment was defeated on the usual
vote, only the Socialists and Liberals
being in favor of it.
Conservatives absent: McDonald,
Wright, Cavan, Ellison.
"J. H. B."
It has often puzzled me, and 1 quite
believe it has ' also puzzled many
others, what conception of Socialism
the British I. L. P., as a whole, possess. Their -action in regard to this
great "Socialist" budget, and to various
"immediate demands" of tbe times,
has been so utleriy inconsistent and in
direct contradiction to the fundsmental
principles of Socialism, that even
Jonah's whale couldn't swallow tbeni.
I have, therefore, been on tbe lookout
for a little enlightenment on this subject, and, as "everything comes to'
those who wait"—even to Socialists—
I got it the other day.
Philip Snowden Is generally acknowledged throughout the Old Country aa
the chief exponent of I. L. P. Socialism, so let us consider a few of hla
"explanations" made ln a propaganda
speech at Badminton, the beginning
of last December.
First of all, he said that the Socialists had no ready-made system of reconstruction to offer. The people of
the future wil work all tbat out for
Now, that's about as ancient as a
Chinese egg. It used to go down all
right some time ago for a "Socialist"
orator, when taxed with this question,
to airily wave his paw and leave it to
the future. At the least, it was democratic' But the future, like to-morrow,,
never comes. It's like a dbg chasing
hi.s own tail round a pole; always just
ahead. We have come to the stage
pow in our affairs where we must, at
the very least, produce the skeleton
of our system of social ownership.
A realisation of thla necessity, and ot
-tW'i-V«-f<-:*^«ftl*(-^r and Jaeffective-
ness of the old craft-unionism, called
Into being some few years back the
I. W. W. which embrace* all workers,
and offers an "administration of
things,"—aa opposed to "government"
—esch main Industry, with Its core-
lations. to be administered from the
ahop, by the workers themselves.
Snowden then went on to say that
under Socialism the state will assume
control of land and Indur-tr'*-' csr--
R3^r*Jte£?^Jl^-'f^'l#ay& is."*-*-- 1
over by the state will be given bonds
to the amount of their shares: and culminates in a peroration aaying that
there will be no private ownership of
Industrial capital.
On the one hand, as a so-called Socialist, he talks of substituting capitalism by Socialism; and on the other,
he talks of retaining the state, capitalism's coercive weapon against the
workers; and of retaining capital, the
very essence of capitalism Itself. And
all to be done through that old chestnut, compensation.
What do yon think of it?   Do you
begin to have a glimpse behind the
scenes of I. I* P. ism yet?   It is no
wonder we hofe never been able to
distinguish the difference between the
I .abort teg  and   the   Liberals.   Fundamentally, there Is none, and never was
any.    We  can  now  understand  why
I-aboritt-s like Burns and Bell are only
too Uckled to jump Into some government position, and see no anomaly in
their position.
Let us see what Snowden wants.
When the British workers get wise
enough to elect an I. L P. majority to
parliament, this majority will straightway proceed to absorb all industrial
capital Into tbe state, and as It would
be robbery to take away the poor capitalists'   hard-earned   wealth   without
compensating  them,  they  are  to be
given "state bond*" to the amount of
the *hare certificates which they possess, or the value of their business.
All Industries will then be run under
a system of state capitalism—for the
benefit of the workers, we presume.
But what about these "shareholders"?
They must obtain   Interest   on their
share*, or of what use are they to
then.   Surely they are not Intended
to be framed, snd hung up on the wall,
as mementoes of the birth of Social-
Ism?   Your "practical" business Britisher wouldn't hear of auch a thing.
He must get hla pound of flesh, bis Interest; to play which the workers must
then be robbed of part of their product, and the shareholders with sufficient shares to their credit will he able
to plod along without working, and
will thus be a non-producing class, the
elimination of which I always thought
was' the aim of Socialism.   Also, the
"Great Dispossessed,'' the proletariat,
who hold no shares, would receive no
Interest; on the other hand they would
be required to create thla Interest,
the very creation of which at present
Is the cause of all their misery. Why
then, call In a labor bureaucracy to
perform thl* function, which the Liberal* and Conservatives throughout the
world so ably perform at presentf
If this be the Laborites' ambition,
then their energies are being wasted;
and the hard-earned money which
the workers are contributing to their
support hod better be thrown In the
sewer. State capitalism is the most
virulent form of capitalism, as the
French civil servants can testify, seeing they bad a taste of it lately.
What Is capital? And what Is the
Capital Is wealth used industrially
td create "surplus value," and thus
Increase its quantity. It Is an expansion of value; or money used to beget more money. The transaction begins and ends In money; or, as Marx
gATUrrOAY,  PSBRUARY   ISth,  n*.
           '     ' '0.
Socialist Party of Canada
i and pro-
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, In convention
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the prlncipl
gramme of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produce* all wealth, snd to the producer* It should betes*- The present economic system |g based apos capitalist ownership of ths means of production. eonseqaoBtiy nil tho products ef
•shoe belong to tho capitalist class. Tho oapttallst 1* therefor*
sssstsr; the worker s slave.
•» long as the capitalist class remain* U pninml** -*f tt#
foteg mi govsnuaoat all the powers of th* Stat* will he meed to
fro-tost and defend their property rights la tho mean* of wealth
prodBettoa and their control of tho p .Just of labor.
Tho enpltnUst system gives to tho osptUllst sa svor-swslUag
stress! of profits, snd to tho worker aa over lacrssslag sssssar*
of misery sad degradaUoa.
Tho Interest of tho working class It** ia the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by tho abolition of tho wag*
system, under which Is eloskod tho robbery of tho worktag-eisa*
at tho point of production. To accomplish this necessitates th*
tranaformauon of capitalist property la ths means of wealth pro-
duction Into collective or working-class property.
Tho Irrepressible conflict of Interests botweos tbe capitalist
and the worker ta rapidly culminating In s struggle for posoosalon
of th* power of government—tb* capitalist to hold, the worker to
secure tt hy political acUon. This I* th* elsss struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all worker* to organize under th*
banner of the Soclallat Party of Caaada with the object of con-
quering the public power* for tho parpoae of setting up aad enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as fol-
' Iowa:
1. Tho transformation, a* rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property ta th* mean* of wealth production (natural resources
factories, mills, railroads etc.,) Into tho collective property of the
working elass.
S. Tho democrstl. orgaatsatloa aad aiansgsmsat of ladsstry
by tho workers.
I.   Tao establiAaeat. as speedily as possible, of prodactloa for
ass Instead of production for profit
Tho Socialist Party, whoa to office, shall always aad overy-
whsre aatn the present system fs abolished. Make tao aaswor to
this aasstloa Its guiding rule of coadact: Will fata tagWatlaa sd-
vsace tho tatofoats of th* working class sad sM tho workers ta
thdr elsss struggle agatast capitalism? If It
**rtr*f&,m*ttit wro sot, th* Bo-tia's*
Ib aeoordsaos with this prtadple th* Socialist   Party alidsas
Itsslf to eoaduot all th* pahll* affairs placed ta Its
a suaaer as to pros-tot* the tatereat* sf
Party    I*    tbavltttrir.
tho working
expresses It In "Capital." has the form
M-C-M. The capitalist starts with
money; sets tbe workers to produce
commodities, which he then converts
back again Into money, and retains the
profits; and so on In a "vicious circle." If be started off wllh 11.000. he
contrives to finish up with, say. $1,500.
If be continually finished up without
any profits, be would soon cease to
operate as a capitalist. Of course, Its
up to the workers to create this profit.
since money thrown in a vault won't
breed more money, wise "saws" to
ihe contrary. All capital I* wealth:
but all wealth Is not capital. Wealth
can be used to produce "use-values"
for exchange, without functioning as
capital. Capital I*, then, money put
out at usury; all capitalist wealth expressing Itself in the money form
Again, the state ls the coercive
weapon of capitalism, and Is used to
protect their private, or class "rights'
In the ownership of the land, and the
machinery of wealth production, tbe
mines, mills, factories, etc. lt was
called Into being by the early merchants on tbe disruption of the getis. or
primitive collectivism, to protect their
"rights'' to the wealth which tbey
expropriated from tbe workers; and
It serves tbe purpose exceeding well.
Apparent!? standing over and above
and apart from direct participation In
the process of production. It lends *
character of perpetuity to the possessing elsss. In fact, most people think
It always existed, although how Adam
and Eve got on wltb it, and whether
Adam was the state, or whether It waa
Eve.I never could fathom, but I Mine-
time* think It must have been the serpent. It 1* no "realisation of the
ethical Idea," but arose out of economic necessity. The state Is then a
dlstainctly das* weapon; and as the
aim of Socialism Is to abolish all
"classes," It must also abolish the
Where, then, do Snowden and the
I. L. P. come ln? If to obtain Social-
lam we must abolish both tbe state
and capital, how can we have state
What all married people and
these  contemplating   marrisge.
?■«■' toJf*Klw'    B' w-  K.  C.
Larson. If. D.: and John Cowan,
M.   D.     files) by mail.     Dr!
?.rownL' " Tnw M»"tag* fGulde,
11.60 by mail. l    ™?
The People's Book Store
14* Cordova St. W.
m Cants* ft. pm	
The Best c-fEverytbintr
iPreperly Cooked
neighbors,  aend for a bundle of
"Robfjtcoyt Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades Fn Canada.
JAaf. LEE    **
411 Prior 8troat
Phone Bill
Me per roar
Two for a dollar
Six months toe.
at I
«tm      >■
(J If yon would like to spend less time in your kitchen
sod woodshed, snd hsve much more time for outdoor
life, recreation snd pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gss Rsnge.
Telephone yonr address to our office and we will send * man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate ol coat of
i-tsulling the goc pipes, >
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.
■i.g.'.Li.j;.,-,., ....-■ ......
':.ox*£^;:«. -;;■ ^..


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