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Western Clarion Feb 4, 1911

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Array Hawthornthwaite Outlines Socialist Position
On rising to continue the debate on
Friday, January 20th, Hawthornthwaite
acknowledged the applause with which
he was greeted, and when the movement he represented became strong
enough to occupy tbe treasury benches
Ithey would extend the same courtesy
[to their opponents.
He had listened with interest to the
[previous speakers on the address, but
loelther In them nor in the Lieut. Governor's speech did he find much
change. It was still a case of "Lo,
ItheBe many years!*" He was sur-
lprised that the clause as to "prosperity" had not been left out. That same
note had resounded during the last
[panic, and it seemed to him that in
Sthat annual reiteration they were only
[whistling to keep their courage up.
lit was possible that great prosperity
I was helng enjoyed by the busines ele-
Referrlng to .lardlne's speech, the
speaker said that in spite of the
viciouB, vindictive, and violent atacks
he (Jardine) had made on the Government, he seemed at last to have
found, like the dove out of the ark,
a resting place, and one knew where
to find him now.
It was not Ms (the speaker's) desire
to criticise the Government from a
commercial but from a working class
standpoint, and in order to do that
he wished to move an amendment to
the Address In Reply. That Government had been elected to further the
business Interests of the Province.
That class was not without shrewdness
and selected a number of men to carry
out their business; but he had a very
strong wish to criticize the Government from the standpoint of the working class of British Columbia, whose
I ment. From some crudities in the Ad- interests he was trying to represent
I dress it seemed that tbe Government | on the floor of that House. In order
[was going to undertake some "trust j to put the position of the Socialist
I busting." It seemed to be the Inten-. party before the House and the coun-
Itlon of the Government to deal with try he desired to present a resolution,
[the truBt companies, and If they con- The newspapers of the Province had
I fined their effortB to that it might he misrepresented the Socialist position,
1 all right, hut iit waB heyond the power j possibly because they did not underlet any Government to "bust the i stand it, and he would deal with that
1 trusts," for the trust was simply a | position to clear up that mlsunder-
| product of evolution—llrst the indl- standing. It had been said that if the
vidual capitalist, then the company, | working class really understood* the
jfhe Joint-stock corporation and then , position taken by the Socialists, they
('the trust No legislation could have (the Socialists) would not get their
[ prevented that evolution, and any at- suppcrt.   In order that there might be
I tempts to reverse It would only re-
I suit In harm to those who tried it.
Referring to the congratulations of
[the Premier on the splendid harvests,
[ it was not altogether a matter of con-
{gratulaticn  from the farmers' stand-
no misunderstanding  he  would move
the following resolution:
"That all the words in the Address
In Reply to the speech of His Honor
the Lieut. Governor after the word
"that"  in  the fourth  line thereof be
point, for increased production of farm Btruck out_ mi t]le foI]owing words
[products meant  that  tbe  farmer  re
I ceived lower prices.    Members of the
inserted  in  lieu thereof
'Whereas the enactment of the leg-
House did not study these questions laM,m propoBed 1)y tne Government
of  economics,  but  they   were  being
studied by the workers.    There were
certain unwritten laws that governed
the production of commodities.    One
was that when the supply of any com-
J modlty Increased, the price fell, and
■ that law  would  operate  against  the
Attention   was  also  drawn  to  the
j mining   development.     That development had  resulted in   an  increased
output of gold, and no one could say
that that was of benefit to the people,
resulting as it did in an increase in
Ithe prices of    all other commodities.
PThe result of Investigations conducted
kby the United States and other gov-
I ernments showed that prices in the
J last few years had risen from 40 to 50
I per cent, and many necessities   had
1 doubled ln price, and that had been
Ithe result ot nothing else but the In-
[ creased output of gold, not from the
T operation  of the  law of supply and
demand.    Some people compared the
I value of gold with gold, which was
I absurd.    Gold was a commodity, the
['value of which rose and fell as did
that of all otber commodities.   When
there   was   an   increased   supply   Its
value fell, and the value of all other
commodities   whose    production  had
not kept pace with that of gold, Increased  ln  relation to  that of gold.
Before  the members of the Government put such clauses In the Address
they should study these things, which
'they were supposed to know a whole
lot about, but of which they evidently
knew very little indeed.
Th long-promised legislation for the
inspection of logging camps, etc., was
i at last to be Introduced. The Socialist Party had long tried to draw attention to the fact that hese men were
compelled to live under disgusting conditions. The sanitary conditions in
general were unimaginably filthy.. Accidents, also, were constantly occurring, and no provision as a rule was
made to care for the injured. Men
seriouBly injured often remained for
days and weeks at a time without medical attendance, and it was time it was
brought to a stop, and he was glad to
Bee the Government was going to do
something. As a matter of common
decency their living quarters should be
clean and decent at least. But he had
no confidence that that would be the
result of the Government's efforts. He
would refer to the Shops Regulations
Act, which was being openly defied, as
a case in point.
is of little real interest or benefit to
the  masses, and
"Whereas the further development
of the means of wealth production and
distribution by the present ruling class
means, In the last analysis, hut further
misery and poverty for the great majority of the people;
"Therefore Be It Resolved, that we
have no confidence in the present Government and,
"Be It Further Resolved, that the
collective ownership and democratic
management of the means of wealth
production and distribution and the
abolition of the wage system can alone
relieve the existing evils and poverty
that afflict the people of this Province
and human  society."
The position tnken by the Socialist
Party in all countries was that labor
created all wealth, and that to labor
It should belong. If that position was
not correct, the Socialist occupied a
false position and an untenable s'and,
and If it could be proved to be the
correct one, the member for Newcastle
and himself were the only two men
who had any right to bo on thp floor
of that House. He would nltempt
to show that the position they occu
pled was the true and correct one.
"Brains" were alleged to he responsible for the Immense wealth in existence, 'brains" being supposed to be
the attribute of the class that owned
all the wealth produced. As a matter
of fact all the means of wealth production were legally In the hands of the
ml ing class, and one of the functions
of government was to keep It in the
possession of that class and make it
a crime for the working class to attempt to get possession of lt. If the
contention of the Socialists, that labor
produced all wealth and should be ln
possession of it, could be proved Incorrect, he would be glad to join the
ranks of tbe Conservative party or
the remnant of the Liberal party.
The whole of the wealth of modern
society consisted of a sum of commodities, and under capitalist production
all were engaged in the production and
distribution of commodities. In former times, previous to the capitalist
era, production was carried on primarily for use, now lt was carried on
solely for sale, consequently articles
must have an exchange value as well
as a use value. They must posesss a
certain value on which they could be
(Continued on Page 4)
Dear Mac:—
Strange things have been happening
in these parts and as the Local Astrologer has gope upon a "bender" we
are unable to say if they are due to
Planetary Influence. It may be that
Venus is in the fourth house or the
Pot house, Mad house or even the poor
house. Perhaps Mars is in conjunction with some celestial gentleman or
lady with whom he has no business;
perhaps, but never mind, as before
stated, strange "jinks" are going on.
Only last night a male creation of the
Cent belt—which we have reason to
believe is a portion of the earth's smv
face as yet untouched by modern
thought—a happy land where Neolithic
thought still flourishes, made the remarkable statement that the G. G. A.,
Labor union and Socialist agitation is
all foretold in the Holy Bible.
Having but the Socialist mind, this
came as news to us, as we bave read
the above remarkable work and never
yet stumbled upon such a prophecy,
have you* As our "nrw stone" gent
seemed so much in earnest don't you
think that the Dominion Executive
might issue a Manifesto officially denying this? Or shall the matter be held
over until the convention? At least,
you might let us have an editorial upon
the subject letting the D. E. C. off as
easily as you can, bad as they are they
hardly deserve such treatment from so
great a man as the local intellectual
On second thought, Venus muBt be
up to some thing around here for we
have an Invasion of that terrible microbe—the Hookmupicus and the she
and he comrades are "looping the loop"
in a manner quite fearsome to behold.
The idea'seems to be, if you can't convert people to Socialism, get busy and
raise Socialists, a truly noble ideal;
you watch the fine local we shall have
in a few years tme. However, more
power to their respective elbows, may
they live long and die happy.
Foolery,  avaunt!   now   for  a  word
upon a serious matter. The organisation of the prairie provinces is a
large work and with Organizers as
scarce as flies in winter, becomes gigantic. Most of them Beem to hug the
mountain fastnesses and do not like
the plains. This may be due to what
the tacticians call "a paucity of support" upon the prairie local's part, or
it may be due to the D. E. C. idea of
organizing B. C. flrst. To those organisers who do get down amongst the
farmers these remarks are addressed.
Please always make your date of arrival in a town quite clear and try to
give enough time between time of
w'riting and your arrival to enable a
tour to be organised. It is almost useless to write upon the corner of a poster, "Dear Comrade Slave Will Be With
You soon" and land the next day. In
these small towns there is but one hall
as a rule and these are used by all the
clubs and organizations tn town, bo
that we must some times wait a week
for a turn. In the country we must
contend with no roads and wide distances between school houses, we must
try and placate blighted block-headed
school trustees who object to our use-
lng the school for immoral purposes.
25 miles Ib a distance not easily covered wltb about two feet of snow on the
level aB there is now snd some of our
meeting places are quite that apart.
And above all, study the farm in its
various peculiar variations, it is the
hardest position to state, study to make
It clear, handle the trusts development, the strange position of the G. G.
A., It is no use to analyse social production and leave the meeting to apply the result to the farm, you must
do that and do it well. The winter is
the best time for advertising our dope,
and it Ib half over already, soon the
slave will begin seeding and then good
bye to meetings of any sort. Who's
coming our way next?
It will take lots of tbe disinfectant
of science to remove the stench of sup-
erstltutlon from the earth.
Hopeless Attempt to Stop Socialist Movement
That particular subdivision of B. C.
in which the writer Is now located, presents ln Its development some quite Interesting studies. Owing to large
and judicious advertising this district
has recently been "blessed" with a big
influx of small bourgeoisie and decaying, semi-aristocratic individuals from
These persons are quite a peculiar
subdivision from the native's standpoint.   They form a   distinct   social
the trail' toward proletariatville at a
merry gait, which brings smiles to tbe
face ot the red who is onto tbe game.
There ls opportunity for a satirist here
to dramatise it
Singularly enough the following editorial In a recent issue of The Daily
Call has, with equal propriety, a local
class (pronounced klarse) which mixes Iapplication.   1 have in mind the federal
not at all with the common or garden [commission, at present "investigating'
"ranchers" round.   In wearing apparel <0rlental "»i»«"*<»«""' '" "■"■ '""*<■    ■'■>*-
they run to leggings  (yellow)  check
riding pants and cloth caps.
Many of them are "highly desirable,"
from a real estate agent's standpoint,
as they  possess some coin  and  are
blessed with highly credulous natures.
Occasionally   wo   get, through   these
people,   Interesting     little     personal
glimpses of the workings of evolution
which is rapidly crowding them and
Oriental importation in this port.
Call says:
"The graft hunt, which cost many,
many thousands of dollars, is ended.
The result is (will be)
"lt was known when It began that
nobody would be Indicted. It was
known that none of the sources of corruption would be Invaded and put out
Every little while some person, society, or nation rises up ln wrath, with
the avowed intention of stamping out
Socialism. They froth and splutter
and fume and hurl at us in their denunciation such terms as abominable,
atheistic, infernal etc., and after a
little the storm abates and there is a
great calm. Meanwhile Socialism, unheeding, marches steadily towards its
These people remind us of Sheridan's -famous criticism of newspapers.
"The newspapers! Sir, they are the
most villainous, licentious, abominable,
infernal—Not that I ever read them!
No, I make it a rule never to look into
a newspaper."
These Socialism annihilators seem
to bave made it a rule never to look
into any Socialist literature, consequently their imaginations regarding
the nature of Socialism are very wide
of the mark. They tlilnK that Socialism
is a fad; that lt ls the outcome of the
minds of Utopian theorists, and that it
can be abolished if attacked ln time.
They may as well try to stamp out sunshine. Socialism is the inevitable effect of certain definite causes which
are already at work. Capitalism carries its own doom stamped with indelible characters on its brazen forehead.
We suppose there were feudal lords
who strenuously opposed the introduction ot Capitalism. It meant to
them the abolition of old and sacred
institutions, and a loss of power over
their fellow men, and thus they held on
so tenaciously to the old and well tried
system, that although capitalism was
connected with agriculture as early as
1385 we find traces of the existence of
the feudal manorial system as late as
the time of Elizaboth. But tbe change
from the feudal subsistence farming to
capitalist farming was not brought
about by philosophers or agitators. It
was inevitable, and tbe causes are
very clear.
Up to the time of the Black Death in
England in 1349, the Lords of the
Manors were Interested merely In getting a good fat living for themselves
and their retainers. Their estates
were tilled and crops grown for use
and not for sale.
But trade was increased in the
towns, and the freemen of the villages
were fast migrating thither, bo that it
became increasingly difficult for the
lordB to carry on their tillage operations. Tbe Black Death caused a much
greater shortage of labor and the serfs
who had had the privilege hitherto of
giving cash in lieu of service if they
so desired, were now deprived of this
privilege, and tbe widespread dissatisfaction caused serious trouble in the
managing of the manorial estates.
Thus the lords were forced by economic conditions to abandon tillage
farming, and as wool was in great demand in England at that time, they
stocked their estates with sheep and
production for sale became the mode.
Thus we see lhat capitalist farming
was not the outcome of nny pet theory
mentioning. And yet these blind fools
who hurl their Imprecations at us, accuse us of wanting to do away with
private property, and breaking up the •
home etc., when capitalism has stripped 90 per cent already of property
and homes. These very facts, and the
continual augmenting of the army of
the unemployed by tbe Introduction of
labor saving machinery, sound the
death knell of capitalism. It is no use
stamping; a change is inevitable, and
if you have anything better to propose
than Socialism then let us bave it.
of business.    It  wns known  tbat the
theirs to tho wall.   One Individual Im- committee was simply a pretext and ujor philosophy of thinkers, but that It
parted to the writer recently—in the parade, an attempt to fool the voters |was a development of seed whicli hud
manner of confiding a deep secret as
"It isn't that a fellow particularly
wants to "ranch," you know. Hut hang
lt, you know, It seems to be about
the only thing left to do. A fellow
has a few thousand, you know, and he
has to do something with lt. Such a
beastly hard matter to Invest lt, you
know. If you put It Into some little
thing it brings in no returns, so that's
no use. If you put it into one of the
big concerns you lose control of lt, and
you're liable to lose It altogether. So
there doesn't seem to be anything but
a 'ranch' left, you know."
There was a pause, while I endeavored to look sympathetic, at the end of
which ray Informant proceeded with
a burst of confidence "And 'dammit-
tall,' when you get the 'ranch,' the
beastly thing doesn't pay, you know."
Altogether the local situation is
amusing. The last stage of the small
capitalist starts after he quits business and goes Into "agriculture." His
career is swift. The real estate person
generally manages to sell him scenery
for a start and from thence on he "hits
nnd other people.
But this particular committee, more
than any that has -gone before it, deserves all the contempt, all the ridicule and all the bricks ihe public can
direct, against it. For fooling the public, for pretending to do things lt bad
no Intention of doing, it has not only
never been exceeded, but it has never
been equaled.
While all this is evident from its
work and its findings, there is one
beautiful big matter that comes up—
what ls the use of such a body? Why
Everybody knows tbe rottenness tbat
exiBts. Everybody knows that it would
not exist If lt was not profitable.
R. P. P.
By all appearances the next big
move of the capitalist class wtll be ln
the direction of agriculture, which is
"our" most backward Industry. The
hayseeds who haven't "got lt In the
neck" already, soon will. It Is a bum
thing to stand hi the way of evolution
and the agriculturist will find it out.
been germinating during the feudal
The next stuge In the advance of
humanity is at the door. Socialists arc
not making the change. We have recognized the symploms of the disintegration and decay of capitalism and
our mission is to educate the people
that they may be prepared for the
change. That's all. Politicians and
economists of all shades of thought
have recognized the Impossibility of
a continuance of the present order, or
rather chaos. Dr. Ingram In his article
on Political Eepnomy In the Encyclo.
Brltt: Vol. XIX 188G, p. 382, says: "It
Is Indeed certain that Industrial society will not permanently remain without a systematic organization. The
mere conflict of prlvato Interests will
never produce a well ordered commonwealth of labor."
According to the Inland Revenue
Report, Great Britain, Cd. 3688, "Out
of every 1000 deaths 903 persons die
without leaving any property worth
mentioning." In other words 90 por
cent of the population have no home
they can call their own; havo no property, Investments, or    effects   worth
The arrival of the new Chinese Minister, Liu-yuklin, In London is worth a;-
note.   The awakening of China, w)iich
a few years ago was laughed at by*
Western  critics  as  an   impossibility,
is now acknowledged by all but the.;.
moat blind to be a    realty.     China,
which even ten years ago deliberately
shut itself out from Western education
and progress, is now seeking to follow. ■
in the footsteps of the West. Liu-yukv
lin himself is a proof   of   this.   He '
ks    English    fluently.   His   two
daughters  are  going  to  an  English
school.   He has studied our ways in a
dozen cities, from Singapore to Pretoria and from' Brussels to London...
He is accompanied on his arrival here*
by a number of young Chinamen, who
will analyse English ways and European civilisation under his guidance.-
There  are today  no  fewer than  250-
Chinamen in England, many of them lit
London, attending the School of Economics, our universities, our medical,
schools,   and   our   great  engineerlnj*'
works.   A few weeks ago the Chines*
Government ordered that all student*
in its higher technical schools in IU
dominions should learn English.   The
recent action of the Constitutional Assembly bas ensured the establishment
of a formal Constitutional Government
in China within the next few months.
Rsllways are being  built throughout
tbe land,    Schools for western learning are springing up with mushroomlike growth.    Newspapers,  preaching
progress, are to be found In every capital  city.    The  new  army,  equipped
and drilled after the German model, is
bounding into life.   The keels of a new'
navy are now being laid.    A factory
system Is being inaugurated, a system
whose products may yet compete keenly with our own.   China, the sleeping
giant   of  tbe   world,   has  awakened.
Those of us who know and love her
people believe that this awakening will
mean not barm but good for the west
and for the world at large.   Llu-yuk-lln
will  receive  a    welcome    from    all
thoughtful Englishmen such ns perhaps
no Chinaman has received before.
The foregoing, taken from tho "Over
Seas Mall" of December I" is, no
doubt, very Interesting to the wage
Blave. It must indeed be very nice to
think that the Chinese are about to
enter Into tho Capitalist mode of production.
It just means so many more packages of lnbor power will be on the
market "Competition is the life of
trade" Is lt not?. Ono of the laws of
competition Is tljut "he who sells
cheapest is the only one that sells."
Can the Chinaman sell labor power
cheaper than we , can ? Certainly he
can, and for obvious reasons, so the
prospect for us who sell life force In
order to live Is not very bright.
Note the wny In which the writer
says "a factory system Is being Inaugurated." How nice for the Chinese
as well as for us!
A recent Ibbuc of the Winnipeg Telegram contained a list of Wages paid
to women In some of the factory towns
of England. Carding hooks and eyes
in Birmingham Is worth 64 cents a
week of long hours. Boot box makers
get 16 cents a day. Match box making
yields 2 cents an hour and so on,
trade after trade is shown.
Will the Chinese benefit by the adoption of such a system?   Will we?
Surely you must answer no. What
then? Nothing but tbe Social Revolution.
Published every Saturday by the
Socialist Party of Canada, at ths OSes
af the Western Clarion, Flack Block
Basement. 166 Hastings Street Vancouver. B. C.
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CLARION, 1910.
Bound volumes of this paper for 1910
-are now being prepared. All those do-
.airing a copy should order at once.
■-Price $2-60.
When the capitalist class, beneath
whose heavy tread the earth now
trembles, flrst began to gaze wistfully
.beyond tbe dingy confines of offlce
walls and yearn for social ascendancy.
Its sole path of virtue lay through per-
petual work. Idleness was the one
great and abhorrent sin. All the vices
ot the aristocracy were said to arise
because "the devil finds work for Idle
hands to do." Everybody must work
or society would decay. And it mast
he said that up until comparatively
recent years the capitalists themselves
•were faithful to a rigid doctrine of Industry and thrift.
Side by side with their employees
In shop, counting-house and factory,
•were to be found owners, partners and
members of firms, toiling as they asked others to toil, setting a good example according to their light. They
vere upright, eminently respectable;
they went to church and p-.aised the
Lord. They also sang irymns about
work, incessantly.
But things changed, as all things
must Our good people began to amass
wealth and accumulate power. Their
Influence spread rapidly. Today they
are the greatest class ln the world,
so far as wealth and power are concerned. They now find themselves the
"aristocracy" of the earth. This proud
position has brought its inevitable conditions—hereditary fortunes and an
Idle rich.
Yes, within the ranks of the very
class which shunned idleness as tbe
most evil of spirits, has arisen a clique
that has nothing to do but amuse itself—and doesn't know bow to do that.
The efforts ot this "society" to amuse
Itself appear with tiresome regularity
in the newspapers and do not require
re-telling. One or two samples will
4o. Such as the young man who gave
a. dinner at which cigarettes wrapped
in hundred-dollar bills were handed
around; or the gentleman who decorated a dog's neck with a $15,000 collar for the edification of his friends.
Some there are, of the more conservative "society men" who view
these antics with alarm, and would revert back to tbe days when a young
man's life was guided by the Bible,
the ledger and Pilgrim's Progress
This "vicious extravagance" is said to
be due to too great riches. But that ls
not ao. It is a result of the environment of those Individuals who Indulge
in It.
'Capitalists are the greatest (and
most successful) misers in human history. Their historical record ls one of
continual grasping money and searching for more. This has caused the
suppression among them of almost;
overy worthy human emotion. The
coarse exhibitions of bad taste given
ns by the aristocracy of today should
not be laid to the storing up of riches
for use at leisure. They simply display an Inability ou the part of those
who have the wealth to properly en-
Joy It. Their faculties have become
so blunted ln the pursuit of money that
they can now only give vent to their
ignorance. They are misnamed the
"Idle rich," their proper title ls the
"vulgar rich."
It ls high time the proletariat took
a hand and showed these people how
affluence should be appreciated.
There is another sort of socialism
which Is filled with envy, malice and
all uncharitableness, which has no
sane, intelligent or manly outlook upon life, and which is signally mean,
petty and ignoble in its spirit Its
effect upon its followers individually
is most unfortunate for them, both
for their happiness and for their character. It Ib to be seen in full flower
in the paper which serves as the Vancouver organ of the Socialist party
there, and echoes of its spirit are to
be found in the irresponsible rant of
the speech delivered ln the legislature
the other day by the member for Ladysmith. It is not the sort of thing that
makes an appeal to man's reason or
to any of man's emotions except such
as are contemptible. It is largely responsible for the decay of the Socialist party in this province.—Nelson
Daily News.
Just so. The "kind of Socialism"
referred to as being so rude, is that
which, in seeking to remove a certain
cause, does not hesitate to criticise its
obnoxious effects. While we have no
intention of attempting to appeal to
such reason as that manifested above,
as to do that would necessitate our
voicing the same interests as those reflected there, we hope to be permitted the indulgence of a smile or two at
the antics of such papers when called
upon to uphold the dignity of their pet
In the course of his address on the
speech from the throne, Comrade
Parker Williams made a few observations which were more pointed than
pretty. They are now tbe common
property of Clarion readers, and it
will not be necessary to elaborate upon
them. His remarks about the late
king wore more truthful, and consequently less insulting to that gentleman's memory, than much of the silly
adulation lately emitted by a fawning
capitalist press. For this, many an
editorial breast heaves with righteous
indignation, and Comrade Williams
receives some dignified rebukes.
But it must not be assumed that we
blame the various editors for this attitude. They are the representatives
of Business, for which governments
are the managers and monarchy, in
this particular domain, is the trade
mark. It would not be good policy for
advertising agents to permit the firm's
coat of arm!) to be tarnished, particularly when that decoration may In itself prove an excellent advertising
Kingship is an institution carefully
preserved by prudent British shop-
keeping Instincts, with an eye to its
practical   value.    The  coronation   of
Comrade Editor:—
The Christian Ascetics of Manitoba
have formed a moral and social reform council. The Brandon representative's flrst attempt in this direction
Resolution  No. 15—Change in date   e>
of Labor Day.
Resolution   No.     16—Black     Hills
Christmas Celebration.
Resolution No. 18—Bellevlew Disaster.
It is strongly recommended that res-
Socialist Directory
was to stop   a boxing match.    They0Iutlon No. 17—dea'.lag with proposed
failed.   These same Ascetics glory in [legislation—be forwarded to Ihe mem-
readlng  the  Bible.    They  gloat over  ber of the Provincial Riding in which  please note.
Jewish history where are to be found  you are situated
Every local of the Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under.this
head.     11.00   per   month.       Secretaries
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 3-37
,W.-Ktii iiwur Avenue, Secretary, Wm.
songs of rejoining over the destruction
of enemies in the name of Ood.
When war breaks out, and bloody
battles are fought, these Christian Ascetics celebrate victories by special
services of thanksgiving. Every now
and again they are seized with fits ot
remorse, and then tbey try to stop a
boxing match. Lord Macauley said he
knew no spectacle so ridiculous as the
British public ln one of Its periodical
fits of morality. This reform council
condemns a man for drinking too much.
So do the laws of Nature; but natural
laws do not condemn a man for drinking good brown beer in moderation.
These Ascetics don't condemn a man
for working too hard but Natural law
wltb its blessed impartiality does. "I
ara sorry to see you smoking, brother,"
said one of these Ascetics to a young
Englishman, of course the good dear
old Ascetic had in mind physical degeneration. "You must work, brother,"
he said the next minute, "and always be willing." Tbe Ascetic handed
him over to the farmer. The farmer
was of the same mind as the parson,
and that Englishman was worked till
be was a grease spot.
Never Again!
All around us we see lives blasted
with over work, but the pulpits of morality are silent. We hear no stern
condemnation. Arouse! you Ascetics,
and stop this wickedness, this sinfulness of the workers. Biology tells us:
"It is immoral so to treat the body as
in any way to diminish the fullness or
vigor of its vitality." Is theology In
line with biology?
A young man was unable to take a
course of study at Brandon College because he had worked too hard. For
that there is no social condemnation,
Natural Law condemns the man who
works too hard equally as much aB
any other physical sinner. All
breaches of the laws of Health are
physical sins; therefore the workers
are physical sinners. Their lives are
hard, unhealthy and monotonous. They
get in a feverish condition and so
some I imes they drink a drop too much.
After working hard all day a man likes
a drop of beer. I have seen men hanging around bars like flies round a
honey pot; tired and weary they certainly take a pleasure in tipping it up.
Heres's luck!  Here's looking at yer!
Please note tbe proposed amendment to Section 56 of 'The Industrial
Disputes Investigation Act," (Lemieux Act.) It should be forwarded to
your Dominion member of parliament,
and might be published with advantage in your local newspaper. In this
connection I would refer you to page
4 of tbe President's address where lt
deals with the contention ot the B. C.
Copper Company.
Fraternally Yours
Secretary-Treasurer W. F. M.
Showing the number of copies of
the Western Clarion to which each
Local Union  Is  entitled.
Britannia       4
Grand Forks      3
Greenwood        9
Hedley '..    2
Kaslo       1
Klmberley       2
Lardeau       2
Rossland Wcmans Auxiliary     2
Moyie •     4
Nelson        4
Phoenix     14
Rossland      13
Sandon       6
bi.verton        2
Texada       2
Trail        7
Ymir       7
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. Q. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688 Vancouver, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party nt Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. lia-'t. opposite postofllce. Secretary wlll be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement In the province. F. Danby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary,
LOOAL   VBBHOH  B.   a,   Ho.   38,   S.   T.
ot O. Meets every Tuesday, 8 p. m.
sharp, at L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St.
Chas. Chaney, Secretary.
Headquarters and Heading Room,
623 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre.
, T. Gray. Secretary.
George the Fifth wlll be something |Here-s to y0Up Bill," and another one,
more than the mere placing of a
bauble on the pate of a puppet. It is
to he taken advantage of by the Empire's enterprising capitalists as a
splendid opportunity to parade their
commodities, and themselves, before
the eyes of an admiring and (possibly)
purchasing world. The "Coronation
Exhibition, 1911" of the arts. Industries and resources of the British Empire, ls to be truly an amazing affair.
The "Grand Council" of this enterprise presents an awesome array. All
tbe very best titles of antiquity that
money can buy are lined up imposingly.
Sir E. M. NelBon, K.C.M.G., President
Cold Storage & Ice Association, is also
I don't think. Then you hear a gurgling sound like water going down a
sink bole.
The man who drinks too much is not
the only Intemperate creature.
I knew a female Prohibitionist. To
see her eat eight or nine corn cobs
at one sitting was enough to make the
angels weep, and hang their harps on
the willows. She was quite satisfied
the drunkard was going to hell, and I
am sure the drunkard hoped she would
go to heaven.
If the Ascetics condemn the brewer
and the hotel keeper, because their
patrons drink too much! they Bhould
also condemn the grocer if his custom
 »-   — j alOU  VUUUC1UU   mc  biuvci    .1   ...a   ..uuvwu*
to be there and will, no doubt, have era drmk t0Q much c0--ee; or t*,e dry
Committee: notice—This card Is
Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested In the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any information, write the
secretary, W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Qood street, Winnipeg.
LOCAL   FEBNIE,   S.   P.   Of   0.   HOLDS
educationul meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernlo, every Sunday evening at 7:46. Business
meeting flrst Sunday tn each month,
same place at 2:30 p. m.
David Paton, Secy., Box 101.
LOCAL   OBSBHWOOB,   B.   C,   HO.   »,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening ut Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G. Johnson, Secretary.
LOCAL   LADYSMITH  HO.  10,  S. T.   ot
C. Business meetings every Saturda*
7 p.m. ln headquarters on First Ave
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmlth
B. C.
charge of the peerage department.
A circular Informs us that "It is
thought that a collection of characteristic types from all parts of the Empire should prove one of the chief features of the Coronation season, and
your kind assistance is sought in
making this known." We are not only
delighted to make It known but would
venture to offer a few suggestions.
There Is the "railroad builder," hold-
goods man if a woman will insist on
wearing two petticoats when one
would do.
Doctors of Divinity are as immoral
as the drunkard—when they study divinity too much. Under-activlty produces craving, and so the reserve
army of the unemployed crave for a
normal amount of congenial work.
Over-activity produces loathing, revulsion, so the workers are weary and
lng in one hand a roll of blankets, in g|ck of work    En0Ug*i, they groan, but
■wc amesn. the business of Manufacturers,
"tntioeeru and ethers who realize the ndvisahl!-
3»o* hariM their Patent business transacted
hi Eineits. Preliiainaryadvtce free. Charges
2ort-.aU. Our l«vent--r,s A-IvIb-t *■'* upon
Sn^est/MariM St Marion, New York tlfe Bldg,
Monties-; 1 nd Washington. l'.C, USA.
the other a time check showing thirty-
seven cents due the bearer for twenty
dayB' work. Or "The Problem," a
sovereign citizen' out of a job where
there are lots of Jobs for everybody—
at least, according to those who own
real estate and should know. By the
way, lt ts astonishing how easy lt ts
to find JobB—for people who never
have to look for them. We might mention a few more interesting types,
but they probably wouldn't be selected
Altogether, however, the perpetuation of monorchy is proving good business. It is a pity there couldn't be
a new king every year. Rather hard
on the kings, but awfully stimulating
to trade. Everybody who has "business" at heart should strenuously
boost this Coronation Exhibition.
The Socialist Party is interested in
tbe affair only In so far as it is an
exhibition of proletarian density of
mind. The working class reminds ub
very much of the man who spent his
life in poverty ln order to decorate his
grave with a beautiful and expensive
capitalism, sweating blood and dirt ln
every pore, ts merciless.
Be ye temperate in all things, says
Biology, this Includes coffee and corn
cobs, the wage slave excludes beer because the capitalist excludes work.
Comrades In the Okanagan who want
organizing or propaganda work done,
get in touch with H. Oildemeester,
Mara, at once. Send particulars of
your district This also applies to the
Slmllkameen country. Hedley, Olalla
and Keremeos take notice. Contributions to organization fund are wanted;
anything from a nickel up goes. Send
'cm in.
Our annual subscription to the Western Clarion has been forwarded and
your Local is entitled to receive copies. I would like to make it perfectly
clear to you that you can have this
number of copies forwarded to you ln
any form desired.
First you can have your copies sent
to tbe Union in one bundle, or
Second, you can have single copies
sent to individual addresses, or
Third, you can have four times your
number of copies spread over a period
of three months, or, twice your number
spread over a period of six months.
You cau advise the management ot
the Clarion as to which of these methods of ordering the paper you decide
to adopt, and they will carry out your
The convention decided to recommend that each Union in the district
should hand the following resolutions
to their local newspapers for publication, or as much of them as the latter will accept. The full text of these
resolutions can be obtained from the
proceedings which have been furnished you.
Resolution No. 14—Endorsing Socialism and the Party members.
The wage slave produces wealth for
his master and receives his grub,
clothing and shelter in wages. The
worker of today is just as much a
slave as the slave of the old chattel
slave system, only while he has a
master he receives his necessities of
life ln the form of wages, and when
he has not a master he is free (to
starve). The worker is not slow to
find out he must have a master ln order to live. Therefore he peddles his
only commodity, labor power, for
wages. But the worker is painfully
Blow in finding out that he is robbed
while producing wealth on the machines of production.
When the price of commodities necessary for his existence rise iu price,
he thinks he is being robbed, at tbe
point of consumption, and if his master
will not give him a higher price, he
goes out on strike. Sometimes he gets
a higher price for his commodity but
more times not.
The workers of today are living in
an ever Increasing state of misery, suffering, degradation and disease. For
hundreds of workers who die, a pauper's grave awaits them. In the mad
rush for profits the capitalist cares
not for the lives of workers among
whom are thousands of little children,
12 to 15 years of age. Men work in
mines filled with gases and with poor
ventilation, and are oft times killed
and injured for life; but still the capitalist cares not and the race for profit
goes on over the bodies of dead workers, so to speak.
Girls and women working in factories receive hardly enough to live on,
while working. When their master
needs them no longer, they must walk
the streets, and not being able to flnd
a buyer for their labor power, and
having a desire to exist, they peddle
their virtue and wind up ln the red-
light district. Mothers have a fine
picture of their daughter's future be
tore them.
The young man gets his also, and
many are the workerB who, not being
able to flnd a master, have beeu J riven to the paths of crime and become
criminals of ths worst type, in order
to maintain existence. Poverty, crime,
prostitution and suffering are products of our capitalist system,
the overthrow of which must happen
before the worker Is freed from bis
present wage slave condition.
Socialism shows the worker how he
is robbed at the point of production
and that his present condition of slavery is because the worker is not the
owner of the machines he operates.
When educated to the fact that he
must cooperatively own and operate
the machines of production, then wlll
he fight for the overthrow of the present capitalist system. With the downfall of capitalism the rise of the cooperative commonwealth will occur and
wage slavery will pass with its rotten
conditions. Classes abolished, there
will be neither slave nor master and
each worker wlll own the product of
his toil.
LOCAL MASA, B. C, HO. 34, S. P. Of C,
Meets first Sunday in every month in
Socialist Hall, Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Hose man.  Recording Secretary.
LOCAL   NELSON,   S.  P.   Of  0.,  MBBTS
every Friday evening at S p. m., il
Miners' Hall, Nelson. B. C. I. A. Austin, Secy.
Miners' Hall and Opera House—Propaganda meetings at 8 p. m. on the first
and third Sundsys of the month. Bualness meetings on Thursday evenings
loliowlng propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
secretary, Jas, Glendenning, Box 63,-
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, secretary of
U. M. W. of A,   .
of C. Meetings every Sunduy at 8
p.m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. tnear postofllce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hall, T,
Machln, Secretary. Box 647, A. Maedonald,   Organizer,   Box   647.
P. of C. Hearquarters 622 First St.,
Business snd propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room is open to tbe public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
F.. Blake, 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary. Treasurer, T. Bissett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
S. P. of 0.—Meets 1st and 3rd Sunday in the month, at 4 p.m. in
MinerB' Hall. Secretary, Chas.
Peacock, Box 1983.
C.j meets every Sunduy ln Graham's
Hall at 10:30 a. m. Socialist speakers
are invited to call. V. Frodsham, Secretary.
XOOAX BBQXHA HO. 6, SASKATCHEWAN.—Meets every Sunday, 3 p.m..
Trades Halt, Scarth St, Secretary.
Alex. Watchman, General Delivery.
Socialist speakers will be greatly appreciated.
Ben Simmons, P. O. Box 1046.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. lu Aic-Gregut
Hall (Miners' Hall), Thos. Roberts.
LOCAL  HAHAIMO,   HO.   8,   S.  P.  of  O.
meets every alternate Sunduy evening
in I-'oresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propugunda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock.
A    Jordan, titey.   Box 410.
S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunday In
hall in Empress Theater Block at 2:00
p. m.   L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
of C. Headquarters, 628 1-2 Main
Street, Room No. 2, next Dreamland
Theatre. Business meeting every alternate Monday evening at 8 p.m.;
propaganda meeting every Wednesday
ut 8 p.m.; economic class every Sunduy afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh
Luldlow, Room 2, 628 1-2 Main Street.
Secretary, J. W. Hillings, 270 Young
XOOAX     HO.     34,     TORONTO,   ONT	
Heudquarters, 10 and 12 Alice St,
(near Yonge). Business meetings
every 2nd und 4th Wednesday; propaganda meetings every Sunday at J
and 8 p. m. By arrangement with
Toronto University popular scientific
lectures every Monday at 8 p.m. during the winter. Address all communications to Secretary, No. 10 and 12
Alice St.
XOOAX   BBVELBTOXB,   B.   C,   HO.   7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist heudquurtel-s fourth Thursdays
of each muntli. T. S. Cassidy, Organizer; B. F. Guyman, Secretary.
meets in Miners' Hall every Sunduy al
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secy., P. O
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Flnlanders'-Hall, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
54 Rossland.
LOCAL   VANCOUVEB,   B.  C,  HO.  1.—
Canada.       Business     meetings     every
Tuesday evening at headquarters. 2237
Westminster Ave.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
XOOAX YMXB, B. O., Ho. 31, S. P. of O,
—Meets every third Saturday ln
month, at 7:30 p. m. E. Anderson.
Secretary; W. B, Mclsaae, Treasurer
Unattached Comrades tn the district
are earnestly requested to get In touch
with Secretary, who wlll answer all
Meets at heudquarters, 13 George St.,
every Tliursduy und Sunday nights.
Business and Speakers' Class on Thurs-
duys; Economic Class on Sundays.
Wage workers invited. A. W. Baker,
Secretary, II George St. W. Ltaven-
port, Org'inizer,  141 Nelson St.
XOCAL   Oi'TAWA,   HO.   8,   8.   P.   Of   O.
Business meeting 1st Sunday In
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. in Robert-
Allan hall, 78 Rideuu St. John Lyons,
Secretary. 43 Centre St.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sunday
in the Cnpe Breton office of the Party,
Commercial Street, Glace Buy, N. S.
I-an Cochrane, Secretary, Box 491,
Glace Bay, N.  S.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. In Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, offlce in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. building, Union
Some person, doubtless accustomed
to eating at lunch counters, has invented a system of treating eggs bo as
to keep them from growing Btale In
cold storage. Here is a chance for an
enterprising individual to devise an
electric belt for the preservation of
unattached wage workers.
To Canadian  Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review ln Canada
11.20 a year instead of $1.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For 13.00 we wtll mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one Issue.
For $3.00 we wlll mall the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
184 West Klnzie St., Chicago.
DUtrlet of Hew Westminster.
TAKE notice that David Stewart Ryan
of Vancouver, occupation miner, intends
to apply for permission to lease the following described land:—
Commencing at a post planted near
an unnamed island about two miles from
ths south end of Texada Island on the
east side, thence west 40 chains, thenoe
south 60 chains, thence east 40 chains
more or less to the foreshore, thence in
a northwesterly direction to point of
commencement, containing 240 acres,
more or less,
Dated November 2nd, 1910,
305 Camble Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Molcahey, Prop.
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel    ISc
Life of Jesus, Renan    25c
Age of Reason, Paine   He
Merrie England    10c
Ingersoll's Lectures, 1st, 2nd
snd 3rd series  each ISc
Origin of Species, Darwin   ISc
Evolution of the Idea of God,
Grace Allen  iSc
Postage prepaid 01 books
The People's Book Store
162 Cordova St. W.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
Price List of Literature
Issued by the Dominion Executive
"Slave of The Farm," or
"Proletarian in Politics." to locals subscribing to the publishing fund, $1.00
per 100, to others 26c per doz.
"Socialism and Unionism" to be published.
"Value, Price and Profit," to subribers
to publishing fund (2 per 100, to others
30c per doz.
"Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism"   to subscribers   to   publishing
fund $6 per 100, to others 76c per doz
This is an age ot specialism alright.
The plute is, so to speak, a "sleeping partner" in production, but the
"active factor" in consumption.
af-ST in b.c.        cir-.z-vR**': SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1911
Tb'- Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Owing to the Illness of Comrade McKenzie, the Dominion Executive Committee meeting, called for January 30,
bas  been  postponed    until    Monday,
I February 6, 8 p.m.
Comrades in South Vancouver are
requested to communicate with Comrade V. Sleuter, Winchester Ave., half
block south of Kensington Ave., South
Hill P. 0., with a view to organizing
ia local.
.   We desire to call your attention to
tthe letter ot James Burke ln this is-
!iue, calling for help to relieve the
sufferings of those who were dependent upon the unfortunate victims of
.he recent disaster.
Waiting   for   "compensation"   Ib   a
irety unsatisfactory performance, and
any  assistance  that  readers  ot  this
.paper and their friends might render
Ewould aid ln brightening these blight-
pd lives.
Please send your contributions  died to James  Burke,  Secretary Relief Fund, Bellevue, Alta.
ear Sir:—
Enclosed flnd money order for $5.85
..o be used as follows, $3.85 to pay enclosed bill and $2.00 for due stamps.
.   P. S. This camp is still dull from
Jan Industrial standpoint, but bright as
■regards the number of Socialists that
Tare here, it is evident that some of
Jthe  comrades  are  doing  some  good
Ipropaganda work in a quiet way, and
Il believe that In a short time, we will
|"iave a good Local here once more.
Yours In the Fight.
Secretary No. 30
Moyie, B. C.
Nanaimo Local, No. 3, had a very
good meeting on Sunday in the Forresters hall, notwithstanding that Dr.
Hall of Victoria was spoiling off at
the Crown Theatre with his usual
dope—White slaves and drink traffic.
We distributed Clarions and got one
I Hawthornthwaite opened the eyes ot
(the plugs, re Ancient Lowly, describ-
iing the Trades Union movement before
|the time of Christ, and the part Christ
and His so-called disciples (Mathew,
Mark, Luke and John, etc.,) took In
that movement. Hawthornthwaite Intends giving those Jackalls down in
the House some dope along the same
lines, wh'ch will certainly make them
«.tare. We had the best collection
r.hat was ever taken In the ball.
Secretary Local No. 3
To our own stronger errors blind.
Oh! you Canadians! do you regret
the action oi your mother ln executing
the hero of the 5th of November of
1653 and condemn it as barbarous and
dissociate from your mother, or will
you do that if the same lot were to
befall those who recently plotted to
murder your king? You Canadians!
Look at your mother's face for the
dirt that has accumulated by so many
foul deeds before you regret and condemn others.
Therefore, It would be as well for
you Canadians to place a resolution ln
your legislature condemning your
mother's actions.
Yours truly,
Seattle, Washington.
|My Dear Canadians: —
It is no wonder that Great Britain
allies itself with a government capable
■of such barbarity as to condemn Socialist  working men,  when she herself, an awful critic of the Czar and
his government and posing as champ-
lion of humanity, does the same ln ln-
Idia, her great dependency.   The writ-
|t appreciates the action of the Japanese government ln so far as it has
done away with the lives of the So-
Iclalists altogether instead   of subject-
Ring them to mental and physical torture.   There ln India, one Mr. Shamjt
1 Krishna Varma, an M. A. of Oxford
Band a Ilar.-atlaw of some English tern.
Jple or Inn and the founder of the Her-
Ibert Spencer Scholarship in the Ox-
Iford university, is forced out of the
] British dominions to take refuge ln
I France.   The Britishers not being sat-
1 Isfled with their action thus far, even
deprived the exile of his hard-earned
educational degrees and totally abol-
|  ished  the scholarship    he    founded.
Look at the British way ot avenging
a man's   hatred!    Dear   Canadians!
i Judge for yourself which of the two is
more barbarous! England's action or
Japan's action toward Socialists?   A
Hindu lady also Is an exile ln Italy!
| These   are  nothing   when  compared
1 with other high-handed actions of tbe
j foreign highwaymen on peace loving,
| philosophical and unarmed millions.
And now the Canadian government
J proposes to place a resolution ln the
I, legislature condemning the action of
" the Mikado's government, committed
i on their own men, and regretting their
i mother should ally herself with such
a barbarous government.   The Canad-
i lans, having tbe same blood running
] ln their veins, should abhor and regret
; such actions.  It is something like this:
In other men we faults can find,
And blame the mote that dims their
Each little speck and every blemish
(Capital Continued.)
Section 3—The Form of Value or Exchange Value.
Commodities come into the world in
the shape of use-values, articles, or
goods, such as iron, linen, corn, etc
This ls their plain, homely, bodily
form. They are, however, commodi
ties, only because they are something
towfold, both objects of utility, and, at
the same time, depositories of value.
They manifest themselves therefore,
as commodities, or have the form of
commodities, only In so far as they
have two forms, a physical or natural
form, and a value torm.
The reality of the value of commodities differs in this respect from
Dame  Quickly,  that  we  don't  know
where to have it," The value of
commodities ls the very opposite of
the coarse materiality of their substance, not an atom of matter enters
into its composition. Turn and examine a single commodity, by Itself,
as we will yet, in so far as it remains
an object of value, it seems impossible
to grasp It. If, however, we bear ln
mind that the value of commodities
has a purely social reality, and that
they acquire this reality only in so
far as they are expressfons or embodl
ments of one identical social substance,
viz., human labor, It follows as a matter of course, that value can only manl
test Itself In the social relation of commodity, to commodity. In fact we
started from exchange value, or the
exchange relation ot commodities, in
order to get at the value that lies hidden behind it.
We must now return to this form
under which value first appeared to
Everyone knows, if he knows nothing else, that commodities have a
value form common to them all, and
piesentlng a marked contrast with the
varied bodily forms of their use-
I mean their money form. Here,
however, a task ls set us, the performance of which has never yet even
been attempted by bourgeois economy,
the task of tracing the genesis of this
money form, of developing the expression of value implied In the value relation of commodities, from Its simplest, almost Imperceptible outline, to
the dazzling money form.
By doing this we shall, at the same
time, solve the riddle presented by
The simplest value relation ls evidently that of one commodity to some
one other commodity of a different
kind. Hence the relation between the
values of two commodities supplies
us with the simplest expression of the
value of a single commodity.
A.—Elementary or Accidental Form
of Value.
X cdmmodity A=Y, commodity B, or
X commodity A ls worth Y, commodity B. 20 yards of linen = 1 coat, or
20 yards of linen are worth 1 coat,
1. The two poles of the expression
of value:
Relative form and Equivalent Form
The whole mystery of the form of
value lies hidden ln this elementary
Its analysis, therefore, Is our real
Here two different kinds of commodities (in our example the linen and the
coat), evidently plaj two different
Trade Marks
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The linen expresses ItB value in the
coat; the coat serves as the material
in which that value Is expressed.
The former plays an active, the latter a passive, part. The value of the
linen is represented as relative value,
or appears in relative form.
The coat officiates as equivalent, or
appears in equivalent form.
The relative form and the equivalent form are two intimately connected, mutually dependent and inseparable elements of the expression of
value; but, at the same time, are mutually exclusive, antagonistic extremes
—1. e., poles of the same expression.
They are allotted respectively to the
two different commodities brought into relation with that expression.
It is not possible to express the
value of linen in linen. 20 yards of
linen equals 20 yards of linen ls no
expression of value. On the contrary,
such an equation merely says that 20
yards of linen are nothing else than
20 yards of linen, a definite quantity
of the use-value linen.
The value of the linen can therefore be expressed only relatively—1. e.,
in some other commodity. The relative
form of the value of the linen pole—
supposes, therefore, the presence of
some other commodity—here the coat
—under the form of an equivalent.
On the other hand, the commodity
that figures as the equivalent cannot
at the same time assume the relative
form. That second commodity ls not
the one whose value is expressed. Its
function is to merely serve as the
material in which the value of the
first commodity Is expressed.
No doubt, the expression 20 yards
of linen equals 1 coat, or 20 yards of
linen are worth 1 coat, implies the opposite relation: 1 coat equals 20
yards of linen, or 1 coat is worth 20
yards of linen. But, in that case, I
must reverse the equation, in order
to express the value of the coat relatively; and, so soon as I do that the
linen becomes the equivalent Instead
of the coat. A single commodity, cannot, therefore, simultaneously assume,
ln the same expression of value, both
The very polarity of these forms
makes them  mutually exclusive.
Whether, then, a commodity assumes the opposite equivalent form,
depends entirely upon lis accidental
position In the expression of value—
that is, upon whether it is the commodity whose value is being expressed
or the commodity in which value is
being expressed.
(Continued next Week.)
which finishes Section 2, showing the
twofold character of the labor embodied in commodities.
Sec. Press Committee
Class  meets each Sunday  at 2237
Westminster avenue, 3:30 p. m.
Mathematics class, 2 p. m.
"CAPITAL," CLARION, 28, JAN. 1911.
If in each of the two commodities is
contained the same proportion of
labor, then are they equal in value.
"If the productive power of all the
different sorts of useful labor required
for the production of a coat remains
unchanged, the sum of the value of the
coats produced increases with their
number." As the number of coats
produced increases, so the sum of
their value increases, for, since the
productive power of these different
sorts of useful labor neither Increases
decreases, two coats represent
twice as much labor as does one coat.
But, should the duration of time
necessary to produce a coat become
doubled or halved, then, in the flrst
case, the value of one coat is doubled,
that Is, the value of one coat is now
equal to that of two coats produced
before; and ln the second case the
value of one coat is halved,—the value
of two coats is now equal to that of
one coat produced before.
Yet in both of these cases, the utility of a coat is the same, and the useful labor that produced It Is of the
sam •• quality, but the quantity of labor
has altered.
Because the duration of the labor
embodied in one coat has halved, and
we now have two coats by the same
amount of labor as we had for one, the
sum of the total wealth produced by
this labor has Increased; yet the value
of coats has fallen.
Let 10 hours' simple abstract labor
be embodied in a given commodity—
tben, so long as that definite amount
of time ls required to produce a given
commodity, the value of the commodity will represent that quantity or
magnitude of simple labor.
But, If we consider tbe labor as useful labor It may produce greater or
lesser quantities of use-values in 10
hours' time, according to its productiveness.
Value is a quantity, representing abstract labor, and value varies directly
as the quantity, and Inversely as the
productiveness of labor.
Should labor become less productive,
then is the amount of time necessary
to produce an article greater, and, consequently, the greater Is the value of
the article; should labor become more
productive, then is the amount of
time necessary to produce an article
lesser and ItB value lesser.
"On the one hand all labor ls, speaking physiologically, an expenditure of
human labor power, and ln Its character of Identical abstract human labor, lt creates and forms the value of
On the other hand, all labor Is the
expenditure of human labor power ln
a special form and with a definite aim,
and in this, Its character of concrete
useful labor, It produces use-values."—
At the Civic Federation banquet
that was held recently in the luxurious
dining room of the Hotel Astor, Samuel Qompers was one of the speakers,
and Samuel iB credited with saying:
'Where on earth do you flnd another such Institution where representatives from labor—the true representatives—can sit ln council discussing such subjects as bave been discussed here tonight?"
The above statement of Gompers
contains more truth than poetry, for
there ls probably no nation on earth
where the membership ot organized
labor, except America, would permit
"labor leaders" to consort with the
giant captains of finance and commerce In an annual feast, that has for
its purpose the sole object of making
"labor leaders" forget the loyalty that
is due to the membership of the labor
While Gompers was making his ten
minutes' speech, paying a tribute to
this Civic Federation, he seemed to
forget the presence of Belmont, the
labor crusher, who practically put out
of business the union that covered the
street railways of New York.
He seemed to forget the records of
all Industrial despots at the feast, and
most of all, he seemed to forget that
men who are paying per capita tax to
furnish him a salary of {5000 per annum, are fighting desperate battles to
save themselves from absolute serfdom and starvation.
But as long as the lions of labor
and the giants of Industry can break
Dread at the same table and load up
on the vintage of Sunny France, without scarcely a protest from the rank
and file who bear the brunt of battle
on the economic field, just so long will
this travesty be perpetrated annually,
to perpetuate the hoary lie that there
is an "identity of interest" between the
exploiter and exploited—between the
robber and the robbed.
The capitalists of the Civic Federation are not to blame. They have discovered that the maintenance of such
an institution is a good investment
and they can afford to invite the
"labor leaders" to the annual lunch
and pay John Mitchell a yearly salary of $6000.
When will the men and women who
pay the salaries of these socalled
"labor leaders" awaken from their
long sleep and open their eyes to a
class struggle that can never end,
until economic freedom becomes the
heritage of humanity?—Miners Magazine.
The Hon. F. E. Plaisted, Maine's
new Governor, in his first official message devotes considerable space to
caustic comment upon the complete
failure of Prohibitory legislation in the
state as a remedy of those evils attributable to over-indulgence in alcoholic stimulants. There can be no denial tbat Maine has given Prohibition
a full and far more than fair trial, and
now Democracy, with a direct mandate from the people Interested, will
submit to popular vote the question
of rescinding constitutional Prohibition. And there can be no manner of
doubt, from the November vote, that
the Prohibition law of Maine will be
made an end of. Governor Plaisted
in his message remarks that "no fair
minded man can refrain m feeling
disgust at the utter fuilu'- ' the anti-
liquor law. Not only has the ostensible purpose failed of accomplishment,
but hyprocrisy, corruption and disrespect for the law have been begotten
and developed to a dangerous extent."
The extreme advocates of the abolition of the drink traffic as they call
It, seem slow to learn a lesson which
looms large ln the experience of the
past, remarks the "New York Times."
They have directed their effort toward statutory prohibition and they
have not been unsuccessful. The number of states nominally forbidding the
traffic ln intoxicants is larger now than
ever before, and yet everybody is not
happy. The opponents of prohibition
point with grim alarm to the reduced
public revenues where formerly large
sums were received from fees charged
to those who carry on the traffic. The
prohibitionists on their part discover,
without noticing the anomaly, that tbe
nation's drink bill, and even the average of booze consumed per capita,
grows steadily bigger. Evidently
something Is wrong. Probably several
things are wrong.
Those who would reform all things
might flnd even a rudimentary study
of political economy helpful to their
effective progress. They would flnd
for one thing that reduction of the
amount of a commodity consumed Is
not affected by lowering its price, as
is liable to be the effect when the
license charged for selling lt Is removed. Per contra, they would discover that the most effective way to
reduce the consumption Is to raise the
price. And looking somewhat further
for a recent Instance, they would flnd
to some purpose what Chancellor of
the British Exchecquer Lloyd-George
found out by accident. He wanted to
raise larger revenues, so he raised
materially the taxes on spirits and various sorts of Intoxicating drinks. He
found to his surprise tbat the revenues
fell Instead ot rose, for the people
stopped drinking. This was further
proven by the facts that convictions
for drunkenness fell off 33 per cent
ln Scotland, as much as 70 per cent in
some parts of Ireland and 18,000 ln
number in England.
It ought not to be necessary to diagram the moral. The wonder is that
our really earnest workers for temperance seemed to have failed of observing lt—for the British instance is more
than a year old. However, we already
have Maine starting to re-submit to the
people tbe question of statewide prohibition. Is it not possible that It may
be decided in the light of such experience? In Connecticut we are beginning again the struggle between those
who want to keep our excise laws
sfiue and those who want to make
them radical and correspondingly ineffective. We shall do well to govern
our actions by the rule that high license is more effective than prohibition
that doesn't prohibit.
(This will be interesting to those
workers who are inclined to pursue
every issue but the main one—Capitalism.—Editor.
will be to the interest of the master
class to feed the stock regularly.
Now that pension scheme, if by any
combination of circumstances, similar
to what transpired ln the Alberta legislature, whereby C. M. O'Brien, M.
P. P. was enabled to aid a faction of
the slaves in the commodity struggle,
let ub hope all our members wlll do
as well as Comrade O'Brien.
The writer's opinion Is tbe more the
slave gets the more he wants. Take
the people in the older settled countries in the slum districts, and tho
twelve millions In Britain on the
verge of starvation, try to teach them
economics, you can't do it.
They are Incapable of learning aad
are so prejudiced against Socialism,
its bread they want, and their only
deliverance Is death.
But see them as I have when there
Is a big parade on, or better still, you
will be going to the old country for
the coronation, now just watch theae
slaves; see them wave their tattered
rags, hear them yell; Britons never,
never never shall be slaves.
Isn't lt pathetic and the humor ot lt!
As Comrade Kingsley says, life is a
huge joke.
J. T.
Bellevue, Alta, Jan. 25, 1911.
The Editor Western Clarion.
Dear Sir:—
You are no doubt aware of the terrible disaster which took place at Bellevue on December 9, when thirty-one
(31) men lost their lives through an
explosion occurring in the mine.
As a result ot the accident nineteen
(19) widows and thirty-seven (37)
children have been thrown upon the
mercy of the world, and until their
compensation ls paid them, which will
take many months, they will have to
depend upon charity to keep them from
The Bellevue Explosion Relief Fund
has been formed for the purpose of alleviating the sufferings of those wld-,
ows and orphans who lost their dear
ones ln the mine.
The committee would be deeply Indebted to you If you made an appeal
ln your valuable newspaper on behalf
of this very deserving cause. Any
donations received should be sent to
the undersigned who will acknowledge
Bame, and Bhould be plainly marked
tor the purpose intended.
Thanking you in anticipation,
I remain yours truly
Secretary Relief Fund
An Irishman crossed to Canada on
a Canadian Pacific steamer, took the
Canadian Pacific train for Vancouver,
ate at C.'P. R. eating houses, stopped
at C. P. R. hotels, was shown C. P. R.
land and finally got to Vancouver,
much Impressed with the greatness of
that Institution.
He went to a hotel, registered and
asked the clerk how soon breakfast
would  be ready.
"Breakfast is over," said the clerk.
The Irishman looked at his watch.
"It Isn't time for it to be over," he asserted.
'Oh, yes It Is," said the clerk. "You
see, your watch Isn't right. We run
our dining room on Canadian Pacific
"Good Lord!" said the Irishman,
in an awed velce. "Does the Canadian Pacific own the time too?"
Comrade Editor:—
Why don't we get into municipal
politics? We have to have these governing bodies anyway, and it seems
to me they could assist a faction of the
working class In the Commodity struggle, If they were S. P. of C. men.
From a propaganda standpoint it
would be great dope, we would have
nothing to lose, but a whole lot to
gain;  (a district lot, not a 33-120).
One oftlmes hears Socialists say reforms are useless, such as the universal eight hour day, feeding of school
children, old age pensions, (and last,
but perhaps not least, municipal ownership of cigar stands.))
But seriously, I work 9 hours per
day for 365 days in the year and on
leap years its worse. If I could get a
6 hour day well—just try me, but you
say they will speed you up, well let
them go to hell If they like, I get three
hours leisure out of lt, and that enables me to study more don't It?
If I ever marry and have the misfortune to raise any stock, I hope It
The following ls the church's latest
dispensation:—Ottawa Evening Citizen, January 5, 1911. "In spite of the
fact that tomorrow, 'Friday' is a fast
day, the Roman Catholics of this city
and elsewhere can order beef steaks
This privilege is due to Archbishop
Bruchesl of Montreal, who cabled his
Holiness the Pope, reminding him
that 'Epphany' was a 'feast' day, also requesting that it should not be one
of fast. The Citizen was Informed that
the request has been granted, thus
making the day one of which the
whole Catholic world could partake ot
No doubt this Information sounded
pleasant to those saturated with Roman Catholicism—that is, providing
they had the digestive powers, and the
necessary cash demanded by the sellers of the luxurious tit bit. But what
of you, the recipients ot charity and
you, the out-of-works of this denomination and others.
You, who at one time helped to produce the worlds wealth—and made
beefsteaks possible. You, whose labor
power is no longer required at this
stage of capitalist production ot
"earthly things" which, by the way, is
neither controlled or regulated by
church or creeds. Such being the case
the inconsistency ot religion becomes
very apparent when involving the
bread and butter question. Just fancy
a moderator of religion giving his adherents, the employed and unemployed
permission to eat something which
their economic condition will not permit.
The problem of lt all Is, when wlll
the workers wake up to the fact that
it was the geographical position ot
their birth that determined their rel-
igios, institutions and customs. When
will they wake up to the fact that
they are being robbed by capitalist
masters on the one hand, and mocked
by their allies, the pious freaks, on
the other, men who under the disguise
of the omnipotent "unknown" would
fain dictate and approve of the work
ers meals. Talk about mockery, Socialists aren't in it with religionists.
Yours for Revolution,
Following is the list of this week's
sub. sustlers:
C.  M.  O'Brien     12
Wat  Joeson,  Winnipeg     2
G. O. Howell, Calgary     2
H.  Carl, Edmonton     2
Parker Williams      2
John McGourley, Negritos, Peru; C.
McMahon Smith, Brooklyn, N. Y.; Wm.
Nicholson, Caledonia Mines, N. S.; W.
J. Boughen, Valley River, Man.; A. F.
Cobb, Stopplngton, Alta.; I. Carmichael, Lynn Valley, B. O.i W. E. Lamming, Duncans, B. C.J A. G. McCallum, Ottawa, Ont.; C. U. Waun, Toronto, Ont.; John Smart, Winnipeg,
Man.; A. T. HlgginB, Brandon, Man.;
W. H. Gilmore, Vernon, B. O; John
Hevland, Prince Rupert, B. O.i Wm.
Flockhart, Nanaimo, B. C; Jas. Richards, Nanaimo, B. O; Abln Bagge,
Lund, B. C.j Geo. Heatherton, Greenwood, B. C; G, O. Desmond, Enderby,
B. C.i J. C. Burgess, L. Shllvock,
"Smith," John Mills, R. Straight, C.
Tabor, Vancouver.
Bundles, Etc.
Local Coleman, Bundle and card.$25.00
Local Vernon, card      3.00
John McGourley, Peru, maintenance       3.00
Propaganda Meeting
Empress Theatre
Sunday, Feby. 5tn.
(Continued from Page 1)
exchanged. What was that value?
That value was determined by the
amount of socially necessary human
labor-power embodied in their production; commodities exchanged on that
basis. That element determined in
the last analysis that value, it,was the
real cost of production, and also determined the basis on which different com
moditles exchanged. Labor created
that value, and also the difference in
value of different articles. That value
was expressed in the market price,
which was ln its turn affected by the
law of supply and demand, and competition between sellers and sellers,
buyers and buyers, and buyers and
sellers, all of which, however, produced but fluctuation around the value
based on the actual cost of production.
If all those fluctuations above and below that standard were taken Into account over an extended period of time
for a given Industry, the average of
those fluctuations would be found to
coincide with that standard. They
were natural laws, not man created.
The present system of production itself provided the laws that dominated
and controlled, and parliamentary capitalist representatives were but puppets whose function it was to carry
out the desires of the ruling class.
Where did the capitalist come In?
Business was not carried on for the
benefit of human society. The capitalist looked after his own material interests, and that was the motive force
tbat dominated men's actions to-day.
The capitalist cared not what became
of society so long as he realized his
profit. * * • Profit was supposed
to be something honest, but the working class believed that the present
system was as much a slave system
as any that preceded it. It was based
on the daily robbery of the working
class, and sentiment had no place in
lt. Capitalist profit did not drop from
heaven.   »   »   «
He would touch briefly on the wage
system. Not until capitalist production appeared was the wage system
established as the universal method
of producing wealth, although it had
shown Itself sporadically ln society
for ages past. Wages were given in
return for, and were the price of, the
workers' labor-power. The amount of
wages was affected by the law of supply and demand, and for that reason
the Socialist party opposed the importation ot labor-power, a stand tbat
business men would also take if the
Government proposed to Import com-
■odities they dealt in in order to
lower the price.
The flrst thing the worker had to do
was to produce the value-equivalent of
his own wages, and then he was not
allowed to go home, but had to work
much longer. It was during that time
he worked after producing the value,
of his wages that was created the
wealth of the capitalist class. According to some statistics issued by
the U. S. Government, the average production of wealth per head per day
was $14, and the average wage was
under $1.50. The average time taken
to produce the value of the wage was
about two hours, but after that the
worker had to go on producing additional values for which he did not receive one single solitary cent. Hour
after hour he had to work for nothing.
That was the source of the profit of
the capitalist class—absolute robbery
—Bomething for nothing. It was the
knowledge of that that made Socialists. No wage-earner can be or was
employed except under those conditions. Tho diffei'»nce between the
wages paid and the market price of
the product constituted surplus value,
the fund from which came the dally
profit of the master class. Out of that
fund come rent and Interest, machinery, and the wear and tear of machinery, the whole capital of the capitalist
Where else could It come from? No
one ever saw a shower of capital dropping from heaven, lt was simply tho
product of labor—unpaid labor—produced by tho working class and not
paid for by the capitalist class.
What was slavery? What was lt
but the power of one man or a class
of men to compel another to work for
him or them and rob them of the product of their labor? That was the
essence of human slavery.
So far as the process was concerned
we had social production, but if the
producers attempted to lay hands on
their product they were thrown Into
jail. It was called thoft! Might is
right now as ever, and would continue to be so practically. The only
difference between the chattel and
wage slave was that the latter could
change his master and the former
could not.
Capitalist production could not
carry on without that wage earning
class, which, being divorced from ownership In the modern mennB of wealth
production, have to live by the sale of
their labor power. But evolution was
taking place In the methods of production, the capitalist system had completed Its evolution and must of necessity pass away. When a system can
no longer operate successfully It can
but lead to additional misery and
want. Investigation would show the
truth of the statements contained in
his amendment to the address.
As capitalist production had developed it had resulted In Increased mis-
cry and degradation for the masses of
the people. Taking the TJ. S.—and
many people would like to see Canada
become another II. S.—and accept the
government statistics, and they would
find that there were 10,000,000 people
in the direst poverty, in the greatest
civilization the world had ever seen.
In 1885, 15 per cent of the productive
workers were unemployed, a few years
later 25 per cent, In 1900 the'-e were
200,000 out of work, now It was computed that 50 per cent, were unemployed and yet people talked of the
need of Importing more skilled workers. In the U. S. there were 10,000,-
000 in dire distress. In the whole of
the U. S. there were 12,500,000 families. Of this number 1 per cent (125,-
000 families) possessed on an average
$1,250,000, 1,362,000 families were
fairly well off with an average of $14,-
180, 4,762,500 families were poor with
an average wealth of $1639, and 6,-
250,000 families possessed no wealth
at all. Eleven-twelfths of tbe nation
were thus in proverty. What a
ghastly commentary on tbe boasted
prosperity and the achievements of
civilization. It was the prosperity of
the master class, not of the working
class. Let them turn to London, the
heart of their Empire and the centre
of their civilization. Of the population
of that city 1,800,000 are in abject
poverty, 1,000,000 draw but a scanty
wage, 25 per cent are doomed to fill
pauper's graves. In the East End
55 per cent of the children die before
they are 5 years of age, 50 out of every
100 die in their first year, and the
coroner holds 600 Inquests yearly over
children smothered by their mothers!
In England out of every 1000 people,
939 die in poverty, 8,000,000 are always
on the edge of starvation, and 20,000,-
000 have but the base necessities of
life. That was the Inferno that existed in the heart of the Empire they
alluded to as the Empress of the
world and the leader of civilization.
The present system was the most
destructive and expensive of any that
had evolved. Every year a million of
workerB were injured or slaughtered.
On the railroads in the U. S. in 1908
alone, 85,000 were killed and injured—
1 ln 17. ♦ • * The workers of all
countries were studying these tacts
and would soon put a stop to such an
insane system. Whether it could be
stopped by peaceful legislative methods or not, the revolution would take
place. They would not stand it much
Dealing with the waste under capitalism the speaker Instanced the fact
of $1,555,000 annually spent to keep
up the standing armies of the world,
all paid for out of the surplus value—
unpaid toil—extracted from the workers. On a peace footing there were
maintained In Europe more soldiers
than men engaged in direct production, and the number would be increased to 18,000,000 or 19,000,000 on
a war footing. Today Europe maintained 5,000,000 men under arms. The
annual cost of the army of Great
Britain was $325,000,000. She had a
national debt of $3,945,000,000. Let
them contrast that waste with the conditions of the workers.
He had but briefly touched upon
the position taken by the Socialists in
the different countries of the world.
As to practicing their principles, how
could they practice a system that, did
not prevail? They were living under
capitalist production, and every one
had to do the best for himself. It is
rob or be robbed; we have to make
the best of conditions as they existed.
No attempt was made to discuss the
amendment or combat any of the arguments advanced, and "It was defeated on a show of hands, only Williams and Hawthornthwaite supporting lt, Jardine and Brewster voting
their confidence ln the government.
The capitalist prcBB, while   reporting the opening    retnarkB    of    Hawthornthwaite, virtually suppressed the
part dealing with the amendment.
Wednesday, Jan. 26
Provincial Secretary Young moved
the second reading of bill No. G. "An
Act resiiectlng health regulations for
lumber camps, mining camps, fw-
mills, and other places In which labor
Is employed." He referred to the
many complaints received as to the con.
dltions in these places not being conducive to the health of the men employed or the well-being of the people.
The government would create a separate department In the health de-.
partment to carry out the provisions
of the bill before the House. It was
their Intention to appoint a srnall staff
of Inspectors to travel through the
Province and Inspect the camps, and
the government would have a department to which complaintB from men
and employers could be referred. The
bill would force employers to provide
medical attendance, and the construction of tho camps would be under the
supervision of the inspectors. A penalty clause not at present Included in
the bill would be Inserted and enforced.
Parker WilllamB said the bill was
very different from what he had expected lt to bo. He had worked In
many kinds of the camps dealt wit'/
under the bill, and knew that the
time had long passed when the bill
should have been introduced. The
Socialist member for Grand Forks had
attempted    to    get   a    similar   bill
through when he sat in the House a
few years back, and the Provincial
Secretary had then failed to see the
necessity of doing anything. The government did not seem to look on that
nind of legislation from any but a political standpoint. If a government
supporter nad Introduced that bill In
the past instead of a Socialist, for instance, the present member for Grand
'Forks—"but the present member would
jnot be guilty of anything but a corporation bill." The government was
! introducing bills affecting private Interests, over the heads of private
members. That one before the House
j was not the only Instance. The government had downed it when introduced by Mclnnls and now brought lt
in themselves.
Under the proposed bill the Provincial Board of Health would be empowered to make regulations tor these
camps. He had more confidence in the
administration of that department, of
which the Provincial Secretary was
the head, than in any other, but he
could not see why the House could not
be trusted to make these regulations.
The Provincial Secretary did not know
of the conditions in the camps ln
every detail. The 42 members in that
House should know something between them not known to Dr. Fagan
(of the health department) and his
assistants.     *       *      *
Two years ago he (P. Williams) had
Introduced a bill dealing with these
camps, giving special attention to the
provision of men with knowledge of
"first aid" treatment in accident cases,
which would be very useful. His bill
would have required the employers to
keep men with a knowledge of "first
aid." He had withdrawn it on the request of the Provincial Secretary,
based on the ground that as the working of his bill required the expenditure of public funds for Inspectors etc.,
it was not in the province of a private
member to Introduce, and the government intended to bring down a measure ln a more comprehensive shape
the following session. Nothing was
done in the next session. He had expected the present bill would include
provision for "flrst aid" but it did not
do so. The bill provided that any rules
might be made by the department of
health. He wished it had gone more
Into details, and the House had been
given the power to make the rules.
In many camps the men were assessed for medical services, and some
doctors were employed not properly
qualified to act, and were merely getting their practical knowledge ln the
camps. If the money assessed from
the men were all paid to the doctor,
he would be the highest paid of the
profession in B. C. One company
known to the speaker had raised
about $250 clear profit for themselves
from the assessment every month.
He had heard that a relative of one
of the directors of the C. N. R. (of
either Mr. McKenzie or Mr. Mann)
had charge of the men engaged on
that road. He (Williams) would ask
the Provincial Secretary to see to It
that the men were not exploited by the
contractors by that method.
Hawthornthwaite, like the previous
speaker, had also some doubts as to
the efficiency of the bill. He could
not endorse the effusions of Parker
Williams as to the health board. It
was dominated and affected by interests opposed to those of the men it
was to benefit. On several occasions
he had introduced measures affecting
this kind of labor. B. C. had some advanced legislation in that respect but
they were still far behind most other
countries In the world, and there
might be no credit to the government
for bringing in that bill. To offset the
demand of the working class for ownership ln the means of life the governments of the world would grant reforms In the Interests of labor. The
Liberal party had been a self-styled reform party in that House for the last
few years, but had not been very effective. If there had been 16 or 17
Socialists In the places of the Liberals
In the last House, much more time
would have been taken up with labor
The enforcement ot the regulations
under the bill would be left to the
board of health, and gave that board
power to make the rules. Sub-clause
(3) gave them power to employ duly
qualified medical men, and to provide
for hospital accomodations for the
men. The board of health had no
such power under the act, no power
to spend public money. The bill was
something in the nature of a gold
brick, and absolutely unworkable in
its present shape.
He did not need to dwell on the
hardships in the camps. They were
turning out wealth for their owner
and cripples for the charitably disposed lo maintain. In large centres of
population many of these men, lacking eyes and limbs, could be seen begging, and lt was high time it should
be stopped. Even it the bill was
workable lt would not cover those
points. The department should seriously Investigate the assertions that
were continually being made as to these
matters, and provide proper medical
attendance for those who are Injured.
McBride contended that the Provincial Board of Health was the Executive Council of I). O., and the desire of
the last speakm- to have the Executive
Council give directions was carried out
by clause 1, which gave the Provin
cial Board of Health power to make
regulations. For all technical purposes they could rely on Dr. Fagan
and bis assistants, and in discussing a
difficult problem could rely on (heir
experience. The matter was practically under the eye of the executive
council. Funds would be provided to
enforce the act, and the government
would provide a small staff of inspec-
ors. The government was quite
mindful of the necessity of inspecting
the camps, us urged in former sessions
by the Socialist members. The government did not desire to claim all the
credit, but it was proper to admit
that the member for Nanaimo had,
with the member for Newcastle (Hawthornthwaite and Williams) brought
up the matter on many occasions. The
government had in the past adopted
many suggestions from the opposite
side of the House, and lt was difficult
to understand what was being aimed
at by the present attitude of the Op
position. He was satisfied that a large
percentage of previous legislation introduced by the Socialist had not been
Intended to pass, because It contained
drastic clauses, 'ihe government was
not there to represent the capitalist
class, or the working class, but to con
slder the Interests of all classes. The
Socialists desired to occupy all the
time ot the House, in passing their
labor legislation, and thac would mean
ruin to B. C. The government was
prepared to deal with their proposals
ln the same spirit as if they came
from the government side of the
House.       «■••■•
With respect vo the bill before the
House the Lieut. Governor-ln-Councll
was brought into close contact with
the details of the act.
Hawthornthwaite.—But the board of
health had no power to provide for
medical attention and the erection of
hospitals, etc., under the provisions of
the Health Act.
McBride—The board of health might
be expected to provide for the intelligent carrying out of the Act.
Hawthornthwaite—But they cannot
do lt except under the Act.
McBride replied that If the bill did
not work it could be amended.
The bill then passed the second
reading stage. It has yet to go
through tne committee stage, and
will probably be amended to meet the
points raised by Hawthornthwaite and
In the course of a "lecture" on sociology given by a shareholder of this
previous sheet, "Western Clarion,"
the following statement was made
with great emphasis—"When gold was
scarce the price of commodities was
very low." As a student of Political
Economy, 1 beg of you, editor, *o grant
me space to comment on the above
absurd statement. First, to Infer that
the scarcity of gold is the cause of
commodities' low price, implies that if
gold was to vanish, the prices of
things would likewise disappear. Second, it further implies that the sum
total price of all existing commodities,
was determined by the sum total
weight of gold. If this line of reasoning holds good lt naturally follows
that with an increased production of
gold, prices of commodities would also
raise, and in the same proportion as
In its decrease. Cutting it short, the
lecturer's position ls,—no gold, no
price; much gold big price.
Must this statement be looked upon
as being a final analysis of "Capitalist Production," or the basis of exchange for a future state? Let ub
look at what the great economist says:
(Marx Capital, page 62) Money serves
as the form of manifestation of the
value of commodities, or as the material in which the magnitudes of their
values are socially expressed. An adequate form of manifestation of value,
a flt embodiment of abstract, undifferentiated, and therefore equal human
labor, since the difference between the
magnitudes of value ls purely quantitative, money commodity must be susceptible of merely quantitative differences, must therefore be divisible al
will, and equally capable of being reunited. Gold and silver possess these
properties by nature. The use-value of
money (gold) commodity becomes
twofold. In addition to Its special
use-value as a commodity (serving to
stop teeth, to form raw material of
articles of luxury, etc.) It acquires a
formal use-value, originating in its
specific social function. Since all commodities are merely particular equivalents of money, the latter being their
universal equivalent, they, with regard to the latter as the universal commodity, play the parts of particular
commodities. We have seen that the
money form is but the reflex, thrown
upon one single commodity, of the
value relations of all the rest.
Page 64. Therefore, although we
may be aware that gold is money, and
is directly exchangeable for all other
commodities, yet that fact by no means
tells how much 10 lbs, of gold ls
worth. Money, like every other commodity, cannot express the magnitude
of It3 value except, relatively in other
commodities. ThlB value ls determined by the "labor time" required
for its production, and is expressed by
the quantity of any other commodity
that costs the amount of labor time.
The quantitative determination of Its
relative value takeB    place    at    the
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, lu convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Lauor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong.
The present economic system Is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong ts
the capitalist class. The capitalist Is therefore master; the worker s
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State wlll be used to protect aad
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production sad
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure ot
misery and degredation.
The Interest of the working class lies in the direction ot setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by tbe abolition of tho wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point ef production. To accomplish this necessitates the transforms-
tien of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production into collective er working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ln a struggle tor possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management ot industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party wben in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for lt; lt lt will not, the
Socialist Party ls absolutely opposed to IL
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed In its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests ot the working class alone.
source of Its production by means of
barter. When it stepB Into circulation as money, Its value is already
given. In the lasl decades of the 17th
century It had already been shown
that money was a commodity, but this
step marks oniy the infancy of its
analysis. Tbe difficulty lies, not in
comprehending that money is a commodity, but in discovering how, why,
and by what means a commodity becomes money.
Page 70. As a measure of value and
as standard of price, money has two
entirely distinct functions to perform.
it is the measure of value inasmuch
as it Is the socially recognized Incarnation of human labor; it is a standard of price inasmuch as it is a fixed
weight of metal. As a measure of
value it serves to convert the values
of all manifold commodities into price,
a certain weight must be fixed upon as
a unit in this case, as In all cases of
measuring quantities of the same denomination, the establishment of an
unvarying unit of measure ls all-Important. It is in the flrst place, quite
clear that a change in the value of
gold does not, in any way, effect its
function as a standard of price, no
matter how this value varies, the proportions between the values of different quantities of metal remain constant. However great the rise or fall
in its value, 12 oz. of gold would still
have 12 times the value of 1 oz. and in
prices, the only thing considered is
the relation between different quantities of gold. Seeing now that no rise
or fall In the value of 1 oz. can alter
its weight, no alteration can take place
In the weight of its aliquot parts. Thus
gold always renders the same service
as an Invariable standard of price,
however much Its value may vary. In
the second place, a change ln the
value ot gold does not interfere with
Its functions as a measure of value.
The change affects all commodities
simultaneously, and therefore leaves
their relative values unaltered, although those values are now expressed
In higher or lower gold prices,—When
we estimate the value of any commodity by a definite quantity of the use-
value of some other commodity, so in
estimating the value of the former in
gold, we assume nothing more than
that the production of a given quantity of gold costs, at a given period, a
given amount of "labor."
Page 73. The price, or quantities of
gold into which the values of commodities are ideally changed, are therefore now expressed in names of coins,
or in legally valid names of the subdivisions of the gold standard. Hence,
Instead of saying, a quarter of wheat
is worth an ounce of gold, we say, lt
Is worth £3. 18. 7%. In this way
commodities express by their prices,
how much they are worth. Looking at
commodities In bulk, gold included, it
is to find that the same substantial
reality exists in each. They all tell
us, that they are the result of those
mental and physical capabilities existing in human beings. Finally—they
bespeak of definite masses of labor
time, therefore tbe exchange (price) ot
one commodity for another, is determined by the necessary "labor time"
spent in their respective production.
Yours in Revolt
P. S.
We have fed you both 2000 years;
God knows you    have    had    your
Must we, your feeders, believe our
That you dare mock our bill of fare?
"Life has a spiritual basis." If this
be true it is remarkable that not one
writer on "spiritual things" has ever
described or imagined things which
have not a counterpart in some material substance.
Bring your dull razors lo
Clarendon Pool Room, opposite
car barm
Westminster Avenue
Vancouver, B.C.
(J If you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking wi*.h a Gas Range.
Telephone your address to our office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate oi cost of
' .istalling the gac pipes,
Vancouver "as Company,, Limited.


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