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I     OWNED AND CONTROLLED BY THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
er
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CLARI
PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING CLASS ALONE
BER 688
VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1912
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ii'K nii»      91-f U
MOTIVE BEHIND THE
CHINESE REVOLUTION
Dr. Sun Yat Sen, Provisional President of Chinese
Republic, Gives Utterance to Facts of
World-Wide Interest.
(Only confused rumors ot the speech
have been printed in the capitalist
press of the world. The matter printed below is a translation by The
Coming Nation from Berlin Vor-
waerts).
The republic of China is now established. In resigning my position as
provisional president of the republic
it does not mean that I have ceased to
fight for our cause. On the contrary.
In laying down the duties of this offlce
I have gained the liberty and the leisure to apply my strength to far
greater tasks. For 270 years China
has been neath the rule of the
Manchus. During this time repeated
efforts have been made to obtain independence. The Taiping -rebellion, a
half century ago, was one such an attempt.   But that was only a race war.
Even if that uprising has been successful the country would still have
been suffering under an autocratic
government.
Not many years ago a few of us
came together in Japan and founded a
revolutionary party. This was based
upon three great principles:
(1) The freedom of the Chinese
race.
(2) The government of the people
by the people.
(3) Absolute control by the people
over the product of the land and their
labor.
The first two principles have been
realized by the overthrow of the Man-
chu dynasty. The economic transformation remains for us yet to accomplish. It is today a subject of universal discussion, but the majority ot the
Chinese people do not, as yet, understand its full significance. They take
It for granted that the object of the
political regeneration could take its
place on an equality.with the military
states of the west. But that was not
the goal of our efforts.
There are today no nations that are
richer than England and America, and
none more highly cultured than
France. England is a constitutional
monarchy, and America and France
are republic. Nevertheless, in all
these countries the chasm between
the poor aud the rich is great, and the
idea of revolution flows tn the views of
its citizens. If a social revolution is
not brought about in these countries,
then the majority of the people muBt
remain excluded from the well being
and joy of life. Today happiness is
confined to a few capitalists. The
mass of the workers suffer bitterly,
and can look forward to no peace.
The revolution of a race, or a political transformation, is easy to accomplish, but the transformation of a
society is more difficult. Only a
people of great ability Is capable of
carrying out a social revolution.
Some say to us, "Up to the present
your revolution has been a success,
why are you not satisfied now and
willing to wait? Why do you seek to
accomplish what England and America
with all their wealth and their knowledge have not attempted to undertake?" To follow the advice that
these questions Imply would be poor
policy, for in England and America
civilization and industry have developed Intertwined, and a social
transformation would therefore be
difficult. "We in China have not yet
progressed so far. A social revolution is for us comparatively easy: it
is possible for us to forestall the capitalist stage.
In capitalistic countries the existing
interests are powerfully defended, and
it ls difficult to attain to any other
foundation. In China there is not up
to the present either vested interests
or capitalists, and for these reasons a
social revolution is comparatively
'easy.
I am often asked if such a transformation must necessarily be accompanied with violence. For America
and England I answer yes; but not ln
China. The strike of the British coal
miners proves my statement. Yet this
was no revolution, but simply a desire
expressed by an oppressed people, ln
the direction of the possession of tbe
natural sources of wealth, and it appears as if this desire can be gratified
only through force. It may easily be
possible that for us also the attain
ment of a social revolution will be
difficult, but we are at least in a position to see toward what the complete
process is tending, and it is not necessary for us to speak of those methods
of despair or of the danger to the state
which their realization might bring.
If at the beginning of the existence
of the Chinese republic we neglect to
place ourselves on guard aglnst the
capitalism that is already at hand, we
may expect a new despotism ten times
mor horrible than that of the Manchus
and streams of blood will be necessary
to free us from it. Certainly a
mournful outlook!
One question especially presses itself on our attention. As soon as our
new government is firmly established
It will become necessary to deal with
the question of real estate. That is a
necessary consequence of the revolution. The interests of progress will
compel this. Up to the present the
land owners have paid a tax on their
acerage according as these were
divided into one of three classes; best,
medium and common land. In the
future the basis of taxation will have
to be the value of a man's property,
for the quality of the soil varies much
more than can be described in three
classes. It is very hard to say in what
degree the value of the real estate in
Nanking varies ln relation to that
within the Bund (the principal European business street) at Shanghai, and
with the application of the previous
methods it would be impossible to
secure justice in taxation. The land
with high value belongs to the
wealthy. To place a heavier tax on
this would not be oppressive. The
less valuable land belongs to the poor
people living in thinly settled districts.
These should be taxed as little as possible. An equal tax is laid on the land
owned by farmers. But the value of
building sites in Shanghai has increased 10,000 fold in the last century.
China is on the verge of a tremendous Industrial revolution. Commerce
will extend in a gigantic manner, and
in 50 years we will have many cities
like Shanghai. We need only to make
certain that the increasing value of
the real estate goes to the profit of the
whole people who already have created it, instead of to the private capitalists who through accident have become the possessor of the land."
HOW  WOULD YOU   LIKE
TO BE AN OX.
Tokyo, Sept. 25.—Pensions have
been provided from the Mikado's
purse for the oxen which drew the
burial car at the late Mikado's funeral
With a special attendant each, the
oxen will spend the remainder of
their lives In luxury in the Imperial
pastures. The old custom of giving
them the junior fifth grade of court
rank was disregarded.
Socialism won't work, Is the cry ot
the ignorant. If they would only stop
to consider that the object of the
Socialist is to get enough of the
workers to change the ownership of
the means by which the working class
gets its living into the collective property of the working class, they would
immediately see that it Is the ignorance of that elaBS that prevents the
working out of socialism. The working class is getting wise, so naturally
Socialism will eventually work.
We don't need to have a plan of a
Co-operative Commonwealth. All we
need ls the power to change the
ownership of the machinery of wealth
production. Production and transportation will be carried on the same aB
tt is now, probably a little more sclen
tlflcally. The clerks will fix up the
books ln almost the same manner
that they do now. The only difference will be that there won't be any
surplus left over to be divided
amongst a useless class. Of course,
it may be strange for the worker to
be able to go home with enough
money to buy the best of everything
after only a few hours' labor. He will
get used to that, tbe same as he will
get used to living in a real home and
living on the best that labor can produce.
MINERS   IN   P08SES8ION
MINES.
OF
Salt Lake, Utah.—Though the 4,000
striking miners employed in the copper, lead and silver mines ln the
region of Bingham have thrown up
fortifications and are in full possession of the properties, Governor Spry
Will not call out the State militia until
the civil authorities have exhausted
all efforts to settle the trouble. The
Executive hurried here today on a
special train from the southern part
of the State, and at once set the
machinery in motion for peace. If
these efforts fail the State'militia probably will be called out.
"The strike is a matter for the civil
authorities to handle first of all," the
Governor announced on going into a
conference with the various interests.
"There is a State Board of Labor, conciliation and arbitration, organized by
law, and it is up to that board to take
the first steps," the Governor said.
George W. Dwyer, superintendent
of the Utah Copper mine, and some of
the bookkeepers went to the mine and
hajre not been molested. None of the
property of the mining company Is
damaged, and the Utah-Apex Company is working as usual under an
agreement with the union. ,
The miners are on strike against
the Utah Copper Company for higher
wages and recognition of the union.
Before deciding whether State troops
shall be called out, the Govenor will
go over the whole situation, conferring with representatives of both
sides.
Bingham today presented the appearance of an armed camp. Nearly
all night the strikers, mostly foreigners, had woiked digging trenches and
throwing up breastworks about the
mines. A semi-military organization
seems to have been formed, and
picket lines are being maintained at
all points of vantage. The chief
strength of the strikers was concentrated in trenches opposite the entrance to the Utah company's mine.
Here a thousand men are located.
Although there was some desultory
MINER8  IN  NOVA SCOTIA.
Moncton, N. B., Sept. 14.—The current Issue of the Eastern Labor
News, published in this city, carries an article in a recent issue relative to the miners ln Nova Scotia,
in which the following appears: "It
is not generally known, but lt is a
fact capable of proof, that the average amount received by those dependent on the coal industry of Nova Scotia for a livelihood, is less than lt
takes to keep, paupers in the poorhouse of this country, even less than
living expenses of the inmates of
semi-penal institutions, and not more
than inmates of the forty-six jails in
Ontario eke out their miserable existence while explaining the crimes
of murder, arson, rape, seduction,
burglary," etc. It is figured out that
each dependent receives $85 per year
to live on, or something like .23 cents
per day. In the government institutions, aside from penal and corrective Institutions, the average cost
per Inmate per day ranges between 23
and 27 cents.
NEW   WESTMINSTER
PROPAGANDA  MEETING
Comrade E. T. Kingsley will speak
ln the City Theatre, New Westminster,, on Sunday, October 6th. Doors
open at 7:30.
Keep on Smiling. The Socialist is
the only person that looks on the present Bystem as a huge joke. It surely
is, and a cruel ohe at that.
firing during the morning, nobody was
hit
Sheriff Sharp ls increasing his force
of deputies, and at noon it was estimated that fully 250 were in Bingham.
Sharp expresses a desire to attack the
strikers' position, but It is believed
that this will be 'forbidden by the
Governor, who thinks it would merely
provoke bloodshed.
L There is a strong feeling here that
Governor Spry wlll decide to call out
troops. Militiamen have been advised unofficially to hold themselves
in readiness for an order to move.—
New York Call.
"$20,000 TO SEE HIM HANG"
" I 'd give $20,000 to see A. L. Emerson hang.'' General Manager Sheffield Bridgewater of the Industrial-
Lumber Company is reported to have made the foregoing
remark. The Association has deposited more than $100,-
000 to finance the conviction of Emerson and his imprisoned fellow-workers and has Burns and an able staff of
lawyers directing the man-hunt.
Three of our fellow-workers are already dead as a
result of the Massacre of G-rabow, and Emerson and Sixty-three others have been arrested, charged with killing
their own brothers, indicted for murder in the first degree,
refused bail and are now in prison at Lake Charles, La.,
awaiting trial for their lives and liberties, facing death on
the gallows or, worse, servitude on the frightful penal
farms and levees of Louisiana, than which, except it be
the hideous convict mines of Alabama, there is no more
horrible fate imaginable. But "blood, blood, blood, and
more blood!" this is ever the cry of the Southern Lumber
Operators' Association, and the braver the working man,
the more incorruptible lie lie, the more fearlessly he champions the interests of his class, the sweeter his blood tastes
to this Black Hand Society and the hungrier they are to
drink it. For this reason, that they could neither be
bought nor intimidated, Emerson, Lehman and their fellow prisoners are in jail today and the stage is being set to
send them to the gallows of the levees.
To one fate or the other they will yo unless the Work-
ing elass comes as one. to the rescue.
Too long already the Lumber Kings of the South and
their gunmen have been allowed to outrage the working
class with impunity; too long already the reign that rules
by divine right of pump guns, rifles aud black-snake whips
has lasted.
Emerson's only crime is that he led the revolt of the
Southern Forest and Lumber Workers against this inhuman system of peonage; for this reason the Association
is working day and night to send him to the gallows.
What will You give to see that he does not hang ?
Stand by Arthur L. Emerson and these imprisoned
and endangered boys now as they have always stood by
their class.
Act! Act! Act At ONCE!
Send all funds for the defense to Jay Smith, Box 78,
Alexandria, La.
Toilers of the World, we appeal to you to help us
save the lives and liberties of our boys and turn Sheffield
Bridgewater's heartless boast into a peon of victory for
the men who are blazing freedom's pathway thru the
swamps of the South, the fighting Lumberjacks of Dixie!
We appeal to you!       COMMITTEE OP DEFENSE,
BROTHERHOOD OF TIMBER WORKERS.
N.B.—Please bring before your meetings and have published in your papers.
IMPENDING FATE
OF SMALL FARMER
The Rapid Development of Capitalist Farming Is
Compelling the Farmer to Accept the Truths
of Socialism.
One of the characteristics of the
capitalist mode of production is that
it centralizes industry. It does away
with the craftsman, the shopman, the
petty little business man and even
with the "independent" farmer. All
the efforts that they make to remain
and hold their position as owners, are
useless. They must obey the laws of
capitalist society and after a hard
and desperate struggle they are forced
to go out and peddle their labor power.
The laws that govern society are
stronger than the WILL of individuals.
CompetiUon on the one hand and the
developfent of the craft tools Into the
gigantic machines on the other are
effecting this change.
The Btruggle between the capitalist
class and the small bourgeoisie takes
different forms in different places and
depends upon the stage of industrial
development of the particular country.
In Europe, therefore, and partly in
the United States and Eastern Canada, where capitalism found a highly
developed craft production, the struggle was more acute, but ln new coun-
Bassano for agricultural purposes, and
this spring put in a crop of flax on
1,700 acres. The work was done by
wage labor under the management of
Mr. Daniels on a scientific basis, using
the latest methods and machinery.
The cost was $1.27 per acre, which Included plowing, double discing, drilling, harrowing and seeding.
More examples of the same kind
could be brought forward, but space ln
the Western Clarion is too valuable.
However, it would be interesting to
have tbe farmer who does not employ
the latest methods and machinery
state if he can do the same amount
of work at the same cost. His assertion would no doubt be emphatic and
negative. He cannot compete with
the big farmer capitalist because he
cannot introduce the new machinery
and must therefore go under.
Add to the above such natural disasters as an early frost, hall, too much
moisture or a drought, and it will become clear why we do not have more
farmers in Southern Alberta who own
even at this stage of her development
tries like Western Canada the fight !*nre.e,...nve*. te* and more sections of
was very limited as the vested interests had not yet grown to any great
extent.
Furthermore, the centralization does
not appear in all Industries at the
same time. The capitalist Is in business for profit only, and naturally his
eye falls flrst upon those industries
from which he can reap the most profit
and where machinery—the labor saving and therefore money making machinery—can be applied to the best
advantage. The biggest wolves get
the largest share and the smaller ones
must satisfy themselves by Investing
ln Industries that are not so profitable.
Along with the centralization of
capitalist production the wealth accumulates Into a few hands. Millionaires and multi-millionaires are produced. After a certain stage of development ls reached these modern
curiosities are the owners of all that
is worth owning and still have ''some
money left to invest." Then it is that
a crash comes and we have what Is
known as a financial panic.
Alberta Is comparatively a very
young country so far as modern production is concerned. Capitalism,
however, ls becoming better organized here every year and soon we wlll
see the condition hinted at above.
The laws of capitalist production
force the owners of wealth to constantly improve the machinery of production and now they arc reaching a
stage when they are forced to Improve the farming machinery. With
the more extended use of steam and
gasoline in the various farming operations there is being rapidly created
a farming trust and an agricultural
proletariat.
Let us examine Southern Alberta,
which is a little older and more settled than the other parts.   Right from
nigh River to Macleod, a distance of
about fin miles In a straight line extending many miles on each side of
this line, the land Is level and Is used
for agriculture. One can hardly find
a piece of land there that Is not exploited for farming purposes The
same can be said of the Lethbridge
district and that south of Macleod.
l'"or the laBt few years the newest
machinery has been Introduced in
these farming districts. The majority
of farmers who have more than a
section of land operate traction engines. At some places I noticed them
running the engines ln two shifts day
and night. The farmer who keeps an
engine has also a threshing machine
and the rest of the necessary up-to-
date machinery for farming purposes.
Now, the farmer who OWNS (?) 160
acres of land cannot afford to buy this
machinery. On the other hand, he who
owns the machinery needs more land.
And ao they strike a bargain and the
capitalist farmer with his machinery,
taking advantage of the state of the
market, skins hiB smaller brother and
reaps a rich reward. Thus is It that
the small farmer does not make more
money than the average worker.
Then there ls the company farmer
that carries on business on a large
Bcale. A company from Hartford,
Conn., bought 5,720 acres of land near
land like the C. P. R., P. Burns, Lord
Strathcona and tbe rest.
On top of all these burdens ls the
mortgaged home of tbe small producer, and he begins to see that he Is
between "Scylla and Charybdls," and
that there Ib little else for him but to
become a wage slave proper.
As a result of all this there comes
the RED PERIL and the comrades
who have eaten of the tree of knowledge cannot rest any longer but are
spreading the gospel of Socialism, and
the farmer is no longer indifferent to
this doctrine, but listens anxiously to
the Socialist speaker and reads Socialist literature and then "nolens
volens" joins the army of the working
class that ls rapidly marching on to
victory. A. B.
A GOOD EXAMPLE.
Cumberland ls still in the front of
the revolutionary ranks.
The comrades there have been on
strike for several weeks, but though
drawing no wages, they have dug
down to the extent of nearly $50.00 for
the organizing fund.
If the rest of the mining camps,
where there is no strike, and where
steady wages are being drawn, will do
the same, the organizing programme
the Provincial Executive has worked
out will be an easy matter. One
thing I notice about this strike—tho
"Reds" are thc ones who are staying
right on the ground, determined to see
it through, and to keep up the Greater
Fight during und after this fight.
Fitzgerald suits the hoys here down
to the ground, as he does the writer—
he Is the real goods.
He Is off for Nanaimo today. The
writer, who came hen? strictly for
pleasure, Is getting It, and Is staying
a few days longer.
Now, comadea throughout tho province, do as well us Cumberland, and
enable the Provincial Kxecutlve to
keep Fitzgerald, and perhaps other
speakers, ll) the field.
W. GRIBBLE.
We have been trying to get an or-
ganlzer for Ontario, but up to the present we have failed. If there Is anyone you know of that is capable of
giving out. the straight goods, get In
touch with him or write us. if you
think you nre the man for the work,
don't be afraid of letting us know.
Wc will pay your expenses and give
you enough money to buy something
more substantial than coffee and	
Every now and again some bunch of
freaks connected with one religious
organization or another comes to the
conclusion that there Is no hell. They
claim that people make their own hell
on earth. That may be correct, but
will the being good with the hopo of
going to heaven make conditions better down here? We should say not.
The Ignorance of the'workers make
the hell on earth, and the church is
one of the greatest means of keeping
the workers In Ignorance. With the
increasing intelligence of the masses
lies the destructlion of the power of
the church. PAGE TWO
THE WESTERN CLARION VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA.
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1912.
1 tSIERN WN
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8ATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1912.
ARBITRATION AND CONCILIATION
What a lot of piffle has been Indulged In of recent years over arbitration and conciliation as a means of
settling differences that arise from a
Clash of interests between Individuals,
concerns, classes and nations. Courts
of Arbitration, Conciliation Boards
and Hague 'i ribunals have been set
up for the purpose of calming the
bellicose and inducing the pugnacious
to decorously tread the pathway of
peace. In spite of lt all, preparations
for war between nations still continue
upon an ever increasing scale, the relations between capital and labor become dally more strained, and as to
peace conditions between Individuals
and individual concerns they are as
absent as disinterred spectators at a
"Donnybrook Fair."
All differences, whether arising between individuals, concerns, classes,
or nations, can be settled by arbitration,
provided there exists outside ot the
belligerents a third party with the disposition to arbitrate and the power to
enforce its decree. The dispute between two dogs as to the possession
of a piece of liver might be speedily
arbitrated by a third dog large enough
to put the belligerents to flight and
appropriate the liver to his own use
and satisfaction. A scrap between individual human animals over a piece
Of property—even though that property consist solely of "a rag, a bone
and a hank of hair," can be settled,
nnd Is often so settled, by the courts
and other parts of the government
machine. Cases have been know of
such quarrels over the "rag, etc.,"
inlng settled by a third party acting
as arbitrator by running off with
"rag, bone and hair."
In quarrels between nations resort
ls had to the "arbitrament of arms."
The stronger arbitrates the case by
whipping the weaker into acceptance
of the award. Another nation or
nations may step ln and act as arbitrator, and because of greater power
compel some settlement of the dispute, but no permanent settlement
can be reached until the cause of the
quarrel has been removed. So long
as the liver remains the dogs will
fight over it. Nations quarrel over
rl-'hts of territory or trade, and such
qnarrelB must continue to arise so
long as nations exist upon a basis of
territory and trade. Ab there is no
power outside of and greater than
that of nations, the only arbitration
possible Is that of the sword ln the
hand of the stronger nation. In spite
of all the small talk and big about
arbitration and conciliation as between nations, the Increase of warlike
equipment will continue with an ever
accelerating speed, because the underlying cause of war—capitalist production and the trade and territorial need
Incident therto—remains untouuehed.
In settlement of whatever quarrels
.rise between nations over these
questions of territory and trade, re
sort must be had to the "arbitrament
of arms." Even then the final settlement can bo reached only when
national lines have heen completely
obliterated, the flags of capitalist
piracy reduced to one, and that one
the emblem of world-wide claBs rule,
and class solidarity undisturbed by
factional strife and differences within
Us ranks.
Various arbitration and conciliation
acts and measures have been put forward during recent vears for the purpose of settling the difficulties that oc
casionaly arise between "brothers
Capital and tabor." Although we are
assured by toadies, apologists, and
wiseacres that these two are
"brothers," it. seems that they find it
difficult to dwell together ln that
sweet unity that so pronouncedly
marks tho Ideal family relations.
These brethren are always scrapping
and brawling. No sooner Is one tlit
ference patched up than another
breaks out, until we nre compelled to
acknowledge that if an ordinary
family was to conduct its affairs in
the same boisterous, blackguardly
and quarrelsome manner lhe joint
would be pulled as a disorderly
house, and Its Inmates put in thc
chain rang.
Word now comes that the New Zealand labor unions nre rapidly cancel
ling their registration under the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, in order
to be able to go on strike or engage
ln any other activity looking to a
betterment of their conditions whenever they deem it advantageous so to
do. The Dominion Trades Congress,
at ItB recent convention, adopted a
resolution condemning the Lemieux
Act, and demanding its repeal. The
workers are evidently learning that
all these efforts to patch up the differences between Capital and Labor
are futile. Like Banquo's ghost "they
will not down," though arbitration
and concllatlon acts galore are placed
upon the statute books by either political tricksters or guileless but well
meaning snpheads.
Truth la there Is no kinship between
Capital and Labor. Labor produces
all wealth, as measured in terms of
exchange. Capital takes all wealth,
tabor ls the sole productive factor,
capital is the sole appropriator.
Labor does not produce by the aid of
capital, but by the permission of capital. Labor uncovers the secrets of
nature, harnesses her forces to do its
bidding, and wrings from ber bosom
sustenance and comfort for humankind. Capital seizes upon the product
and turns this sustenance and comfort Into affluence and luxury for capitalists, their henchmen, toadies, llck-
spltterB, apologists and hangers-on,
and penury, misery, and a narrow existence for those who toil.
The working class ls a useful class,
because It makes the existence of
human society possible. It produces
all the wealth from which society
drawB its sustenance. It not only
supports itself, but supports all the
rest of humankind. It thus pays its
own way through life. It is not a class
of "dead beats."
The capitalist class—with all of its
aforesaid truck and hangers-on—is a
useless class, because it contributes
nothing to the sustenance of human
society. It neither supports itself or
anyone else. It does not pay its own
way through life. It ls a class of
"dead beats," and a terribly expensive
one at that, because of its hoglike proclivities.
Between Capital and Labor is "war"
can be no peace. Between the parasite and its victim there is an Irrepressible conflict of Interest that can
be arbitrated out of existence only by
the death of one or the other, or both.
There ls no middle ground upon
which both can find their Interests
conserved and defended.
Between Capital and Labor is war
to the knife, and the knife to the hilt.
In the last analysis the "arbitrament
of the sword," for In that last analysis
it is purely a question of power as to
which shall survive. If Capital is to
survice, Labor must remain enslaved,
and sink to ever lower depths, until
this capitalist society sinks into
oblivion through Its own rottenness.
If Labor is to survice, the rule of
Capital must be cast Into oblivion by
the conscious act of an awakened
working class, so that human society
may move onward and upward to a
better and loftier plane of civilization.
The only difference between Capital
and Labor to be arbitrated is the difference between master and slave,
and that can only be dealt with by
force of numbers. If the master continues his mastery, he must command
the power to hold the slave In chains;
If the slave gains his freedom he must
to able to command the power to cast
them off. That is all the arbitration
that is possible or even thinkable.
By virtue of its numerical strength
as well as by its usefulness ln the
?rcat scheme of social growth and development, theworklng class can set
up its own court of arbitration by conquering the public powers, and thuB
becoming maBters of Its own economic life. Not only is that the first
thing for the workers to do If they
would escape thc thraldom and torture of slavery, but it is the only
thing.
Let us waste no more time In
courts of arbitration and other
schemes designed by our masters ln
order to befool ub, but get busy In our
own behalf, relying solely upon our
own initiative and effort to break the
rule of capital and free our class from
its brutal exploitation.
the production and control of the material things of life. It implies an individual, or individuals, upon the one
hand as a governing force, and, upon
the other hand, the balance of human
society, as a body to be governed,
Whether government has been set
up by an individual or a class, it is
particularly noticeable that its purpose has always been the same, no
matter what the pretense. The
governing Individual, or class, has al
ways wallowed ln riches and luxury
at the expense of the governed class.
This is no less true today under the
glorious rule of the capitalist class
than it waB two thousand years since
under the rule of the Roman Caesars.
In fact, no previous ruling class has
been able to attain to the level of
wealth and power now enjoyed by our
Christian rulers. This has been due,
not tc any lack of appetite for wealth
and power upon their part, but because the productive forces at their
command were less powerful than
those under command of our dearly
beloved capitalist brethren of today.
For that reason the wealth and power
of ancient ruling classes compared to
that of the modern capitalist class in
about the same way that a schoolboy's
peashooter compares with a 12-inch
gun.
Every human Institution that meets
with the sanction and approval of a
ruler or ruling class must in some,
way conserve the Interests of that
ruler or class. At least, it can in no
way threaten such interests or jeopardise such rule. Any institution that
not only meets with approval of
government, but is sustained, encouraged and protected by a government
of the ruling class must be looked
upon as an instrument of that ruling
class, and calculated to aid it in
maintaining its power to rule and rob.
One thing is particularly noticeable.
That is that he who is affiliated with
those human institutions that make
no pretense of existence for anything
outside of material purposes, is seldom, if ever, disturbed because of any
criticism of or attack upon his pet
scheme. On the contrary, however,
he whose prejudice and leanings are
towards some institution that lays
claim to supernatural authority for Its
existence, and which professes a purpose not solely wrapped up in material things, will howl like a well
kicked pup if anyone dares to offer
either criticism of or an attack upon
his pet hobby. The humor of it is
rather fine when one fully senses it.
It is really laughable.
It would be well for us all If we of
the working class were to thoroughly
canvas the list of existing institutions
and ascertain which are aided, abetted and sustained by tbat precious
ruling class that rules us because it
robs us, and robs us by ruling us. We
know full well, if we know anything,
that no ruling class will uphold any
Institution, or approve of any human
effort that will tend to weaken Its
hold upon the reins of power, and
thus jeodarlse its right to rule the
affairs of men. Once we do know
this, not only wlll our support be withdrawn, as far as possible, from all institutions that meet with the approval
of the capitalist class, but we will also
spurn all capitalist teachings as we
would spurn a cup ot poison, no matter whether such teachings relate to
the enjoyment of things here or hereafter.
And now to emphasise the humor of
the situation, let every thin skinned
religious devotee let another howl out
of himself in the way of confirmation,
And now, altogether, most humor
ously howl.
THE   HUMOROUS   HOWL.
Many human institutions there are
existing in the great stewpot of civilization. Some of them make no pretense of existing for any other purpose than to conserve the Interests
bf their immediate members. They
lay no claim to supernatural origin.
Others make pretense of existing for
the benefit of people who are ln no
sense responsible for their existence,
and In many cases do not care
whether they exist or not.
That rapsheaf of all human institutions—government—pretends to exlBt
for ihe purpose of conserving the interests of all members of society. It
Is supposed to be actuated by the motive of human good, and all that sort
of sluff. To those who have given
this institution any study, this will
readily he disclosed as a fallacy. To
govern a people is to control their Industrial activities; to make and enforce rules and regulations regarding
A QUESTION POR TRADES
UNIONISTS.
As a member of a craft organization and one who is conversant with
the conservatism and reaction of
trades unionists, I would like them to
follow through the reasoning that will
be adduced tQ the .question, "Is organization of the Industrial field sufficient
to guarantee to the workers the full
social equivalent of thc wealth which
they alone produce?"
After over a century of organization
on the Industrial field, we find the
working class In exactly the same
position that it has always occupied, namely, the lowest strata of the
social mass.
At no period ln the world's history!
have we been able to produce such an
abundance of those things that are
essential to the happiness and well-
being of the human race, as we are
today, and at the same time, never
has there been so much poverty and
so many people living on the verge of
starvation. To be sure, we are better
off In some respects than were our
ancestors. Tea and coffee were luxuries at one time, as were alBO carpets, and even kings could not take a
penny ride on a street car, let alone
luxuriate within the upholstered
depths of a motor car.
With the use and development of
the machine.^the productive power of
man has increased, in many cases,
two hundred fold within that number
of years. The question arises, are we
two hundred times better off? It
would hardly seem so when we Bee
groups of men ln various lines of Industry come out on strike for a few)
weeks, and then go back like whipped
curs to the same, or even worse, con
ditions, simply because they lacked
the necessaries of life to maintain
themselves as strikers for any length
of time. For example, the striking
London dockers had been out about ten
weeks, and the wives and families of
most of the strikers were living upon
charity.
During periods of financial depression we see the membership of the
various industrial organizations fall
off, because the members cannot pay
their dues; we see the army of unemployed ever Increasing, and as the
workers are competing with one another for a job, it becomes a case of
the man who will do the job for the
least wage getting lt. In the face of
these facts, how is it possible for organization on the industrial field alone
to benefit the whole of the working
class? It is not sufficient, fellow workers, we must use the same methods ln
our interest that our masters use in
theirs, that is political power, which
controls the police dogs and trained
murderers. And if we have the political power, how care they call out the
troops to shoot us down when we dare
demand more of the good things of
life?
I am not advocating reforms, because If reforms are of any benefit to
the workers, I would not have found
it necessary to come to Canada. There
are more ''reforms" on the statute
books of England than any other
country, and at the same time the
working class of that land live as
close, if not closer, to actual starvation, as those of any other civilized
country.
One thing is very noticeable, however, and that ls that the master claBs
are not engaged in forming antiunion societies, and as long as we
remain pure and simple trades unionists they will treat us with the contempt that we deserve. But as Boon
as we commence to play the political
game, the masters are out with all
force to put a stop to It, because they
recognize the fact that we are learning the use of an Instrument that
menaces their interests. This is significant, and in itself should be sufficient to arouse the working class to
a sense of their position, and once
they come to look into the question of
the means of their own emancipation,
I have no doubt of the result.
The carpenters seem to think that
because they get a few cents more per
hour than their less fortunate brethren, that their interests are different,
but such ls not the case. As members of the working class we are all
ln the same position, and OUR interests are identical in that we, as workers, are exploited hy the master class
of what we socially produce. It is the
mission of the working class to unite
upon the political field, capture the
reins of government, and sweep these
parasites off its back.
No one will dispute that we are
living In a world of plenty, that an
abundance of wealth—of material
things for the enjoyment of life—are
stored in the granaries and warehouses. What, then, is the harrier
that stands between this wealth and
its consumption by the class who produced it? There is only one answer
possible, and that Is OWNERSHIP.
When the coming change takes
place and the present capitalist ownership ln the means of wealth production ls transformed Into the collective property of the working class,
there wlll be plenty of the good things
of life for every useful worker.
Most of us know what lt Is to do
without things, and as one of our comrades puts it, "If doing without things
means success, then the working class
ls a howling success." I am of the
opinion that the success of all of the
members of trades unions will never
hurt them, or they would not be ln it;
they would have a better way of enjoying themselves than coming to
meetings to hear the troubles of
others, and paying their dues.
One thing I want to make clear, and
that is, when I refer to the political
phase of the question, I do not pin my
faith to the M. P.'s who are elected on
the labor ticket, for I fully realize
that they are for the most part wolves
in sheeps' clothing, seekers of the
Job, The only party that reflects the
interests of the working class ls the
Socialist party, the programme of
which ls the abolition of the profit
system.
In conclusion I would try to persuade the members of trades unions
to forget about that "mansion In the
sky" for a few Sundays and attend the
nearest Socialist meeting. The working class has been looking up in the
clouds so long, that the masters have
grabbed everything on the earth that
ls worth having.
F. TIPPING.
Sociaiist   Party  Directory
DOMINION  BXBOUTITB  COMMITTEE
Socialist Party of Canada, meets second   and   fourth   Monday.     Secretary,
Wm. Watts, Labor Temple, Dunsmuir
St., Vancouver, B.C.
BRITISH     COLUMBIA     PROVINCIAL
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada, meets second and fourth
Mondays in month at Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St., Wm. Watts, Secretary.
AIiBBBTA   PROVINCIAL   EXECUTIVE
Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate Tuesday, at 428 Eighth
Ave. East. Burt E. Anderson, Secretary, Box 647, Calgary
SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL BXBOUTITB, 8. T. ot C, Invitee all comrades residing in Saskatchewan to
communicate with them on organization matters Address D. McMillan,
222 Stadacona Street West, Moose Jaw,
Sask.	
MANITOBA PROVINCIAL BXBOUTITB
Committee: Notice—This card Is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested ln the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any information, write the
Secretory, J. D. Houston, 493 Furby
St..  Winnipeg.
VANCOUVEB LETTISH LOCAL No. 68.
S. P. of C.—Business meeting every
tlrst Sunday of the month .and propaganda meeting every third Sunday.
Room open to everybody at 512 Cordova Street East, 2 p. m. Secretary,
P. Anderson, Barnet, B. C.
LOCAL  VANCOUVEB,  B.    C,    BO.    44,
Finnish. Meets every second and
Fourth Thursdays in the month at 218.
Hastings St. East- Ovla Lind, Secretary.
LOCAL VANCOUVEB No 1, B. P. of O	
Business meeting every Tuesday evening at Headquarters, 213 Hastings St.
East, H. Halilm, Secretary.
MABITIME PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Olace aay.
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Rnx
491, Glace Bay. N. S
LOCAI, VANCOTJVBB, Wo. 89, 8. P. Of O.
Headquarters, Labor Temple, Dunsmulr street. Business meeting on first
of every month at 8 p.m. Secretary,
F. Lefeaux, Labor Temple, Vancouver,
B. C.
LOCAI,    PEBNIE,   B.   P.   Ot   C,    HOLD
holds educational meetings ln the
Miners Union Hall every Sunday at
7:30. Business meeting first Monday
In each month, 7:30 p. m. Economic
class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30.
H. Wllmer, secretary, Box 380.
LOOAL BOSBLAND, NO. tt, B. P. Of C,
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Organizer.
Will Jones, Secretary, Box 126.
Finnish branch meets in Flnlanders'
Hall Sundays at 7:30 p.m. A. Sebble,
Secretary. Box 54, Rossland, B,C.
LOOAL MICHEL, B. 0„ NO. 16, 8. P.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:80 p.m. In
Crahan's Hall. A hearty invitation Is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the firs*
and third Sundays of each month al
10:39 a.m. In the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. T. W. Brown,
Secretary.	
LOCAL  NELSON,   8.   P.  Of O.,  MEETS
every Friday evening at 8 p.m., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Aus-
tln. Secretary.
LOOAL BBTBL8TOXB, B. O., NO. 7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     t.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the flrat
and third Sundays of the month. Bualness meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at I.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas, Glendenning, Box SI,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
Information any day at Miners' Hall
Secretary, Wm. Graham, Box 63, Coleman, Alta.
LOOAL  EDMONTON,  ALTA., NO. 1,  B.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetlnse
every Wednesday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room Is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
Secretary, J. A. S. Smith, 622 First St.;
i Organiser, W. Stephenson.    •
LOCAL CALGARY, ALTA., NO. 4, 8.9.
of C.—Business meeting every Saturday evening at 8 o'clock at the headquarters,   134  Ninth  Ave.  West.
S. K.  Read,  Secretary.	
LOCAL BEOINA NO. "s,8ASK.,MBaTi
every Sunday,    Trades    Hall,   i  p.m.
Business   meeting,   second   Friday.   I
&m.  Trades . Hall.    W. B.  Bird,  Gen.
el., Secretary.
LOOAL LETHBBIDOE, ALTA., NO.  IS,
S. P. of C. Meets flrst and third Sua-
days in the month, at 4 p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock, Box 1983
LOOAL MOOSEJAW, BASK., Ne. X, B. T.
OT O.—Propaganda meetings aver/
Sunday, 7:30 p. m., ln tne Tradea Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday, 8 a.m.
W. McAllister, Secretary, Box 587. A.
Stewart organizer.
LOCAL NO. 1, WINNIPEG, MANITOBA,
S. P. of C.—Headquarters, Labor Temple. Business meeting every Saturday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting every
Sunday at 8 o'clock ln the Dreamland!
Theatre, Main St. Secretary, J.
O'Brien, Room 12, 530 Main St.
LOCAL SANDON, B. C, NO. 36. S. P. OP
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m
in the Sandon Miners' Unior Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K. Sandnn. B. C.
LOCAL VICTORIA NO. a, S. P. Of O—
Headquarters and reading room 575
Yates St. Business meeting every
Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting overy Saturday, 8 p.m., corner of
Yates  and  Langley
LOCAL SOUTH FONT OBOBOB, B.C.,
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. ln Public Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allen,
Organizer.
LOCAL   CUMBERLAND NO. 70 S. P. of C.
Business meeting every Sunduy, 10:30
a.m. Economic Class held twice each
Thursday, 10:30 a.m. (for afternoon
shift), 8 p.m. (for morning shift). Propaganda meeting every Sunday 3 p.m.
Headquarters: Socialist Hall, opposite
post offlce. Financial Secretary Thomas Carney, Corresponding Secretary,
Joseph Naylor.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,  NO   8,   S.   P.   OP   O.
Open air meetings during summer
months, corner McKenzie Avenue and
Rldeau Street. Business meetings,
first  Sunday  In   month   ln   the  Labor
Hall, 2)9 Bank Street, at 8:00 p.m.
Secretary, Sam Sturgess Horwith, 16
Ivy Avenue N.E., Ottawa.    Phone 277.
LOCAL OLACE BAT, No. 1 OP MABITIME—Headquarters ln Rukasin
Block. Commercial St. Open every
evening. Business and propaganda
meeting at headquarters every Thursday nt 8 p. m. Alfred Nash, secretary.
Box 158;. Harold G. Ross, organizer,
Box  605.
LOOAL    SIDNEY    MINES    NO.    7,    Ot
Nova Scotia,—Business and propaganda meetings every second Monday
at 7:30 In the S. O. B. T. Hall back
of Town Hall. Wil'lam Allen, Secretary, Box 344.
UKRAINIAN SOCIALIST FEDERATION of the S. P. of C„ is organized
for the purpose of educating tha
Ukrainenn workers to the revolutionary principles of this party. The
Ukranian Federation publish their own
weekly organ, "Nova Hromada" '(New
Society), at 443 Klnlstlno Ave., Edmonton, Alta. English comrades desiring information re the Federation,
write to J. Senuk, Fin. Secretary.
SUBSCRIPTION
CARDS
5 Yearlies - - - $3.75
10 1-2 Yearlies - - 4.00
20 Quarterlies -  -   4.00
The Maritime provinces need organizing badly, nnd we want to hear from
someone down there who will jump
lnto-the field and help put the slaves
of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
wise.
When you renew your sub, don't
leave us to guess what your address
is. It Is just as easy for you to write
It down as it ts to renew your sub.
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers It should belong.
The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of
the means of production, consequently all the products ot labor belong
lo the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker
a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins
of government all the powers of the State wtll be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The interest of the working class lies ln the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property In the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker ls rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt
by political action.   This Is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme'of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when ln office shall always and everywhere
until the present system ls abolished, make the answer to this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the
Interests of the working class and aid the workerB ln their class Btruggle against capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party ls for lt; If lt
will not, the Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to lt.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed ln Its hands in such a manner
as to promote the Interests of the working class alone. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1912.
THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA.
PAGETHREE
CORRESPONDENCE
PROPERTY RIGHTS Versus FREE
SPEECH.
Having been called in question by
the authorities, and brouught into the
. limelight by the capitalist press, we
herewith give our side of the late contravention (?) which they so vehemently gloat over.
On Saturday, Sept. 7, a few comrades of Ottawa Local No. 8 ventured
out, aB UBual. to hold the regular open
meeting, choosing Sparks and O'Connor Streets as their rendezvous.
Comrade Thomas Roberts, "who ran
twice for the mayor of this city,"
opened the meeting, and after twenty
minutes' oratory was politely requested by policeman No. 8 to move further down the street. The comrades,
not wishing to bring down the wrath
of the law and order upon tl*eir heads,
quietly submitted, taking with them
the audience, which had grown twice
the size on account of the policeman's
interference. At this juncture A. G.
McCallum resumed the stand, and had
no sooner got the audience interested
in his subject when another burly vigilante appeared on the scene,
arresting the speaker on a charge of
general obstruction.
Upon arriving at the police station
the comrades informed the sergeant
in charge that the lecturer had been
a candidate in the last Dominion election, and that they were ready to give
bail for his release. They were told
by the sergeant that he was powerless
to act without Instructions from the
chief, "who could not be found," and,
further, that he did not care who he
was, he had to come in here—meaning the cold "wet" cell, which had re
ONTARIO AND ISLAM.
The Orientalization of this Industrial
city goes on apace. Subjects of the
Ottoman umpire of the Moslem faith
have poured Into this place the last
few months. Ab the poet would say:
"They come, not In twos and threes,
but In whole battalions." They have
bought many large houses in the town,
and by "intensive culture" ln household arrangements are breaking a few
records in the housing line. On some
of the side streets In the evening the
swarthy followers of the Prophet are
more numerous than the "ferlnghee,"
and the red fez is becoming quite a
usual headgear on the streets of this
busy city. These men swarm the factories, and are at present doing the
rough, heavy work usual round foundries and machine shops. Pretty soon
I expect the good, kind Christian capitalists will feel concerned about the
welfare of their Turkish wage-slave's
souls, and I fully expect that a mosque
will in good time be provided for them
here. Also a sky pilot of their own
stripe will be Imported by their masters, who wlll no doubt tell them what
a glorious privilege it is to work for
their noble masters. Also what a nice
time they will have when they are
dead.
What a beautiful heaven has been
prepared for the true believer—much
nicer than the one the Christians are
going to. Well, I should say! No
eating, no drinking, no marriage, no
giving in marriage, no flesh, no blood
—poor outlook says the Mohammedan
priest. Why, In the place of rest of
the true believer there will be all
these things to an unlimited extent.
HOW THEY COME
cently been hosed out.     On Monday, Lovely wines to drink—and no head-
Sept. 9, the case was tried. lache8 the day after—does not the Pro-
Police Magistrate: "You are charged| Pnet Promise this? Cool, shady banks,
with obstructing the street.   Guilty or riPP«ng   streams,   crystal   fountains,
not guilty?"
McCallum: "Not guilty, your honor.
The  policeman  then  proceeded  to
give evidence to the effect that both
the street and sidewalks were if passable, there being about 100 people present. A detective, upon giving his
view of the case, corroborated all that
was said by the policeman with the
exception of the crowd, which appeared to him about 200. This statement brought from the judge the remark, "That's something like evidence."
Magistrate: "Would you like to ask
a question?"
McCallum: "Yes, your Honor. I
would like to ask who was the other
policeman that was on the beat fifteen
minutes previous to my arrest?"
Policeman:  "I was."
McCallum: "What are your specific
orders re street speaking by the Salvation Army, trades unions, and other or
and as for the fair sex—well each man
shall have a whole bevy of them all to
himself!
Thus sayeth Islam.
Remember that the great British
Empire subsidizes the "Gordon Memorial College" at Khartoum, at which
the Mohammedan religion is taught.
Why?
Locally, however, this Turkish Invasion will complicate matters pretty
badly. Here are the Christian Socialists, who are trying to make Christians class-conscious. I wonder . if
they intend to first of all convert the
Turkish working man to Christianity,
and then to Socialism. I would like
this point explained. As their religion is really a new, revised and in
many, ways an improved edition of
Christianity (having driven the other
religion out of its very birthplace and
cradle—the Eastern world—this con
version will be a pretty stiff task to
ganization's, and who complained' accomplish. Would it not be better to
about the street and sidewalks being meet'the3e men on common ground,
obstructed?"
Magistrate to policeman: "You don't
have to answer that question."
|)     Magistrate to McCallum: "Have you
any evidence?"
McCallum: "None, your Honor, for
I thought the charge too trivial to take
up the attention of the court. The
fact is I was only exercising my right
of free speech the same as I have done
for the last two years. At all our
meetings we make it a point to get the
audience as close together as possible,
and when it gets on the large side we
move further away from the main
thoroughfare. On the night in question there was no obstruction on the
street, for the west side was open for
traffic, and, further, no vehicles passed
up or down the street from the time
my colleague opened the meeting till
I was arrested; and as for the sidewalks, there was ample room for anyone to pass. In short, the meeting, to
my mind, was one of the most orderly
ever held under the auspices of the
' Socialist Party of Canada."
Magistrate: "No matter how good
your ideals may be, you bave no more
rights  than another citizen, and ai-
and openly confess that all forms of
religion are but instruments of a ruling
class to keep a slave class in subjection?
Does not our everyday experience
tell us that the shams of post-mortem
felicity are being recognised more
than ever by the workers as being but
the bunch of carrots held out on a
stick over the poor work-donkey's
nose? W.D.
Brantford, Ont.
You expected to get the Western
Clarion this week, you wlll expect it
next week and every week till your sub.
expires, but one of these weeks you
will be disappointed—then there will
be one hell of a big kick. We have
not got a Rockefeller or a Carnegie
behind us to finance the paper should
we not get enough funds from the
proper source. We cannot borrow
three or four hundred dollars to tide
us over the slump, and we would not
If we could. We know Its no use
praying for help. The only source
from which we can get sufficient
revenue to pay the expense of getting
out a paper is from the working plug
in whose interest this paper ts
printed. Just take a glance down the
sub list and figure out how we are
going to pay one hundred dollars a
week out of fifty subs and a little advertising.
As we said before, you will be disappointed one of these time's by not
receiving your paper, and who will be
to blame? Not the printer nor the
Editor, not the postal department, not
the government. No, sir, none of
theBe. Nobody else but the wage-
slaves who would be free but do not
strike the blow. Surely you know of
a slave whom you could talk Into getting the paper. There are many ways
that can be adopted for the education
of the slave and the keeping alive of
the source of that education. Let us
suggest that you get a bundle of, say,
five Clarions a week for twenty
weeks, which will cost you one dollar.
This way is far cheaper to you than
digging down into your pocket for two
bits to pay for a sub to one person
every now and again. Now, then, let
us see a little energy expended in
hustling subs or distributing Clarions.
Wake up
J. D. Dower, Calgary, Alta  18
Walter Suley, Moose Jaw, Sask..    8
J. J. Zender, Edmonton, Alta     4
C. M. O'Brien, Organizer     3
H. J. B. Harper, Hardy Bay, B. C.   4
Geo. Earl, North Bay, Ont     2
Singles.
Local Toronto; S. K. Read, Calgary;
C. R. Dolmage, Wineland, Alta; G. F.
Arrison, Arrowwood, Alta; W. Hor-
warth, Edmonton; H. T. Bastabee,
Brandon, Man.; D. Thomson, St.
Catherines, Ont.; H. Martin, Berlin,
Ont.; M. Lightstone, Montreal; J. D.
Warren, Victoria; A. Nash, Glace
Bay.
Bundles.
Jas. Rintoul, Coqultlam, B.C., 5;
Local Bassano, 10; Local Nelson, 10;
H. Judd, Brackendale, B.C., 5.
Comrade O'Brien still tops the list
in the largest amount for subs, Comrade J. D. Dower, of Calgary, comes
second, and Comrade J. J. Zender, of
Edmonton, third. There is still
plenty of show for you to get the
prizes offered for the greatest amount
of subscriptions sent in by the end of
October.   Get in the game.
Say, Mr Reader, have you visited
the Local in your town? If there ls
one there, you are welcome at any
time. Get around and make yourself
at home.
cording to the evidence I flnd you
guilty of violating the city bylaw. I
will let you off with a warning not to
appear again, for a heavy fine will be
imposed."
A. G. McCALLUM, Organizer.
G. VICK.
R. BURNS.
S. HORWITH.
WM. J, McCALLUM
Ottawa, Ont.
Comrade Frank H. Fillmore, of Ked-
dlestone, Sask., sends in two dollars
for the Organizers' fund.
Comrade A. E. Faulkner, of Conjuring Creek, Alberta, drops a dollar into
the Clarion Maintenance fund.
Comrade R. McKay, of Merrltt, B.C.,
swells the organizing fund to the extent of one dollar. When are we
going to hear from you?
A "Friend," of Thoburn, Victoria,
sends in two fifty for the Clarion
Maintenance fund, and two fifty for
the Organizing fund. If we only had
about two hundred friends like him
we would get along fine.
PAMPHLETS FOR
THE MILLION
FIRST ISSUE OF 120,000 COPIES NOW READY
1. WHY I LEFT THE CHURCH.
By Joseph MoCabe. 48 pp. and colored cover, with portrait.
2. WHY AM I AN AGNOSTIC ?
By Col. R. G. Ingersoll. 24 pp. and colored cover, with portrait.
3. CHRISTIANITY'S DEBT TO EARLIER RE
LIGIONS.
By P. Vivian. 64 pp. and colored cover, with portrait.
4. HOW TO REFORM MANKIND.
By Col. B. G. Ingersoll. 24 pp. and colored cover, with portrait.
5. MYTH OR HISTORY IN THE OLD TESTA
MENT ?
By Samuel Laing. 48 pp. and colored cover, with portrait.
6. LIBERTY OF MAN, WOMAN AND CHILD.
By Col. R. G Ingersoll. 48 pp. and colored with portrait.
The Set of Six Pamphlets Post Free for 25 Cents
The People's Bookstore152 %tu^:toWeai
We sent you some dodgers for advertising your Local meeting last
week. Mr Secretary. We will send
you 1,000 assorted for one fifty. Get
this matter before the Local. If you
did not receive any, write us. Don't
forget the Quarterly report. Fill it in,
and send to us.
whose report would be accepted, and
how long would It be before that particular committee would be on the
hike, blacklisted? Then suppose that
this particular committee reported the
mine was clear of gas, and soon after
the inspection an explosion of gas occurs and a number of lives are lost.
Then there is nothing for this committee other than the penitentiary. So
Mr. Chairman, I object to being used
as a lapdog, by any mines Inspector."
So now for the cause that led up to
the present cessation of work. It appears that an Oscar Mottishaw, who
was employed' at Extension Mine,
Ladysmith, was appointed on a gas
committee. On making the inspection
gas was found in several places. Mottishaw reported the condition of the
mine as he found it. Some days passed by, and Mottishaw was requested
to go with the mines inspector and
the superintendent of the mine to examine the mine, and of course the
mine was clear of gas. But Mottishaw
pointed out to his two friends where
alterations had been made since the
mine was last examined. Mottishaw
has been given to understand, both by
authorities of the company and the
government, that he has put his foot
in it. His place In the mine finished,
he was told by the boss the/re were no
more places, and he would probably
have to lay off a number of men
shortly. So Mottishaw left Ladysmlth
and came to Cumberland. He was
hired by a contractor, who had been
accustomed to hiring and discharging
without consulting any of his superiors. Mottishaw had worked only
three days, when, as the contractor
has publicly admitted, he was given to
understand that Mottishaw could no
longer be employed by the company.
The case was reported at the local
union, discussed, and a committee appointed ' to see the manager of the
mine concerning the reason Mottishaw
was discharged. The committee was
ignored. At the next meeting of the
union, it was resolved that the miners
take a holiday until such time as the
company reinstated Oscar Mottishaw
and Jas. Smith, who has also been discriminated against. So the mines here
are completely tied up. At a mass
meeting a vote was taken as to whether the pump men should be called
out or not. The result proved that
the slaves of Cumberland have at
least some respect for the property of
their masters. The company have
-since proved that they, too, have respect for the little property, possessed
by a few individual miners, by issuing
notices to all their tenants tb vacate
their houses by Oct. 31. Also a few,
who by permission of the company,
have built houses for themselves, on
land for which they pay ground rent
to the company. They have also received notices to vacate the company's
premises. At No. 7 Mine, the strikers
took up subscriptions to have a dance,
and a barrel of beer to drown the monotony of camp life. The superintendent of the mine on hearing of this,
said to the strikers: "You can't drink
that beer on the company's ground."
But as might is right, and as the company has not yet imported any thugs,
or militia, I presume that this superintendent will not attempt to prevent
the beer being drunk on the company's
premises.
A futile attempt was made to bring
the employers and employees together
by the Board of Trade, which is composed of merchants, real estate agents,
saloon keepers, and political pimps.
But the miners turned them down
flat. The superintendent and other
tools of the company got the Chinese
together, and told them they would
have to get off the company's premises unless they signed a contract to
work under the old conditions for two
years. Many of them signed. But
when asked by other strikers if they
were going to work, they reply: "Me
go to work when white man go to
work. Me sign contract when boss
say to me, 'Why you no work?' me
say me sick." One of these Orientals,
on being questioned as to whether he
would strike or not, replied: "What's
CANADIAN  RAILWAY  FRAUD.
Last week I spent a good deal of
time in London. I took advantage of
the time to visit the Crystal Palace
and Earl's Court Exhibition, "Shake
spere's England." I unsuspectedly
came across two exhibits of great importance—they were of the C.P.R. and
G.T.R. Both companies have large
halls, wherein are shown the "beauties" of Canada. How beautiful the
fruit ls. how adventurous is the life,
In all how necessary it is for all to go
to Canada Immediately. The exhibits
completely blind a person who has no
knowledge of conditions ln Canada.
For THAT it Is Intended.
In the C.P.R. section I went, and a
notice was put up that a "Mr	
ALL   WEN   EQUAL,,ETC.
of Moose Jaw, will tell you all about
Canada." Here was an excellent opportunity of hearing something about
the town which your comrades hare
christened "Muzzle Jaw." I wanted to
know whether there was much liberty
In Moose Jaw. The reply was "Yes."
I asked point blank whether Free
Speech waB allowed on the streets.
The reply was ln the affirmative. I
then challenged him to deny the fact
that the S.P. of C. were not allowed
to hold open air meetings there except subject to idiosyncracy of the
Police Chief. The humbug actually
said the Socialist Party had at no time
been barred.
Will your readers note the downright lying on this matter. The hall
was full, and I soon had the
"authority" on Canada very anxious to
leave the place. But I did not budge
an inch. I kept him there, and the
people about made him answer, so to
speak. I obtained a nice amount of
literature, which is nothing but a deliberate misrepresentation of facts. In
one publication lt ls stated:
"People in England, before they
show each other hospitality And friendship, have to be Introduced. Strangers
are felt to be rather suspicious characters, who render house-dogs necessary.
Out in Canada the idea seems to be
that all men are brothers. The population of that country Is like a gigantic
family of 8,000,000 friends. Every
body goes about with an isn't-lt-nice-to-
be-alive and a you-really-must-stop-to-
dinner sort of air."
It's great! Just fancy the strikers
and "strike breakers." Fancy the
judges and police! The unemployed
and those who desire them as such
being "brothers." Just fancy that!
Ask the unemployed in winter how
nice lt is to be alive.
Why do so many people commit
suicide if It Is so nice to be alive? How
Is it that so many people are starving
during the winter if the above is true?
The fact is that it is a damned lie
from beginning to end. The writer
knows it, and the C.P.R. knows it; but
the company lives and thrives by persisting in the circulation of such outrageous lies.
One of the reasons why people are
wanted in Alberta Is:
"Because—Alberta produces the finest
wheat in the world.
"Because—'Alberta's     climate    is
healthy
her
DEMOCRATIC."
No wonder people are fools enough
to go there. They think they are
going to a FREE country, but they
soon get a sickener. In fact, so terrible
is the condition ln Canada In the winter that the Canadian Government Informs Intending immigrants that the
proper time to reach Canada is between April and September, clearly
showing how rotten things are from
September to April.
I went 'throuugh the Canadian
Government exhibit, and there one Is
made to understand that you can
easily become owners of gold and sliver mines, besides proprietors of timber lands, etc., for a mere song.
I asked for literature at the counter,
ami was given—what? Tobacco Culture in Canada!!   What do you know
her school system excellent;
GOVERNMENT    "FREE     and
about that?   Just Imagine n navvy or
a matter white man?   He stllke, then I your humble going to Canada to start
THE   CUMBERLAND   STRIKE.
The miners here are once more confronted with one of those blessings
which capitalism frequently imposes
on them, viz., a strike. The issue at
stake between the miners and their
employers Is one of the most vital importance to miners generally. It appears that according to law, the miners have to appoint gas committees to
Inspect the mines, that they may be
kept clear of gas, and the life and
limb of the miner protected thereby.
In case the miners refuse to appoint
gas committees, the mines inspector
has the power to appoint men himself. I remember at one of our local
meetings, a gas committee was being
appointed. One man, upon being nominated, immediately jumped to his feet
and said; "Mr. Chairman, I object."
Another man was nominated who also
sprang to his feet and addressed the
chair something after this manner:
'Mr. Chairman, I object, and I'm
going to tell you the reason why. Suppose the mines inspector inspects the
mine, and he reports the mine clear
of gas, then the gas committee inspects tho mine and discovers gas In
various parts of the mine, and this
gas committee gives a correct report,
he cly on a time, he wan get back to
work. He no get work, ho pack trunk,
go way some other place for job.
What's a matter you? You want no
thing at all; all you want work, work,
work all a time. Chinaman stllke, he
stllke all a time. Boss chuck him out
his house, he go live in bush."
A similar move to that tried on the
Chinks was tried on the Italians, but
it also failed. The engineers, pump
men, and all the workers still employed preserving the company's plant
have declared that the moment the
company attempt to raise coal for the
market they will all drop their tools
immediately.
Yours in the scrap,
BOB WALKER.
Cumberland, B. C, Sept. 28, 1912.
On every Monday morning the question is "Can the Clarion be published
this week?" The answer depends on
the number of subs coming In. If
you should miss your paper some
week, remember it will be because
you did not send In a sub to help pay
the piper.
Twenty men were arrested for refusing to work In Pltsburg. Tho
wages offered aro so low and the
hours so long that the men refuse to
work, so they arc being jailed.
Tobacco Cultivation.   Oh ye gods!
Yet there are the suckers who think
that they can do It. At the Earl's
Court there is an additional attraction. It Is the C.P.R. picture show,
where free performances are given
showing how things and the wage
plugs are done.   Not bad, eh?
Both the G.T.R. and C.P.R. have
their place here, and it ls a constant
repetition of lies that are dealt out to
the poor, dejected workers who are so
anxious to avoid the turmoil and
trouble of their condition here. Let
them go, they may sooner realise the
hideous system and condition of capitalism. They will flnd that in Canada
they have to toll harder. They will
discover that conditions are worse
than they had anticipated. They will
soon realise that Canada is as much a
hell as England. Perhaps after that
they will assist towards the polltlical
breakup necessary. At least it tb to
be hoped so.
The tendency to emigrate Increases
daily, and it Is only the natural thing.
Capada ought to show the way.
If some of the "boys" who come to
England on holiday would just take
the stump to do a bit to show up this
phase of capitalist expansion the increase of Intelligence would soon be
noticeable. Any way, whenever possible I do my share, though opportuni-
Socialists are often amused at the-
puny efforts of. "wise ones'" who, being;
unable to successfully refute the facts*,
brought forward by those who nana
made a study of capitalism, build* nn>
a man of straw, label It Socialism^
and then proceed to knock it down.
A preacher recently made himseir
ridiculous by asserting solemnly and!
with all due reverence that air mens
are not the same height, weight, ot
endowed with the same amount of m>-
tellect. No one, of course, ever said*,
that they were equal or would ever 6w
equal in the way the parson said, amE
his congregation must have gone awarcy
with the idea that their spiritual adviser had gone "nutty."
There are ways, however, in which i
mankind can stand on an equality.
We are supposed to be, for instance,
"equal before the law." We really
have, in a certain sense, "political
equality," inasmuch as all duly qualified persons have an equal right on
election day to vote in whatever manner they believe may best conserve -■
their interests.
But political equality, like thet-
elght hour day, is not of much consequence to a man who does not know-
where his next meal is coming front
and who has no control over his means*,
of getting a livelihood.
The working class needs what maybe    called   "economic    equality,"  or
equal access to those things by the
use of which they produce the necessaries and  luxuries of life.    To get
this access it is imperative that the*:
workers use their political power for-
the purpose of transferring capitalist.
property (that is to say, the factories,,
mills,   mines,    railroads,    etc.)    into-
working class property, then the individual worker having an ownership)"
in those things, no one will be able to i
deny him the use of them.   He would I
then have equal access, as the result,
of his labor, to the good things of life
as well as his fellows.   Another individual who evidently believes he is a.
Socialist, writing in'an evening papen.
says that he does ''not expect Socialism to grow up over nighty or words
to that effect.    In making this statement our friend is on a par with the
preacher and his "equal" idea, for no •
one expects Socialism to come  suddenly, however desirous such a coming may be.
" It can be easily reasoned out that"
the workers, growing ever more and
more    conscious    of   their    political
power and the proper use of it, wilt
encroach gradually upon the Capitalist State, and as tbelr power in this.
respect increases that of the capitalist class will  diminish.    This  result
would mean that through correct education along class lines the mind of
the worker would have become revolutionized and the more revolutionary
his actions (in a political sense) become the more "reforms" the master
class would let fall, without, however,
increasing an  lota  the material welfare of the    working   class, for that
could only be possible if the workers
could get more, by these reforms, of '
what they produce (more food, cft-thr.--
ing, shelter, etc.), and that ls impossible under capitalism.
When, however, the government ot
a country is once captured    by    the
working class, the revolution in relation  to the means of production at
once commences.    Industry after iff--
dustry wlll then be brought under the-
ownership and  control of the whole •
people.    The products    of labor will
then belong to labor, and Mr. Capital--
1st will have the same right as th'e-
rest of us—the right to earn his bread
"by thc Bweat of his own brow."
Much amusement is afforded by so-
called Socialists as well as preachers
who, being too mentally lazy, or maybe suffering from dyspepsia of the
brain, make such huge jokes of themselves by advertising their Ignorance.
LEEDS.
Thc ''Chicago Socialist'' has
changed Its name to the "Chicago
Evening World." It has also changed,
its politics, or rather Its politics Is.
now an unknown quantity.
Its circulation, however, lias gone
up to 800,000, but Its use as a working
class paper has fallen to about 100
below zero.
It is time to start the Economic
Class In your .Ix-caliVy. Get It started
at once, and we will advertise It in
the Clarion. If you do start one, try
and learn something other than rage
chewing.
tics arc so rare, and are getting less
for me. The Emigration fake is good
for the C.P.R. just now, but- soon It
will be the worker's turn. Let your
friends know in England how hellish
things arc. Let them understand that
to go to Canada to be condemned to
a sentence of wage slavery in another
way. It simply means that In Canada
the workers will keep on producing
and the capitalist continue retaining
tho products. It means that the capitalist will live ln luxury, whilst the
worker will starve. Of course, until—
and only until—thc worker gets wise
and has power to own his product.
And the time Is coming.
MOSES BARITZ. PAGE FOUR
THE WESTERN CLARION, VANCOUVER. BRITISH COLUMBIA.
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1912.
FUTURE GENERATIONS.
APHORISMS OF SOCIALISM.
A few years ago J. Pierpont Morgan
stopped in his mad and merry career
of acquiring old masters, new issues
•of desirable bonds, rare books, paying
.■business propositions, yachts, money
and other triflas, to give a very large
sum of money to a maternity hospital
In this city. Other very rich men
have given much money to many institutions, but Morgan's gift to such
an institution recleved an unuausl degree of praise. Other men had founded technical schools, endowed colleges
and contributed to ordinary hospitals.
Iltit here was a case of an institution
so furnished with money that future
.generations, as their members -came
Into the world, could receive a few
-weeks of expert attention at the start,
and those who bore those members of
"future generations could receive some
comfort and attention.
When we think of Morgan we do not
dividual he is. He may be rough to
realize what a good, tender-hearted in-
us, and sometimes coarse and insulting. He may take away from us many
things we need. He may have the
most utter contempt for the working
class. But what of that? His heart
does beat in warm sympathy with the
coming generation.
Morgan, or perhaps we should say
"Mr. Morgan, has been an investor in
•certain mineral lands in Virginia and
West Virginia. With his associates
who are able to allow certain invested
sums to He dormant until they can
"bring back enormous returns, he is
credited with haying bought all the
-workable tin mines of this district,
and tin is a restricted mineral ih this
country. The deposits are Infrequent
and the yield is scanty. But what
there is he and his associates have
i bought. While*he was doing that, he—
and his associates—invested In West
Virginia coal. There are good, quick
profits there, and Morgan, and his associates, have pocketed many thousands of dollars from them.
But the workers of West Virginia
are an ungrateful lot. They have wanted money from Morgan, and associates,
from the Elkins estate and Uncle Gas-
saway Davis, and from the widows
and orphans who have put .their money
into West Virginia coal. Throdgh the
efficiency of the police and the private
detctive spy agents, these nefarious designs were for a long time frustrated.
But at last there broke out a strike
in the Cabin Creek and the Paint
Creek districts. The Call has recounted the utterly astonishing actions qf
-the miners. They did not want to be
shot down by private detectives and
by labor spies. They did not want to
starve. They did not want to be slaves
-working for nothing even If it was for
' the Bake of Morgan, and associates.
They did not want to be driven from
the shacks they called their homes.
They did not want, in a word, to go
obsystems eolcxicstgumatheflaopage.x
without food so that Morgan, and associates, could buy more old masters
and possibly contribute something
further to a modern maternity hospital.
While this was going on, there were
Tjmany children born in the district.
•One of the babies that had so little
forethought as to be born in such circumstances was the child of the wife
■ of Frank "Rush, one of the strikers.
Mrs. Waters, wife of a Paint Creek
mine foreman, swears: "There came to
my home Frank Rush's wife. She had
her baby on her arm and she was
about to become a mother again. 1
took the wife iu. I knew I took a
chance, there was so little love and
charity In the mining district. I felt, as
the wife of the foreman, I was under
obligation to these people. A few days
later my husband was discharged as
foreman, and the superintendent told
him It was because we had given
Frank Rush's wife a home with us."
That is, because Mrs. Waters, seeing a poor creature crawling through
the hills, had taken her into her home
and permitted her to give birth there
to a.child, Waters became a marked
man, and lost his job.
Frank Rush had already lost his job.
Mrs. Rush had already lost her home.
Baby Rush, for being born during the
course of u bitter strike, is the cause
of the victimization of a working claas
family.
There was no Morgan maternity hospital to which Mrs. Rush could go.
There was nothing In the may of
"modern surgical appliances and scientific care" for either of them.
"But there is the picture of charity.
Baby, although unborn, mother and
•striking miner father were outcasts
and outlaws, and anybody who dared
give any one of them aid and comfort,
even ln the agony of bringing a new
human being into the world, became
outlawed and outcast also. It is the will
of capitalism, of which Morgan is such
i a perfect exponent. If he had been
on the scene be might have told the
woman that she could go to the mater-
jnity hospital he endowed.
But the woman In her heart would
"have known, as we all know, that that
hospital was endowed from the dollars
stolen from the poor, that its bricks
and stones are cemented by tears ot
misery, and that It Is a monument ot
shame to a leading robber ot a robber
•class—The Call, New York.
BEING AN EXPLANATION OF THE
DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES
OF THE S.P.G.B.
As in the order of social evolution
the working class is the last class to
achieve Its freedom, the emancipation
of the working class will involve the I°°k'-*<1  l° recrult that abundance of
ceased to exist in this country. The
serfs had shaken themselves free of
most of their feudal shackles and
stood now . as independent peasant-
proprietors.
But the rising capitalist class could
only elevate themselves on the backs
of this class of free peasants. It was
from their  ranks, chiefly, that    they
emancipation of all mankind, without
distinction of race or sex.
The Aphorism speaks of "the order
of social evolution." The phrase shall
be the starting point of this explanation.
Society has not always been divided
Into the same classes that it comprises
today. The present class division, as
was shown in dealing with our first
aphorism, is based entirely on the private ownership of the means of IKe.
On this is erected the class distinction,
and from it flow the class chracteris-
tlcs. Only this private ownership by
a section could, for instance, have developed a wage slave class (not a class \
who occasionally work for wages, but
a class who have no other means of
li-ving than by working for wages).
But previous to the present social
system other social systems have existed, upon other bases, and with other
classes ruling and ruled under them.
Under the feudal system, for instance, the feudal nobility ruled, basing their power upon a certain qualified control of the land. Under the
classic States based upon chattel
slavery, a class of slave-owners ruled.
But the constant feature of society
ever since it has had the class formation—that is ever since classes have
existed—lias been that the ruling
classes have controlled the dominating
factor in production.
Under chattel slavery lt was slaves,
against .whose labour the free men
could not, partly from pride and partly
from their liability to military service,
compete. The feudal nobility of the
middle ages had but partial control of
the land, hence their dominance was
never very complete. Indeed, in England the serfs managed to throw off
the shackles of serfdom and gain a
position which, though still subservient, was similar to that of the
free Roman citizen of the poorer class,
but without the Incubus of slave-
labour to drag them down to ruin.
But against this persistent feature
of class society is the constant characteristic of the democratic societies
which preceded them—the means of
living belonged to no one: they were
open to all.
This gives us the key to the aphor-
iBm. Without private property, without privileges in the means of living,
there can be no class distinction or
class domination.
Tho emancipation of the working
class, therefore, since it can only be
accomplished by the conversion into
the common property of society of the
means of production and distribution,
leaves nothing to form the basis of
domination. Thus it follows that the
emancipation of the working class
must end class domination, and must
involve the emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or
sex.
Don't Worry.
'Clarion.
Read the Western
APHORISM V.
This emancipation must be the work
of the working class itself.
Before the present social system
came into existence the feudal nobility
were the ruling class. But lt was
characteristic of the feudal system (as
of any system that was Incapable of any
other ending than ruin and chaos),
that the dominant class under it could
not prevent the rise to power of a new
class. The source of this was largely
In the towns, where surplus products
of a "non-perishable" nature were produced, which fell into the hands of a
class who made commerce their business.
The source of the merchants'
wealth were capable of much greater
extension than those of the nobles,
partly because the products of the
country districts, being more perishable than those of the lowns, did not
lend themselves so readily to international commerce, and partly because
the serf, having rights in the land, was
chiefly producing goods for his own
consumption, and only working for a
strictly limited' time for his feudal superior, while the handi-craftsman of
the town was already producing commodities—goods produced for sale.
It was quite in the nature of things
that with the increasing productivity
of labour the capitalist side of production—the production of commodities
by wage-labor—should tend to increase rapidly, and certain geographical discoveries (the way to the East
round the Cape of Good Hope and the
discovery of America) gave tremendous Impetus to this side of Industrial
development. The laws and restrictions placed upon commerce and pre
ductlon—partly feudal, partly customary to the different trades—pressed
heavily upon the rising class, and so it
was natural that as their wealth and
power increased they should direct
their attention toward gaining social
supremacy.
As the new class rose the serfs
gradually rose from servitude also, and
long before the merchant forerunners
of the modern capitalist class bad
achieved ruling power, serfdom   had
cheap laborers they desired for their
factories. Already the break-up of the
bands of retainers of the feudal nobility bad supplied great numbers, and
the dissolution of the monasteries had
set free a great many more, but still
the factories cried for other workers,
and only the class of peasant-proprietors could supply the needed Increase.
Events, however, proved favorable
to the needs of the capitalists. An
enormous demand for wool had sprung
up, and in consequence the land be
gan to wear a different aspect in the
eyes of the aristocracy. It presented
a means of keeping sheep, and hence
of acquiring great wealth. Unfortunately, the peasant proprietors were in
the way. The small agriculturists,
whom the capitalists so badly wanted
In the factories, and whose fields the
aristocrats coveted, were clearly altogether out of place upon the land.
That was a matter that the capitalist
class and their feudal opponents could
agree upon, for all their class antagonism.
So the two combined to drive the
peasants from the soil. At first they
were dispossessed of their fields without troubling about any legal form,
but later the classes interested passed, under various pretexts, legislation
which made the expropriation of the
peasants more swift. They were hunted out by troops, their dwellings were
burnt to the ground, and their lands
were appropriated by the great landlords and laid down ln pasture for
sheep.
The legislation passed against the
dispossessed peasants makes terrible
reading. They were expropriated at a
rate far too rapid even for the rapidly
growing capitalist industry to absorb
them, hence their presence on the
earth was inconvenient and unwelcome. Laws were passed, therefore,
aiming at the wiping out of the surplus. Under Henry VIII. (see Karl
Marx's "Capital," Chap. XXVIII.)
sturdy vagabonds were to be tied to
the cart tail and whipped until the
blood ran ln streams from their
bodies. For the second offence of
vagabondage the whipping was to be
repeated and half the ear sliced off.
For the third relapse the offender was
to be executed as a hardened criminal.
Under Edward VI. it was ordained
that if anyone refused to work he was
to be condemned in slavery to the person who denounced him as an idler.
If he was absent for a fortnight he
was to be branded on the forehead or
back with a letter S and became
slave for life. If he ran away three
times he was to be executed as a
felon. Under Elizabeth similar laws
were made. For the flrst offence a
whipping and branding, unless someone would take them into service for
two years; for the second offence
execution unless someone would take
them into service for two years; for
the third offence execution without
mercy. In the reign of James I, the
expropriated peasantry were subjected to like enactments.
Holllngshed says that 7,200 were
executed In the reign of Henry VIII.,
while Strype records that in Elizabeth's time "rogues (those, for the
most part, who had been robbed of
their land) were trussed up apace,
and that there was not one year commonly wherein three or four hundred
were not devoured and eaten up by
the gallowes." The same individual
states that In Somersetshire alone In
one year 40 persons were executed.
These laws, and many other which
cannot be mentioned here, remained
in force even ns late as the beginning
of the 18th century, while ln France
for three-quarters of a century later
laws as severe were active against the
workers
Other periods of history show the
same bloody repression of subject
classes by ruling classes, even from
tho dawn of written history. And the
savage suppression and avenging of
the Paris Commune of 1871, together
with numerous examples at Barcelona,
Moscow, and elsewhere on the Continent, at Pittsburg and Lawrence in
America, and at Featherstone and
Tonypandy in England, of recent
years, show that the same factor
which we see running through all
written history still persists. That
factor is the life and death struggle
between the classes.
This teaches ub that with classes,
however lt may be In exceptional, Individual cases, economic interests
govern actions. Convinced of this,
and holding to It as a guiding principle, and knowing, moreover, that the
interests of the master class are diametrically opposed to those of the
working class, we assert that the
emancipation of the working class
must be the work of the working
clasB Itself.
This, of course, does not preclude
the possibility of some few members
of the master class rising superior to
their environment and their class Interests, and rendering good service to
the workers' cause. Capitalists, like
workers, are human, which is why, as
a class, they are actuated by their
class interests. But for the same reason individual capitalists may be
moved by any other human emotion,
even to the extent of taking up the
battle of the oppressed class.
The difficulties in the way of their
doing so, however, are stupendous.
Their outlook upon life is entirely
different to that of the workers. No'
other system of society ever lent Itself more to illusion than the present
one. No other system ever so effectually concealed the chains of bondsmen and so artfully surrounded slaves
with the atmosphere of freedom. The
position of the chattel-slave was always very clear, indeed it appeared
that he got nothing for his labor.
Yet he, at all events, never starved,
and was robbed of a comparatively
small proportion of his product. The
modern wage slave, on the other hand,
appears to be free; nobody owns him
and he even has his foot on the social
ladder—he may own property; perhaps he does own a bit, or has some
money in the teapot. He actually has
a vote. It seems that he is robbed of
nothing, that he is paid for all he
produces. Even the forces of the
State seem to be necessary to hold
markets abroad for the disposal of his
products and to protect the rich cargo
of his teapot at home.
All this presents difficulty enough
even in the case of the worker, assisted as he is by his class interest in
seeing through the sham. But it is an
almost unsurmountable barrier to
those born and bred in the atmosphere of capitalist circles, so much so
that the few who DO get some glimmering of the position are shut oft
from true democracy by class arrogance and class prejudice. They are
the superior ones, and MUST lead.
It is just here that our aphorism applies with greatest force. , Without
shutting the door against any who
subscribe to our principles and act In
accord with them, it is upon the working class that the working class must
rely for their emancipation. Valuable
work may be done by Individuals, and
this work may necessarily raise them
to prominence, but it is not to individuals, either of the working class or
of the capitalist class, that the tollers
must look. The movement for freedom must be a working CLASS move
ment. It must be founded upon the
understanding of their class position
by the working CLASS. It must depend upon the working CLASS vitality and intelligence and strength.
Until the intelligence and knowledge
of the working class are equal to the
task of revolution there can be no
emancipation for them. Hence they
must control all Individuals ln their
camp, no matter which class they may
belong to, and they must be guided ln
the conflict by the principle of the
class struggle, which is based on the
irrefutable fact that all written history is a history of class struggles,
and the knowledge that the emancipation of the working class can only
be the fruits of a class struggle, and
therefore must be the work of the
working class itself.—A. E. Jacomb,
in Socialist Standard.
SLAVERY.
Slavery Includes all other crimes.
It is the joint product of the kidnapper, the pirate, thief, murderer and
hypocrite. It degrades labor and corrupts leisure, says "The Voice of Labor."
With the idea that labor is the basis
of progress goes the truth that labor
must be free. The laborer must be a
free man.
We would like to see this world, at
least, so that a man could die, and
not fret that he had left his wife and
children a prey to the greed, the aver-
lce, or the cruelties of mankind.
There Is something wrong In a government where they who do the most
have the least. There ls something
wrong when honesty wears a rag and
rascality a robe; when the loving, the
tender, eat a crust, while tho Infamous sit at banquets.
The laboring people should unite
and should protect themselves against
all idlers. Mankind is divided into
classes: The laborers and the idlers,
the supporters and the supported.
Every man is dishonest who lives upon the unpaid labor of others, no matter if he occupies a throne.
We need free bodies and free minds
—free labor and free thought, chain-
less hands and fetterless brains. Free
labor will give us wealth. Free thought
will give us truth.
There will never be a generation of
great men until there has been a
generation of free women—ot free
mothers.
When women reason, and babies sit
In the laps of philosophy, the victory
of reason over the shadowy host of
darkness wlll be complete.
The rights of men and women
should be equal and sacred—marriage
should be a perfect partnership—
children should be governed by kindness—every family should be a republic—every fireside a democracy.
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B. C. Federationist:—
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