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Western Clarion Sep 11, 1909

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Array THIS IS    C»M
HDHin  044.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, September 11, 1909.
snbacriptton Price
pbb y»»»
$1.08
HOW WILL YOU VOTE ?
Fellow Working Men and Women,—
In placing its candidates in the field
on behalf of the working class alone,
the Socialist Party of Canada has no
apologies to offer or promises to
make.
The Socialist Party Is a Party of
principle, unlike the Liberal and Conservative parties, and therefore has
no cunningly framed policy, such as
these parties have, calculated to win
' this particular election; but comes before the electorate to exert all its
strength with the object of educating
the workers to the need of the Working Class possessing themselves of all
the means of production by means of
their political power, that is, that the
workers as a whole should Jointly own
all the coal mines, in order that the
miners may dig coal for all; all the
railways In order that the coal may
be transported to where lt is wanted;
all the factories in order that they
may be able to manufacture for themselves; the land, ln order that they
may be able to grow food and bread
stock for themselves; and so on all
along the line, in order that they may
control their own lives and live on
plenty ln a world of plenty with a
minimum of labor.
In short—the principle for which
the Socialist Party stands is:—That
the workers shall own the whole
means of production, and so enjoy the
full product of their associated labor.
The Socialist Party comes before the
Working Class on one issue only, the
same Issue as at the last election, and
ln any future elections, till the final
triumph of the Working Class; this all-
inclusive issue: —
"Shall the workers own the instruments and raw materials of production and run them for their own use,
or shall they allow them to remain In
the possession of au idle class, and
run them for the profit of that class?"
The Issue is clear, and It is for the
Working Class who have the Immense
majority of votes, and who are therefore all-powerful politically, to answer
this question. It will be as they say
it shall be at the ballot box, and therefore it is for all Working Class voters
to think very carefully how they dispose of their precious and powerful
votes.
We of (he Socialist Party do not
come before the electorate with flowery professions of standing for Justice, Right or Patriotism; we leave
that to the henchmen of the old parties. Election after election, Liberal
and Conservative speakers have been
before you, and have Impressively told
you that their respective parties stand
for Justice; election after election you
have returned either one or the other
to power, and how ls it that since both
old parties have always stood for Justice, and one or the other has always
been In power, that you have never
got Justice y,ct? At least, most workers will complain they have not. Can
you answer? The Socialists can. You
HAVE got Justice—Capitalist Class
Justice, and if you want some more,
vote for the Liberal or Conservative
candidates, but if yog want a different kind of Justice, make your own by
sending men of your own class to the
Legislature in sufficient numbers to
change the laws to suit yourselves.
The word Justice'can be construed
to mean anything, and for that reason
ls a favorite one with tricky politicians, but the object of the Socialists is
to show the workers what they mean
and so we say,—we stand for the
good things of life for the Working
Class, good things to eat, good clothes
to wear, good houses to live ln, ample
means of recreation accordng to individual tastes, and ample leisure to enjoy them in. You can understand that,
can't you? Well, all these things are
yours just as Boon as a sufficient number of you say you will have them.
The Socialist Party of Canada is the
Instrument you can use in order to attain this object, its candidates are in
the field IN your interests, and when
elected will stand FOR your interests.
Proof of this ls afforded by the conduct of those already elected.
On the contrary, the Liberal and
Conservative parties are In the field
to use you by fooling you out of your
vote, tickling your ears with fine
phrases, tickling your vanity by being
hail-fellow-well-met with you just before election, treating you to fat cig-
arB, drinks, or, it ls not impossible, by
passing over a dollar or two. Then
they ring the changes on high and low
tariff, provincial rights, a white Canada, and so forth.
The old parties know most of you
are dissatisfied all the time, that most
of you feel that something is wrong,
and therefore in order to get your support must promise to make things
right ln some way. So they always
have some scheme which looks good on
paper and looks especially good when
embellisned with the pretty words of
the hot-air artist.
You have been so used to these indirect ways of doing things, or pretending to do things, that the direct
method advocated by the Socialists
seems strange to you, but could anything be simpler than their proposition: "There is a world of plenty;
possess yourselves of lt and enjoy the
plenty you produce frpm lt"?
Now a word more about the Liberal
and Conservative parties. They both
stand for the Capitalist Class, which
supplies their election funds. Their
function is to keep you divided, and
their only quarrel ls as to who shall
hold the workerB down while the eapi-
talsts rob them. They never ask the
workers for funds; all they want of
them Is their votes, and having got
them, they get all the rest, except just
enough to keep the Working Class
alive. The Capitalists pay the piper,
the old parties pipe, and the workers
dance to the tune the Capitalists call.
The two old parties showed they
were really one in the Nanaimo bye-
election which took place not long
ago, in which they unsuccessfully combined to defeat J.H. Hawthornthwaite,
the Socialist candidate.
Do not be fooled by the old cries
of Patriotism and Imperialism. The
Capitalists are not patriotic; they
only pretend to be. They are not out
for Patriotism, but for Profit. Their
Patriotism Is to Capital. They employ Ihe cheapest labor, whether It
is that of men of their own or another
race.
Labor power being sold in the market just the same as other commodities, Its buyers naturally p,iy the lowest price they can get It lor, just as
you do when you buy anything, and It
ls nothing to them what Is the coiur
of the skin in which that labor power
ls wrapped. Capital is international,
and it is for Labor to be international.
The patriotism of the Socialists on
'he other hand is to the Working
Class. That is our nation; we recognize no other. This is not a mere matter of sentiment, but is based on a recognition of the common Interests of
the Working ClasB In all countries
In standing for the Working Class we
stand for ourselves. Just so long as
the rest of the workers consent to remain in slavery, we remain in slavery,
and we want to be free.
There Is a world-wide and ever intensifying class struggle being carried
on,—the struggle of the master class
to remain masters, and of the Working Class to free themselves from the
last form of slavery,—wage-slavery.
Faster and ever faster the workers
are waking up to their Interests and
their power, and as they do so, are
throwing ln their lot with the International Socialist movement,and bending all their energies to obtain the
powers of government (that fort In
possession of the Capitalists, and
whose guns are always trained upon
the workers), and when they obtain
that fort, to spike the guns, or,—turn
them the other way, whichever may
be necessary.
The title of the capitalist class to
the means of production Is written
and guaranteed by government. All
titles from the first one down have
been written and guaranteed by governments. What governments have
done, governments can undo; lt all depends on who controls the government, and, to repeat in another way,
the Socialist Party calls upon the
Working Class to send Socialists to
Parliament in sufficient numbers to
change the title deeds from the capitalist class to the Working Class for
the simple and sufficient reason that
SOCIALISM
What It  Is and What  It  Is  Not.
(Chiefly, What It Isn't.)
Question.   What is Socialism?
Answer. Socialism is the policy of
"Grab." \
Q. Who are the Socialists?
A. The Socialists are the people
who want everything that doesn't belong to them.
Q. But how do they hope to get it?
A. By stirring up discontent and
bringing about a revolution.
Q. But do you deny that the present
state of distress and poverty in the
country does need remedy?
A. No one can deny it. But under
the existing conditions it is being remedied. Sound legislation is gradually
and surely working a cure. Compare
the state of the workers now with
their state twenty years ago.
Q. But It ls surely right, as the Socialists say, that the land, the factories, and all the means of production
should be owned by the State?
A. You forget that whoever owns
the land and the factories and all the
means of production will be your matter. Socialism would simply put you
under a new employer, only, this time,
an employer who would have absolute
control over you, and could crush you
in the palm of his hand.
Q. But at present the laboring classes suffer all kinds of injustice from
their employers.
A. May be. But suppose them under the thumb of the State; they
would be quite defenceless. Nowadays
they can combine against their masters to get fair treatment. But If they
resisted the State they would be annihilated.
Q. Do you mean that Socialism
would give lets liberty instead ofi
more?
A. Socialism would be the end of
personal liberty. It would kill all enterprise and ambition.   It would make
men puppets, giving them no wages,
simply keeping them alive to do their
dally task, allowing none to better
himself or excel his neighbor, allow
lng none to choose his own career.
Q. But do you mean that I, for instance, should not be able by hard
work and thrift to rise, save money,
and then stop work and be happy?
A. Certainly not, my friend. You
miss the whole point of Socialism.
You would have no chance of doing
those things; you would be given no
money to save; the results of your
hard work would be taken to maintain
the idlers; you could not "rise," for
Socialism means that all men are to
be equal; you would certainly not
"stop work and be happy," for Social-
Ism would exterminate all men who
would not work!
Q. But the Socialists say there
would be a good living for all.
A. Certainly, if you consider It a
"good living" when you cannot call
your soul your own, to say nothing of
your. wife and children and your
home!
Q. What! Not my wife and children and home?
A. By no means. Socialism would
abolish the permanency of marriage
and confiscate your children. As for
home—there would be no home-life
under Socialism. Good-bye to your
own fireside!
Q. Anyway, I should still have my
savings.
A. Not at all. The money your
years of diligence had earned would
be seized to keep those who had nol
troubled to put money by. Every
man's belongings would be snatched
from him and divided up.
Q. Why, then, should I vote for Socialism?
A. Don't, unless you want slavery,
atheism, and national decay.
Socialism   Is  universal   slavery.
(And this is the kind of dope they
are going to fight Socialism with!)
SAMMY SMALLSOUL
SEEING THINGS
That doughty little champion of
Trades Uuionism pure and simple,
(simple, doubtless, not doubtless the
pure) and confounder of wild eyed
Socialists, Samuel Gompers, has once
more demolished the system of Karl
Marx.
It must be six or seven years since
he gave utterance to that epoch making speech on the floor of the A. F.
of Ls. Convention, when some Socialists were trying to get that august
body to endorse their program. "I have
been watching you Socialists. I have
read the works of your leaders, not
only read them, but studied them,
bolh ln English and German, and I
want to tel you that politically you
are unsound; industrially you are Insane; and morally you are Impossible." I quote from memory and may
not be quite correct, but I am not far
out.
This same Sammy is now in Europe
studying the industrial situation there.
His expenses are met by the members
of the A. F. of L. and any Trade Union
sheet may have the proud privilege of
publishing his observations for the edification of these members, at the extremely low rate of one dollar per letter. These letters are appearing in
the Federatlonist, and Sammy grasps
the opportunity which scant occasion
it is in their Interest and power to
do so.
Fellow-workers, do not be fooled by
the cry of "It wouldn't be right to do
this." Have your masters ever stud-
led your rights? Have masters ever
studied the rights of slaves? You
know they have not; then why should
you study theirs? Let your power be
your right, backed by your Intelligence.
We have no plan of a future state
of society; all we know or care about
the future ls this: That when the
workers know enough to seize the
means of production, they will know
enough to enjoy their property.
Finally, bluntly and plainly, the proposition is:   "There Is a world of plenty; you have the power.   TAKE IT."
WILFRID GRIBBLE.
offers, to again demonstrate to the labor world the fatuousness of Socialist
thinking and incidentally his own
boundless ignorance of Socialism, notwithstanding his reading and studying Socialist leaders both in English
and German.
We are told that the lot of the German worker Is betler than It was
twenly years ago, and this betterment
ls altributed to the Increased strength
of the unions during the last fifteen
years and after dilating at length upon
this Increase of trade unionism and
the co-Incident Increase of maierlal
comfort, Sammy sums up as follows:
"This progress of Irade unionism
In Germany and its consequent beneficial effects to large masses of the
German working clasB, are In total
violation of Socialist Parly gospel and
dogma, as interpreted by Its old school
of leaders. Things have not worked
out according to the cataclysmic
scheme of Its prophet. The proletariat were to sink deeper and deeper Into misery. A general strike was to be
the form of the social explosion. It
was to be followed by a reconstruction of the society thus shattered."
I am inclined to the opinion that
the contemptible antics of this miserable mountebank during the recent
election in the States, his atlrltude toward the old Parties, trying to dispose of the Labor vote, which fortunately he had no control over, a fact
wel-known to the Republicans; his
deliberate lies concerning DebB and
his consequent craven tactics, has revealed to those who are not absolutely blind, that Gompers ls simply an
untoward acldent in the Labor world
and therefore not worthy of serious
consideration. However he may serve
as an example of the inexcuseable ignorance of those modern Balaam's
asses who open their mouths and
speak.
Let us take the general strike first;
Gompers certainly refers to Marx when
speaking of Socialism's "Prophet" and
Marx nowhere speaks of the general
strike, much less advocates it.   Indeed
THE PATERNAL BANKER
(Continued on paga three)
"The M Olson's Bank has decided to
allow none of its clerks to marry unless In receipt of an income of twelve
hundred dollars."—The Globe, Toronto, Aug. 25, 1909.
Montreal, Aug. 24.—An order has
gone forth from the headquarters of
the Molson's Bank to the effect that
henceforth all clerks ln the bank must
have (200 more salary per annum before they may join the ranks of. the
benedicts. The limit was $1,000, and
is now boosted to $1,200. Consideration of the greater cost of living
brought the management to the decision.—The Globe, Toronto, Aug. 25,
1909.
"Socialism means Paternalism," exclaims the wise guy and his opponent
is expected to feel duly squelched and
make a speedy exit; however, unfortunately for the would-be annlbilator,
many of his friends of the other side
have a nasty way of getting excellent
material to support their contentions
that those Imaginary bugaboos of Socialism are the actual realities of Capitalism, in proof thereof what more
conclusive exhibit could be furnished
than the above extract from The
Globe?
The writer of this article called the
attention of the manager of one of the
.Molson's Banks to the order, and asking his opinion thereon, was furnished
with the following information: "It
is necessary that our employees keep
up a certain standard of living and
mingle with the best society, and for
the purpose of the prestige of our institution they are expected to join the
lawn tennis clubs and attend church
with a certain degree of regularity,
and you know perfectly well that wllh
the present cost of living and the salaries paid lo the messengers, ledger
clerks and accountants, II is practically a case of spending nearly every
cent, and the board of directors, anxious for the welfare of the staffs, deem
it inadvisable that marriages should
be effected by employees whose salaries may be adequate for a single
man to keep up a decent appearance,
but would mean genteel poverty to a
married man. Certainly it, limits the
number of bank employees eligible to
contract the marriage tie, as $1200 per
annum is only paid to accountants (of
some branches) and managers. Whilst
these salaries may not seem very high
when compared with those of other
Institutions, yet a man Is assured of
steady employment and Is not so liable to be discharged as one who is
working for firms that decrease their
staff as soon as business diminishes;
not only that, bul every employee ls
entitled to a pension In his old age.
So that there are worse positions Ihan
those offered by .Molson's."
With reference to .he pension a few
questions elicited the factB as follows:
After  20  years  of  service  a  pension
Blame them? No, they, like thd
rest, are merely creatures of environment and it is to the material interests of their joblords that they should'
be kept inflated with the belief that
they do not belong to the Working
Class. Yet there are little seeds of
doubt permeating the brains of some
of the more Intelligent members and
every little while an employee decides
to look for less restrictive and kind-
hearted (?) protectors of the poor,
and then some of the better paid hv
borers of the directorate, with a patriotism that "does them proud," inveigle some of their Scottish brethren
to cross the Atlantic and begin their
career at an annual compensation ot
$50 a month (£10, 6s, Od), and the
unsophisticated Caledonian sees visions of opulence and the stores of
Andrew Carnegie, Lord Strathcona, et
al, are within his imaginary grasp. In
justice to these deceived mortals, 1
may Bay that their native perspicacity
comes to the aid of many and disillusionment is only a matter of time.
To the under-paid members of the
different banking institutions, I would
suggest that they weigh up the situation, investigate the social questions,
realize that they are compelled to Bell
their labor power ln competition with
their fellows just the same as the manual worker, and, Instead of assuming
an air of lofty superiority, recognize
that without an economic master they
would starve to death.
"Socialism would stop Incentive."
Yes! Yes! These banking Institutions, recognizing the facl that tho
meagre earnings paid and the conditions imposed upon their workers, do
not enable them to do much saving,
tell them that if they are good boys
for twenty years they shall be duly rewarded, the reward to be continuous
provided they don't Indulge in any
money-making enterprise which might
sully the glorious prestige of the
Bank—Sic gloria transit mundo. How
thin is the veneer that covers these
hypocritical respectables, who under
the guise of looking after the welfare
of others, are only considering their
own selfish Interests!
Employees of banks, do you nol recognize that workers In olher Industries have their organizations for protection and defence? If any of you
wish lo prove conclusively the insecurity of your positions, discuss the
advisability of forming a Bank Clerks'
Union, and you will find that your
days are not long behind the polished
counters and yet you may without
jeopardising your JOB, study the pros
and eons of thn philosophy of Socialism.
The Socialist movement Is a Working Class movement; you are a working man, subject to the exactions and
impositions of your capitalistic owners, and It Ib proof positive that they
equivalent to the half of the  salary |consider    they  have  overlordship  of
paid  during  the  last  year employed |\mi. or why would there be any nece-i-
shall be paid, subject, however, to
cancelation In the event of the recipient engaging In any remunerative occupation without first obtaining the
sanction to do bo from the board of
directors.
Half of $1200 (which Is near the
maximum paid) would be $600, and
what a high life one could lead with
this magnificent testimony of generosity!
«lty to Issue such mandates us hoada
this article?
"The Interests of laborer and capitalist are Identical," Fudge! Who
has the temerity to repeat this In the
face of such orders as this of the Molson's Bank to Its wage slaves? The
employees arc human beings, wllh human desires, and could enjoy the
pleasure of n loving woman's society
and revel In the games of their own
Many of these unfortunate Individ- voffsprlng just  as much as their em-
uals who are better groomed than paid
consider themselves of superior clay
to the common wage slave, whereas In
reality they are forced Into a state of
subserviency which any self-respecting
scavenger would scorn to contemplate
for a minute. From the ranks of these
would-be scions of gentility are recruited the perfervld patriots who
togged up ln military uniform, are
quite ready lo shoulder a musket and
without the slightest compunction, at
tho behest of an epauletted nincompoop, will fire upon the horny-handed
rebels against injustice.
It is this type also that sings the
loudest those glorious, patriotic and
soul-stirring songs, "Britons Never
Shall Be Slaves," "We Don't Want to
Fight, but By Jingo if Wo Do," "The
Flag That's Braved the Battle and the
Breeze," at board of trade banquets
or receptions to some Influential representative of the bourgeois crowd.
ployer, and yet these cost money; the
amount expended would, aa a single
man enable the employee to put on
more style to the glory and honor of
the Bank!
For the benefit of those readers
whose knowledge of banks and tbelr
methods arc practically unknown
quantities, I would say tint Molson's
Bank does not stand alone on this
question, and ln fact all banks issue
practically the same mandate, the
enly difference being that some Insist
lhat the minimum yearly wage shall
be $1500 before marriage can be consummated.
If any employee of a bank can show
any inaccuracies, or deems lhat any
deductions are erroneous, or has any
additional light to throw upon tho
situation, his letter will be willingly
reproduced tn the columns of this paper.
N. M. T. TWO
THE   WESTERN   CLARION,   VANCOUVER.   BRITISH   COLUMBIA.
SATURDAY, 8EPT. 11,  1909.
The Western Clan
,t    by    the
t the Offlce
Published    every    Saturda;
■oetalltt Party of Canada,
tt  the   Western    Clarion,    Flack
lusnsit, 165 Easting's Street, Vancou-
rnt, b c.
During such a period, when reforms
were not only practicable but were in
progress, when a betterment of conditions was not only possible but actual,
it is perfectly natural that the political  movement of he  workers should
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SATURDAY, SEPT. 11, 1909.
THE  SOURCE OF  REFORMISM.
On the vexed question of Reform vs
Revolution, a clearer understanding
can be arrived at by a brief examination into the conditions which gave
rise to these conflicting ideas, for it
may be safely assumed that economic
causes either, past or present, are to
be found underlying them.
It should be noted in this respect
-that in all countries conditions are
not altogether similar and in the different countries the evolutionary process
Ot these conditions has by no means
followed along Identical lines; those
ln which capitalism first dethroned
feudalism have of course run the entire gamut of capitalist evolution to
date, from the more .primitive machine production that first displaced
handicraft to the latest and most perfected co-operative production; while
those countries where capitalist domination has been postponed have naturally adopted from the others the
more advanced methods of production
and have skipped the intermediate
phases of development; while some of
those earlier in the field, again, having
been out-distanced by younger rivals,
have been stunted and so have never
reached the highest development.
Hence, in studying the course of this
evolution, it is necessary not to confine ourselves to one country alone,
but lo pass from one to another, beginning |n those where capitalism first
Started nnd ending in those where It
has attained its full fruitage.
Pursuing this line we learn that the
transition period from handicraft to
capitalism was one of the worst
through which the working class has
over passed. Deprived by improved
machinery of their accustomed means
of livelihood, the craftsmen were compelled to seek employment in the factories, and that in competition with
the laborers newly "freed" from the
land by the enclosing of the commons
and kindred measures. The productive power of the workers was vastly
increased, but for their increased product adequate markets were yet to be
found, consequently the supply of laborers was enormously in excess of
the demand, with the result that wages
were low and hours long, in addition
to which the repressive laws of feudalism were yet in force together with the
spirit in which these laws were made,
and palliative legislation was yet to
be enacted.
As soon as markets were developed
and capitalist, expansion was in full
■wing times began to look better for
the workers, and the succeeding period was the best for them under capitalism. During this perl 1 weia won
or conceded all those "rights and
privileges" vhiph the workers have
Vnjoyed."
On the one hand there was going
on a struggle for political supremacy
between two sections of the master
class. To each faction the support of
the workers was necessary and in
bidding for this support privilege
after privilege had to be conceded. As each faction in turn
came Into power it sought to secure
the permanancy of its rulo by bringing
within the circle of tho franchise new
sections of the working class. As the
workers became more widely enfranchised, changes in methods of dealing
with them became necessary. Palliative legislation had to be enacted some
of It in the interest really of a section
of the ruling class, and some of it in
order lo purchase tho support of the
workers; thus the right to com-
ceded.
On the other hand, the ownership
ot factories and workshops, mines and
mills wns yet vested in the hands of
Individuals or of small firms competing bitterly with one another. Against
those the union was a formidable weapon in the hands of the workers, especially In those Industries where
♦kill, training or apprenticeship was
requisite. Concession after concession was wrung from Ihe masters.
Hours were shortened, wages raised
and the slnnderd of living advanced.
Block partake of a reformist character. Hence
it is that we find in the older capitalized countries the poactlce prevalent
of advocating, together with the social
revolution, a number of reform measures for the palliation of immediate conditions.
Once a party is committed to these
measures for any length of time, their
abandonment becomes virtually impossible even after capitalist evolution
has pased out of that period during
which reforms and betterment were
feasible. For not only do they acquire
that persistency which arises from
the fetishism of a tradition, but also
on the one hand, with the aid of these
palliative proposals, the party recruits
largely from such elements in society
to which palliation yet seems a possibility, and on the other hand, drawing its members, as it necessarily does,
from the ranks of the old parties
whose accepted methods of soliciting
support are by promises and pledges,
its recruits bring with them into the
Socialist Party these very methods,
and can only with difficulty, if at all,
be shown their harmfulness.
The period we have dealt with was
capitalism's summer. When only, it
afforded the "greatest good for the
greatest number" insofar as that was
compatible with a slave system. But
all that is past; conditions are altogether different. Reform and betterment are no longer actualllties, but
on the contrary conditions are steadily and rapidly going from bad to
worse. Reformist tactics are now no
longer an inspiration from present ec
onomic conditions but an incubus inherited from the past. And it is a
notable fact that in our movement
here, whenever such tactics are advocated, it ls almost invariably by those
who have imbibed their ideas from
some other country where they are
prevalent, while the native proletarian takes more readily to the undiluted
revolutionary  method.
It Is curious to note, as we have seen,
that the more numerous the capitalists are, the weaker are they politically and industrially, and the stronger
the workers are on the industrial
field. Moreover, the stronger the workers are on the industrial field, the
less pressing and apparent is the necessity for political action on their
part. Conversely the fewer the capitalists, the stronger have they become,
both industrially and politically, and,
the more numerous the workers in proportion, the weaker they are on the in
dustrial field and the stronger their political movement.
The concentration of wealth into
fewer hands has been paralleled by a
like concentration of power. This is
(he era of Plutocracy triumphant.
Firmly entrenched n the citadel of
might'they can afford to be, and are,
recklessly brutal in their methods and
fearlessly savage in their repression
ot all efforts for betterment on the
part, of the workers. The unions too
have become absolutely impotent,
not, because of their craft divisions or
the treachery of their leaders, but
because of the Impregnability of their
enemies' position. They too, like reformism, are survivals from a past
era, that of the betterment of conditions. To-day, stripped of their accus
tomed weapons, the one function they
can yet perform of value to the working class, is lo use their resources in
educating the proletariat to the necessity of revolution.
would on the other hand be an incentive for individuals to break away
from the combination of sellers in order to obtain a readier sale for their
commodities.
Also that side of the market which
is for the time the stronger becomes
jet stronger, while the weaker becomes weaker. Thus when prices have
an upward trend buying becomes brisker, as the buyers expect to profit by
the continued rise; for the same reason sellers are prone, to defer selling.
Both together tend to accelerate the
upward trend of prices. So, also, when
prices are falling, the buyers defer
making purchases aa much as possible, expecting to buy more cheaply
later; while sellers are anxious to get
rid of their stocks before prices fall
further. Both together tend to accelerate the downward trend of prices.
Each of these phenomena, however,
contains its own corrective principle.
As the downward trend of prices
reaches lower levels buyers begin to
stock up, and at the same time, discouraged by the low prices, production
is retarded, the supply on the market
becomes depleted and prices steady
and begin to rise. Immediately buying
becomes brisker, sellers become more
confident and the upward trend of
prices is given a fresh Impulse, and
gathers impetus as lt rises. On the
other hand as commodities rise to the
higher levels, production, encouraged
by the Incentive of larger profits, ls
accelerated and large stocks of commodities are rushed on the market just
when prices are becoming top-heavy
and buyers are losing confidence and
restricting their purchase. The rise
stops. The downward movement begins and is immediately hastened by
indiscriminate unloading by the panic-
stricken sellers.
Thus the rise and fall of prices have
a regular periodicity whose "curve"
could be mathematically calculated,
given the necessary data, as readily
and as accurately as curves of temperature, of human stature, . of suicide,
etc., nave already been calculated.
Indeed it could be shown that the
personal element enters Into the market in a purely mechanical fashion.
That so far from either buyers or sellers "dictating prices," the market dictates the actions of both.
THE  VOTER.
BUYERS   AND   SELLERS.
We have seen that certain fluctuations Ih the prices of commodities are
due to the relations of supply and demand. When the demand for any commodity exceeds the supply of it, the
price tends to rise, and vice versa.
Here It is that the human element enters into the exchange ot commodities. On the one hand we have those
who have commodities to sell, on the
other those who would buy. However, the actions of even these human
elements ln the market ere subject to
certain well-defined mechanical laws.
The buyers wish to buy as cheaply
as possible, the sellers wish to sell as
dear as they can. When ever there are
numbers of buyers and sellers ln the
market, the logical incentive is always
for groups of each to combine for the
purpose of gaining an advantage in
the market. The urgency for combination will always be the greater upon
those who are on the weaker side of
the market. Thus, If sellers be numerous and buyers few, the consequent
fall in prices would impel the sellers
to combine In order to maintain or
raise prices, while on the other hand
the buyers, being able to purchase
cheaply, would not be under Ihe same
necessity for combination. They would,
however, be Impelled also to combine
as soon as a combination of sellers
tended to steady or raise prices. Be
it further noted that, when this stage
a reached the combinations of the buyers would bo more solid than the combination of the sellers. With plenty of
commodities in sight, the tendency
would be for uie buyers to hang together, while the necessity for selling
The proletarian voter Is a curious
bird. Between times he seems to be
at least not absolutely an idiot, occasionally he even exhibits surprising
intelligence. But around election
times he bobs up serenely, apparently
with his cranium carefully divested of
the last vestige of brain.
He discussess "the issues of the
day" with a mirth-provoking show of
wisdom, and a profundity of ignorance
sufficient to incline one to suicide.
Time after time he has been told the
same barefaced lies by the same brass-
faced politicians. Events have repeatedly proved the one to be lies and
the others liars. So much so that the
words politician, grafter and liar have
become bynouymous terms in his vo-
cabularly. Yet next election he swallows the same old lies and elects the
same old liars.
He seems to be laboring under the
delusion that It is his duty to vote, and
dutifully he votes for his masters.
Were he to stay home and go to bed,
at least he would not be actively engaged in aiding and abetting at his
own funeral.
For the capitalist and the near-capitalist it may be readily admitted that
there is some material inducement and
advantage in the issues which divide
the two old parties despite the unanimity of their respective opinions
thereon- But surely the apotheosis of
absurdity is attained when a working mule whose unencumbered assets
amount to little more than labor-
power and appetite, begins to wax enthusiastic over the conservation of
"our" resources; who, after all his
life surrendering the product of his
toil into the hands of as arrogant and
unprincipled a set of vagabonds as
ever cursed the earth, becomes virtuously indignant at the minor depredations of the political camp-followers
upon the hoards of his despollers; who
shouts for a vigorous development of
our country after he himself has in
mst cases narrowly escaped extermination through the perfected development of the land of his birth; who
approves measures taken for the increase of population in the burg of
which he is for the time being a denizen, when he has already been crowded out of centres that have become too
populous and has been lucky to have
found a crack to squeeze out through.
Certainly it seems a mistake to compare the working plug to the ass or the
dodo or to anything that Is reputed to
be of exceeding stupidity In the animal world. He has a stupidity peculiar unto himself and like nothing else
upon the earth or beneath It.
DO MANIFESTOS AND ELECTIONS
PAY?
LET TH08E WHO LIKE WAR FIGHT
During the past fifty years iio.ooo
British soldiers were killed in war and
80,000 committed suicide.
No mention Is made of those killed
by the British army, or Ihe thousands
of strikers shot down by the militia,
because they dared to oppose the right
of Ihelr capitalist masters (o rule and
rob. Itube, are you thinking of enlisting?
Editor Western Clarion, Vancouver,
B. C.
Dear  Comrade: —
I understand that to put up candidates in British Columbia-an election
deposit of $100 is required. If the
candidate falls to poll a certain per
centage of the votes cast, the money
is retained by the government.
In the past it has been the custom,
I believe, for the party to put a candidate If the money could at all be
raised, even in cases where it was
pretty certain to be forfeited. As an
election is approaching in the province, I should like to have this matter
threshed out.
In propaganda work we desire to
get the maxium results with the minimum of effort and expense. Do our
present methods meet this test. Let
us  see.
Participating in the B. C. elections
requires (1) the deposit of $100, (2)
Manifestoes which cost about $2 per
thousand, (3) the labor of their distribution, etc
Now, if there is a chance of electing
a Socialist representative, or even of
saving the deposit, a candidate should
by all means be put forward. But of
there is a likelihood that the deposit
will have to be forfeited, then I think
the money could be spent to a far
greater advantage than paying it to a
capitalist government.
Sometime ago the Western Clarion
offered to supply locals with three
month trial subscriptions ln lots of
one hundred or more at the rate of
fifteen cents. I assume that the offer
still holds good.
Now, one hundred trial subscriptions
would cost $15. Seven hundred trial
subscriptions would cost $105, a fraction more than the election deposit
It seems to me that if locals are going
to spend a hundred dollars, they would
do far better to invest it In the Western Clarion than pass it up to grafting politicians.
Consider the solid educational work
that would be done by having the
Western Clarion going weekly for a
period of three months into seven
hundred homes. Consider the profitable results of this scheme with the
probable results that would be obtained by the old electioneering methods.
Likewise with the money spent on
manifestoes. In my estimation it ls
next to wasted. Firstly, because they
are read by only a very small number of people; secondly, because an
ocasonal leaflet Is not likely to make
elections. Local Toronto spent over
eighty dollars on long-winded manifestos. If this same money had been
spent on having trial subscriptions to
some good Socialist paper sent to a
select list of names, it would have
done a thousand times as much good
as the manifestos.
However, if the manifestos are issued, they should be exceedingly
short, and, to arrest attention, be Illustrated by a striking cartoon. It is
also well not to indicate the campaign
character of the leaflet by headlines
or the opening paragraph, for people
are surfeited with such stuff at election times and throw most of it into
the fire without persual.
Locals of British Columbia, before
rushing Into the forthcoming elections
consider whether the money and the
effort expended in the old way could
not be expended with far greater educational results in the manner indicated by this letter.
If lt la found desirable to inform the
people why a Socialist candidate is
not put forward In this election it can
be done through a news item or
through a paid advertisement, preferably in the form of a "reader", In the
local  papers.
The old style manifesto Is no good,
Forfeiting large sums of money to
capitalist governments is no good.
However, let every local get busy at
election time raising money to boom
the circulation of the Western Clarion In the manner described, thereby
undermining capitalist society in a
most effective way. The time to start
is now.
In closing, I repeat that if the chances are good for electing a representative, or of saving the deposit, a can
dldate should be put forward.
Yours ln Revolt,
WM. RESTELLE SHIER
Toronto,   Ont.
Socialist Directory
Every Local of the Socialist Party of
Canada should run a card under this bead.
$1.00 per month.     Secretaries please note.
DOMINION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE,
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 836. Vancouver,
B. C.
BBITISH      COLUMBIA     PBOVOrCIAX
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meeta every alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
ALBEBTA PBOTIMCIAX, BXBCUTI7B
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday In
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement In the province.
A. J. Browning, Sec, Box   647  Calgary, Alta.
MANITOBA  PROVINCIAL  BZECU-
tive Committee. Meets first and third
Mondays of every month, Jubilee Hall,
corner of King and Alexander. The
Secretary will be pleased to furnish
any Information and answer any correspondence relative to the movement.
Secretary, H. w. James, 326 Hargrave St
Winnipeg,  Man.
ONTABIO   PBOTINCIAI.   EXECUTIVE
Committee. Meets In Finnish Hall, 214
Adelaide St., Toronto, on 2nd and 4th
Wednesday. Organizer,, W. Gribble
134 Hogarth Ave., Toronto;
P. C. Young, Secretary, qao Pape Ave.;
O. Colombo, Italian Org., 224 Chestnut St.
LOCAL TA:ICOUTEB, NO. 1, ■• P. OP
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Kdgett's Store, 151 Hastings St West
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
LOCAL VANCOUVER, B. C, NO. 45, FINNISH
—Meets every second and fourth Thnrsday in
the month at  151 Hastings St. W.   Secretary,
Matt Manilla.
LOCAL TICTOBIA, NO. 2, 8. P. OP O.
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Government St. Business meeting every
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Propoganda
meetings every Sunday at Orand
Theatre.
las Mclndoe, Secy. Room I, 1119 Government St.
LOCAL BOSSLANO, No. 35, 8. P. OP O.
meets ln.Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p. m. A. McLeod, Secy., P. o
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets ln Finlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p. m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
766 Rossland, B. C.
». P. 01 C-—Business meetings flrst
Sunday In each month. J. V Hull!
Secretary. Port Moody, B. C.
LOCAL PR1NCK RUPERT, B. C -Meets evert
Sunday at 8 p. ui., on the street corners and
various halls. J B.King, Sec.
local LASXMnxa: no. 10. a. p. op
C. Business meetings every Saturday
'„ p;m' »;. headquarters on First Ave.
Parker, Williams, Sec., Ladysmith, B  C
LOCAL BERLIN, ONT., NO 4. S. P. OF C —
meets every accoud and fourth Wtdntaday
evening, at 8 p.m., 55 King St, east opposite
Market Hotel. H. Martin, Secy. 01 Weber St.
east.
LOCAL NBL80N, 8. P. OJP C, MUM
every Friday evening at 8 p.m.. la
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. Frank
Phillips, Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy.
LOCAL PHOENIX, NO. 8, 8.  P.  OP O-
meets every Sunday at 8:30 p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Matt Halliday, Organizer
H. K. Muciuuis, Secy.
LOOAL CALOABT, ALTA., NO. 4, 8. P.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at I
p.m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block.
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room, McTavlsh Block.
817 Second; St. E. Opposite Imperial Ho.el
Fred S. Faulkner, Org., Box 647; I. Cibba
Secy., Box 647.
LOOAL BBUSTUE, ALTA., NO. It, B.
P of C., meets every first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hall.
C. Stubbs, Secy.
LOOAL NANAIMO,  NO.  3,  8. V. Of  C,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock!
Jack  Place,   Rec.   Secy.,  Box  826.
LOCAL   PBBNIE,   8.   P.   of   O,   NOLD8
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business meeting first Sunday in each
month, same place at 2:30 p m. J,
Lancaster, Sec. Box 164.
LOOAL OBEENWOOD NO. 9, 8. P. OP
C, meets every Sunday In Miners'
Union Hall at 7:30 p.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
month. T. Y. McKay, Secretarp Pro
Tem.
LOOAL TEXNON, B. C, NO. 38, 8. P. OP
C, meets every Friday night at 7:30
ln Tlnimlns' Hall, cor. of Seventh and
Tronson Sts. Business and propaganda combined. Geo. W. Paterson, Secretary, Vernon, B. C.
LOOAL XETELBTOXE, B. C, NO. 7, 8.
P. of C. Propaganda and business
meetings at 8 p. m„ the fourth Thursday of ench month In lodge room over
old post office, near opera house. Everybody welcome. B. F. Gavman,
Secretary; W. W. Lefeaux, Organizer.
LOCAL     COLNMAN,     ALTA^     NO.     •.
Meeta every Sunday night ln the
Miners' Hall and Opera House at 8
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
LOOAL SDXONTON, ALTA., NO. 1, 8.
P. of C. Meets every Thursday at 8
p.m., In Trades and Labor Hall,
Fourth St. Buaness and propaganda
meetings combined. J. R. Huntbach.
Secy., T«l First St. S.; R. MacQuarrla.
Organizer, 623 Second St.
looal trmxPBO, s. p. op o. nxab-
qu art ers Klondyke block, coruer of Pacific
and King Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome. W. Cummfngs, Organizer.
Jas. W
street.
Amer,   Secretary, 336 Maryland
LOCAL TOBONTO, 8. P. OP C—BNO-
Ush    Branch. Business    meetings
flrst and third Wednesdays of
each month, Finnish Hall, 214 Adelaide
St W. Speakers' class meets alternate
Mondays and Tuesdays at 134 Hogarth
Ave. Economic classes meet every
Friday night at 314 Wellesley St
Speakers supplied on shortest notice to
Ontario Locals. Corresponding Sec, A.
Lyon, 134 Hogarth Ave.
LOCAL   COBALT,  NO.   8,  8.   P.  OP  a
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. ln Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446.
local Montreal; que., no. 1, a
P. of C—Meets in Labor Hall, St
DomJnlque street, Sundays at 3 p. m.
Heaequarters No. 1 St. Charles Horromee st
Otto Jahn Secretnay, 528 Chausse
Directory of Western Federation of Miners in British
Columbia
Executive Board Member
Wm. Davidson, Sandon
DISTRICT  ASSOCIA1 JON   NO. 6.
President
Vice-President
Secretary-Treasurer
Jno. A. McKinnon, Rossland
Trios. J. McKay, Greenwood
A. Shilland, Sandon
No.
Name             Meeting
Pres.
Sec'y.
r 0.
Add.
Night
Box
1JB
Discovery
194
Camborne  ....
Wed
IR
180
Grand  Forks..
Wed
\V. E. Ha<ldeu	
M
n
Greenwood   ...
Sat
Geo.   Heatherton..
1S4
mi
Wed
T.  H.  Rotherham.
4?
Hedley
611
Sat
Mike Mc Andrews..
H. T. Rainbow....
3D1
11)0
Kimberly   ....
Sat
Joe Armstrong	
O
Kimberly
1111
Sat
lit
Ferguson
227
Marysvllle
M. & S. U.
Sat
Malcolm McNeill..
Marysvllle
Moyie
Nelson
71
36
06
Sat
Paul   Phillips	
106
«
Sat
R.   Sllverthorn....
W. A. Pickard	
S94
Phoenix          1
tin
Rossland   ....
Wed
J. A. McKinnon..,
Geo. *nsey	
4S1
HI
Sat
L.  R.  Mclnnls	
K
Oil
Sat
Robert Malroy....
Fred   Llebscher...
85
112
Sat
Blair Carter	
D.  B.  O'Nenlll	
90
Slocan City
it:!
Sat
G. B. Mcintosh...
T. T. Rutherford..
8SR
Trail M & 11..
W.   B.   Mclsaac...
377
606
Trail
Ymir
80
Wed
A   Hurgess	
GUARDIANS OF OUR  MORALS.
The church fairs which are conducted at the corner of Oault court and
Oak street have been a scandal for
several months past.
At the last fair there were ten roulette wheels going, 7 fortune wheels,
3 "military" games, 8 pool games and
7 games which are known as disch
games. These games were running
wide open on the side walks for three
blocks up and down the streets around
Milton,  Oak and  Gault court.
Detectives from the East Chicago
avenue station walked by and could
not see the games. Barkers and cappers worked strenuously, but the police refused to notice that newsboys
were losing their last penny in these
framed up games of chance.—Daily
Socialist.
What to Bead on Socialism
BrCharles II. Kerr, Editor of the International
Socialist UeTlew,, Elebtr beautifully printed
pares, with many portraits of socialist writers.
Includes a simple, cooclse statement of the principles of socialism. One copy frte on request,
10 mailed for 10c: loo for 11.00; 1,000 forllO.UO.
CHARLES H. KERR <t CO.
103 Klnzle Street, Chicago, III.
C. PETERS ffl-fl
Hand-Made   Boots aud   Shoes to order ib
all styles.   Repairing: promptly aud tie t'y
ly done.    Stock  of staple ready-made
Shoes al way* oa hand.
I486 WutMtittir Avi.
ATENTS
e solid, the business of Manufacturers.
Engineers and others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted
by Experts. Prelirainaryadvice free. Charges
moderate. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon
request. Marion & Marion, New York Life Bldg,
Montreal : »uii Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
NEW SOCIALIST GAME
"ih Mass smut!" tf.aa.3xt
CBAULKB H. KERR * CO., 103 Kinds Street. Chicago, HI
TYOLAISET CANADASSA
Jos   tahdotte jotakin  tietaa
tyovaen puolueesta ja sosial-
ismin edistyksesta Canadassa,
niin tilatkaa kohta.
"Tyokansa"
Box 197, Port Arthur, Oit
Se on Canadassa ainoa Suo-
men kielinen sanomalehti, jo-
ka taistelee sinunkin puolesta.
Edistat tyovaen luokkaa tila-
amalia Tyokansan.
Maksu ilnooilun, $1.50 vuoilkerta
"Vikilioki" Mikiu, $1.15
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o'clock
E. T. KINGSLEY
National Theatre
Formerly the Cameraphone
58 HASTINGS ST. W. VANCOUVER, B. C. SATURDAY, SEPT. 11, 1909.
THE   WESTERN   CLARION.   VANCOUVER.   BRITISH  COLUMBIA.
THREE
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
MARITIME ORGANIZING.
Comrades: —
As you all know Comrade Gribble
has been in the Maritime for tour
months. It was expected when he
came East that a month or six weeks
would be aboA the limit. But he has
kept up the work tor tour months, and
hard discouraging work lt has been
too at times. But he has stayed right
on the job and to-day we have a good
strong fighting organization, where we
before had three or four puny little
locals.
Gribble left a good Job In Toronto
when the Dominion Executive called
upon him to take up the work in the
Maritime. And, being only a wage
slave the same as the rest of us, he
ls not overly flush with worldly goods.
Within the next month or six weeks
the tour will be over and he must go
back to Toronto ln a very dull season
and look for a master.
Now its up to the Comrades to see
that Comrade Gribble goes back with
a good sized wad in nis pocket. He
has earned at least a dollar a day and
let's give lt to him and as much more
as we can raise. Let us show him in
a good substantial manner that we
appreciate his work. Boost the supplementary fund, Comrades! The contributions have been coming very
slowly of late.
The fund at present stands:
Previously  acknowledged    $87.80
Local Toronto, per Com. J. Stewart        5.00
Com- Lyon, Toronto 60
Com. Cheesman, Toronto      1.00
notice, and any candidate we place on
our ticket has the chip on his shoulder ready to meet all comers. Our
greatest trouble has always been to
get the enemy to meet us on the platform.
Every Socialist in the province
should see to it that he is on the voters' list. No matter how good a Socialist you may be, if not on the list
you do not count. Get on the list and
give the enemy a whirl for his money.
Show him that we mean business and
are continually camping on his trail.
Working men, unite and the world
ls ours.
L A. AUSTIN,
Secretary.
PROPAGANDA   IN   CALGARY.
Total $94.30
Let me hear from those who have
not yet contributed
Yours in Revolt,
ROSCOB A. FILLMORE.
Secretary Temp. Organ. Com.,
Albert,
Albert Co.,
N.  B.
FULCHER TAKES A HAND.       .
Editor  Clarion,
Dear Comrade: —
I happened to be in Reglna last
week, got In touch with the Comrades
Charlie had been organizing, and held
two good meetings on South Railway
street. One of the Comrades had previously got permission from our masters? lackey's so I did not have dinner
at the King's expense.
I have great hope of Reglna, there
are good Comrades there and lots of
intelligent raw material. We will in
a short time have a strong local in
Regina as another link in the Socialist chain  across  Canada.
I am glad that I was able to talk revolution and not tied down to reform.
If any of our immedate-demander
friends had been talking their twaddle they would have had short shrift.
The Conservative party (like most reform parties out of office) has practically all the planks our Immediate
demanders want In their platform, and
they have every bit as good a platform
as the Socialist Party of America, yet
they are discredited and as as I have
said before, out of office. No, my reform Comrades, it will not do to
preach reform as a political scheme,
where a stronger party has all your
planks,  you  will   gain  noting.
I have no fear of Regina quitting
the true pat'      mditlons there make a
revolutionary'    arty a necessity and a
reform party an impossibility.
Yours In Revolt,
EDMUND   FULCHER,
Org.  Local   Brandon.
8A8KATOCN.
At the conciliation board proceedings here between the city council and
the-Federal Union of Sewer Diggers,
the • mayor declared "lt would be
against the laws of man and the laws
of God to recognize this union." A
member of the union is said to have
observed on the Bide: "Well, I'll be
God damned!" There has also been
talk of agitators, spies, butters-ln from
Winnipeg, and Americans from nowhere.
NELSON ON DECK.
Editor Clarion: —
Nelson Socialist Local received a
short time ago a communication from
the Provincial Secretary regarding
the probability of there being called
shortly a Provincial election, and the
necessity of getting ready for same.
In this respect the Socialists of
Nelson wish to say that we are always
ready. We started this campaign Immediately the returns were In for the
last light, and we differ from the present party in power In so far as we
do not have to bringlthe Honorable
Premier all the way from Victoria to
tell us who to place' ln nomination.
The Socialists of Nelson have a dozen
good able men; any one of that dozen
ean be placed in the Held on an hour's
Sunday, Aug. 29th, was a notable
day ln the Socialist movement in Calgary, as our sturdy Comrade C. M-
O'Brien was in fresh from his experiences with the authorities tn Reglna, and consequently was in good
fighting trim.
In the afternoon, Charlie spoke to a
small crowd of Ukralnains ln a small
hall, and despite the heat, these enthusiastic Comrades sat patiently
through O'Brien's remarks, and the
following Interpreter's, who by the
way, was a lady Socialist. These foreign Comrades are a very bright
bunch, and will progress.
In the evening a big meeting was
held ln the Lyceum Theatre, with
Comrade Masters ln the chair, which
he filled with credit. Again our Comrade, back from the wars, held the attention of five hundred people from
start to finish of his lecture on Principles of Scientific Socialism. Several
Comrades hearing film for the first,
time, pronounced him the best ever,
and one young fellow said lt was the
flrst Socialist speech he had ever
beard, and he was never so delighted.
At question time, one critic came
forward with the question raised by
Untermann, re the robbery of the consumer, and O Brien answered on the
same lines that Mc. did in this week's
Clarion, and earned the applause of
the crowd.
To-night, Monday, we slaves in this
particular outfit I am engaged upon
had the privilege of hearing hlm'|
again on the subject of "How Values
Are Determined," and the slaves were
very attentive. The movement generally through the Northwest is growing fine, according to O'Brien, who is
leaving to-morrow, after two strenuous days, to visit his constituents.
Here's more power to the undesirable citizen, C. M. O'Brien, M. L. A.
F. S. F.
HAIR-PULLING    IN    SASKATOON.
...lust now in the city of Saskatoon,
there Is a squabble between two
bunches of slaves, the workers and
the city authorities, those little business and professional men who not
only manage most of the affairs In thai
district for the Capitalist Class, but
also do most of the political pimping.
All of which is so repulsive to manly
feelings and human dignity, so disgusting and degrading, that In order to
get recruits, the capitalists have nol
only to allow these fellows lo live a
little better than the average slave,
bill Ihey must also hypnotise or mentally chloroform them into believing
that they are Capitalists, and It Is
most amutelng to watch the antics of
these slaves as they try to ape the
Capitalist.
Anyhow they buy labor power to
build and repair streets, dig sewers.
etc., and, thinking that they are the
capitalists and to be the benefactors,
they, like all others, buy labor power
as cheap as they can. As well they
go to as little expense as possible to
protect it from danger. And then as
sellers of overalls, hob-nailed boots;
prunes, sow-belly and the like, which
slaves must have ln order to have labor power to sell, they charge as high
a price as they can.
The other party to the squabble Is
an ordinary bunch of slaves, who,
knowing that the labor market is very
much overstocked and that their ls
nothing to be gained by peddling their
commodity elsewhere, have been so
ground down, their manly feelings and
human dignity so crushed, that they
are apparently content to organize discussion circles and trade unions that
they may develop spokesmen, who
with their united effort may more effectively squabble with the city authorities for a little higher price (wages) for the commodity labor power,
a little more protection from danger,
and a little lower prices for the sowbelly, etc.
I say apparently contented because
not one of them, Indeed so far as I
know not one In the city, belongs to
the Socialist movement, the only
movement ln the world that offers to
free them from slavery by bringing
them Into ownership of the property
that how enslaves them.
True, there are some who say they
belonged to the Socialist movement in
other countries, and they with others
say they are in sympathy with us. But
"sympathy without relief (organized
effort) is like mustard without beef."
Like the fellows they are squabbling
with they are deluded with the idea
that success is due to buying cheap
and selling dear. And along this line
they soon produced from an argumen-
tive point of view, men who could outdo the city authorities, but while beaten in argument, the city authorities
did not have to act.
The representatives of the ordinary
slaves had to make another move.
This they did through the labor department of the capitalist class executive ot this country, and they actually
spent so much time and energy- studying the Lemieux Act, and other such
gold bricks, that they knew lt better
than the city authorities, and in spite
of all the political wire pulling on the
part of the latter, the former won.
Played them at their own game so
cussessfully that they secured from
the department of labor a board of
inquiry and arbritatton. They even
got one of their own spokesmen, Ed.
Stephenson, on that board. He and
the other board members are supposed to agree on a chairman. This they
could not do, as the man Stephenson
would agree to would not suit the other fellows. In that case the guy at
the head of the labor department appoints the chairman. As the city authorities could pull more effective
wires than Stephenson and his bunch,
they won a victory. The fellow appointed was until recently a politician
in the U. S. I think at one time a
state senator; if not, it was not his
fault.
The ordinary slaves selected as
their chief spokesman Honore J. Jax-
on, one tome secretary of the Northwest rebellion, a man who has received considerable training in the capitalist schools, and has trickling
through his veins the blood ot those
who at the time of his birth knew not
how to bow to the yoke of slavery.
Believing in a seise of justice between man and man (unconscious,
methinks, that in a slave society
tliere can only be justice between
slaves or between masters, economically speaking there can be no justice
between masters and slaves, what is
good for one is bad for the other),
his life has been spent fighting with
the under dog flrst in the Reil rebellion, ever since with the trade unions.
(Again unconsciousthat he was fighting the effect rather than the cause,
the shadow rather than the substance,
fighting to retard the progress of capitalism and therefore to prolong the
agony of his class). He is an Idealist, and his big human heart prompts
him to act at every opportunity. Every squabble over the price of the
commodity labor power or any other
commodity, affords him an opportunity for Immediate action. His ability
to battle in argument or wordy contest, backed up by his conception of
justice, must afford his feelings no
small share of gratification, as he unmercifully wallops the fellow who ls
trying to defend the upper dog.
The city representatives who were
instrumental in having this American
politlcan appointed chairman, now
protesl against Jaxon being the
spokesman of the slaves, on the
ground that he Is an American. Stephenson argued that such did not disqualify him; he quoted several easies
where Americans had acted on both
sides, hut on a pretence of patriotism
they objected. The Jaxon took the
tirst fall out of them. He said: I
have always been a British subject.
Though he lived over twenty years
In the U. S„ He furnished the boiml
with evidences from these slaves to
show that the cost of living was so
much higher, and wages so much lower, and danger so much greater, owing
to ihe cheap method of operation,
than ln other places. He had the pigmies who represent the cisy loudly
protesting, saying the cost of livlm?
had nothing to do with wages, but
Jaxon boldly proceeded to show that
wages was determined by the cost of
subsistence ot the slaves. He quoted
from Lasalle and spoke learnedly
about the iron law of wages. All of
which was Greek to his opponents,
who, when I left Saturday noon, were
looking several ways for Sunday. They
had their chairman adjourn until Tuesday, to give them time to get posted.
It was sure a source of satisfaction
to see the common slaves walloping
these conceited pigmies. Ah, but there
lt ends. That is the whole victory- Is
it worth the energy? Could the time
and money have been belter spent?
I think so. For struggle as they may,
the one to buy cheap and the other to
sell dear, the one may win a temporary victory now, the other again; but
In the last analysis it Is the market
that determines what (lie one shall
pay and the other receive. The class
struggle Is not a struggle between
buyers and sellers over prices. It is
a struggle between master and slave
for ownership of property.
This is the first time for a city cor-
AUSTRALIA REPUDIATES REFORM
The Second national convention of
the Socialist Federation of Australia
met at Broken Hill June 12-16. Reports of this convention Indicate that
the Australian Movement has made
considerable advances during the past
year. Two things which occurred give
particular pleasure to an American
observer: A resolution to embody
"immediate" demands in the platform
was decisively lost and a very sensible
resolution was adopted on the subject
of industrial unionism. Last year, lt
will be remembered, the convention
of the S. F. A. adopted a resolution
in favor of the I. W. W. This year it
was moved and carried that the S.F.A.
endorsement of I. W. W. preamble be
withdrawn and Federation only declare for the broad principle of Industrial unionism.
Tom Mann was chosen general organizer and a resolution was passed
inviting Eugene V. Debs to make a
tour of Australia. In addition a large
number of measures were taken to insure active and united propaganda
during   the coming year.
The Bishop ot London frankly admits that slum churches are good to
persuade the people to starve to
death quietly and with religious
resignation.
SAMMY SMALXSOUL
SEEING THINGS
(Continued from page one)
it would be difficult to conceive how
he could, seeing that he died In 1884
ere the historical condition had ripened so that a general strike appeared
ncessary. The general strike as a
live issue is of recent years, and was
promulgated flrst by Anarchists.
Kantsky, who is one of "the old
school leaders" said that conditions
may arise when an extensive cessation of labor may easily have great
political results." but he points out
that the anarchists and French trade
unionists use the word. To the latter the Political and especially the
Parliamentary activity of the Proletariat, is to be supplemented by the
strike and it is to become a means to
throw the social order overboard.
THAT IS FOOLISH."
Now let us take a part of the German Socialist Party's principles formulated curiously enough, just a little
more than fifteen years ago 1891. Gompers dates the rise of German Trade
Unionism at fifteen yeaifs since.
"The strugle of the working class
against Capitalist exploitation, must of
necessity be a political struggle. The
working class can neither carry on
their economic strugle nor develop
their ecomomic organizations without
political rights. They cannot effect
the transfer of the means of production to the community without being
flrst invested  with Political  power."
Plechanoff, another old school leader
says: "Every class struggle is a
political strugle. Whosoever repudiates the political strugle, by that very
act gives up all part and lot in the
class struggle." So much for the general strike. I could go on and fill column after column with quotations,
showing that Socialists insist upon
getting hold of the Governmental Big
Stick by political action, and with
that to retain their product, and not by
refusing to labor.
Now for his other proposition. "The
proletariat were to sink deeper and
deeper Into misery," Gompers denies
that this had taken place, and asserts that Trade Unions have caused
Capitalist machinery to turn out "better wages, better conditions—In a word
better life than ever," and points to
Germany as his proof. But In speaking of Belgium, which has a very much
greater per centage of trades union
members than Germany, he tells us
that "poverty such as exists In Bel-
glum and Holland can hardly be conceived by the average dweller In an
American city." This speaks volumes.
I need not quote any more, but, will
do so. Two girls earn each $1.60 per
week and pay $1.00 per week for board
each. "Their working hours are from
eight in the morning till ten ln the
evening Including Sundays. They were
neat In appearance as they were obliged to be. They ate their breakfast
at home and they were not allowed
time to eat until they left the shop at
ten ln the evening. They took some
bread with them and took a bite when
they got a chance "
Peddlers' carts are drawn by dogs.
"Not Infrequently the dog is hitched
up as one of a pair In a team, his
mate being a bent and wrinkled woman * * * "The Belgian law, In Its
benevolence has taken recognition
of the dog as a social lad or. Before
the dog can be hitched up he must
have attained a certain height and
weight, of course no such benevolent
consideration protects Ihe woman."
t
Some   of    the    conditions    which
understood, when he states that "the
general tendency of Capitalist production is not to raise but to push the
value of labor power (wages) more
or less t» Its minimum limit. Such being the tendency of things In this system, Is this saying that the working
class ought te abandon their attempts
at making the best ot the occasional
chances for their temporary betterment." If they did, they would be degraded to one level mass of broken
wretches past salvation."
How near they are to that condition
in Belgium may be gathered from the
following by Gompers:
"Whole families are working for 70
cents a day. The huts as shown, were
usually of dried earth, red or thatched
roofs. One room without any floor
but the bare soil, almost bare of any
furniture whatsoever." This ls a reproduction of the workers home at an
exposition. The unions have done
much to raise wages we are told, as
will be shown in another letter.
In France, Gompers seems to have
been roughly handled, but his pompous and lavish praise of his own little self leaves him little else to talk
about. Asked why he had said nothing about the abolition of the wages
system, he said he was not sure he
wanted the wage system abolished.
Of course he doesn't. $5,000 per year
and free trips to Europe, with the added revenue of one dollar each for
letters, ls a soul satisfying consuma-
tlon, particularly when that soul happens to be of the small, sordid, pretentious type of which Sammy's la an
example  par  excellence.
This soul-smallness is evident in his
own words in quoting, as "a leading
and sober editorial," the following
from I.e Temps: "The trade union
ought to be a part of the organism of
society, not a ward machine directed
against it. It ought to help in regulating the relations between the employer and employed."
In England he tells us "the deepest
Impressions made upon me come from
its poverty* * 'Everywhere is thrust
before the traveller's eyes scenes of
deplorable misery. If one takes a cab
in any street In London a panting boy
or man suddenly appears and goes
through the form of proferlng his un
solicited service of closing or opening the cab door. Frequently there
are so many of these boys and men
that they bustle and hustle with each
other as to who shall apparently go
through the form of performing the
service."
Sammy Is not the only one who Is
Impressed with England's poverty.
During the recent Press Association
Conference in London, an English reporter asked a Canadian editor what
he thought of London's poverty-stricken streets. "Its Hell" replied the Canadian, and his companion from Australia could supply no better word"
(Victoria Times Aug. 5th.)
And yet in spite of all this, I his
modern Pangloss asserts that the condition of the workers is getting better,
and, with a trade union of the U. S.
A. F. of L. type, would be the best of
all possible conditions.
Where was the A. F. of L. ln the
Alabama Coal Strike, where money
and organization combined, put up the
most powerful front possible In any
trade-union. Sammy was chasing
around the country trying to get a
lick of the spittle expectorated by the
political leaders of that party which
invoked the state machinery to force
the miners back to work.
During the last Convention of the
U. M- W. of A. when the tale of that
strike was told and Gompers' altitude
was commented upon, the blatant little ass sent a telegram to protest
against coupling hi.i name with the
Alabama atrocities. Now he sails
around Europe boasting about the conditions In America and the powei ol
the American Trade Union movement.
And this last Is something to boast
about in good sooth. Cribbed ln by
laws, harassed by Injunctions, harried
and bullied by thugs and Plnkertons,
Its funds filched by the courts, Its
members shot and its property destroyed by the armed force of the state.
Capitalism rampant and raving, rides
over labor without even due process of
the law. And professor Pangloss Gompers looks on with smiles and to his
unsophisticated European candldes exclaims "Tis the best of all possible
working conditions."
I sometimes wonder whether Gompers Is a joke or a sore affliction.
Whether he Is a comedy or a deep
deep tragedy; the Falstaff, or the Judas of the American Labor movement.
Tis Indeed a problem. However whichever it be he serves one useful purpose.
To those who attempt to read the
signs of the limes, he Is, as It were,
a safety valve. When he Is on the
cull pile, it will Indicate that the American tollers have come Into their
own, are now conscious of their aim.
aware of their historic mission and
intent upon Ihe fulfillment thereof.
Gompers does not represent the American toller, but, having some fat
jobs at his disposal, he dominates the
convention, from whicli he Is elected
tXere and Tfow
ByLBBDS"
poratinn to be under the scrutiny of I nose at home In Wellington, D. C, ache Lemieux Act.    Thus far, from a j cording to the report of a TJ. S. Commission whicli was debarred the use
of the mail as being obscene.
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^     a j cording to the report o
capitalist point of view, the Lemieux'
Act has been a howling success.
C. M. O'BRIEN
Sammy deplores exist right under his i Therefore when thai convention unseats him lt will he a sign of hope tithe already roused up millions of the
world  and  an  omen  of  evil  to  the
Master class of America.
Marx   protests   against  being   nils-
J. H.
Did you notice the deficit tor tbe
month of August? Only two yearlles
a day (not two hundred) for the
month, extra,, would have just met expenses. This means sixty readers
sending in Only one each for the
month. However this month is starting off well and if one hundred readers will send In at least one sub.
each during the month In addition to
the usual ones to the Clarion's regular hustlers, last month's deficit will
be wiped out and this month will
break even. It can be done, tbe
question is will you do it?
• •   •
There Is no question but Bowser's
answer to the petition for tbe dismissal of Magistrate Williams was tbe
right and proper one. Bowser knows
that resolutions from men who do not
know enough to work a little bit of
paper correctly on election day
are hardly worth even considering. He also knows that when
the workingmen of Vancouver (or
elsewhere) realv mean business they
will vote the Socialist ticket. Until
then the interests for which Bowser,
Williams and their kind stand have
nothing to fear.
• '»   •
The following clipping from the Toronto Globe is worth considering. Says
the Globe: 'The Labor Congress at
Quebec will opose and condemn tbe
passing wave of militarism. If the
workers would vote as wisely in political affairs as tbey do ln their conventions there would soon be an end
of militarism in all countries."
• • •
The English branch of Local Toronto sends $10.0 for the Clarion Maintenance Fund, and Local Fernle $17.85.
• •   »
Comrade A. E. Glennle, Ottawa,
wants a rustler's sub book, and forwards a couple of subs, meanwhile.
• • •
Death by consumption has removed
another Comrade from the ranks of
the revolution trail blazers In the person of John A. Welsh of Local Cobalt. "He has fought the good fight"
Inasmuch as he tried to leave this
old world a little better than he found
lt.
• •   •
Three new subs from Comrade Alex
Lyon, Oakvllle, Ont.
• •   *
And Comrade Lome Cunningham of
Guelph digs up the necessary for his
weekly bundle.
• •   •
Comrade II. Colllngwood, North
Battleford, Sask. sends In a dollar
for his own sub. and encloses a new
one.
♦   #   *
A bunch of seven Investigators arrive per Comrade Ed! Fulcher, Brandon, Man., five of them from the town
that lately honored Comrade O'Brien
by putting him ln jail.
• •   *
And Comrade T. B. Legge, also arrives with a pair from Brandon, Man.
• *   *
Three citizens of Nelson, B. C. will
be given an opportunity of studying
the real dope for a year, per Local No.
4.
• • •
Comrade R. A. Fillmore, Albert, Albert, Co., N. B„ wants some Constitutions. He reports having held two
good mcllngs, one at Hlllsboro, and
one al Ilopwell Cape. Things arc coming our way over tliere In good shape,
lie says.   Thai's the stuff.
• *    *
Another pair to hand from Comrade
Charley O'Brien, M. P. P., one from
Edmonton, Alberta, and one from
Bowden, Alta.
• •    si
Before you   can   put  Socialists    in
pqssession of the law making and
law enforcing powers at Victoria, you
must have your name on the voters'
list
• •   *
Each of the following Comrades Is
responsible for a sub. this week:—R.
B. Dow, M asset, B. ('.; Jas. Garden,
Standoff, Alta.; A. M. Campbell, Vancouver, B. C; Cyril Kosoman, Mara,
B. C; Frank Phillips, Nelson, B. C.j
J. H. E. Dalglelsh, Vancouver, B. C.i
Bob McLachlan, Vancouver, B. C.i B.
Cripp, Vancouver, B. C.i Jack Place,
Nanalmo, B. C; W. H. Stebblngs,
Winnipeg, Man.; and Leeds.
• •   •
The capitalist press do not seem to
like strikes and what they call Industrial unrest. They will be less pleased still when the workers stop striking and vote the Socialist ticket.
WE DON'T CARE A CUSS.
Kobt. Bandlow, of Cleveland, O., has
clasped hands With Rockefeller, the
World's greatest criminal, Labor's
greatest foe. What Is the attitude of
the Socialist press?
Fraternally,
A, A. COWI.ES.
Hot Springs, Ark.
If all the workingmen In Vancouver
were to leuve the city In the hands of
the real estate boosters, and no more
workers came to take their places,
what would real estate he worth? FOUR
THE   WESTERN   CLARION,   VANCOUVER,   BRITISH   COLUMBIA.
SATURDAY, SEPT.  11,  1909.
REFORM OR REVOLIHIOZK
The question of adding immediate
demands to our Platform seems to be
agitating many of our Comrades, so a
few words on the subject may be in
keeping with the times.
First, What is Socialism? Socialism is a scientific theory of civil polity, that will secure for the working
class the collective ownership of the
means of wealth production.
Second. Socialists are persons who
. believe the above theory Is right, and
actively propagate It. Persons who
do not believe In this theory, no matter what their other beliefs, are not
Socialists.
Third. The reason why Socialists
are organized as a political party is
this: All ownership is through the
government, and as we wish to obtain
the ownership of the means of wealth
production, we must overthrow the
present class government and substitute an administration of things. This
being a democratic country, the workers have a chance every four years of
marking their approval or disapproval
of class government. So we take the
political field, not to satisfy our political ambitions, but to obtain the collective ownership that we desire.Were
we not allowed this democratic method of stating our wishes, we should
not have entered the political arena,
but endeavored to obtain our desires
by other methods.
Having taken the political field to
obtain our desired end, lt does not
follow that we should stoop to the
same practices as the old political parties, that merely have platforms to
get elected on. Our object ls not so
much to get elected, but to make Socialists. We run candidates more for
the purpose of educating the public up
to our ideas, than for getting the candidate a-job. We run candidates where
we know we will not get elected, and
in many cases where we know we will
lose our deposit. We kno that an election lost (?) on a straight ticket
will do more to bring about the transformation we seek than an election
won (?) on a cater'to every crank
platform with collective ownership in
the dim distant future at the bottom.
Our friends that are so eager to
make our Party popular, are not Socialists, but political schemers, wishing to build up a large party with
mushroom rapidity, as a means to the
glorification of their particular selves
at the expense of their party. On
what do our schemer friends base
their claim to a change in the Party's Platform? To make It easier for
spineless working mules to join our
Party. In other words, to make it unnecessary to be a Socialist to join the
Socialist Party. If these men (?) that
our friends are so eager to get as
members will not join the Party now
because It stands only for collective
ownership, are they likely to stand
for collective ownership after they
have joined the Parly?
Even as a political scheme, will It
benefit the Party or the working class
to add reforms to the Platform? They
have reforms In the American platform, yet the working class in America are no better off and have no better
labor legislation, nor as good as British Columbia, where our revolutionary
party is strongest. We had a People's
Political Association In Saskatchewan
with a whole string of reforms; did
we get them, and where ls the P. P.
A. now? We had a Labor (?) Party
ln Manitoba, even elected a man to
the Dominion House (our string of reforms was far too long to be inserted
here); where are our reforms and
our party now? We had Patrons of
Industry in Ontario, with another
string of reforms; where are they
now? We had Knights of Labor In
the Eastern States, with an 8-hour
agitation, 25 years ago (our Finnish
Comrades speak of this); where are
tbe Knights of Labor? And is the
8-hour day universal yet? We also
have a Trades and Labor Congress in
this country, with a reform platform
and 150,000 members. Are we In any
likelihood of getting those reforms,
even with that enormous backing? I'll
bet that, had we that number working
for the transformation we advocate,
all those reforms and many more,
would have become law, and alBO the
capitalists would be suffering from
an unmentionable complaint.
There is only one thing sure about
reform parties, and that is that they
do not get reforms enacted. Past history proves that reform parties have
not helped the working class, though
they may have been the stepping
stone to political "honors" for some
of their members. If our friends have
political aspirations, they had better
go away back to the tall timber till
they have found out that the S. P. of
C. does not seek to raise up giants,
but to elevate the race.
Our reformer friends also taunt us
with our small number. Even if our
numbers are Bniall, it Is belter to have
truth for a platform with a small following, than error and a large following. But are our numbers small comparatively? I claim they are not.
Look at the States, with Its Ideal platform; very few Conservatives (when
looking for office) would mind subscribing to It.' With its large Industrial
centres, Its enormous population, its
large European immigration and other
numerous advantages, can it
better  percentage of votes  than
show a
we
can, In the constituencies where we
have had candidates? Not a bit of it;
we with our 100 disadvantages to contend with, have them beat all ways, a
clear proof that it is revolution and
not. reform that the working class
wants.
We know that we cannot show the
membership the European countries
can. But would they have done better
under the same conditions? I venture
to say no. We have not been organized but a few years, so they have a
long start on us. Another thing they
have, perhaps the same population in
100 square miles as we have In the
whole of Canada. We have hundreds
of miles between towns, while there.
whole countries are not much larger
than our provinces. Look at the enormous expense we are put to for railroad fares, while a couple of dollars
will take them from one end of their
country to the other. Another thing
we have not been trodden upon quite
as much as the Continental workers
have; It's been easier for a worker
here to rise to the ranks of the exploiter. Had we been subject to the
same despotic rule as the Continental
workers, we would not have been con-
ent with reforms, but would have precipitated the revolution, and dumped
the parasites from off our backs for
good.
No, the small party cry will not do;
we have done well considering our
disadvantages, and with the links of
the chain ever increasing and distances between Locals getting smaller, and preaching pure revolution, the
transformation is not so very far distant, and when we do get the majority, we will not compensate the present holders (not owners, vide Victor
Berger) or legislate it back by taxation (vide Victor Grayson, M. P.), but
just tell the capitalists to forget that
they ever    held  it.   (Why. you must
\ -
have been dreaming;   society always
was this way, and you can't change
it.)
Our immediate demander friends
(and I call them by that name as they
do not like to be called reformers) are
very fond of telling us that their position can be backed up by the theories of Marx and Engels. They say
read your Communist Manifesto, and
you will And reforms In it. We can
reply, read your Communist Manifesto
and you will find revolution in it.
They have chosen the Communist
Manifesto for a battleground- So be
it. Many of the reform planks that
are on pages 45 and 46 of the Manifesto in force in some countries,
with no practical benefit to the workers; those that are not in force, their
friends do not ask for. Why not ask
for the confiscation of all property of
emigrants and rebels? Wouldn't that
help the revolution some? (You bet.)
Speaking of these revolutionary (?)
measures, in the preface to the German edition of 1872, 24 years after the  social  grievances  in  order  to secure
must sell themselves piecemeal are a
commodity, like every other article of
commerce." Can any of our reformer friends tell me of a reform that can
benefit the worker while leaving his
labor power a commodity? The worker's commodity is, like fruit perishable. And the worker, like fruit, unsold, will go rotten; consequently the
worker is forced to sell his commodity
for what he can get, and owing to the
competition for jobs, what he can get
ls food clothing and shelter In sufficient quantities so that he will be
able to labor the next day and leave
some one to labor when he Is worn
out.
On page 30 we see: "The proletariat
the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself
up, without the whole superincumbent
strata of official society being sprung
into the air." Looks as though Marx
and Engels thought a revolution necessary to benefit the worker. On page
31: "The modern laborer, ... instead of rising with the progress of
Industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of nls own class."
Evidently Marx and Engels knew
what was wrong with the present society, and that the best thing to do
is to end it, and not mend it. On the
bottom of the same page, we have:
"Society can no longer live under this
bourgeolse; in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with
society." If Marx and Engels could
see this 61 years ago, 1 think its time
that we saw it, and spent our time in
working for the revolution.
Our reformer friends call the additional planks that they want "Immediate Demands." By putting up certain
planks as immediate relegates the remainder to future demands. Does the
Manifesto relegate working class control and collective ownership to the
future? Let it speak for itself. On
page 33 we have: "The immediate aim
of the Communists is the . . . formation of the proletariat into a class,
overthrow of the bourgeolse supremacy, conquest of political power by the
proletariat. The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no
way based on ideas or principles that
have been invented, or discovered, by
this, or that would be universal reformer." Marx and Engels could not
have stated the revolutionary Socialists' position much better if they had
been members of the S. P. of C.
Again on page 36, Marx and Engels
say: "All that we want to do away
with is the miserable character of this
appropriation, under which the laborer lives merely to Increase capital,
and is allowed to live only in so far as
the interest of the ruling class requires it." What reform will do away
with this? Nothing but the abolition
of the ruling class, and that wouldn't
be a reform, but a revolution.
Again Marx and Engels support the
claim of the S. P. of C, "that all reforms tend to perpetuate the present
form of society." On page 56 we
have the following: "A part of the
bourgeolse  is   desirous   of  redressing
Manifesto was published, Marx and
Engels say: "That passage would, in
many respects, be very differently
worded today. In view of the gigantic strides of modern industry since
1848 .... this programme has
in some details become antiquated."
In other words, that programme which
may have been very advanced in 1848
was behind the times in 1872, and I
guess its away back now, ln the year
1909.
Our Finnish Comrades quote from
page 44 the advice given "to wrest,
by degrees, all capital from the bourgeolse, to centralize the means of production In the hands of the proletariat." That is revolutionary enough to
an intelligent reader. Marx and Engels do not mean "public ownership of
public utilities" and class control of
the government. But an administration of things, by the workers, for the
workers. Hpw we can have this till
we have sufficient men in the legislative halls, I can't see, and when we
have a majority there, we will take It
by degrees or all at once, as seems
most expedient. Not much reform
about that, but real revolution when
read right.
But why wait till page 44? Is there
nothing before that? I think there is
some good reading before we get that
far. On page 5 of the preface by Engels he quotes Marx as saying: "The
very events and vicissitudes of the
struggle against Capital, the defeats
even more than the victories, could
not help bringing home to men's
minds the Insufficiency of their various favourite nostrums, and preparing
the way for a more complete insight
into the true conditions of working
class emancipation." "Nostrums"—
that word sounds to me very much
like "reforms." We have reached the
condition Marx predicted. "Reforms"
we do not want. We want emancipation.
Our reformer friends prate very
much about bettering the condition of
the working class, before telling them
about collective ownership (Social-
Ism). What does the Manifesto say
on the subject? On page 22 we have.
"The modern working class ... a
class of labourers, who live only so
long as they find work, and who find
work only bo long as their labour increases capital.    These laborers who'
the continued existence of bourgeoise
society. To this section belong . .
improvers of the condition of the working class, . . . hole and corner reformers of every kind." These are
.Marx' and Engels' pet names for Immediate demanders.
I think If our reform friends were
to study their Manifesto they would
soon give up the idea of reforming society, or of bettering working class
conditions under the present system,
would work for the transformation as
speedily as possible of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into the collective property of the
working class.
Some of our Comrades are so taken
up with Immediate demands that they
have no time to study Socialism, and
In consequence come out with some
queer sayings. One told me (for my
enlightenment) that the bickerings of
a bunch of commodity peddlers and a
bunch of commodity buyers (commonly known as union men and employers) were class struggles. Also that
the worker had a class struggle with
the store-keeper when he bought a
pair of pants. NeedleBs to say, since
my enlightenment, I feel myself somebody.
Say, but isn't it time we had an
anti-Socialist Union in this country?
Wouldn't such immediate demanders
be E. Z. Marks for them! Wouldn't
they smack their lips and say how
nice it was to chew him up, how different to that revolutionist we tried
to worry, but didn't know how to
start at. That's what we want alright
and I make a motion right here that
Instead of sending money to the I. S.
B., that we send over for .the Anti-
Socialist Union. Why, since the A.-
S. U. started up in England, even the
workers over there are getting revolutionary. The Immediate demanders
have got theirs coming and they will
get it right in the neck. I gently
pointed out to my erring Comrade
that on page 27 of the Communist
Manifesto it says: "But every class
struggle ls a political struggle." Also
that the S. P. of C. teaches that the
class struggle Is not a struggle between buyerB and sellers of a commodity called labor power, but, i)e.
tween slaves and their masters. Between those who produce wealth, and
those who own the means of produc
tion. The struggle of a class, with a
class, for p'olitical supremacy, for the
control of the means of life.
Another immediate demander told
me that we were always calling the
workers slaves. He agreed with me
that they were slaves, but we should
not call them so. No doubt they
would be more likely to vote our way
if we told them they were intelligent,
etc., etc., as per old party tactics. But
we are not looking for political honors, so we get up and tell them they
are unintelligent, spineless, mules,
with hardly the semse to kick in the
right direction. Yes, 1 guess they are
slaves alright. Even the Communist
Manifesto, page 31, said 61 years ago
that the worker was a slave, printed
it in English too; how unkind Marx
and Engels must have been; they
couldn't have been looking for votes.
Perhaps our immediate demanders
will one day wake up, quit talking 8-
hour and other reforms, and read
Marx, Engels and other writers that
Ihey claim champion their cause.
J would like to take up some of the
reform planks, but this is getting
lengthy, so will content myself with
one or two. The 8-hour day I am absolutely opposed to, as 1 think eight
hours far too long for a day's work.
Freedom of press, speech, and assemblage, we have, when we use It in the
interests of our masters; they granted it to us; and we have no right to
be ungrateful, and use it against
them. When we get sufficiently strong
ln the legislatures to take it for ourselves, we will be able to take everything.   So, what's the use?
"Free administration of justice.
What a hell of a plank in a working
class platform! Wasn't the writer of
that plank class conscious? You bet.
Free administration of justice, under
class government, wouldn't that jar
you? Wonder where those immediate
demanders learn their theories of government? Government! Somebody to
govern and somebody governed. A
master class and a subject class. The
sole function of governments is to retain for the ruling class the ownership of the means of life. "Free administration of justice."   Oh, hell!
What's the use? I don't think the
workers of this counry, let alone the
members of the S. P. of C, will stand
for such planks to be added to our
Platform. No, my immediate demander friends; we want emancipation,
treating the slave kindly won't give
us that. Hurrah for the revolution,
and to hell with reform!
EDMUND FULCHER.
JOTTINGS FROM  A SENTIMENTAL
LIST.
It was rather a funny sight to observe the business men getting down
on their knees (metaphorically speaking) to l.ord Strathcona on the occasion of his visit to Winnipeg. Probably it is just as well that they
should have a chance now and again
to throw off a little hypocritical
gush, especially When that personage
happens to have been successful at
that game of robbery called business.
Strathcona has been a successful man
not because he ever did anything useful of any consequence. "Built the
Canadian Pacific Railway, did you
say?" 'Well! I guess not. He would
be very foolish indeed if he had done
a stroke of work building the C. P. R.
The working class are not only
thankful to him for the privilege of
working on the road but give htm
credit for the building of it. I assure
you, he's not guilty. He recognizes
that OWNERSHIP not SERVICE is
the standard of sucess, hence let us
bend the knee to the most successful
man ln Canada.
* • Si
Another example of JUSTICE has
just been ended in the hanging of
PIdhoney. .After medical authorities
had declared the man insane, the department at Ottawa decided that society must have revenge, accordingly
the poor wretch was hitched up by
the neck something after the fashion
that the butchers use to hoist cattle.
If men must be put out of business
for the protection of society, surely
there are many ways less revolting
than neck breaking- The choicest
part of the affair was handled by a
Servant of God. A Catholic priest
put him into a state of religious
hypnotism so that he confessed to
the crime, and although the man refused to have anything to do with the
priest after that, he was persistently
followed right to the gallows, and
almost forced to kiss the cross. And
then they tell us that the church
made civilization possible. I am very
glad that someone or something will
take the responsibility, for it needs a
sponsor more today that ever, and
needst it bad.
W. H. S. in the Voice.
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of Canada
We, tbe Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong. Tbe present economic system Is based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of
labor belong to tbe capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore
master; the worker a slave. *
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession ot the
reins of government all the powers of the State will be used to
protect and defend their property rights in the means of wealth
production and their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever increasing measure
ot misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies ln the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which Is dloaked the robbery of the working-class
•t the point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the
transformation of capitalist property ln tho means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist
and the worker ls rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession
of the power of governments—the capitalist to hold, the worker to
secure lt by political action. This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc.,) into the collective property of the
working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry
by the workers.
S. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when in office, shall always and everywhere until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to
thiB question its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests of the working class and aid the workers in
their class struggle against capitalism? If It will the Socialist
Party is for lt; If lt will not, the Socialist Party ls absolutely
opposed to lt.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges
Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such
a manner as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
READ
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INDEX TO  PERIODICAL LITERATURE ON SOCIALISM.
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