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Western Clarion May 25, 1912

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Subicriptiou Price Ai  aa
PER YIUR        &I-.-UU
Scientific Education and the Intelligent Use of the
Ballot Is the Short Route to Real Freedom.
All Socialists are agreed that before the working class can be emancipated, they must realize that those
who say that the system under which
we live Is the only one possible are
talking through their hats. They also
agree that the workers must understand what form of society must take
the place of the preaent. To agree
that the capitalist ayatem must be
abolished, to agree that Socialism is
the system which must take its place,
is not enough. Some people calling
themselves Socialists seem to think,
or, at least, act as if it were.
It is one of the easiest things in the
world to make a worker see how dependent he is upon the capitalist class
and it does not require much thinking on his part to understand that ho
would be much better if he were independent of bosses, but the question )
which troubles him most, If he trou- ]
bles at all, is how to get rid of them.
That Is what troubles the working j
class movement today.   That Ib why it j
is so divided.    It has not yet agreed
how to get rid of the bosses.
Syndicalism, say some, is the sword
with which the working class will dis-
embowl the capitalist class.
Syndicalism, say others, is a weapon j
which wlll act like a tin sword against
an armour-clad knight.
Now, what is Syndicalism?
To say, as the Syndicalist does I
(March-April, 1912):—"The essence of;
Syndicalism is the control by the-l
workers themselves of the conditions
of their work,'' Is about as appetising
as the well-worn phrases, ''Bach for
all and all for each," "Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity," etc., etc., unless
we are told how it can be accomplish
Let us grant that the Syndicalists
wants the tools of production and dis-
trlbution for the workers.
How do they propose to get them?    i
"With  the  workers  properly  organ-1
ized there is nothing that they may
not succeessftilly demand from the capitalist by means of a general   strike."
-Syndicalist, March-April, 1912.
"It is only whilst labour Is partially
organized that recourse to strikes is
necessary; not even the general strike
will be necessary when labour is universally organised." — Syndicalist,
March-April, 1912.
The way, then, according to the
Syndicalist, is via the General Strike.
That means, we suppose, that the
workers will organise in order to get
the tools of production, and when they
are thoroughly organised, they'll leave
the workshop, declare that every one
Is on Btrike, and, by some means or
! other not yet explained, all will turn
I out for the best.
How simple! How the capitalists
must laugh. Really, one beginB to
wonder If all the capitalists are not
acting consciouslly in their own Interests by arresting a few Syndicalists
and  so advertising their nostrums.
Of courBe. we do not forget that the
Syndicalist also says the general strike
will he unnecessary, and that just
throws us Into a difficulty In understanding what they do mean.
It seems to be a case of "it la, and
It is not," or a "now you see It, now
you don't" in fact, a regular side
show for the dispensing of moonBhlne.
Some well-intentioned people who,
whilst they disagree with Syndicalists
aid and abett them, because, thoy say,
"Syndicalists are making the workers
think, and, even If they are making
them think wrongly, they are doing
something in tho way of progress in
getting them to think at all."
Surely, if the difficulty of getting the
workers to think can be accomplished
by those who make them think wrong-
Jy„ it could be done as easily by those
who would give them the correct In*
1 formation. Have not the workerB been
deluded often enough, without encouraging the "just another once idea" in
the hope that out of the latest delusion some good will come?
The workerB are sometimes sneered
at becauso they have been and are
guilty of snatching at red-herrings as
If they were regular bean-feasts, but
It appears as if a number of those
who sneer are guilty of the same conduct. (Witness upon whose platform
the great "I am" stands for proof,
and witness also on the literature
stands of the weary-and-heavy-at-heart
non-auccess-at-the-polls what Is being
■old, and you will notice that the
great noise merchant has dumped his
wares and Is making good use of the
tired ones ln advertising himself and
getting an "honest living."
If there is one thing more than another which will help the workers in
their struggles, lt is correct understanding of their status in present day
The Syndicalists do not deny that
the labour-power of the workers is a
commodity, bought and sold in the
open market like any other commodity.
They do not deny that the value of
a commodity is determined by the average amount of socially necessary
labour embodied in it, and that its
price varies according to the law of
supply and demand.
Yet they tell the workers that even
under capitalism they can brush aside
these laws by abolishing unemployment.
If the commodity status of labour-
power has as its basis the private ownership of the tools of production and
distribution, then it is difficult to see
how that status can be altered except
by the abolition of capitalism.
There ls another point on which we
of the S. L. P. cross sworda with the
Syndicalists—that is, the spreading of
false Information with regard to working class organizations in other countries.
In 1905, at Chicago, the I. W. W. was
launched. That organization has had a
stiff hill to climb. Its tasks has been
made harder still by an anarchist element which refused to conduct the
light in a dignified way; an element
which, by rejecting political action,
would degrade the working class movement to the level of a conspiracy
against society.
This element, in 1908, succeeded so
far in their nefarious designs as to
float a ship manned by an anarchist
crew of direct actionists. Like the
Syndicalists of this country, who falsely state that they are Industrial Unionists, this American crew told the
workers (and tell them so yet) that
they were the I. W. W.
Now, most people know that a sausage is a skin stuffed with an uncertain concoction, but who would dare
say that a skin stuffed with heef is a
pork sausage? You know nobody would
say that except a butcher, and he
would have a purpose, that purpose being to deceive.
A very glaring case of deception is
the case of T. .Mann, who Is very fond
of referring to the bogus 1. W. W. as If
It were the organization which was
launched at Chicago in 1905.
He has even gone so far as to publish a letter from Eugene V. Debs ("Industrial Syndicalist," Sept., 1910), who
is well known as an advocate of Industrial Unionism and political action.
The publication of the Debs letter Is
a very dirty piece of work, following,
as it does, ln the same pamphlet, what
is said to be an "excerpt from the
I. W. W. preamble."
As a matter of fact, the quotation
is from the preamble of the bogus I.
W. W. and not from the preamble
of the I. W. W. whicli Eugei.e V. Debs
helped to form in 1(105.
The preamble of the I. W. W. formed
In lilOr, states definitely that the workers must, come togpther on the political
iib well as on the industrial field, and
the "excerpt" quoted by Mann was Inserted hy the bogus organization In
their preamble in order to justify Direct Action only. To mix Debs up
with thlB Direct Actlonlst crew Is Just
one of tho dodges that one could expect who knows the mixer.
Some gentie reader may say "That
is only ono case, and it may have been
ignorance and not one of deliberate
misrepresentation," so we will let the
High Priest tnlk again.
"When the I. W. W. was formed ln
1905, definite action, Industrial and political was decided on. But, as the
reBult of experience, they revised their
preamble at the Chicago convention,
1908. A resolution was passed—"That
to the end of promoting industrial
unity and of securing necessary discipline with the organization, the I. W.
W. refuses all alliances, direct or indirect, with existing political parties, or
anti-political Beets, and disclaims responsibility for any individual opinion
or act which may be at variance with
the purposes herein expressed.'" (T.
Mann, Syndicalist, Sept. 26th, 1910.)
To those who have not had the opportunity of following the ups and
downs of the movement ln America, it
would seem that the resolution passed
To the revolutionary Socialist—and
also, possibly, to those In the varoius
stages of evolution towards the revolutionist's position—the signs of the
times are decidedly encouraging. The
modern pace, a reflex of modern machine methods of production, Ib attaining a speed that promises to be big
with things before we are very much
older; if, indeed, we have not already
attained a momentum with its consequent phenomena sufficiently educative for all but the densest products
of our modern institutions of learning.
Exactly how long the pace that kills
will be maintained, before society calls
a halt, it is impossible to say; but we
know that it will be continued until
that portion of society upon which the
pace falls the heaviest will stand for
such treatment no longer, and, providing they have the power, put an end to
the cause of their suffering.
Not many things today are dor*
upon a small scale. On a par with the
trustification of industries come our
Industrial Union movement and Federations of l^abor. Alongside of stupendous machinery of production and
almost unlimited speed of distribution
and travel we have our accidents with
consequent loss of life and suffering
without previous parallel in human
history. The toll of human life and
the story of human suffering will
never be compiled and told in full. A
big disaster on the seas, such as the
loss of the Titanic; coal mine explosions or big railroad accidents may
cause us to pause, but only for a moment; soon In the rush of modern
conditions we find ourselves traveling the same old way at the Bame old
pace, the only difference being that we
flnd ourselves hitting the trail, impelled by our environment, a little
harder than ever.
And why? What is the reason that
we are compelled to rush and struggle more and more fiercely, as the
days go by? The intensity of human
toil and the anxiety over obtaining the
necessities of life should surely be
modifying somewhat. But we do not
flnd it to be so. Labor saving machinery is introduced, new natural forces
are harnessed to serve society, improvements in manufacturing processes are constantly being made. The
machine is supplanting human labor
even on the farm, and yet for all theBe
things the struggle for existence grows
more intense. Society as a whole does
not benefit from any of these things.
They may be social productions. The
labor and the thought of bygone
greatness may form the major part
of such machinery and processes, but
society as a whole derives no benefit
from them and has no say in the disposition or use of them.
Private or capitalistic ownership ot
the necessary machinery and requisite
means for producing those things upon
which society depends for its existence
As an object of patriotic admiration,
the soldier is evidently becoming a
back number, and while avowed and
definite anti-militarism perhaps does
not yet exist among the masses of
American workmen, there is little
doubt that the military profession is
generally regarded with contempt and
ridicule among them.
An illustration of this signicant fact
took place during the military parade
yesterday in this city when the. remains of General Kearny were being
transferred from Trinity Church to the
Arlington Cemetery at Washington.
Ab the local national guard and a
small body of the regular troops passed down Broadway, opposite the Wool-
worth building, which is at present ln
course of construction, the working-
men on the structure, some two or
three hundred in number, who were
resting during the noon hour, gathered
on the various floors and hooted the
militia and soldiers most vigorously.
Catcalls and whistling greeted the
heroes as they marched past, and
though the marchers were visibly annoyed thereby, the populace lining
both sides of the street seemed on the
whole amused at the performance.
Needless to say, the press of the city
omitted to mention the incident in
their descriptions of the parade,
though the private soldiers themselves
were well aware of the meaning of the
demonstration, and the officers, no
doubt, took mental notes regarding it.
So far as we know, none of the de-
riders were Socialists, though probably all were unionists connected with
the building trade, workingmen who
have no great reason to love or admire militarism in general or the militia ln particular.
The day when the soldier could command the respect and admiration of
what the Philippine "hero" Funston|
once called "the unwhlpped mob" is j
evidently fast passing, and it is not
the direct teaching of Socialism that
Is responsible for it, either.—New
York Call.
Old Political Parties Adopt Reforms to Uphold
Present System.
is the one outstanding feature of present day civilization that impresses the
student today and will be the point of
interest for future historians. As capital grows in bulk the more tribute
must we pay to it. As ownership of
the means of existence becomes concentrated in the hands of a few the
larger becomes the number who must
work for a master. As machinery displaces human labor the keener the
scramble for the necessary job and
the more strenuous the struggle for
existence. As conditions of employment become worse the more rebellious we feel and when the state of
affairs becomes absolutely unendurable
we shall have a sufficient number of
revolutionists to revolutionize the
ownership of the means of existence.
W. W. L.
(Continued on page tnree )
Workers of the City of Edmonton.
The babel of political cat calls Is
now on. Smoking conceits and Old
Country rallies are the order of the
day; even the "pipes," wild music o(
the class—the ancient howl of defiance
against, slavery—have been introduced; the voice of the seductive vote,
catcher Is heard on every Corner,
Our masters want something of ub;
they are aBking for our vote;    they]
need our support and as umia!    are
fawning at our feet.
Go and examine the past history ol
the Alberta Legislature, hunt out the
bills Introduced and PASSED in the
Interests of labor and you will find-
Pre-election promises and after-election performances are two different
things, so far as they are concerned.
Our Liberal and Conservative friends
are only our friends at election
You are aBked, upon the one hand,
to help ln establishing clean government and non-political civil service. On
the other, to return to power the
candidate of  the  railway policy.
A glance at these "issues" will reveal their fradulent nature, bo far as
you are concerned.
Are these railways for you? Wlll
they be built In your Interests? Will
you OWN them when they are built?
Not If you vote the other follow Into
Clean government or dirty govern-
1 ment, it is still owned by the capitalist class and you, Mr. Worker, are not
numbered amongst these.
Rest assured whichever of these two
enters the legislative hall, Conserva
tive or Liberal, your interests will not!
be represented.
These go to champion the interests;
of Capital, and Capital—tho exploiter
—can never be anything but an enemy j
to  laboi—the exploited.
Consider also, whoever manipulates
the political wires, Labor will do the'
Our class will build the grade, lay
the ties, spike the rails, build and run
the trains mentioned In the Liberal
Railway Policy.
Whatever expansion is carried on, J
our hands will supply the means ofj
expansion, However big this city
grows, we shall have built it up, aye,'
oven to the topmost brick.
By our labor and that alono will this)
or any other Province on earth become
The slogan of the Capitalist and
their political representatives, however sugar coated thqy appear, Ib
The battle cry of the Soelaliat Party
Our organization exists to carry out
this plan. To grasp tho machinery of
Government is our aim, to the end that
we may wrest from their present owners the means of production, mills,
mines and factories.
We therefore call upon all workers
to support by all legitimate meana the
political representative of the working
A vote for JOE KNIGHT In a vote
ln your class Internets.
It Is up to you.
The writer recently wrote an article
in the B. C. Federationist giving his
opinion on the lessons to be learnt
from the Socialist vote in the recent
Provincial elections. Written in haste
and exasperation, lt laid him open to
the criticism which has come to his
ears since it appeared, and much of
which he accepts as well taken. But
the letter from Ernest Burns that appeared In the B. C. Federationist ot
May 20 is not in that category, as it
evades the point at issue, and, carelessly or deliberately, puts a wholly wrong
construction on one part of my article.
He deliberately ignores the point taken that the decline in the vote was
largely due to the decline in quality
of the party membership (judging from
my own experience and reports I have
received) and twists my words to mean
that it was really due to the character of the propaganda of the "last seven or eight years," while the whole
tenor of the letter he was criticizing
was to the effect that it was due to
a falling off ln that quality of membership that saw that nothing but
Marxian Socialism was handed out
from platform. The misrepresentation
Is bo obvious that I will waste no more
time refuting it
The rest of the letter of my critic is
devoted to an attack on the Party
platform and the methods of propaganda carried on by the accredited Party
propagandists, and to that I will devote a little attention.
His plea is, in effect, one for a propaganda of reform measures and "practical suggestions towards the solution
of present day problems," as so sue
cessful ln piling up the large voter in
Milwaukee, Los Angeles, et all. With
regard to that I would refer him to
an article by Debs in a recent number of the International Socialist Review, in which he warns the party
membership against placing too much
reliance upon that very same large
vote, which could not be considered as
representing the true growth of Socialist sentiment among the working class,
owing to the nature of the bait that
attracted it—the very same kind of
bait that Mr. Burns would have the
Socialist Party of Canada utilize—and
which Debs emphatically considered
a real danger to the movement. In
answering this part of Mr. Burns' letter, I cannot do better than refer him
to a recent Bpeech ot Prof. H. Hankins,
of Clark University, Worcester, Mass.,
In the department of sociology and economics, which was summarized In a recent Issue of the Eastern I^abor NewB.
After referring to the necessity of a
higher wage being paid to the worker
to meet the increased cost of living, he
advocated the enactment of many of
the reforms which are demanded by
the Socialist Democratic Party of Canada and some which are not—revision
of tho tariff, control of immigration in
the Interest of the wage earner, child
labor, employment of women, workmen's compensation, social Insurance
against, sickness, unemployment and
old age, better bousing, vocational
training and guidance, the conservation of life and the equalizing of its
opportunities, etc.
These measures, however, he advocates for a totally different reason than
that, put forward by the Social Democrats.   While the latter say that they
will be hel|iful in fitting the  workers j
for tho overthrow of the existing order, |
the professor says that they are clesir-,
able as a means to "offset the develop-1
ment of a great mass of misery and ignorance at the liotioin of our society!
which will not only blacken our clvlliz-j
ation,  but  actually  endanger  our In-1
stltutlons—in   other   words,   he   looks
upon them, not as a means of emancipating the workers from wage-Slavery,
but as means Tor the maintenance of
the existing order.
The advocacy of reform cannot bo
objectionable to tho capitalist class,
which has endowed the Clark University and many others, or the professor
would soon find his occupation gone.
One single instance haa yet to bo produced of one of the gentlemen being
fired for advocating anything but that
which would tend to the consolidation
and perpetuation of the power of his
paymasters. Fashionable society
flocks to hear Itself denounced by
a Vaughan—and pays him well for
giving It thrlllB. There aro many
of the instructors ln universities who
go a great deal farther ln their advocacy of reform that the ono ln ques
tion, and they are still retained on th*
payroll of the most class-conscious
section of society, which should be
enough to convince the most obtuse
that their (the capitalists') Interests
are ln no wise threatened, but rather
conserved by such a line of education.
All that the ruling class has to fear
from a discussion of social conditions
is the truth—and the truth is not
served by those who advocate the possibility of permanently or generally
ameliorating conditions for the working class by means of reform.
The fact that the dangerous "mass
of Ignorance and misery" ls due to
the enslavement and exploitation of
labor, and that the former is the product of, and automatically Increases
with tbe development of the latter, ls
the truth for utterance of which many
of the world's most talented educators
have been relegated to obscurity by
the interests that control the dissemination of learning in these institutions.
The job of solving the problem of
the high cost of living and the social
unrest is one for revolutlnlstt, not for
reformers. It entails the overthrow
of the present system of commodity
production, and the substitution of production for use instead of for profit. It
is not the "robbery" of the consumer
that is the crux of the whole matter.
Social reformers and "socialistic" reformers can line up on any proposition
J under the sun but this, which is a
I task wholly outside their ability and
vision. To use their own words, "it
is not practical politics"—to them.
They overlook the fact that If they devoted tha same amount of energy to
unearthing the source from which
these evils all spring, and to dlsseml-
natlng the knowledge so gained
amongst the workers, the intelligent
action of the workers would quickly
make it a very practical iBaue indeed.
The policy of the Immediate demander and political reformer masquerading as a Socialist seems to be. in many
caseB, a cloak for the moral cowardice
that shrinks from the bitter opposition
and the uphill fight that is the portion
of the uncompromising revolutionist
Professing to have the same goal in
view as the latter—the conquest of political power by the proletariat as the
first Indispensable step towards the
Inauguration of the Cl-cperatlve Commonwealth—they make bids for support that attract those whose material
Interests will not be served by the attainment of that objective, (from their
point of view) but who are heartily hi
favor of the reforms advocated, as a
means of enabling them to retain their
hold on the wealth produced by labor.
It stands to reason that the support
so gained is not of the quality that
wlll be of service to tne class they
profess to be fighting for. but rather
the opposil. As soon as the vote attracted by these methods succeeds ln
capturing noticeable parliamentary
strength, the old political parties wlll
be astute enough to adopt the very
same demands In their platforms, and
tho vote will swing back to where it
came from and where It of right belongs, on the reasoning that as tho reforms they have been advocating are
adopted by the dominant political parties, thoy will obtain iholr enactment
much quicker by giving them their
support, The prestige of the Sociallsl.
movement will correspondingly suffer
amongst the class most necessary to
reach—the non-Socialtsi working people.
The policy of sticking to the truth
In propaganda and policy in the slowest, (apparently) and less spectacular,
inasmuch as It does not show a vote
Increasing at an abnormal rate, but
lt Ib tho only way the Socialist movement will gain in actual strength, for
the sole reason that tho growth will
bo founded on the Increasing intelligence and knowledge of hlB actual position attained to by the worker.
J. H. B.
Every Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre PAGE TWO
8ATURDAY, MAY 25, 1912.
Published every Saturday by tho Socialist Party of Canada at the office of
the Western Clarion, Labor T-.mple,
Dt&smulr St., Vancouver, B. C.
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SATURDAY, MAY 25, 1912.
It has been said that "Whom the
Gods would destroy they flrst make
mad." We do not know just what
virtue may attach to the saying, but
if it is applicable to the case of our
capitalist rulers, we sincerely hope
that the destruction may prove complete. At any rate the sweet-scented
bunch of proflt-mongering pirates that
constitutes the capitalist class of this
and all other countries, are rapidly fitting themselves for destruction, if
acute madness is to be considered a
preliminary requisite.
And what other term than madness
can be applied to the action of the
ruling class in dealing with the discontented and often revolting workers
in various parts of the earth? Is the
treatment accorded to the workers of
San Diego who would voice their disapproval of existing conditions upon
the streets pf that civilized burg anything short of madness? Was the
treatment dealt out to workers and
other decent persons not long since in
the streets of Vancouver by the local
Cossacks and thugs anything better
thaa idiocy run mad? Has not the
exhibition of class bestiality indulged
In by the police and kindred ruffians
along the line of the C. N. R. strike
been sufficiently naked to establish the
Insanity of those at whose command
the exhibition was made? Is not the
Mme true ln regard to the unbridled
ferocity of the thugs and ruffians of
the law—God save the mark—in dealing with the recent strike at the lumber mills in the State of Washington?
And the same condition of mind is
evidenced all along the line whenever
the clash of interest between masters
and slaves breaks out into open conflict. At each succeeding outbreak the
rulers aire driven to a greater degree ot
madness until, losing all restraint, they
become frenzied maniacs in their desire to wreak vengeance upon their
recalcitrant slaves.
If we are to believe even one-half we
hear about the awful brutality perpetrated upon the luckless slaves at
the hands of the police, detectives,
thugs, vigilantes and other coyotes ot
capital, we may become convinced that
our rulers are closely approaching in
madness that degree attained by their
As the workers, the real wealth producers, constitute the vast majority of
the consumers, the increased labor cost
of production owing to the rise in
wages referred to, will be made good
chiefly from the pockets of the members of the working class. Once the
vicious circle of advancing prices haB
been completed, the relative positions
occupied by the working clasB and the
master class resumes the status existing before the rise fn wages occurred.
It has merely been another case of
"Pass it along to dear old Dad," and
"Dear old Dad" is the working class,
in this instance.
That this vicious circle of prices has
been travelled repeatedly during the
last decade in the case of everything
entering into living expenses, is known
to every one. One thing, however, is
often overlooked, and that is that the
advance in the prices of all other com
modifies is more marked than the ad
vance in wages—the price of the com
modity, labor-power. Even with the
so-called high wages of today, the average workingman finds it more difficult
to keep even with the game than he
did some years ago, when the money
wage was less than at present.
In comparing the living conditions of
the workers during low wage and high
wage periods, little difference is shown
Whether the wage, as expressed in
money, be high or low, its purchasing
power in either case amounts to about
the same thing, that is merely enough
to keep the worker and his family in
workable condition. Even then the
wages of the husband and father require to be supplemented by the wage
of wife or children, or both, in order to
keep even with the world.
It is a peach of a condition, especially in view of the fact that this is
an age of the most prolific wealth production the world has ever known.
Let us persist in trotting around this
vicious circle of prices with renewed
zeal. It is such a satisfying solution
of nothing. And then it does not overtax our brain power. In fact, if we
were not fit subjects for the home for
feeble-minded, we would long since
have discovered the folly of it.
The attitude of the Socialist Party
toward leaders and the following of
leaders seems to create a deal of mental disturbance, ranging from gentle
indignation to double-distilled essence
of Satanic malevolence, within those
whose peculiar constitution demands a
leader to look up to, and worship, and
Such injured innocents, and such injured people who are far from being
innocents, seem to imagine that our
opposition to leaders and followers is
prompted by sheer cussedness and
spleen, and grounded upon anything
but reason and judicial consideration.
But it may be possible to give, within the limits of a short article, some
reasons for our undeniably bitter hos
tillty to all that savors of leadership
which will be sufficiently cogent to
modify in some degree the criticism
levelled against us, even if they fail
to convert immense numbers to our
Now in the first place, the movement
for working-class emancipation is
unique in this respect—it is a" move
ment for the emancipation of the only
, „ class in society that remains to be
French prototypes a century   and   a sienlflcance of this
quarter ago and   which   necessitated | fma^,pate*1The Bjgn.'_fl_can_c! °[ ?"
that generous blood-letting known as
the French Revolution.
If this ruling class madness is to
continue, and lt evidently is, no one
need be surprised if it results In holocaust of retaliation. The brutalitieB
of the ruffianly tools of the ruling class
must eventually cause the slaves to
retaliate. Then the GodB will get in
their work of destruction. The ruling
class can offer no serious objection to
such retaliation, for one of their most
precious maxims is, "As ye bow, so
«hall ye reap."
Liet no one mistake the brand of
Gods that Ib now egging the masters
to such a frenzy of madness as to make
their mastery fit for destruction. TheBe
Gods are merely the proletarian—the
propertyless workers. They are beginning to think and act together ln
the common defense. Such conduct is
enough to make even a chronically
pious master mad, and the moBt of
them are pious. But whether pious or
profane, they are doomed to be stripped of their mastery by the proletarian
Gods of modern industry. It cannot be
done too quickly, in the interest of
peace and the common good.
We are just in receipt of notice from
tbe paper houses of a pronounced advance Ih the' price of paper. The reason given is that the labor cost of production has been increased because of
a rise ln wages. It is now up to the
printing establishments to advance the
price of their product in corresponding
ratio, and thus paas the Increased
labor coat on to the consumer of printed matter. If this consumer happens
to be a business man or concern, they
in turn must pass it along to their customers. The ultimate consumer of the
necessaries of life, will, in the laat analysis, be called upon to foot the bill.
is easily grasped. So long as, in the
struggle of classes, the class inline
diately seeking emancipation was not
the only subject class; so long, that
is, as there was a class below them,
the achievement of the particular revolution of the period by no means depended upon the class-consciousness of
the majority of those fighting for it
On the other hand, in Buch circumstances there was always a class to
be made the tools of those seeking
emancipation, and therefore to be kept
In ignorance of the true interests of
their class.
In such case, while the success of
the revolution depended upon the
class-consciousness (or knowledge of
their class interests) of the revolu
tionary section of society, It found
either a helpful or a stumbling block,
in tbe class below.
For this reason the revolutionary
class had much to gain from leading
their dupes into battle on their account, but this did not absolve the
former from the necessity of themselves attaining class consciousness,
as a class, before any very serious effort could be made to attain social
With the modern working-class the
thing is entirely different, they have
no class below them on whom to foist
a fraudulent, conception of class interests, and from whom to draw support
and assistance In the struggle. All
their strength muet be of themselves
and In themselves. All their militant
might must be based upon the knowl
edge of their class position and the
logical course dictated by that position.
Therefore at the very outset it ls
seen that the need for leaders docs not
exist. Only those who do not know
the way require to be led, and this
very fact makes lt inevitable tbat
thoso who are led will be entirely in
the hands of those who lead.
The working class can only find
emancipation through Socialism, which
implies the overthrow of the present
ruling class and their social system.
The only possible human instruments
in the prosecution of the struggle for
this end are those who' understand the
working-class position in society, realize that only Socialism can lift them
from that position, and who desire
that the proletariat shall be so lifted.
Broadly speaking, only members of the
working class will come in this category.
The class-unconscious mobs, therefore, whom the "leaders" place themselves at the head of, can never be
effective factors in the struggle for
working-class deliverance. It la often
said that the leaders are In advance
of the led, but In the broader sense
this is not true. Leading, after all,
must be by consent. So it happens
that the "leader" can only lead where
he is likely to be followed. Hence, so
far is the leader from being in advance of the mob, tbat he is only the
reflection of its collective ignorance.
As it is true that mens' political actions are, broadly speaking, determin
ed by their conception of their econ
omic interests, it follows that would-
be leaders must persuade those they
would lead that the interests of the
latter lie in the direction they desire
to lead them. Here Is the crux of the
whole business. The political activities of the "leaders" will be determined by their economic interests—
and what guarantee is there that these
interests will coincide with those of
the mob they invite to follow them-
It is not to be supposed that the
interests of all members of the working class under all conditions and in
all circumstances, are identical. The
shipwrights on the Tyne, for instance,
are the competitors of those on the
Thames, and the interest of every unemployed worker is, up to a certain
point, opposed to those who are taking the wages he aspires to take.
In like manner the economic Interest of the "labor leader," as such, may,
be opposed to that of those he "leads."
The Interest of the latter is certainly
their emancipation from wage-slavery
by the only road—the Institution of
the SociallBt system of society. The
interest of the "labor leader," as such,
lies in his maintaining his position as
a labor "leader."
Granted that theBe Interests have
not been shown to be necessarily antagonistic. It is not essential to insist
that they are. It Is sufficient that
they may be, and this no logical person can deny without doing violence
to his convictions.
Now what are the facts concerning
the economic interests of labor "leaders"? In the first place their bread
and butter, in typical cases, depends
upon their activities as labor "lead-
era." It is to their interest, therefore,
to remove as far as possible the element of doubt and insecurity concerning their livelihood by constituting
themselves the bosses of their mobs,
instead of being their servants. This
they contrive to do by the simple expedient of dividing their followers
against one another. Hence they dare
not assist their followers to arrive at
a true conception of their class interest, for that, if it did not result in
their Immediate overthrow hy the vast
bulk of ignorance on which they batten, would replace confusion with unanimity and knowledge that would
never submit to be bossed or "led."
So in actual fact the interests of
leaders and led are diametrically opposed, insomuch that the knowledge
which is essential to working-class
emancipation must inevitably abolish
leaders, and establish working-class
effort on the faith and confidence in
the Intellect and ability of the work
It is part of the necessary work of
a Socialist organization to point out
thiB divergence between the interests
of the workers and those who aspire
to lead them, and to eleze upon every
Instance and opportunity of Illustrating and proving the contention that
labour "leaders" are, and necessarily
must be, misleaders.
The Socialist and the true Democrat
does not place faith in leaders. He
knows that the only hope lies in the
intelligence and courage and energy
of the working class as a class, and
'all his hope, all his faith, all his
trust, rests ln the working class.—A.
E. JACOMB, in the Socialist Standard.
Herbert Spence drank strychnine
yesterday evening and thirty minutes
later had passed into the unknown.
Spence' poisoned himself in a fit of
despondency brought on by bis failure
to secure work for the last two months.
He lived at 4518 Newton street and
leaves a wife and four'chlldren. Spence
ls an Englishman, thirty-five years of
age and a carpenter by trade. Lured
by the fable of "lota of work" here, he
came to South Vancouver from the
prairie province early in the spring.
He tried hard to get work at his trade,
for, although there is "lots of work,"
and hard work at that, there are lots
to do it, and so he failed to sell his
services and another worker is sacrificed to the god of profit.
(British and American papers please
The reason I am a Socialist is because I know that under the present
capitalistic system the results of my
toil do not belong to me.
I know that I am compelled to live
ln a miserable shack, while my master
lives in a splendid house.
I work hard and have to eat, cheap
adulterated food and my master does
nothing and eats just what he likes.
I wear overalls and a black shirt; he
wears a collar and fine clothes.
I am his slave.   He is my master.
I work.   He owns.
I am not satisfied.   He Ib.
There are nine times as many in the
composition as I am, as there are like
my master.
Do I think that Socialism would
benefit me? Why, sure. Socialism
means that the people shall own the
natural resources and all the machines
for producing goods.
That every man shall have not the
chance to work but the certainty of
working for all he needs.
No one wlll wish to avoid work
when they are Bure of getting all they
produce and that no one is living upon
their labor.
I do not think that many will bo
inclined to steal under such conditions.
Just let your imagination go, and
think of the things we could have, that
are now denied ub, in spite of the fact
that we make them.
We would all have the best of food,
anything we cared for we would have
it.   There is plenty for all.
We would not wear the cheap, second-hand, shoddy clothes that we now
wear, but good clothing and only the
best would be made. We would live in
houses of our own, not rented two
by four shacks. We would have free
electric light, heat and water. All such
utilities would be publicly owned and
for public use only, not exist for private profit.
Yes, Socialism sure would be better
for the working class than capitalism. W. H. STEEN.
Soci a 1 i s t   Party   JTi rect or y ||
Socialist Party of Canada, meets second and fourth Monday. Secretary,
E. T. Kingsley, Labor Temple, Dunsmuir St., Vancouver, B. C.    ,
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada, meets second and fourth
Mondays ln month at Labor Temple,
Dunsmuir St. E. T. Klngsley, Secre-
Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate Tuesday, at 429 Eighth
Ave. East. Burt E. Anderson, Secre-
tary, Box 647, Calgary.
***K££S*tB'w**>  TmotimciAL  bx-
ECUTTVB, s. P. of C, invites all comrades residing In Saskatchewan to
communicate with them on orgunizn-
?„°»no?,5Uel's Address D. McMillan,
222 Stadacona Street West, Moose Jaw,
Committee:    Notice—This card  Is In
?.$,•*£??..  for   the   Purpose   of
VOU      Interested    in    the
movement.     SOCIALISTS
members of the Party;  sc
desirous  of  becoming  a .„.,„„.,,  „,
wlsn to get any Information, write the
Secretary,   J.   D.   Houston,   .193   Furbv
St..   \\ innlpcg.
are always
1 If you are
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada
meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the
Party, Commercial Street, Glace nay,
N- -"■ , Dan Cochrane, Secretary. Rnx
Glace Bay, N, °
They think they've got you when
they put up the question, "What are
you going to do without capital?"
(meaning money). Our answers are
always to the effect that money capital does not actually produce anything;
it only functions as a medium of exchange for articles produced, and the
body politic, like the physical body, it
has parts which, when the usefulness
of any particular organ can no longer
serve any useful function, it must of
necessity perish or decay or by some
method be removed, hence wo find today numerous cases where a small
organ of the physical body, known to
the medical fraternity as the vermiform appendix, which having no known
excuse for its existence, we find the
surgeons frequently called upon to
cut it out, the body can get along
without it; so, too, will the body politic, or, to he more expressive, society,
will some day ln the near future come
to the conclusion that it can thrive
better without this so-called capital,
and we will do as the Doc does with
the appendix, cut it out.      T. H. E.
LOOAL   BBTBLBTOKB,   B.   O.,    VO.    1,
S. P. of C. Bualness meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary
Headquarters and reading room, 1319
Government St.. Room 2, over Coins
tcr's gun store. Business meeting every Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting every Sunday, 8 p.m., at Crystal
More than 15 men of all nationalities, their threadbare clothes betraying their need, beseiged Lebanon Hospital yesterday seeking to earn $25 In
exchange for their blood. They came
in response to an advertisement in a
The blood transfusion Is the last
hope of saving the life of Mrs.
Ystande Herrman, 32 years old, of 523
East 15Sth Stree. Last Wednesday
Mrs. Herrman fell from the fourth
story of the, apartment to the yard
and fractured her skull.
Charges have been made in the
Burnaby, B. C, council that what
amounts to a state of slavery exists
among some Russians employed ln
railroad construction in that municipality. It is alleged that they are
compelled to work 12 and 14 hours a
day, armed guards standing at either
end of the road to prevent them escaping. It is further alleged that a
Dominion immigration agent is concerned in the business and railroad
gangs of foreign workingmen into
Canada in defiance of tbe law, hi a
condition of what amounts to chattel
slavery. An investigation will be
made and Interesting developments
are to be expected.—Fernle Ledger..
A report dated April 2nd states that
Rev. Ernest Lyon, who was sentenced
to eighteen years for the murder of
James Larry Smith, has returned to
Sufflok, Va., seriously 111. Lyon has
how served three years out of the
eighteen years and will be freed.
Due Stamps, each. 10c
Platforms, English, per 100 25c
Platforms, Foreign, per 100 50c
Due Cards, per 100 f 1.00
Constitutions, each  6c
Receipt Books, each 10c
Warrant Books, each 25c
Buttons, each  40c
Headquarters, Room 206 Lubor Temple
Dunsmulr Street. Business meeting
every Friday in the month at 8 pm
Reading room open every day. Socialist and Lnbor papers of all countries
on die.    Secretary, S. Lefeaux
LOOAL   GREENWOOD,   B.   0.,    BO.    9,
i " .***,?■' meets every Sunday even-
ln,B,?.t Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting Comrades Invited to call. C
Primerfle, Secretary.
holds educational meetings In the
Miners Union Hnll every Sunday at
i:30. Business meeting first Monday
In each month, 7:30 p. m. Economic
V!"!i?.,'?ver"' Sunday afternoon at 2:30.
H. Wllmer, secretary, Box 380.
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunday at
!-$?. Hm'    E- Campbell, Organizer,
will  Jones, Secretary,  Box  125.
I'innish  branch   meets  in   ^'inlanders'
Hall Sundays at 7:30 p.m.    A. Sebble
Secretary, Box 54, Hossland, B C
S. P. o«-; Ci-J-Buslness meeting! every
flrst Sunday of the month and propaganda meeting every third Sunday.
Free word for every body, at 512 Cordova Street East, 2 p. m. Secretary,
Ad  Kreekls.   '
LOOAL- VANCOUVEB,   B.    C,    NO.    4B,
Finnish. Meets every second ana
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 2217
Main Street     Secretary, Wm. Mynttl.
Business meeting every Tuesday evening at Headquarters, 213 Hastings St.
East. J. A. Maedonald, secretary, 1724
Alberni St.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     t.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on tha first
and third Sundays of the month. Bualness meetings on Thursday evening*
following propaganda meetings nt t.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alt*.;
Secretary, Jas. Olendennlng, Box II,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
Secretary, Wm. Graham, Box 03, Coleman, Alta.
P. of 0. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room Is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer,  W.   Stephenson.
of C.—Business  meeting every Saturday evening at 8 o'clock at the headquarters.   429   Eighth    Ave.    East,   between  Third  and  Fourth  streets.
A. S. Julian, Secretary
every  Sunday,    Trades    Hall,   8 p.m.
Business   meeting,   second   Friday,   t '
p.m., Trades Hull.    B. Simmons, secretary, 1909 Garnet St., P.O. Box 104«.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Itossar Ave. Propaganda -nesting. Sunday ut 8 p.m.; business moating, second and fourth Mondays at I ]
p.m.; economic class, Friday at 8 p.m. 1
Secretary. T. Mcllalieu, 144 Third St.,
Brandon, Man.
LOOAX   MICHEL,  B.   C,   NO.   16,   8.   P.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternuon at 2:30 p.m In
Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation ls
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the firs.'
and third Sundays of each month al
10:3» am. In the same hall. Party-
organizers take notice. A. s. Julian,
LOCAL   NELSON,   8.   P.  of  C,  MBBTB
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A Aus-
tln, Secretary
Meets every Tuesday at 8 p. m., in
L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St. W. H. Gll-
mour, Secretary.
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
ln the Sandon Miners' Unior Hall
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K. Sandon, B. C.
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. In Public Library Room. Johr
Mclnnis, Secretary; Andrew Allen
Business meeting every Sunday, 10:30
a.m. Economic Class held twice each
Thursday. 10:30 a.m. (fur afternoon
shllt), 8 p.m. (for morning shift). Propaganda meeting every Sundav 3 p.m.
Headquarters: Soelullst Hall, opposite
post office. Financial Secretary Thomas Carney, Corresponding Secretary,
.Joseph Naylor.
S. P. of C. Meets first and third tux- J
days In the month, at 4 p.m., la (
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Pea-1
cock,   Box  1983
OP   C.—Propaganda     meetings    every i
Sunday, 7:30 p. in., ln tne Trades Hall. {
Economic Class every Sunday,  S p.m.
n.   McMillan,   Sec.   Treas.,   South  Hill (
P.   O.,   Sask.;   A.   Stewart.   Organizer,
South Hill P. o„ Sask.   All slaves welcome.
S. P. OP 0.—Headquarters 128 % Main I
Street, Winnipeg, room 2, next Dreamland Theatre. Business meeting every
Sunday morning, at 11; economic cla
Wednesdays, at 8 p. m. Secretary's
address. 270 Young Street. Propaganda meeting every Sunday eveniag
in Draamland Theatre, Main Street, at
8  o'clock.    Discussion  Invited.
LOOAL   OTTAWA,   NO   8,   B.   T.   OT   O.
Open air meetings during summer
months, corner McKenzie Avenue and
Rfdeau Street. Business meetings,
flrst Sunday in month in the Labor
Hall, 219 Bank Street, at 8:00 p.m.
Secretary, Sam Sturgess Horwlth, 16
Ivy Avenue N.E., Ottawa.    Phone 277.
LOOAL OLACE BAT, NO. 1 OP MARITIME—Headquarters In Rukasln
Block, Commercial St. Open every
evening. Business and propaganda
meeting at headquarters every Thursday at 8 p. m. Alfred Nash, secretary,
Box 158; Harold Q. Ross, organizer.
Box 605.
LOOAL    SIDNEY    MINES    NO.    7,    Of
Nova Scotia.—Business and propaganda meetings every second Monday
at 7:30 in the S. O. B. T. Hall back
of Town Hall. Wll'lam Allen, Secretary, Box 344.
TION of the S. P. of C ls organized
for ttie purpose of educating the
Ukralnean workers to the revolutionary principles of this party. Tho
Ukranlan Federation publish their own
wi-eklv organ, "Nova Hromada" (New
Society), ut 443 Klnlstino Ave., Edmonton. Alta. English comrndes desiring Information re the Federation,
wrtte to J. Senuk, Fin. Secretary.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegience to and support of the principles and program of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government ail the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
The interest of the working cits lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitaton by the abolition of the wag*
system, under which is cloaked the rubbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ina struggle for possession ef the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the claris straggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under tha banner
of the Socialist Party bf Canada with tha object of conquering tha
public powers for ths purpose of setting up and enforcing tha economic
program of tha working class, as follows:
1. Tha transformation, aa rapidly aa possible, of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production (natural resources, farteries, mills,
railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working claas. '      ""
..■;    ,1.    A,. ...     '    .-     .',  •  ,    .. .■,,;-.■:■• - *t - ,  .t ■ '■,-.    -.-       '        ■■■       ■-.'■'*    . /.     <• •
2. The democratic organization and management ef industry by
tha workers.        "    *    ! ' '"*"*'-««•"■'»  •   '*" *■■ w«
. 3. Tha ••'•blishmsnt, aa speedily as possible, of production tot
use instead of production for profit
Tha Soelaliat Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until tha prasant systam is abolished, make the answer to this queetioa
its guiding rule of conduct:' Will this legislation advance tha intereata
of the working claaa and aid tha workara in their claaa atruggla against
t-apitaliamt If K wffl; tt'eS-j^t Party U*for WV» m noOkY
-ftctol'k-t Part ytttto^^ "" '"   **      ■'1*   '"'""■^1-
I In accordance with this principle tha Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all th public affairs placed in its hands In such a manner
as to promote the intereata of the wtJrkinj- claaa alone.    "' ' F   '~™
5   Yearlies - -
10 1-2 Yearlies -
2Q QqarterUes -
T    !| :.■
- 4.00
- 4.00 SATURDAY, MAY 25, 1912.
Dear Comrade:
Toronto Local is now in good shape.
We have elected the following slaves
to office:
Secretary-treasurer, Harry Klrwln.
Recording Secretary, A. Taylor.
Literary Secretary, L. Willshaw
Organizer, W. Green.
Besides holding our    weekly  local
meetings, we have celebrated the Paris
Commune, and May Day.    Upon each
occasion, Comrade Green dealt intelligently with his subject.   Although our
membership still stands at our original
ten charter members, our local meetings are always attended by about 20
slaves.   Several of these are desirous
of joining us, but we are rigidly Insisting that a slave must understand
our position, as well as his own, before we accept him.   We know from
past experience that if we are to have
a live, successful, fighting local, the
first 20 members at least must be fearless,    class    conscious    revolutionary
slaves.   We have installed a house to
house distribution of free leaflets.   To
do this we have mapped out a certain
district and every Sunday morning we
leave one of the leaflets at each house.
We are now on our fifth distribution,
and the comrades who are doing this
distribution have found eleven discontented slaves, which will result, probably, in the organizing of a local in
that district, or the swelling of the
membership of our local.    Last night
(Saturday) we held a special organizing    meeting to accommodate    some
slaves from a local glass works, who
were desirous of hearing our expost-
, tion of our platform   and principles.
Nine of them turned up and Organizer
Green laid our position before them
truthfully and fearlessly.    The result
of three hours' questioning and discussion being that we advised them to
hear the organizer of the S. D. P. compare the platform of each party and
act accordingly.    If these  slaves  do
not join us, I for one will be surprised.
We are meeting with success in our
literary department, especially ln getting subs, for the Clarion.    Enclosed
you will find $2 for 22 stamps.   I want
11 for May dues and 11 for June.   To
sum up, let me say that our local is
in a very healthy condition both intellectually and financially.   Yours in revolt,
The membership of Medicine Hat
local is growing steadily. We have
organized a Lettish branch of sixteen
members, also a Lithuanian branch.
During the last five weeks Medicine
Hat has held five propaganda meetings,
one addressed by C. M. Davis, two by
C. M. O'Brien and three by Alf. Budden. The last drink usually doesn't
taste as good as the first, but on this
occasion it proved the exception to
the rule. In my opinion Comrade Budden is the best speaker in the party
today.   The local paper said of him:
"A. Budden, Socialist organizer, more
than fulfilled all forecasts made of him
as a speaker in his lecture last night.
He has a clear, ringing voice and held
the wrapt attention of his audience
from beginning to end. His clear enunciation was greatly appreciated. Mr.
Budden as a lecturer ranks among the
Comrade Budden left here to speak
in Taber Saturday night,  Lethbridge
Sunday and then went on to Edmonton
to take part In the bye-election there.
Timaru, New Zealand,
To The Editor Western Clarion:
Comrade—Just a few lines expressing my pleasure on receiving copies ot
the Clarion. I am a rolling stone
and happened to be in Vancouver for
a short period a few months ago.
Though I have been a revolutlonery
red since I was able to think for myself, and though your (?) fair and
prosperous (?) country used me pretty
hard, 1 am not sorry for my sojourn
with you. I can sincerely say I learned
more about the real Socialist movement (and am still learning per medium of your paper), In the few weeks
I spent in Vancouver than in all the
other time I have been interested in
the movement. Though I am not able
to express myself sufficiently I want
to congratulate your party on its platform, and official organ. I consider the
best half dollar I ever spent was on
one Sunday night on coming out ot
the Empress Theatre I bumped into
and almost ran down a little Scotchman who was selling sub cards for
the Clarion. I bought a card from
him. I believe I did not apologize to
him for the rough way I tumbled into
him. I now take the opportunity of
doing so, and also to congratulate
him on a very able lecture I heard
him give later on the evolution of the
machinery of production.
I sincerely hope the Cossacks did
not manhandle him during the recent
free speech campaign.
I wish there were a few able speak
ers, such as Comrades Gribble, Kings
ley, Lester and a few more of you, not
forgetting the little Scotchman, over
here in New Zealand. The workers
over here seem to be contentd with
their unions and strikes.
Though I only arrived in New Zealand a week or so ago, when I arrived
here I found an accumulation of Clarions awaiting here for me. I sure
find them inteersting reading. I pass
them on to all my fellow workers and
am agreeably surprised at the way in
which they are read and passed on
again. Why some new converts are
even asking me when I expect the next
batch, and like myself are eagerly
awaiting the next mail. It does a man
good to see the seed sown and the
crop grow. When will the reaping
be? Not long, comrades. Those fine
verses of Wilfred Gribble's, "To a
Weary Comrade," will be out ,of place
soon, though to those'who have read
them they will never be forgotten. We
shall be weary no longer, comrades
Stick to the good work. Keep your
end up over there. We down here,
if we can't lead, will follow. Hoping that I am not wearying you and
trusting that you will derive a little
astisfaction in knowing your little paper (little only in size) Is doing a share
in spreading the good word in a far
off country. I am yours in revolt.
At Ymir General Hospital a duly
qualified Physician and Surgeon to take charge June 1,
1912. For further information
write W. B. Mclsaae, Secretary, P. O. Box 506, Ymir, B.C.
to help the good cause along. Never
mind the other fellow—do it yourself
and do It now. We want one sub.
from each reader this week. You are
sure to know someone who wlll go
good for at least a three months sub.
Can we depend on you? We think bo,
don't you? Here are the trail blazers
for this week:.
J. Kinnear, Toronto, Ont 20
L. Williams, Toronto, Ont     4
Alf. Budden, Organizer, Alta     4
W. H. Gilmour, Vernon, B. C     3
W. Atkinson, Victoria, B. C     3
A. H. McAllister, Winnipeg, Man...    3
A. Paterson, Winnipeg, Man     3
(By Watts.)
The price of leaflets will in future
be two dollars per thousand.
•     s     *
Another trust busting farce is being
enacted in the States. The Sugar
trust is to be "dissolved."
«   •   •
Tickling capitalism with the feather
of "immediate demands" may amuse
the simple, but there the joke ends.
It means very little effort on your
part to get on the voters' list. See
that you get on right away.
• *   •
You may look smart in a soldier's
uniform. But there is no smartness in
making widows and orphans.
* ♦   ♦
Don't forget the organizers' fund;
don't wait till the other fellow sends
in his money.
Wm.  McQuold,  Edmonton,  Alta.
M. Lightstone, City	
S. Lellman, Enderby, B. C.
A. Stewart, Moose Jaw;  H. Baron,
Winnipeg;   H.   Baker,  Winnipeg;   H.
Fulcher,   Brandon;   G.   M.,  Brandon;
D. Diamond, St. Catherines; D. Thomson, St. Catherines, Ont.; K. Johnson,
Montreal;  J. Pilkington, Enderby, B.^
C; C. Steen, Janes Rd.; E. Campbell,
Rossland; H. Sejlers, Prince Rupert;
A. Manson, Nelson;  W. W. Lefeaux,
City; J. Larner, Stillwater; W. B. Mclsaae,   Ymir;   H.   Stricthorst,   Skeena ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
River; Thos. Waklem, Coleman, Alta.; I ♦   »   •
S. K. Read, Calgary; G. Brandt, Meet-     The trial of the Editors of the Aping Creek; N. D. Thuchuk, Canmore;  peal  to Reason  has  been  postponed
J. B. Bickensteth, Lac La Nonne, Alta.;  till after the Presidential    elections.
C. M. Smith, Brooklyn, N. Y.; E. Simp- There's a reason,
son, Victoria, B.  C;  A. E. McNaugh-|' *   *    *
What is It that keeps you away from
the business meetings week after
•   *   •
If this should catch the eye of T. S.
Faulkner, kindly communicate with
D. G. McKenzie, 114 Water St., Vancouver, B. C.
.   ,    .
Charlie O'Brien has assisted in 30
meetings since the Alberta legislative
assembly prorogued. What effort are
you making to keep him in the field ?
A monster trial In connection with
the recent strikes of the metal workers and miners of Plombino and the
Isle of Elba seems to be imminent. A
number of arrests bave been made,
and general indignation ls the result.
On December 11 and 12 the tribunal
of Parma condemned six or seven
workers who had been under arrest for
attempting to make a general strike on
September 27 at Formovo, in protest
against the Tripoli expedition. All
were condemned to be imprisoned
from three to eight months.
At Pisa the trial of the demonstrators of Poggibousi, who hindered the
departure of the soldiers to Tripoli by
stopping the trains, has just taken
place. The sentence ls unheard-of,
shameful severity. Out of the 38 persons accused, 27 have ben condemned,
The S. P. of America, even to this day,
do not endorse Industrial Unionism.
The (acta cry out that T. Mann'waa
playing on the ignorance of the worfcr
ers at the conference.
The resolution farther disclaims any
connection with any anti-political sects,
but, as a matter of fact, the supporters
of the resolution connected themselves
With the views of the anti-political
sects and bitterly attacked the vtewa
of the political parties.
Mann would have us believe that thla
meant that they were neitehr political
nor anti-political. This may go down
all right with the large audiences of
working men who, not yet awakened
to the facts, cheer lustily the "labour
leader," who, in his capacity of public
entertainer, tickles their ears with hla
fictitious history.
This is not the first time in the history of the wording class movement
that an attempt bas been made to pay
ton, City.
Alex Beaton, Glenbrea, Sask., 6; C.
McMahon, Smith, Brooklyn, N. Y., 50;
Wm. McQuoid, Edmonton, 100; B. Simmons, Regina, 25; J. S. Odegaard,
Prince Rupert, 5.
At the regular business meeting of
Local Vancouver No. 1, held on May
5th, the following motion was passed
by a vote of 15 to 8: Moved, that this
local again endorses the platform of
the Socialist Party of Canada, and repudiates the actions of individuals and
parties who identitfy trades unionism with Socialism.
Sec. I-ocal No. 1.
Moose Jaw and Montreal says Brandon is easy. Victoria just saves her
place from the attack made on it by
Toronto, and Lethbridge wipes Brantford off the list.
This is how they stand:—
Vancouver, B. C     1
Winnipeg, Man    2
Calgary,  Alberta  3
Victoria, B. C  4
Toronto, Ont      5
Edmonton, Alta     6
Fernie, B. C     7
Cumberland, B. C     8
Moose Jaw, SaBk     9
Montreal, Que  10
Brandon, Man  11
New Westminster, B. C   12
North Battleford, Sask  13
Nelson, B. C  14
Silverton, B. C i   15
South  Fort George, B.  C.7. 16
Ottawa, Ont  17
Glace Bay, Nova Scotia 18
South Hill, Sask   19
Lethbridge, Alta  20
Send in for mailing list and rustle
up the expiring subs.
The best and only honest tactics for
a working class party is to educate the
slave to the necessity of ending
slavery;  anything else Ib compromise.
• *   •
Whilst a bunch of fanatics are upholding and opposing Home Rule for
Ireland, there is a sturdy band in Ireland working for the "world for the
• •   •
Because you are a selfish Socialist
and do not love the working class, is
no reason why you should not spend
half an hour a week distributing leaflets.   Get busy.
• •   *
Three thousand eight hundred
weavers of Paterson, N.J., are on
strike and the bosses threaten to remove their factories unless the strikers
go back to work.
among them  seven women and two      	
boys. Altogether they were condemned a flying visit to the Industrial Common-
to 30 years and three months' impris- wealth via Direct Action, bo let us con-
onment—that is,  a  maximum  of  20 slder how to get tbeie v.lihout the aid
months and a minimum (for the boys) of Syndicalist wings,
of seven months.    Such a judgment,    The capitalist state is a    reflex ot
has not been given since the times of
the blackest reaction.
Eight undesirables of Bassano, Alberta, signed an application for a charter of the S. P. of C. These comrades
will help put the farmers wise to the
skin game of the C. P. R.
Here is a chance for some Locals
to show what they can do in the sub.
hustling line besides getting out of
the cellar. I have in my possession
the two volumes of "The Ancient
Lowly," by C. Osborne Ward (complete. TheBe I will present postage
paid to whichever ot the following
Locals that succeeds ln coming nearest to No. 1 from now until the 30th
of June next. Every week there is
published in this paper a list of Locals
and their standing in regards to the
number of subs, going to each, No, 1
being the highest and 20 the lowest.
These two volumes will make a fine
addition to your library or you can
sell them for $2.00 each or $4.00 for
both. .Not who gets them? The
Locals entitled to compete are: New
Westminster, B. 0.; Cumberland,
B. C; Nelson, B. C; South Fort
George, B. C; Sllverton, B. C; N.
Battleford, Sask,; Ottawa, Ont.; Re
gtaa, SaBk.; Glace Bay, N: S-; South
Trotei —Every   sub.   you   send   in
counts on this one.—Leeds. '
Owing to some of the books belonging to Campaign Committee being
seized by the authorities during the
trial of Com. Rahlm, the Committee has
not yet been able to submit report for
publication, but will be in a position
to do ao at an early date.
Sec. Local No. 1.
J. T. Medicine Hat: Thanks for copy
of 626. Geo. Riley, on list O, K. See
the postmaster.
J. C,0,> Glenwood: Thanks for No.
L. W., Barons Thanks for No. 626.
W. G„ Portland; Sent your bundle.
C. ty. S., "Brooklyn: Thanks for copy
A. H., yictoria: Thanks for copy 626.
Socialism means a chance for everybody and abundance for all who (oil.
The program of the Socialist Party
is the ending of human slavery. The
slavery of the wage-earner under capitalism brought forth the Socialist
Party, and when slavery is abolished
the Socialist Party will have fulfilled
its mission. For a working-class
party to declare for anything but the
complete overthrow of capitalism is to
nullify itself. To encumber Its program with reforms of any kind ia to
draw away the . attention of those
whom it would reach from the main
-and only object How the Socialist
Party will conduct itself politically
under capitalism depends on circumstances. It may seek to extend the
franchise and make it universal, etc.
But lt knows that the only way to progress is to make Soclalista. The Socialist Party of Canada seeks to keep
the issue clear before the working
class. Capitalism can give the workers nothing but slavery and to seek to
Improve or reform slavery is to wander Into the 1-y-ways of the impossible.
So, gentle reader, if you are aware of
the ''fallacy of reforms," If ypu know
that the collective ownership of those
things which we collectively use le the
workers' only hope, you will get out
and rustle at least one sub. this week
Tbe degrading humiliation that is
heaped on working class men and
women who go before Wages Boards
and Arbitration Courts was illustrated
the other day when, before the Wharf
Stores Board, the wife of a working
man was led to parade the poverty of
her home life, and to furnish details
of her home life, and to furnish details of her housekeeping, to the highly-paid legal shark who officiated as
chairman. Her husband earned 50s
a week, and kept 10s for himself—apparently to pay fares to and from
work, tobacco, etc. They had three
children, and the pitiable story was
that the landlord got 10s, the grocer
10s, the butcher 6s (less than Is a
day), the baker 2s 6d (which means
about one loaf and one-third per day),
fuel 2s id, milk 1s fid, vegetables ,1b
—a total of 35s 6d to shelter and feed
five people, with 4s fid a week left
over to clothe them; and nothing to
provide luxuries or amusements, nor
yet anything to provide against accident or sickness. The "Evening News'
applauds the thrlftlness of the wife—
but it is more than thrlftlness, lt is
heroism. What the "News" purpose
ly loses sight of is the tragedy of the
facts disclosed—facts that existed
under "Liberal" rule, and are cheerfully perpetuated under "Labor" Party
rule. — The International Socialist,
Sydney, Australia.
The members of the Socialist party
are opposed to wars. If there are to
be bloody wars in the future, the wage-
earners should not be arrayed against
each other.
The striking miners in the Borinage,
Belgium, and their families, are suffering terribly from hunger; some of
them have been driven by starvation
to.looting, for which two persons were
arrested on February 10. An attempt
was made by the crowd to release
them, and the gendarmes drove back
the people by firing their rifles into
the air. A skirmish took place between the strikers and soldiers at
Paturages. A band of 500 strikers
subsequently attempted to pillage a
cart,, but were interrupted by a detachment of Chasseurs, who, after bayonet charges, finally fired on the
crowd, two of whom were hit. Enraged
by this, the people retaliated so flrce-
ly that the soldiers had perforce to
break ranks and fled, though they
subsequently rallied, and charged
again. A woman was injared in the
melee. Eight soldiers have been arrested by the military authorities for
making no resistance to the crowd,
who disarmed them when they were
accompanying a cart to Paturages.
They will be tried by courtmartial.
The editor of the Madrid journal,
Heraldo, recently managed to get into
the castle of San Fernando, which,
for the last few years, has been used
as a state prison. His accounts of
the place have given rise to great excitement in Spain, for the conditions
in this prison are, if anything worse
than at Montjuich. Thus a prisoner
who tried to protect another from Ill-
treatment at the hands of a jailer was
dragged into a cell, where two re
volver shots were fired at him. He Is
now lying In the prison hospital.
One of the rooms goes by the name
of "Siberia."   In it the journalist saw
nineteen  half-naked  men  chained  to
Local Vancouver 69 has started a the  wall   with  only  the  space  of a
lending library.   If you have any books |little more than a yard between each
you don't need, have them put in the -The only window is fifty centimeters
in height and ten in width.    In this
library. If you want something good
to read, you can get it from our library;   there's plenty to select from.
Government owned elevators in
Manitoba has proved a failure and the
government are trying to sell them for
$500,000, and they only recently paid
$1,000,000 for them.
Two hundred students of Chicago
University held a mass to protest
against the action of some of their
fellow students who are acting as
strike-breakers in the Chicago newspaper strike.
place the nineteen prisoners have
been confined since last June without
being allowed to speak to each other.
They Bleep on the bare ground and
their only food is bread and water.
The Englishman in his castle (?)
may no longer fear the Invasion of
Great Britain by those bloodthirsty
Germans, for the government have
wisely (?) initiated a defence of its
shores by having 165 destroyers and
several cruisers continuously patrollng
the coast line.
Deputy BorcharJt, a Socialist ln the
Prussian Diet, was twice ejected from
the Diet Chamber for interrupting an
anti-Socialist speech. The Socialists,
owing to the classified franchise, have
a small representation, but have succeeded in greatly Inconveniencing the
president and other parties during the
present session. A revision of the
rules of order to prevent such obstruction by a minority in pending.
We are ln need of several copies
of No. 626 of the Western
Clarion, so as to complete Our
sets of bound volumes. We
will give one year's subscription to the Clarion for any
single copies of that number
sent to us. Remember the
The Socialist Party stands for the
cnJing of slavery—a task stupendous
enough for any party. No frills are
needed. Don't tell the capitalist beast
when or where you are going to land
your blows. Keep your tactics secret
or he will "cover up." "Hew to the
line, let the chips foil where they
NEW YORK, April 23. Declaring
they were tired of working in the
dark from 8 a. m. to 6 p. m. for $!> per
week, fifty girls employed by a moving picture manufacturing concern I
here have gone on strike for mor-l ■hInS aB if the*-' sai» ll was lo° "one
money and shorter hours. It is t>ai ' walt unt" thc-*' understand; so the
t, at the work is very trying on the, iext beBt thln« t0 ll0 '" what *lle s*"»
social com i ions, and not, as some people seem to imagine, the cause of such
The power needed by the master
class to enforce its rules must of necessity be a central machine. A machine, whilst it may take on the role
of legislation "in the interests of the
people," when they become restless,
cannot, by its very nature, have any
other as its main function but the subjection of the workers.
The Socialist, therefore, in his attempt to capture the political machine,
knows that there is no reform worth
mentioning which can be had by simply monkeying with legislation. He attempts to capture the political machine
chine for the same reason that the
hired agents of the capitalist class
would like to capture the working class
movement, In order to smash it.
To say that because lt cannot be
made use of for legislation in the interest of the working .class that wa
should discard political action, simply
shows that those who say do not realize what the revolutionist means by
political action.
The workers are being, continually
hoodwinked on the political field into
the support of capitalist candidates.
That is the field on which the discussion of the social question rages, that
ls the field on which from time to time
lt is settled, at least for the time being.
That there is a social problem no
one will deny, that the various capitalist factions make a pretence of
settling it, that the workers are persuaded from time to time to send
their masters back again to power in
the hope that this time surely something will be done, no one will deny;
and it Is just here, where the discussion rages at its very height, the Socialist must be, to preach his revolutionary doctrine.
He must take part In these campaigns, and use them to educate the
workers up to the point of selng that
nothing but the abolition of capitalism
can settle the social question.
To leave this important field to the
capitalist political] is reactionary. The
Socialist must take political action to
educate the masses.
The strength of the revolutionary
force must be pitted against the capitalist class. To say it should not be
on the political field because the game
is too slow, that the workers always
vote the wrong way, Is a queer method
of reasoning.
The reason, of course, that they do
not vote for Socialism is that they do
not understand it, and if any one says
that lt is too long to wait until they
vote,  then   it  amounts  to  the  same
eyes, as the employes labor In the dark
room of the plant all day ln the performance of their duties.
W. H. Goodwin, of the Montreal
Men and Religion movement, says:
"Religion needs more newspaper advertising." Mr. Goodwin must be tak-
ink a knock at us, as we hardly know
of a newspaper that isn't chock full of
religion. Cotton's Weekly with its
big (?) circulation is boosting religion
of Mr. Goodwin's brand, and what
more could he need?
On Empire Day 6,000 youths of Toronto shouldered rifles, proud of their
ability to do their part in the defense
of the Empire. Thus said Earl Grey
in a "defense of the Empire" speech.
I'he parlsltlcal press and crowned
parasites are working overtime these
days to keep this patriotic dope before
the wage slaves, but It is all in vain;
the Blave is beginning to realize where
his material Interest lies.
Syndicalism and
Political Action
(Continued from page one)_
was a safeguard to an organization
which waB being rent asunder by the
political views of its membership.
Facts prove otherwise. Delegates who
were known to be unfavorable to the
striking out of the political clause were
unseated. The convention was packed
by opponents of the clause, and the
resolution passed to the tnne of "Strike
the ballot box with an axe."
The I. W. W., whilst saying that the
workers must come together on the
political as well as on .the Industrial
field, did not force or even suggest
which of the two parties flying the Socialist colors they should support. Its
duty was plain, to organise the workers, industrially, and, for tbe time being, allow tbe political parties to fight
out their own difficulties. Had there
been a fight between the S. P. men
and S. L. P. men as to wbich of tbelr
organizations the I. W. W. should be
affiliated to, then we might have sympathized, even if we disagreed, with
those who would for the sake of peace
rub out the political clause.
But that no such fight existed is
clear enough from the fact that tbe S.
L. P. was the only party of the two
which  endorsed Industrial  Unionism.
dlcalists are trying, a game that Karl
Marx characterized as trying to revolutionise society behind its back.
There has been a lot of talk lately
about how the workers are Bold on the
political field, but does not the same
hold good on the lndiistri.il field? What
about the railwayman? What about the
The only way to prevent tbe selling of the workers ls by education.
When they are educated in the light of
Socialist science they will no longer
be on sale either on the political or
industrial field.
The funny part of the Syndicalist circus ls that tbe principal clown, who la
so busy telling tbe workers to beware
of trickery on the political field, haa
proved by his own past, history that
he himself is a regular C'nquevalli at
the game.
The work of the political party of
Labour Ib not to ask the workers to
vote for it In the same way as other
parties do, hut to explain during its
political campaign tbe hlstpri*' mission
of the working class, carefully pointing
out the uselessness of votes unless cast
by men who have the organized capacity to put into operation tbat whicn
they have voted for.
That capacity can only be organized
along tbe lines of Industrial Unionism,
a unionism wbich will teach, organize
and drill tbe workers for tbe final act
ln their emancipation, 1. e., the carrying on ot tbe productive process of the
nation.—J. M. in thc Edinburgh Socialist. PAGE FOUR
SATURDAY, MAY 25, 1912.
The Evolution of
Human Society
(Leaflet Number Eight.)
Just liow long mankind lias inhabited the earth is not
known. It, is safe to assume, however, that it has been many
thousands of years. The most careful research into the history
of the human nice shows conclusively that man was not always
the wonderful creature as we know him to-day, with his highly-
developed faculties and his marvelous command over the forces
of nature. It is generally conceded that back in remote antiquity he was low down iii the scale of being, with ill-developed faculties, and in fact with little to distinguish him in
habit and instinct from other animals that roamed the earth
at that time. As he emerged from among the lower animals,
he did so by taking on one peculiar characteristic or habit,
which had proven the distinguishing mark separating him from
all other animal kind. That is, he makes and uses tools with
which to obtain his living. All others rely solely upon the
meaus with which nature has supplied them—teeth, claws, etc.
Man, then, is a tool-using animal. When he first raised
himself above the balance of animal kind, the tools with which
he made his living were of necessity primitive and puny. Very
likely a sharp stone or stick, by aid of which he dug a root or
killed some weaker animal for the purpose of satisfying his
appetite was the most primitive tool of ancient man. Having
adopted this primitive tool he opened out before himself a
career that was destined to eventually make him not only
master of all animal kind, but master of the forces of nature
as well.
The history of mankind could be written in industrial
terms. In fact it cannot be correctly written in any other.
The history of the human race is a history of the growth and
development of the means and method whereby mankind feeds,
clothes and shelters itself.
Human society and its institutions are but a reflex of this
economic basis. Social institutions, ethics, morals and religions
of any given period are only such as are made possible by the
economic development of that time. ■
As the tool grew from primitive form, with each successive
step becoming more powerful, and the method of its operation
more complex and far-reaching, it logically follows that changes
in social institutions must needs occur from time to time, iu
order that human society might adapt itself to the ever-increasing pressure of the economic development going on within
it. That some of these changes would be sudden and violent
goes without saying. A period of such sudden and oftentimes
violent change is usually termed a revolutionary epoch. Human society is just now upon the verge of such an epoch,
greater and more far-reaching in its consequences to mankind
■than any that have preceded it. It will be accompanied by less
of violence and leave less of misery and sorrow in its wake if
every man bestirs himself to understand the nature of the
change that has been made necessary by the industrial development of the past. The more wide-spread the knowledge of the
impending change and the necessity for it, the less the shock
incident to it.
Man as a Savage.
Man, then, emerges from the ranks of the lower animals,
adapting himself to the use of tools with which to make his
living and protect himself against other animals. The family,
the community, the tribe, the nation, government, religion, etc.,
arc unknown quantities to him. His language is as yet but the
chatter or speech of an animal; his code of morals and ethics
is that of a beast. In other words, he is a savage, very low
down in the scale of being. By slow degrees he develops his
means of living. He learns how to make fire and obtain fish for
food. He begins to gather in communities alongside of ocean,
stream or lake, where fish may be obtained. The more fixed
abode and the learning of how to store food for times of sear-
city, lays the foundation of the family, which begins to form
from out of the former promiscuous sex relations. This is still
further hastened by the growth of the spear, stone-axe and club
into the bow and arrow, thus adding the products of the chase
to the food supply. It is needless to say that this development
must have been painfully slow, probably covering many thousands of years. But it is beyond question that the basis of our
boasted present-day industrial power was in this manner laid
by our savage ancestors of remote antiquity.
Man as a Barbarian.
Emerging from savagery, man entered upon his career as a
barbarian. The art of making pottery was acquired. The
domestication of animals and the cultivation of cereals followed
He learned how to make garments from textile fabrics; how
to build of wood and stone; how to smelt ores and fashion
implements of iron and copper. The canoe of the savage was
improved upon by adding the sail and rudder. The insignificant savage community grew into the powerful tribe, taking
on more and more the character of the nation. The family
•continued to develop towards the monogamous form.
But the achievements of savagery and barbarism can only
be hinted at in this article. Suffice it to say that, man's power
to produce wealth during these periods had been greatly increased. His wants had, no doubt, likewise increased during
the same period. It remained for thc closing years of barbarism
to bring his power of wealth production up to the point where
human slavery was possible. So long as it required all of man's
time to provide himself with the necessaries of life all motive
to enslave him would be lacking. When the power of production had passed that point to any appreciable extent, the motive
to enslave their fellows would be acted upon by the stronger
ones at the first opportunity. That opportunity came at last
and out of the tribal wars that arose over possession of territory, as tribe crowded upon tribe, arose the custom of the conqueror enslaving thc conquered.
Civilization announced its advent upon the stage of events
by the. inauguration of slavery. The slave worked for the
master. The product of his labor belonged to the master. The
master saw that the slave had food, etc., sufficient to enable
him to work on the morrow. If ho allowed his slave to starve,
he miglit he unable to get another, unless at considerable cost.
With slavery there came the carrying out of works of
greater magnitude than formerly. Under the lash of the master
the mighty achievements of Egypt, Babylon, Greece, Rome, etc..
were accomplished, tasks that were undoubtedly impossible
except, through enforced labor. Slowly and painfully, through
some thousands of years were the burdens of civilization borne
upon the backs of chattel slaves. The tools of wealth production were by the same token growing more powerful, making
the labor of the slave more prolific in wealth production. This
continually increasing power to produce wealth eventually surfeited the master class and its institutions, until the civilization
of the time, rotten to the core, went to pieces at the touch of
the barbarians of a more northern clime; and out of the chaos
of its ruins there emerged a slavery wearing a different garb
but in essence the same. The feudal slave worked a part of the
time for the feudal lord for nothing, being allowed to work the
balance of thc time for himself upon land set aside for his own
use. He kept himself and his family by this latter labor. The
amount of time he was allotted to work for himself was as a
rule very niacly adjusted to the actual requirements to enable
him to work for the feudal lord the balance.   His predecessor,
(Translated from Yiddish by N.
To die bravely men were able In all
ages. That is why we are not surprised to hear of the heroes of the
Titanic disaster.
But the profound grief that lt has
caused to humanity ls really marvellous. The general, sincere sympathy
with the rescued, the quick, generous
aid to the widows and orphans, is wonderful.
All—rich and poor, aristocrats and
common people—were afflicted as one
man. All felt like one family. All
gave their aid as near relativess.
A hundred years ago a thing like
this would have been Impossible.
Never was humanity so magnanimous.
Oh, how good we are already!
But why did we have to sorrow?
Why did hundreds of women become
widows and hundreds of children orphans?
Because ships are built for profit,
and human life has no value.
Because on the dry land the Astors
and Wideners are not heroes, but mere
exploiters and as the owners of the
ships' don't give a snap for their fellow
They only care for the purse.
Oh, how bad we are yet!
* *   »
In no age were women and children
so cared for as they are now.
There are special societies to protect children and magnificent institutions for women.
Special funds are raised every summer to send small children to some
healthy parts of the country or to the
There are schools for dumb, weak
and crippled children.
The law of every civilized country
is aiming to protect the child, even
in its mother's womb.
Oh, how good we are already!
But factories are full of women and
Do you remember the strike at
Pregnant women forced to work as
well as men.
Working women have no spare time
to feed their little ones.
Women grow old before their time
from hard labor.
Children die young because their
mothers are too busy to care for them.
Thousands of children are being demoralized on the streets of our large
Oh, how bad we are yet!
* *   *
We sympathize even now with prostitutes.
We have special institutions to save
unhappy women.
We prosecute the white slave mongers.
We have societies that look after
young, inexperienced girls.
We build special clubs for them.
We protect them on the streets and
street cars.
Oh, how good we are already!
But the girls in our stores and factories receive such a low wage that
many of them have either to starve or
sell their bodies on the streets.
We pay the working men so little
that they are unable to keep their
The poor are so poor that they cannot allow themselves to marry.
The rich are so rich that one wife
ls not enough for them.
The white slavery business Is so
profitable that pious and respectable
men are not ashamed to go Into It.
We save one unhappy woman, but
hundreds of them we run down and
create thousands of new ones.
Oh, how bad we are yet!
*   *   *
In no age was the poor "brother"
cared for so much as he is now.
He is taught how to escape consumption and other deadly diseases.
The trusts promise compensation to
workers that reach the age of seventy.
Carnegie is building libraries for
workers that have time to read.
Rockefeller erects churches for
them and Morgan gives museums.
Each year new hospitals are being
put up for them.
Institutions for old, insane, and for
those that are crippled by work.
Popular magazines and newspapers
are constantly published for the poor
Popular concerts are given for them.
In every large city there are several
institutions that provide the penniless
toilers with coal in the winter and ice
in the summer.
Shoes are being donated to the children of the poor and bread distributed
umong the hungry.
Care is taken that they shall not
stray from the path of temperance.
Savings banks are established to enable them to save their money.
The priests are always busy with
the poor.
Reformers Invent new laws for
The rich keep on giving money to
the poor.
It is considered a shame now for
one to live to himself and not to care
for his poorer brother.
Oh, how good we are already!
But the tailors' wages are so low that
they are compelled to suffer want and
hunger and to live in miserable, filthy
dwellings, often full of disease.
They cannot escape consumption.
A small number of us have captured
the world, the mines, fields and factories, and the majority are compelled
to work for us when they need food or
starve when they can get no job.
The workers are forced to work so
hard and so long that they have no
time to attend Carnegie's libararies
and Morgans museums.
They are crippled up In the factories so badly that they could not escape
our hospitals.
They get so dulled from hard labor
that they are unable to appreciate our
lectures, read our books and enjoy our
They booze regardless of our preachings.
Removed from 5 18 Hornby St. to
Trade Marks
Copyrights Ac.
Anyone lending ankeOh and donerlntlnn may
nuli*kly iwoertnln our opinion free wi* other au
Invention li probnbly pntantnltle. Communlcn-
iioiiBBirlot.lycuTinilQiitliil. HANDBOOK on Patent!
sunt free. Oldest nuency for Buuurlntt patents.
Vatouti taken through Munn & Co. recelTi
tpcclai notice, -without oh rime. In the
Scientific American.
k hftndflomei. Hlnitiated -weekly. Lannat circulation ot anv sclentlne journal. Tamil for
Canada, |8.76 a year, postage prepaid.   Sold by
all iiewirtttak'n.
Bl*ni!l> <*B«cb, e» F ■;■„ Wssbllslrm O.S,
the chattel slave, worked for his master all of the time. The
feudal slave worked for his master but a part of the time. But
in as much as neither got more than the bare necessities of
existence, the difference between them was one of appearance,
only. The very essence of their servitude was the same in
either case.
For some hundreds of years the feudal system of slavery
held sway. The tools of wealth production were continually
being improved upon and the power of production increased.
Like their predecessors, the chattel slave masters, the feudal
lords became surfeited with wealth and their civilization became a nuisance in the pathway of human progress. The
wealth the feudal slave could produce in excess of his own
keep could not be consumed by his master. It cried out with
ever-increasing insistence to be disposed of. A new master
class arose out of tho ranks of the slaves. Skilled workers in
the towns partially broke loose from feudal rule. Master workmen with their tools ever becoming more powerful under their
hands, scented rich profits in the production and sale of their
wares, if the restrictions of feudal rule could be completely
broken. Tho feudal lords could not withstand the pressure of
this economic power developed within feudal society, and were
forced to give over thc sceptre of rule to the master workmen
who were speedily to develop into factory lords.
As the feudal system gave way a vista was opened up before the feudal workman that had every appearance of being
that freedom of which he had long dreamed. But it proved
to be a delusion. The individual workman in the individual
shop grew into a collection of workmen in a larger shop, and
the sub-division of labor. The worker no longer made an
article entire. He performed a certain part of the work only,
and passed it along to a fellow workman. The hand tool grew
into a machine and the process of production became more
complex and the necessary equipment more costly, it became
more and more impossible for the individual worker to lift himself from the rank of worker to that of master. Awakened
from his dream of freedom he found himself in the grip of a
veritable industrial monster, that squeezed the last drop of
blood from his quivering body, even more completely than did
ever chattel slave master or feudal lord. Though he appeared
to be free inasmuch as he might refuse to labor if ho so chose,
he awakened to the fact that he was compelled to surrender
his life to his industrial masters in exchange for the price of
that which thc chattel slave got at first hand, and the feudal
slave was allowed to produce for himself, and that was the bare
necessaries of existence.
After dreaming of freedom, to be awakened to the stern
reality that wage-labor is but another name for slave-labor is
a rude awakening, indeed.
The wage slave does precisely for his master what the
chattel slave and feudal serf did for theirs. No one would be
impudent enough to assert that either of the latter were paid
for their work, yet in common parlance the wage-worker gets
paid for his. The fact asserts itself with ever increasing emphasis that chattel slave, feudal serf and wage slave worked
for practically the same thing—a bare existence, and this has
been rendered ever more insecure and uncertain as each of
these successive stages of civilization became more highly developed.
A Good Place to Eat at
137 Cordova Street West
The best of Everything
properly cooked
..« solid, the business' of. Manufactnrsts,
Rnginceru and others who realize the advtsabtl-
ity of baring their Patent business transacted
by Expel ts. Preliminary advice free. Charges
moderatt'. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon
request. Marion & Marlon, New York Life Bldg.
touttval: nud Washington, I*.C~, U.S.A.
We need money and we want to
make way for new pamphlets. Therefore we make the following offer:
.Manifesto of S. P. of C   10c
Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism     10c
Socialism and Unionism     5c
Slave of the Farm      5c
Struggle for Existence      5c
Summary of Marx' "Capital" 5c
The State and Government     5c
Value, Price and Profit     5c
Book and
Voltaire's Lectures and Essays... 25c
Modern     Science     and    Modern
Thought—Lalng   25C
The Teachings of Huxley  25c
Paine's Political "Writings  25c
Problems of the Future—Laing... 25c
The Confession of Faith of a Man
of Science—-Haeckel  25c
All books postage paid.
People's Bookstore
152 Cordova St. W.
301 Dominion Trust Building
Vancouver, B.C.
The best and cheapest
Cordova Boarding House
612 Cordova Street East
Party   Lapel
Price: 50c each
or 5 for $2.00
Dominion Executive Committee
Labor Temple
.ri""— ,-
I* ST JN B.-C. CKi^R
They do not save money regardless
of our banks and they don't live long
enough to get compensation.
We create paupers, we make cripples, we provide drunkards and criminals ,and after having created thousands of them we try our best to save
one or two.
Oh, how bad we are yet!
We have special societies for protecting horses, dogs and cats.
We couldn't bear to see anybody
beating his horse.
Our tender heartB would suffer to
see a hungry dog or a wounded cat.
We have sympathy even with cattle.
We are beginning to condemn hunting.
Oh, how good we are already!
But our prisonB are never empty,
our scaffolds never at rest.
The women of Lawrence know the
i;iste of a policeman's club.
At every big Btrike there are workers shot down by police.
Murder of this sort is very common
among us.
Oh, how bad we are yet!
But when we are good now we are
better than we have been in the past,
and when we are bad we are not quite
so bad as we used to be.
Our goodness ls voluntary; and we
are bad because conditions make us
We think better than we fell and
feel better than we act.
We are as good as the capitalist
system will allow us to be.
We are as bad as lt compels us to
We desire something better than
capitalist rule.
We shall not be happy until we attain it.
From a memorandum of I.ord Hal-
dane. the British minister of war, it
appears that the British army estimates for 1912-1913 have risen to
£27,860,000 ($139,300,000), an increase
of £170,000 ($850,000) over last year.
This increase is due to that provision
made for aviatton service. Each of
the great powers, so-called, seems determined to get ahead of its neighbors
in readiness to fight in the air! The
absurdity of fear and distrust can certainly go no further.—Advocate of
A Socialist and labor daily paper
has Just been launched ln London,
Tlngland, and another one, for which
a fund of $35,000 has already been collected, ls about to appear.
British Columbia Is seethinc with
' Anarchy.   Brrrrrrrrl
Vancouver City
and Suburban
Real Estate
B.C. Acreage and Fruit Lands
W. W. Lefeaux
Hollyburn (West Vancouver)
Vancouver   and    Revelstoke
Brackendaie - Cheakamus
Leaves Squamish wharf daily, on
arrival of Vancouver boat
Better Service   Same Old Prices
H. JUDD, Prop.
Marvel Solder
Solders Without Heat
In all kinds of household
utensilB — granite ware,
agate ware, tin, iron,
copper, brass, aluminum
In "Cubes of "Chree Sizes
15c, 25c, 50c
Enclose Postage 2c
Box 429 Red Deer, Alberta
5fl ^nrialtBt ^onga
with music, 25 cents. By Bouck
White. Handsomely bound. For
labor mass meetings, the home,
etc. Propaganda on every page.
New. Postpaid. Stamps or coin.
Address, Socialist Literature Co,
«'Dept.PM 15 Spruce St.,
New York City
A cable dispatch from London
brings the good news that the Privy
Council has given a decision in favor
of Mrs, Krzuz, the widow of Mike
Krzuz, who lost his life ln the Michel
mines some four years ago. The
Crows Nest Pass Coal Co. refused to
pay compensation on the grounds that
as she and her children were living
outside of the province ot British Columbia, in Austria, she could not claim
the benefits under the Compensation


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