'WESTERN u 5* I OWNED AND CONTROLLED BY THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA er s CLARI PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING CLASS ALONE BER 688 VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1912 Subscription Price all *H| ii'K nii» 91-f U MOTIVE BEHIND THE CHINESE REVOLUTION Dr. Sun Yat Sen, Provisional President of Chinese Republic, Gives Utterance to Facts of World-Wide Interest. (Only confused rumors ot the speech have been printed in the capitalist press of the world. The matter printed below is a translation by The Coming Nation from Berlin Vor- waerts). The republic of China is now established. In resigning my position as provisional president of the republic it does not mean that I have ceased to fight for our cause. On the contrary. In laying down the duties of this offlce I have gained the liberty and the leisure to apply my strength to far greater tasks. For 270 years China has been neath the rule of the Manchus. During this time repeated efforts have been made to obtain independence. The Taiping -rebellion, a half century ago, was one such an attempt. But that was only a race war. Even if that uprising has been successful the country would still have been suffering under an autocratic government. Not many years ago a few of us came together in Japan and founded a revolutionary party. This was based upon three great principles: (1) The freedom of the Chinese race. (2) The government of the people by the people. (3) Absolute control by the people over the product of the land and their labor. The first two principles have been realized by the overthrow of the Man- chu dynasty. The economic transformation remains for us yet to accomplish. It is today a subject of universal discussion, but the majority ot the Chinese people do not, as yet, understand its full significance. They take It for granted that the object of the political regeneration could take its place on an equality.with the military states of the west. But that was not the goal of our efforts. There are today no nations that are richer than England and America, and none more highly cultured than France. England is a constitutional monarchy, and America and France are republic. Nevertheless, in all these countries the chasm between the poor aud the rich is great, and the idea of revolution flows tn the views of its citizens. If a social revolution is not brought about in these countries, then the majority of the people muBt remain excluded from the well being and joy of life. Today happiness is confined to a few capitalists. The mass of the workers suffer bitterly, and can look forward to no peace. The revolution of a race, or a political transformation, is easy to accomplish, but the transformation of a society is more difficult. Only a people of great ability Is capable of carrying out a social revolution. Some say to us, "Up to the present your revolution has been a success, why are you not satisfied now and willing to wait? Why do you seek to accomplish what England and America with all their wealth and their knowledge have not attempted to undertake?" To follow the advice that these questions Imply would be poor policy, for in England and America civilization and industry have developed Intertwined, and a social transformation would therefore be difficult. "We in China have not yet progressed so far. A social revolution is for us comparatively easy: it is possible for us to forestall the capitalist stage. In capitalistic countries the existing interests are powerfully defended, and it ls difficult to attain to any other foundation. In China there is not up to the present either vested interests or capitalists, and for these reasons a social revolution is comparatively 'easy. I am often asked if such a transformation must necessarily be accompanied with violence. For America and England I answer yes; but not ln China. The strike of the British coal miners proves my statement. Yet this was no revolution, but simply a desire expressed by an oppressed people, ln the direction of the possession of tbe natural sources of wealth, and it appears as if this desire can be gratified only through force. It may easily be possible that for us also the attain ment of a social revolution will be difficult, but we are at least in a position to see toward what the complete process is tending, and it is not necessary for us to speak of those methods of despair or of the danger to the state which their realization might bring. If at the beginning of the existence of the Chinese republic we neglect to place ourselves on guard aglnst the capitalism that is already at hand, we may expect a new despotism ten times mor horrible than that of the Manchus and streams of blood will be necessary to free us from it. Certainly a mournful outlook! One question especially presses itself on our attention. As soon as our new government is firmly established It will become necessary to deal with the question of real estate. That is a necessary consequence of the revolution. The interests of progress will compel this. Up to the present the land owners have paid a tax on their acerage according as these were divided into one of three classes; best, medium and common land. In the future the basis of taxation will have to be the value of a man's property, for the quality of the soil varies much more than can be described in three classes. It is very hard to say in what degree the value of the real estate in Nanking varies ln relation to that within the Bund (the principal European business street) at Shanghai, and with the application of the previous methods it would be impossible to secure justice in taxation. The land with high value belongs to the wealthy. To place a heavier tax on this would not be oppressive. The less valuable land belongs to the poor people living in thinly settled districts. These should be taxed as little as possible. An equal tax is laid on the land owned by farmers. But the value of building sites in Shanghai has increased 10,000 fold in the last century. China is on the verge of a tremendous Industrial revolution. Commerce will extend in a gigantic manner, and in 50 years we will have many cities like Shanghai. We need only to make certain that the increasing value of the real estate goes to the profit of the whole people who already have created it, instead of to the private capitalists who through accident have become the possessor of the land." HOW WOULD YOU LIKE TO BE AN OX. Tokyo, Sept. 25.—Pensions have been provided from the Mikado's purse for the oxen which drew the burial car at the late Mikado's funeral With a special attendant each, the oxen will spend the remainder of their lives In luxury in the Imperial pastures. The old custom of giving them the junior fifth grade of court rank was disregarded. Socialism won't work, Is the cry ot the ignorant. If they would only stop to consider that the object of the Socialist is to get enough of the workers to change the ownership of the means by which the working class gets its living into the collective property of the working class, they would immediately see that it Is the ignorance of that elaBS that prevents the working out of socialism. The working class is getting wise, so naturally Socialism will eventually work. We don't need to have a plan of a Co-operative Commonwealth. All we need ls the power to change the ownership of the machinery of wealth production. Production and transportation will be carried on the same aB tt is now, probably a little more sclen tlflcally. The clerks will fix up the books ln almost the same manner that they do now. The only difference will be that there won't be any surplus left over to be divided amongst a useless class. Of course, it may be strange for the worker to be able to go home with enough money to buy the best of everything after only a few hours' labor. He will get used to that, tbe same as he will get used to living in a real home and living on the best that labor can produce. MINERS IN P08SES8ION MINES. OF Salt Lake, Utah.—Though the 4,000 striking miners employed in the copper, lead and silver mines ln the region of Bingham have thrown up fortifications and are in full possession of the properties, Governor Spry Will not call out the State militia until the civil authorities have exhausted all efforts to settle the trouble. The Executive hurried here today on a special train from the southern part of the State, and at once set the machinery in motion for peace. If these efforts fail the State'militia probably will be called out. "The strike is a matter for the civil authorities to handle first of all," the Governor announced on going into a conference with the various interests. "There is a State Board of Labor, conciliation and arbitration, organized by law, and it is up to that board to take the first steps," the Governor said. George W. Dwyer, superintendent of the Utah Copper mine, and some of the bookkeepers went to the mine and hajre not been molested. None of the property of the mining company Is damaged, and the Utah-Apex Company is working as usual under an agreement with the union. , The miners are on strike against the Utah Copper Company for higher wages and recognition of the union. Before deciding whether State troops shall be called out, the Govenor will go over the whole situation, conferring with representatives of both sides. Bingham today presented the appearance of an armed camp. Nearly all night the strikers, mostly foreigners, had woiked digging trenches and throwing up breastworks about the mines. A semi-military organization seems to have been formed, and picket lines are being maintained at all points of vantage. The chief strength of the strikers was concentrated in trenches opposite the entrance to the Utah company's mine. Here a thousand men are located. Although there was some desultory MINER8 IN NOVA SCOTIA. Moncton, N. B., Sept. 14.—The current Issue of the Eastern Labor News, published in this city, carries an article in a recent issue relative to the miners ln Nova Scotia, in which the following appears: "It is not generally known, but lt is a fact capable of proof, that the average amount received by those dependent on the coal industry of Nova Scotia for a livelihood, is less than lt takes to keep, paupers in the poorhouse of this country, even less than living expenses of the inmates of semi-penal institutions, and not more than inmates of the forty-six jails in Ontario eke out their miserable existence while explaining the crimes of murder, arson, rape, seduction, burglary," etc. It is figured out that each dependent receives $85 per year to live on, or something like .23 cents per day. In the government institutions, aside from penal and corrective Institutions, the average cost per Inmate per day ranges between 23 and 27 cents. NEW WESTMINSTER PROPAGANDA MEETING Comrade E. T. Kingsley will speak ln the City Theatre, New Westminster,, on Sunday, October 6th. Doors open at 7:30. Keep on Smiling. The Socialist is the only person that looks on the present Bystem as a huge joke. It surely is, and a cruel ohe at that. firing during the morning, nobody was hit Sheriff Sharp ls increasing his force of deputies, and at noon it was estimated that fully 250 were in Bingham. Sharp expresses a desire to attack the strikers' position, but It is believed that this will be 'forbidden by the Governor, who thinks it would merely provoke bloodshed. L There is a strong feeling here that Governor Spry wlll decide to call out troops. Militiamen have been advised unofficially to hold themselves in readiness for an order to move.— New York Call. "$20,000 TO SEE HIM HANG" " I 'd give $20,000 to see A. L. Emerson hang.'' General Manager Sheffield Bridgewater of the Industrial- Lumber Company is reported to have made the foregoing remark. The Association has deposited more than $100,- 000 to finance the conviction of Emerson and his imprisoned fellow-workers and has Burns and an able staff of lawyers directing the man-hunt. Three of our fellow-workers are already dead as a result of the Massacre of G-rabow, and Emerson and Sixty-three others have been arrested, charged with killing their own brothers, indicted for murder in the first degree, refused bail and are now in prison at Lake Charles, La., awaiting trial for their lives and liberties, facing death on the gallows or, worse, servitude on the frightful penal farms and levees of Louisiana, than which, except it be the hideous convict mines of Alabama, there is no more horrible fate imaginable. But "blood, blood, blood, and more blood!" this is ever the cry of the Southern Lumber Operators' Association, and the braver the working man, the more incorruptible lie lie, the more fearlessly he champions the interests of his class, the sweeter his blood tastes to this Black Hand Society and the hungrier they are to drink it. For this reason, that they could neither be bought nor intimidated, Emerson, Lehman and their fellow prisoners are in jail today and the stage is being set to send them to the gallows of the levees. To one fate or the other they will yo unless the Work- ing elass comes as one. to the rescue. Too long already the Lumber Kings of the South and their gunmen have been allowed to outrage the working class with impunity; too long already the reign that rules by divine right of pump guns, rifles aud black-snake whips has lasted. Emerson's only crime is that he led the revolt of the Southern Forest and Lumber Workers against this inhuman system of peonage; for this reason the Association is working day and night to send him to the gallows. What will You give to see that he does not hang ? Stand by Arthur L. Emerson and these imprisoned and endangered boys now as they have always stood by their class. Act! Act! Act At ONCE! Send all funds for the defense to Jay Smith, Box 78, Alexandria, La. Toilers of the World, we appeal to you to help us save the lives and liberties of our boys and turn Sheffield Bridgewater's heartless boast into a peon of victory for the men who are blazing freedom's pathway thru the swamps of the South, the fighting Lumberjacks of Dixie! We appeal to you! COMMITTEE OP DEFENSE, BROTHERHOOD OF TIMBER WORKERS. N.B.—Please bring before your meetings and have published in your papers. IMPENDING FATE OF SMALL FARMER The Rapid Development of Capitalist Farming Is Compelling the Farmer to Accept the Truths of Socialism. One of the characteristics of the capitalist mode of production is that it centralizes industry. It does away with the craftsman, the shopman, the petty little business man and even with the "independent" farmer. All the efforts that they make to remain and hold their position as owners, are useless. They must obey the laws of capitalist society and after a hard and desperate struggle they are forced to go out and peddle their labor power. The laws that govern society are stronger than the WILL of individuals. CompetiUon on the one hand and the developfent of the craft tools Into the gigantic machines on the other are effecting this change. The Btruggle between the capitalist class and the small bourgeoisie takes different forms in different places and depends upon the stage of industrial development of the particular country. In Europe, therefore, and partly in the United States and Eastern Canada, where capitalism found a highly developed craft production, the struggle was more acute, but ln new coun- Bassano for agricultural purposes, and this spring put in a crop of flax on 1,700 acres. The work was done by wage labor under the management of Mr. Daniels on a scientific basis, using the latest methods and machinery. The cost was $1.27 per acre, which Included plowing, double discing, drilling, harrowing and seeding. More examples of the same kind could be brought forward, but space ln the Western Clarion is too valuable. However, it would be interesting to have tbe farmer who does not employ the latest methods and machinery state if he can do the same amount of work at the same cost. His assertion would no doubt be emphatic and negative. He cannot compete with the big farmer capitalist because he cannot introduce the new machinery and must therefore go under. Add to the above such natural disasters as an early frost, hall, too much moisture or a drought, and it will become clear why we do not have more farmers in Southern Alberta who own even at this stage of her development tries like Western Canada the fight !*nre.e,...nve*. te* and more sections of was very limited as the vested interests had not yet grown to any great extent. Furthermore, the centralization does not appear in all Industries at the same time. The capitalist Is in business for profit only, and naturally his eye falls flrst upon those industries from which he can reap the most profit and where machinery—the labor saving and therefore money making machinery—can be applied to the best advantage. The biggest wolves get the largest share and the smaller ones must satisfy themselves by Investing ln Industries that are not so profitable. Along with the centralization of capitalist production the wealth accumulates Into a few hands. Millionaires and multi-millionaires are produced. After a certain stage of development ls reached these modern curiosities are the owners of all that is worth owning and still have ''some money left to invest." Then it is that a crash comes and we have what Is known as a financial panic. Alberta Is comparatively a very young country so far as modern production is concerned. Capitalism, however, ls becoming better organized here every year and soon we wlll see the condition hinted at above. The laws of capitalist production force the owners of wealth to constantly improve the machinery of production and now they arc reaching a stage when they are forced to Improve the farming machinery. With the more extended use of steam and gasoline in the various farming operations there is being rapidly created a farming trust and an agricultural proletariat. Let us examine Southern Alberta, which is a little older and more settled than the other parts. Right from nigh River to Macleod, a distance of about fin miles In a straight line extending many miles on each side of this line, the land Is level and Is used for agriculture. One can hardly find a piece of land there that Is not exploited for farming purposes The same can be said of the Lethbridge district and that south of Macleod. l'"or the laBt few years the newest machinery has been Introduced in these farming districts. The majority of farmers who have more than a section of land operate traction engines. At some places I noticed them running the engines ln two shifts day and night. The farmer who keeps an engine has also a threshing machine and the rest of the necessary up-to- date machinery for farming purposes. Now, the farmer who OWNS (?) 160 acres of land cannot afford to buy this machinery. On the other hand, he who owns the machinery needs more land. And ao they strike a bargain and the capitalist farmer with his machinery, taking advantage of the state of the market, skins hiB smaller brother and reaps a rich reward. Thus is It that the small farmer does not make more money than the average worker. Then there ls the company farmer that carries on business on a large Bcale. A company from Hartford, Conn., bought 5,720 acres of land near land like the C. P. R., P. Burns, Lord Strathcona and tbe rest. On top of all these burdens ls the mortgaged home of tbe small producer, and he begins to see that he Is between "Scylla and Charybdls," and that there Ib little else for him but to become a wage slave proper. As a result of all this there comes the RED PERIL and the comrades who have eaten of the tree of knowledge cannot rest any longer but are spreading the gospel of Socialism, and the farmer is no longer indifferent to this doctrine, but listens anxiously to the Socialist speaker and reads Socialist literature and then "nolens volens" joins the army of the working class that ls rapidly marching on to victory. A. B. A GOOD EXAMPLE. Cumberland ls still in the front of the revolutionary ranks. The comrades there have been on strike for several weeks, but though drawing no wages, they have dug down to the extent of nearly $50.00 for the organizing fund. If the rest of the mining camps, where there is no strike, and where steady wages are being drawn, will do the same, the organizing programme the Provincial Executive has worked out will be an easy matter. One thing I notice about this strike—tho "Reds" are thc ones who are staying right on the ground, determined to see it through, and to keep up the Greater Fight during und after this fight. Fitzgerald suits the hoys here down to the ground, as he does the writer— he Is the real goods. He Is off for Nanaimo today. The writer, who came hen? strictly for pleasure, Is getting It, and Is staying a few days longer. Now, comadea throughout tho province, do as well us Cumberland, and enable the Provincial Kxecutlve to keep Fitzgerald, and perhaps other speakers, ll) the field. W. GRIBBLE. We have been trying to get an or- ganlzer for Ontario, but up to the present we have failed. If there Is anyone you know of that is capable of giving out. the straight goods, get In touch with him or write us. if you think you nre the man for the work, don't be afraid of letting us know. Wc will pay your expenses and give you enough money to buy something more substantial than coffee and Every now and again some bunch of freaks connected with one religious organization or another comes to the conclusion that there Is no hell. They claim that people make their own hell on earth. That may be correct, but will the being good with the hopo of going to heaven make conditions better down here? We should say not. The Ignorance of the'workers make the hell on earth, and the church is one of the greatest means of keeping the workers In Ignorance. With the increasing intelligence of the masses lies the destructlion of the power of the church. PAGE TWO THE WESTERN CLARION VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1912. 1 tSIERN WN Published evary Saturday by tho So- •lallut l'urty uf I'liniiiiu at the office of UM Western Clarion, Labor Tvinplc, Dunmmilr hi., Vancouver, ll. C. POST 0TT1C*\ 1SDIIII, LABOR IIWLI. DIIMOI1 IT. ■(IIISC'RIITION. tl.00 Per ¥ear, 6D rents ter Mi Month., lift Mil ler Three MoDtlu. Hlrlriit la Advance, Bundle! pf D or more ooplee for a period a aot teee then three m-mthe, at the rale ene cent per copy per lieue. Advertising relet on applteatlon. If r»u receive (hla paper, it le paid (ar. la making remlttence e; cheque, ei- aaanat mutt be aililed. Addreee all oom- ajanlcetluiti and make all money ordere aarakie to TMB WaSTBBN CLARION Labor Teinplo, Dunsmulr Bt., Vancouver, D. C. (OQ-nmh the label on your paper. If W» thla number le on It, your eub- aerlptlon eaplree the next lieue. 8ATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1912. ARBITRATION AND CONCILIATION What a lot of piffle has been Indulged In of recent years over arbitration and conciliation as a means of settling differences that arise from a Clash of interests between Individuals, concerns, classes and nations. Courts of Arbitration, Conciliation Boards and Hague 'i ribunals have been set up for the purpose of calming the bellicose and inducing the pugnacious to decorously tread the pathway of peace. In spite of lt all, preparations for war between nations still continue upon an ever increasing scale, the relations between capital and labor become dally more strained, and as to peace conditions between Individuals and individual concerns they are as absent as disinterred spectators at a "Donnybrook Fair." All differences, whether arising between individuals, concerns, classes, or nations, can be settled by arbitration, provided there exists outside ot the belligerents a third party with the disposition to arbitrate and the power to enforce its decree. The dispute between two dogs as to the possession of a piece of liver might be speedily arbitrated by a third dog large enough to put the belligerents to flight and appropriate the liver to his own use and satisfaction. A scrap between individual human animals over a piece Of property—even though that property consist solely of "a rag, a bone and a hank of hair," can be settled, nnd Is often so settled, by the courts and other parts of the government machine. Cases have been know of such quarrels over the "rag, etc.," inlng settled by a third party acting as arbitrator by running off with "rag, bone and hair." In quarrels between nations resort ls had to the "arbitrament of arms." The stronger arbitrates the case by whipping the weaker into acceptance of the award. Another nation or nations may step ln and act as arbitrator, and because of greater power compel some settlement of the dispute, but no permanent settlement can be reached until the cause of the quarrel has been removed. So long as the liver remains the dogs will fight over it. Nations quarrel over rl-'hts of territory or trade, and such qnarrelB must continue to arise so long as nations exist upon a basis of territory and trade. Ab there is no power outside of and greater than that of nations, the only arbitration possible Is that of the sword ln the hand of the stronger nation. In spite of all the small talk and big about arbitration and conciliation as between nations, the Increase of warlike equipment will continue with an ever accelerating speed, because the underlying cause of war—capitalist production and the trade and territorial need Incident therto—remains untouuehed. In settlement of whatever quarrels .rise between nations over these questions of territory and trade, re sort must be had to the "arbitrament of arms." Even then the final settlement can bo reached only when national lines have heen completely obliterated, the flags of capitalist piracy reduced to one, and that one the emblem of world-wide claBs rule, and class solidarity undisturbed by factional strife and differences within Us ranks. Various arbitration and conciliation acts and measures have been put forward during recent vears for the purpose of settling the difficulties that oc casionaly arise between "brothers Capital and tabor." Although we are assured by toadies, apologists, and wiseacres that these two are "brothers," it. seems that they find it difficult to dwell together ln that sweet unity that so pronouncedly marks tho Ideal family relations. These brethren are always scrapping and brawling. No sooner Is one tlit ference patched up than another breaks out, until we nre compelled to acknowledge that if an ordinary family was to conduct its affairs in the same boisterous, blackguardly and quarrelsome manner lhe joint would be pulled as a disorderly house, and Its Inmates put in thc chain rang. Word now comes that the New Zealand labor unions nre rapidly cancel ling their registration under the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, in order to be able to go on strike or engage ln any other activity looking to a betterment of their conditions whenever they deem it advantageous so to do. The Dominion Trades Congress, at ItB recent convention, adopted a resolution condemning the Lemieux Act, and demanding its repeal. The workers are evidently learning that all these efforts to patch up the differences between Capital and Labor are futile. Like Banquo's ghost "they will not down," though arbitration and concllatlon acts galore are placed upon the statute books by either political tricksters or guileless but well meaning snpheads. Truth la there Is no kinship between Capital and Labor. Labor produces all wealth, as measured in terms of exchange. Capital takes all wealth, tabor ls the sole productive factor, capital is the sole appropriator. Labor does not produce by the aid of capital, but by the permission of capital. Labor uncovers the secrets of nature, harnesses her forces to do its bidding, and wrings from ber bosom sustenance and comfort for humankind. Capital seizes upon the product and turns this sustenance and comfort Into affluence and luxury for capitalists, their henchmen, toadies, llck- spltterB, apologists and hangers-on, and penury, misery, and a narrow existence for those who toil. The working class ls a useful class, because It makes the existence of human society possible. It produces all the wealth from which society drawB its sustenance. It not only supports itself, but supports all the rest of humankind. It thus pays its own way through life. It is not a class of "dead beats." The capitalist class—with all of its aforesaid truck and hangers-on—is a useless class, because it contributes nothing to the sustenance of human society. It neither supports itself or anyone else. It does not pay its own way through life. It ls a class of "dead beats," and a terribly expensive one at that, because of its hoglike proclivities. Between Capital and Labor is "war" can be no peace. Between the parasite and its victim there is an Irrepressible conflict of Interest that can be arbitrated out of existence only by the death of one or the other, or both. There ls no middle ground upon which both can find their Interests conserved and defended. Between Capital and Labor is war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt. In the last analysis the "arbitrament of the sword," for In that last analysis it is purely a question of power as to which shall survive. If Capital is to survice, Labor must remain enslaved, and sink to ever lower depths, until this capitalist society sinks into oblivion through Its own rottenness. If Labor is to survice, the rule of Capital must be cast Into oblivion by the conscious act of an awakened working class, so that human society may move onward and upward to a better and loftier plane of civilization. The only difference between Capital and Labor to be arbitrated is the difference between master and slave, and that can only be dealt with by force of numbers. If the master continues his mastery, he must command the power to hold the slave In chains; If the slave gains his freedom he must to able to command the power to cast them off. That is all the arbitration that is possible or even thinkable. By virtue of its numerical strength as well as by its usefulness ln the ?rcat scheme of social growth and development, theworklng class can set up its own court of arbitration by conquering the public powers, and thuB becoming maBters of Its own economic life. Not only is that the first thing for the workers to do If they would escape thc thraldom and torture of slavery, but it is the only thing. Let us waste no more time In courts of arbitration and other schemes designed by our masters ln order to befool ub, but get busy In our own behalf, relying solely upon our own initiative and effort to break the rule of capital and free our class from its brutal exploitation. the production and control of the material things of life. It implies an individual, or individuals, upon the one hand as a governing force, and, upon the other hand, the balance of human society, as a body to be governed, Whether government has been set up by an individual or a class, it is particularly noticeable that its purpose has always been the same, no matter what the pretense. The governing Individual, or class, has al ways wallowed ln riches and luxury at the expense of the governed class. This is no less true today under the glorious rule of the capitalist class than it waB two thousand years since under the rule of the Roman Caesars. In fact, no previous ruling class has been able to attain to the level of wealth and power now enjoyed by our Christian rulers. This has been due, not tc any lack of appetite for wealth and power upon their part, but because the productive forces at their command were less powerful than those under command of our dearly beloved capitalist brethren of today. For that reason the wealth and power of ancient ruling classes compared to that of the modern capitalist class in about the same way that a schoolboy's peashooter compares with a 12-inch gun. Every human Institution that meets with the sanction and approval of a ruler or ruling class must in some, way conserve the Interests of that ruler or class. At least, it can in no way threaten such interests or jeopardise such rule. Any institution that not only meets with approval of government, but is sustained, encouraged and protected by a government of the ruling class must be looked upon as an instrument of that ruling class, and calculated to aid it in maintaining its power to rule and rob. One thing is particularly noticeable. That is that he who is affiliated with those human institutions that make no pretense of existence for anything outside of material purposes, is seldom, if ever, disturbed because of any criticism of or attack upon his pet scheme. On the contrary, however, he whose prejudice and leanings are towards some institution that lays claim to supernatural authority for Its existence, and which professes a purpose not solely wrapped up in material things, will howl like a well kicked pup if anyone dares to offer either criticism of or an attack upon his pet hobby. The humor of it is rather fine when one fully senses it. It is really laughable. It would be well for us all If we of the working class were to thoroughly canvas the list of existing institutions and ascertain which are aided, abetted and sustained by tbat precious ruling class that rules us because it robs us, and robs us by ruling us. We know full well, if we know anything, that no ruling class will uphold any Institution, or approve of any human effort that will tend to weaken Its hold upon the reins of power, and thus jeodarlse its right to rule the affairs of men. Once we do know this, not only wlll our support be withdrawn, as far as possible, from all institutions that meet with the approval of the capitalist class, but we will also spurn all capitalist teachings as we would spurn a cup ot poison, no matter whether such teachings relate to the enjoyment of things here or hereafter. And now to emphasise the humor of the situation, let every thin skinned religious devotee let another howl out of himself in the way of confirmation, And now, altogether, most humor ously howl. THE HUMOROUS HOWL. Many human institutions there are existing in the great stewpot of civilization. Some of them make no pretense of existing for any other purpose than to conserve the Interests bf their immediate members. They lay no claim to supernatural origin. Others make pretense of existing for the benefit of people who are ln no sense responsible for their existence, and In many cases do not care whether they exist or not. That rapsheaf of all human institutions—government—pretends to exlBt for ihe purpose of conserving the interests of all members of society. It Is supposed to be actuated by the motive of human good, and all that sort of sluff. To those who have given this institution any study, this will readily he disclosed as a fallacy. To govern a people is to control their Industrial activities; to make and enforce rules and regulations regarding A QUESTION POR TRADES UNIONISTS. As a member of a craft organization and one who is conversant with the conservatism and reaction of trades unionists, I would like them to follow through the reasoning that will be adduced tQ the .question, "Is organization of the Industrial field sufficient to guarantee to the workers the full social equivalent of thc wealth which they alone produce?" After over a century of organization on the Industrial field, we find the working class In exactly the same position that it has always occupied, namely, the lowest strata of the social mass. At no period ln the world's history! have we been able to produce such an abundance of those things that are essential to the happiness and well- being of the human race, as we are today, and at the same time, never has there been so much poverty and so many people living on the verge of starvation. To be sure, we are better off In some respects than were our ancestors. Tea and coffee were luxuries at one time, as were alBO carpets, and even kings could not take a penny ride on a street car, let alone luxuriate within the upholstered depths of a motor car. With the use and development of the machine.^the productive power of man has increased, in many cases, two hundred fold within that number of years. The question arises, are we two hundred times better off? It would hardly seem so when we Bee groups of men ln various lines of Industry come out on strike for a few) weeks, and then go back like whipped curs to the same, or even worse, con ditions, simply because they lacked the necessaries of life to maintain themselves as strikers for any length of time. For example, the striking London dockers had been out about ten weeks, and the wives and families of most of the strikers were living upon charity. During periods of financial depression we see the membership of the various industrial organizations fall off, because the members cannot pay their dues; we see the army of unemployed ever Increasing, and as the workers are competing with one another for a job, it becomes a case of the man who will do the job for the least wage getting lt. In the face of these facts, how is it possible for organization on the industrial field alone to benefit the whole of the working class? It is not sufficient, fellow workers, we must use the same methods ln our interest that our masters use in theirs, that is political power, which controls the police dogs and trained murderers. And if we have the political power, how care they call out the troops to shoot us down when we dare demand more of the good things of life? I am not advocating reforms, because If reforms are of any benefit to the workers, I would not have found it necessary to come to Canada. There are more ''reforms" on the statute books of England than any other country, and at the same time the working class of that land live as close, if not closer, to actual starvation, as those of any other civilized country. One thing is very noticeable, however, and that ls that the master claBs are not engaged in forming antiunion societies, and as long as we remain pure and simple trades unionists they will treat us with the contempt that we deserve. But as Boon as we commence to play the political game, the masters are out with all force to put a stop to It, because they recognize the fact that we are learning the use of an Instrument that menaces their interests. This is significant, and in itself should be sufficient to arouse the working class to a sense of their position, and once they come to look into the question of the means of their own emancipation, I have no doubt of the result. The carpenters seem to think that because they get a few cents more per hour than their less fortunate brethren, that their interests are different, but such ls not the case. As members of the working class we are all ln the same position, and OUR interests are identical in that we, as workers, are exploited hy the master class of what we socially produce. It is the mission of the working class to unite upon the political field, capture the reins of government, and sweep these parasites off its back. No one will dispute that we are living In a world of plenty, that an abundance of wealth—of material things for the enjoyment of life—are stored in the granaries and warehouses. What, then, is the harrier that stands between this wealth and its consumption by the class who produced it? There is only one answer possible, and that Is OWNERSHIP. When the coming change takes place and the present capitalist ownership ln the means of wealth production ls transformed Into the collective property of the working class, there wlll be plenty of the good things of life for every useful worker. Most of us know what lt Is to do without things, and as one of our comrades puts it, "If doing without things means success, then the working class ls a howling success." I am of the opinion that the success of all of the members of trades unions will never hurt them, or they would not be ln it; they would have a better way of enjoying themselves than coming to meetings to hear the troubles of others, and paying their dues. One thing I want to make clear, and that is, when I refer to the political phase of the question, I do not pin my faith to the M. P.'s who are elected on the labor ticket, for I fully realize that they are for the most part wolves in sheeps' clothing, seekers of the Job, The only party that reflects the interests of the working class ls the Socialist party, the programme of which ls the abolition of the profit system. In conclusion I would try to persuade the members of trades unions to forget about that "mansion In the sky" for a few Sundays and attend the nearest Socialist meeting. The working class has been looking up in the clouds so long, that the masters have grabbed everything on the earth that ls worth having. F. TIPPING. Sociaiist Party Directory DOMINION BXBOUTITB COMMITTEE Socialist Party of Canada, meets second and fourth Monday. Secretary, Wm. Watts, Labor Temple, Dunsmuir St., Vancouver, B.C. BRITISH COLUMBIA PROVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada, meets second and fourth Mondays in month at Labor Temple, Dunsmulr St., Wm. Watts, Secretary. AIiBBBTA PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate Tuesday, at 428 Eighth Ave. East. Burt E. Anderson, Secretary, Box 647, Calgary SASKATCHEWAN PROVINCIAL BXBOUTITB, 8. T. ot C, Invitee all comrades residing in Saskatchewan to communicate with them on organization matters Address D. McMillan, 222 Stadacona Street West, Moose Jaw, Sask. MANITOBA PROVINCIAL BXBOUTITB Committee: Notice—This card Is Inserted for the purpose of getting "YOU" Interested ln the Socialist movement. SOCIALISTS are always members of the Party; so If you are desirous of becoming a member, or wish to get any information, write the Secretory, J. D. Houston, 493 Furby St.. Winnipeg. VANCOUVEB LETTISH LOCAL No. 68. S. P. of C.—Business meeting every tlrst Sunday of the month .and propaganda meeting every third Sunday. Room open to everybody at 512 Cordova Street East, 2 p. m. Secretary, P. Anderson, Barnet, B. C. LOCAL VANCOUVEB, B. C, BO. 44, Finnish. Meets every second and Fourth Thursdays in the month at 218. Hastings St. East- Ovla Lind, Secretary. LOCAL VANCOUVEB No 1, B. P. of O Business meeting every Tuesday evening at Headquarters, 213 Hastings St. East, H. Halilm, Secretary. MABITIME PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE Committee, Socialist Party of Canada, meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton offlce of the Party, Commercial Street, Olace aay. N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Rnx 491, Glace Bay. N. S LOCAI, VANCOTJVBB, Wo. 89, 8. P. Of O. Headquarters, Labor Temple, Dunsmulr street. Business meeting on first of every month at 8 p.m. Secretary, F. Lefeaux, Labor Temple, Vancouver, B. C. LOCAI, PEBNIE, B. P. Ot C, HOLD holds educational meetings ln the Miners Union Hall every Sunday at 7:30. Business meeting first Monday In each month, 7:30 p. m. Economic class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30. H. Wllmer, secretary, Box 380. LOOAL BOSBLAND, NO. tt, B. P. Of C, meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Organizer. Will Jones, Secretary, Box 126. Finnish branch meets in Flnlanders' Hall Sundays at 7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary. Box 54, Rossland, B,C. LOOAL MICHEL, B. 0„ NO. 16, 8. P. of C, holds propaganda meetings every Sunday afternoon at 2:80 p.m. In Crahan's Hall. A hearty invitation Is extended to all wage slaves within reach of us to attend our meetings. Business meetings are held the firs* and third Sundays of each month al 10:39 a.m. In the same hall. Party organizers take notice. T. W. Brown, Secretary. LOCAL NELSON, 8. P. Of O., MEETS every Friday evening at 8 p.m., in Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Aus- tln. Secretary. LOOAL BBTBL8TOXB, B. O., NO. 7, S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary LOOAL COLEMAN, ALTA., NO. t. Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the flrat and third Sundays of the month. Bualness meetings on Thursday evenings following propaganda meetings at I. Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.; Secretary, Jas, Glendenning, Box SI, Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive Information any day at Miners' Hall Secretary, Wm. Graham, Box 63, Coleman, Alta. LOOAL EDMONTON, ALTA., NO. 1, B. P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St. Business and propaganda meetlnse every Wednesday at 7:30 p.m. sharp. Our reading room Is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally. Secretary, J. A. S. Smith, 622 First St.; i Organiser, W. Stephenson. • LOCAL CALGARY, ALTA., NO. 4, 8.9. of C.—Business meeting every Saturday evening at 8 o'clock at the headquarters, 134 Ninth Ave. West. S. K. Read, Secretary. LOCAL BEOINA NO. "s,8ASK.,MBaTi every Sunday, Trades Hall, i p.m. Business meeting, second Friday. I &m. Trades . Hall. W. B. Bird, Gen. el., Secretary. LOOAL LETHBBIDOE, ALTA., NO. IS, S. P. of C. Meets flrst and third Sua- days in the month, at 4 p.m., la Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock, Box 1983 LOOAL MOOSEJAW, BASK., Ne. X, B. T. OT O.—Propaganda meetings aver/ Sunday, 7:30 p. m., ln tne Tradea Hall. Economic Class every Sunday, 8 a.m. W. McAllister, Secretary, Box 587. A. Stewart organizer. LOCAL NO. 1, WINNIPEG, MANITOBA, S. P. of C.—Headquarters, Labor Temple. Business meeting every Saturday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting every Sunday at 8 o'clock ln the Dreamland! Theatre, Main St. Secretary, J. O'Brien, Room 12, 530 Main St. LOCAL SANDON, B. C, NO. 36. S. P. OP C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m in the Sandon Miners' Unior Hall. Communications to be addressed Drawer K. Sandnn. B. C. LOCAL VICTORIA NO. a, S. P. Of O— Headquarters and reading room 575 Yates St. Business meeting every Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting overy Saturday, 8 p.m., corner of Yates and Langley LOCAL SOUTH FONT OBOBOB, B.C., No. 61, meets every Friday night at 8 p.m. ln Public Library Room. John Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allen, Organizer. LOCAL CUMBERLAND NO. 70 S. P. of C. Business meeting every Sunduy, 10:30 a.m. Economic Class held twice each Thursday, 10:30 a.m. (for afternoon shift), 8 p.m. (for morning shift). Propaganda meeting every Sunday 3 p.m. Headquarters: Socialist Hall, opposite post offlce. Financial Secretary Thomas Carney, Corresponding Secretary, Joseph Naylor. LOCAL OTTAWA, NO 8, S. P. OP O. Open air meetings during summer months, corner McKenzie Avenue and Rldeau Street. Business meetings, first Sunday In month ln the Labor Hall, 2)9 Bank Street, at 8:00 p.m. Secretary, Sam Sturgess Horwith, 16 Ivy Avenue N.E., Ottawa. Phone 277. LOCAL OLACE BAT, No. 1 OP MABITIME—Headquarters ln Rukasin Block. Commercial St. Open every evening. Business and propaganda meeting at headquarters every Thursday nt 8 p. m. Alfred Nash, secretary. Box 158;. Harold G. Ross, organizer, Box 605. LOOAL SIDNEY MINES NO. 7, Ot Nova Scotia,—Business and propaganda meetings every second Monday at 7:30 In the S. O. B. T. Hall back of Town Hall. Wil'lam Allen, Secretary, Box 344. UKRAINIAN SOCIALIST FEDERATION of the S. P. of C„ is organized for the purpose of educating tha Ukrainenn workers to the revolutionary principles of this party. The Ukranian Federation publish their own weekly organ, "Nova Hromada" '(New Society), at 443 Klnlstlno Ave., Edmonton, Alta. English comrades desiring information re the Federation, write to J. Senuk, Fin. Secretary. SUBSCRIPTION CARDS 5 Yearlies - - - $3.75 10 1-2 Yearlies - - 4.00 20 Quarterlies - - 4.00 The Maritime provinces need organizing badly, nnd we want to hear from someone down there who will jump lnto-the field and help put the slaves of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick wise. When you renew your sub, don't leave us to guess what your address is. It Is just as easy for you to write It down as it ts to renew your sub. PLATFORM Socialist Party of Canada We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled, affirm our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class. Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers It should belong. The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products ot labor belong lo the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a slave. So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of government all the powers of the State wtll be used to protect and defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and their control of the product of labor. The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and degredation. The interest of the working class lies ln the direction of setting Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working class at the point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property In the means of wealth production Into collective or working-class property. The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and the worker ls rapidly culminating ln a struggle for possession of the reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt by political action. This Is the class struggle. Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic programme'of the working class, as follows: 1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class. 2. The democratic organization and management of Industry by the workers. 3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for use Instead of production for profit. The Socialist Party when ln office shall always and everywhere until the present system ls abolished, make the answer to this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interests of the working class and aid the workerB ln their class Btruggle against capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party ls for lt; If lt will not, the Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to lt. In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed ln Its hands in such a manner as to promote the Interests of the working class alone. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1912. THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA. PAGETHREE CORRESPONDENCE PROPERTY RIGHTS Versus FREE SPEECH. Having been called in question by the authorities, and brouught into the . limelight by the capitalist press, we herewith give our side of the late contravention (?) which they so vehemently gloat over. On Saturday, Sept. 7, a few comrades of Ottawa Local No. 8 ventured out, aB UBual. to hold the regular open meeting, choosing Sparks and O'Connor Streets as their rendezvous. Comrade Thomas Roberts, "who ran twice for the mayor of this city," opened the meeting, and after twenty minutes' oratory was politely requested by policeman No. 8 to move further down the street. The comrades, not wishing to bring down the wrath of the law and order upon tl*eir heads, quietly submitted, taking with them the audience, which had grown twice the size on account of the policeman's interference. At this juncture A. G. McCallum resumed the stand, and had no sooner got the audience interested in his subject when another burly vigilante appeared on the scene, arresting the speaker on a charge of general obstruction. Upon arriving at the police station the comrades informed the sergeant in charge that the lecturer had been a candidate in the last Dominion election, and that they were ready to give bail for his release. They were told by the sergeant that he was powerless to act without Instructions from the chief, "who could not be found," and, further, that he did not care who he was, he had to come in here—meaning the cold "wet" cell, which had re ONTARIO AND ISLAM. The Orientalization of this Industrial city goes on apace. Subjects of the Ottoman umpire of the Moslem faith have poured Into this place the last few months. Ab the poet would say: "They come, not In twos and threes, but In whole battalions." They have bought many large houses in the town, and by "intensive culture" ln household arrangements are breaking a few records in the housing line. On some of the side streets In the evening the swarthy followers of the Prophet are more numerous than the "ferlnghee," and the red fez is becoming quite a usual headgear on the streets of this busy city. These men swarm the factories, and are at present doing the rough, heavy work usual round foundries and machine shops. Pretty soon I expect the good, kind Christian capitalists will feel concerned about the welfare of their Turkish wage-slave's souls, and I fully expect that a mosque will in good time be provided for them here. Also a sky pilot of their own stripe will be Imported by their masters, who wlll no doubt tell them what a glorious privilege it is to work for their noble masters. Also what a nice time they will have when they are dead. What a beautiful heaven has been prepared for the true believer—much nicer than the one the Christians are going to. Well, I should say! No eating, no drinking, no marriage, no giving in marriage, no flesh, no blood —poor outlook says the Mohammedan priest. Why, In the place of rest of the true believer there will be all these things to an unlimited extent. HOW THEY COME cently been hosed out. On Monday, Lovely wines to drink—and no head- Sept. 9, the case was tried. lache8 the day after—does not the Pro- Police Magistrate: "You are charged| Pnet Promise this? Cool, shady banks, with obstructing the street. Guilty or riPP«ng streams, crystal fountains, not guilty?" McCallum: "Not guilty, your honor. The policeman then proceeded to give evidence to the effect that both the street and sidewalks were if passable, there being about 100 people present. A detective, upon giving his view of the case, corroborated all that was said by the policeman with the exception of the crowd, which appeared to him about 200. This statement brought from the judge the remark, "That's something like evidence." Magistrate: "Would you like to ask a question?" McCallum: "Yes, your Honor. I would like to ask who was the other policeman that was on the beat fifteen minutes previous to my arrest?" Policeman: "I was." McCallum: "What are your specific orders re street speaking by the Salvation Army, trades unions, and other or and as for the fair sex—well each man shall have a whole bevy of them all to himself! Thus sayeth Islam. Remember that the great British Empire subsidizes the "Gordon Memorial College" at Khartoum, at which the Mohammedan religion is taught. Why? Locally, however, this Turkish Invasion will complicate matters pretty badly. Here are the Christian Socialists, who are trying to make Christians class-conscious. I wonder . if they intend to first of all convert the Turkish working man to Christianity, and then to Socialism. I would like this point explained. As their religion is really a new, revised and in many, ways an improved edition of Christianity (having driven the other religion out of its very birthplace and cradle—the Eastern world—this con version will be a pretty stiff task to ganization's, and who complained' accomplish. Would it not be better to about the street and sidewalks being meet'the3e men on common ground, obstructed?" Magistrate to policeman: "You don't have to answer that question." |) Magistrate to McCallum: "Have you any evidence?" McCallum: "None, your Honor, for I thought the charge too trivial to take up the attention of the court. The fact is I was only exercising my right of free speech the same as I have done for the last two years. At all our meetings we make it a point to get the audience as close together as possible, and when it gets on the large side we move further away from the main thoroughfare. On the night in question there was no obstruction on the street, for the west side was open for traffic, and, further, no vehicles passed up or down the street from the time my colleague opened the meeting till I was arrested; and as for the sidewalks, there was ample room for anyone to pass. In short, the meeting, to my mind, was one of the most orderly ever held under the auspices of the ' Socialist Party of Canada." Magistrate: "No matter how good your ideals may be, you bave no more rights than another citizen, and ai- and openly confess that all forms of religion are but instruments of a ruling class to keep a slave class in subjection? Does not our everyday experience tell us that the shams of post-mortem felicity are being recognised more than ever by the workers as being but the bunch of carrots held out on a stick over the poor work-donkey's nose? W.D. Brantford, Ont. You expected to get the Western Clarion this week, you wlll expect it next week and every week till your sub. expires, but one of these weeks you will be disappointed—then there will be one hell of a big kick. We have not got a Rockefeller or a Carnegie behind us to finance the paper should we not get enough funds from the proper source. We cannot borrow three or four hundred dollars to tide us over the slump, and we would not If we could. We know Its no use praying for help. The only source from which we can get sufficient revenue to pay the expense of getting out a paper is from the working plug in whose interest this paper ts printed. Just take a glance down the sub list and figure out how we are going to pay one hundred dollars a week out of fifty subs and a little advertising. As we said before, you will be disappointed one of these time's by not receiving your paper, and who will be to blame? Not the printer nor the Editor, not the postal department, not the government. No, sir, none of theBe. Nobody else but the wage- slaves who would be free but do not strike the blow. Surely you know of a slave whom you could talk Into getting the paper. There are many ways that can be adopted for the education of the slave and the keeping alive of the source of that education. Let us suggest that you get a bundle of, say, five Clarions a week for twenty weeks, which will cost you one dollar. This way is far cheaper to you than digging down into your pocket for two bits to pay for a sub to one person every now and again. Now, then, let us see a little energy expended in hustling subs or distributing Clarions. Wake up J. D. Dower, Calgary, Alta 18 Walter Suley, Moose Jaw, Sask.. 8 J. J. Zender, Edmonton, Alta 4 C. M. O'Brien, Organizer 3 H. J. B. Harper, Hardy Bay, B. C. 4 Geo. Earl, North Bay, Ont 2 Singles. Local Toronto; S. K. Read, Calgary; C. R. Dolmage, Wineland, Alta; G. F. Arrison, Arrowwood, Alta; W. Hor- warth, Edmonton; H. T. Bastabee, Brandon, Man.; D. Thomson, St. Catherines, Ont.; H. Martin, Berlin, Ont.; M. Lightstone, Montreal; J. D. Warren, Victoria; A. Nash, Glace Bay. Bundles. Jas. Rintoul, Coqultlam, B.C., 5; Local Bassano, 10; Local Nelson, 10; H. Judd, Brackendale, B.C., 5. Comrade O'Brien still tops the list in the largest amount for subs, Comrade J. D. Dower, of Calgary, comes second, and Comrade J. J. Zender, of Edmonton, third. There is still plenty of show for you to get the prizes offered for the greatest amount of subscriptions sent in by the end of October. Get in the game. Say, Mr Reader, have you visited the Local in your town? If there ls one there, you are welcome at any time. Get around and make yourself at home. cording to the evidence I flnd you guilty of violating the city bylaw. I will let you off with a warning not to appear again, for a heavy fine will be imposed." A. G. McCALLUM, Organizer. G. VICK. R. BURNS. S. HORWITH. WM. J, McCALLUM Ottawa, Ont. Comrade Frank H. Fillmore, of Ked- dlestone, Sask., sends in two dollars for the Organizers' fund. Comrade A. E. Faulkner, of Conjuring Creek, Alberta, drops a dollar into the Clarion Maintenance fund. Comrade R. McKay, of Merrltt, B.C., swells the organizing fund to the extent of one dollar. When are we going to hear from you? A "Friend," of Thoburn, Victoria, sends in two fifty for the Clarion Maintenance fund, and two fifty for the Organizing fund. If we only had about two hundred friends like him we would get along fine. PAMPHLETS FOR THE MILLION FIRST ISSUE OF 120,000 COPIES NOW READY 1. WHY I LEFT THE CHURCH. By Joseph MoCabe. 48 pp. and colored cover, with portrait. 2. WHY AM I AN AGNOSTIC ? By Col. R. G. Ingersoll. 24 pp. and colored cover, with portrait. 3. CHRISTIANITY'S DEBT TO EARLIER RE LIGIONS. By P. Vivian. 64 pp. and colored cover, with portrait. 4. HOW TO REFORM MANKIND. By Col. B. G. Ingersoll. 24 pp. and colored cover, with portrait. 5. MYTH OR HISTORY IN THE OLD TESTA MENT ? By Samuel Laing. 48 pp. and colored cover, with portrait. 6. LIBERTY OF MAN, WOMAN AND CHILD. By Col. R. G Ingersoll. 48 pp. and colored with portrait. The Set of Six Pamphlets Post Free for 25 Cents The People's Bookstore152 %tu^:toWeai We sent you some dodgers for advertising your Local meeting last week. Mr Secretary. We will send you 1,000 assorted for one fifty. Get this matter before the Local. If you did not receive any, write us. Don't forget the Quarterly report. Fill it in, and send to us. whose report would be accepted, and how long would It be before that particular committee would be on the hike, blacklisted? Then suppose that this particular committee reported the mine was clear of gas, and soon after the inspection an explosion of gas occurs and a number of lives are lost. Then there is nothing for this committee other than the penitentiary. So Mr. Chairman, I object to being used as a lapdog, by any mines Inspector." So now for the cause that led up to the present cessation of work. It appears that an Oscar Mottishaw, who was employed' at Extension Mine, Ladysmith, was appointed on a gas committee. On making the inspection gas was found in several places. Mottishaw reported the condition of the mine as he found it. Some days passed by, and Mottishaw was requested to go with the mines inspector and the superintendent of the mine to examine the mine, and of course the mine was clear of gas. But Mottishaw pointed out to his two friends where alterations had been made since the mine was last examined. Mottishaw has been given to understand, both by authorities of the company and the government, that he has put his foot in it. His place In the mine finished, he was told by the boss the/re were no more places, and he would probably have to lay off a number of men shortly. So Mottishaw left Ladysmlth and came to Cumberland. He was hired by a contractor, who had been accustomed to hiring and discharging without consulting any of his superiors. Mottishaw had worked only three days, when, as the contractor has publicly admitted, he was given to understand that Mottishaw could no longer be employed by the company. The case was reported at the local union, discussed, and a committee appointed ' to see the manager of the mine concerning the reason Mottishaw was discharged. The committee was ignored. At the next meeting of the union, it was resolved that the miners take a holiday until such time as the company reinstated Oscar Mottishaw and Jas. Smith, who has also been discriminated against. So the mines here are completely tied up. At a mass meeting a vote was taken as to whether the pump men should be called out or not. The result proved that the slaves of Cumberland have at least some respect for the property of their masters. The company have -since proved that they, too, have respect for the little property, possessed by a few individual miners, by issuing notices to all their tenants tb vacate their houses by Oct. 31. Also a few, who by permission of the company, have built houses for themselves, on land for which they pay ground rent to the company. They have also received notices to vacate the company's premises. At No. 7 Mine, the strikers took up subscriptions to have a dance, and a barrel of beer to drown the monotony of camp life. The superintendent of the mine on hearing of this, said to the strikers: "You can't drink that beer on the company's ground." But as might is right, and as the company has not yet imported any thugs, or militia, I presume that this superintendent will not attempt to prevent the beer being drunk on the company's premises. A futile attempt was made to bring the employers and employees together by the Board of Trade, which is composed of merchants, real estate agents, saloon keepers, and political pimps. But the miners turned them down flat. The superintendent and other tools of the company got the Chinese together, and told them they would have to get off the company's premises unless they signed a contract to work under the old conditions for two years. Many of them signed. But when asked by other strikers if they were going to work, they reply: "Me go to work when white man go to work. Me sign contract when boss say to me, 'Why you no work?' me say me sick." One of these Orientals, on being questioned as to whether he would strike or not, replied: "What's CANADIAN RAILWAY FRAUD. Last week I spent a good deal of time in London. I took advantage of the time to visit the Crystal Palace and Earl's Court Exhibition, "Shake spere's England." I unsuspectedly came across two exhibits of great importance—they were of the C.P.R. and G.T.R. Both companies have large halls, wherein are shown the "beauties" of Canada. How beautiful the fruit ls. how adventurous is the life, In all how necessary it is for all to go to Canada Immediately. The exhibits completely blind a person who has no knowledge of conditions ln Canada. For THAT it Is Intended. In the C.P.R. section I went, and a notice was put up that a "Mr ALL WEN EQUAL,,ETC. of Moose Jaw, will tell you all about Canada." Here was an excellent opportunity of hearing something about the town which your comrades hare christened "Muzzle Jaw." I wanted to know whether there was much liberty In Moose Jaw. The reply was "Yes." I asked point blank whether Free Speech waB allowed on the streets. The reply was ln the affirmative. I then challenged him to deny the fact that the S.P. of C. were not allowed to hold open air meetings there except subject to idiosyncracy of the Police Chief. The humbug actually said the Socialist Party had at no time been barred. Will your readers note the downright lying on this matter. The hall was full, and I soon had the "authority" on Canada very anxious to leave the place. But I did not budge an inch. I kept him there, and the people about made him answer, so to speak. I obtained a nice amount of literature, which is nothing but a deliberate misrepresentation of facts. In one publication lt ls stated: "People in England, before they show each other hospitality And friendship, have to be Introduced. Strangers are felt to be rather suspicious characters, who render house-dogs necessary. Out in Canada the idea seems to be that all men are brothers. The population of that country Is like a gigantic family of 8,000,000 friends. Every body goes about with an isn't-lt-nice-to- be-alive and a you-really-must-stop-to- dinner sort of air." It's great! Just fancy the strikers and "strike breakers." Fancy the judges and police! The unemployed and those who desire them as such being "brothers." Just fancy that! Ask the unemployed in winter how nice lt is to be alive. Why do so many people commit suicide if It Is so nice to be alive? How Is it that so many people are starving during the winter if the above is true? The fact is that it is a damned lie from beginning to end. The writer knows it, and the C.P.R. knows it; but the company lives and thrives by persisting in the circulation of such outrageous lies. One of the reasons why people are wanted in Alberta Is: "Because—Alberta produces the finest wheat in the world. "Because—'Alberta's climate is healthy her DEMOCRATIC." No wonder people are fools enough to go there. They think they are going to a FREE country, but they soon get a sickener. In fact, so terrible is the condition ln Canada In the winter that the Canadian Government Informs Intending immigrants that the proper time to reach Canada is between April and September, clearly showing how rotten things are from September to April. I went 'throuugh the Canadian Government exhibit, and there one Is made to understand that you can easily become owners of gold and sliver mines, besides proprietors of timber lands, etc., for a mere song. I asked for literature at the counter, ami was given—what? Tobacco Culture in Canada!! What do you know her school system excellent; GOVERNMENT "FREE and about that? Just Imagine n navvy or a matter white man? He stllke, then I your humble going to Canada to start THE CUMBERLAND STRIKE. The miners here are once more confronted with one of those blessings which capitalism frequently imposes on them, viz., a strike. The issue at stake between the miners and their employers Is one of the most vital importance to miners generally. It appears that according to law, the miners have to appoint gas committees to Inspect the mines, that they may be kept clear of gas, and the life and limb of the miner protected thereby. In case the miners refuse to appoint gas committees, the mines inspector has the power to appoint men himself. I remember at one of our local meetings, a gas committee was being appointed. One man, upon being nominated, immediately jumped to his feet and said; "Mr. Chairman, I object." Another man was nominated who also sprang to his feet and addressed the chair something after this manner: 'Mr. Chairman, I object, and I'm going to tell you the reason why. Suppose the mines inspector inspects the mine, and he reports the mine clear of gas, then the gas committee inspects tho mine and discovers gas In various parts of the mine, and this gas committee gives a correct report, he cly on a time, he wan get back to work. He no get work, ho pack trunk, go way some other place for job. What's a matter you? You want no thing at all; all you want work, work, work all a time. Chinaman stllke, he stllke all a time. Boss chuck him out his house, he go live in bush." A similar move to that tried on the Chinks was tried on the Italians, but it also failed. The engineers, pump men, and all the workers still employed preserving the company's plant have declared that the moment the company attempt to raise coal for the market they will all drop their tools immediately. Yours in the scrap, BOB WALKER. Cumberland, B. C, Sept. 28, 1912. On every Monday morning the question is "Can the Clarion be published this week?" The answer depends on the number of subs coming In. If you should miss your paper some week, remember it will be because you did not send In a sub to help pay the piper. Twenty men were arrested for refusing to work In Pltsburg. Tho wages offered aro so low and the hours so long that the men refuse to work, so they arc being jailed. Tobacco Cultivation. Oh ye gods! Yet there are the suckers who think that they can do It. At the Earl's Court there is an additional attraction. It Is the C.P.R. picture show, where free performances are given showing how things and the wage plugs are done. Not bad, eh? Both the G.T.R. and C.P.R. have their place here, and it ls a constant repetition of lies that are dealt out to the poor, dejected workers who are so anxious to avoid the turmoil and trouble of their condition here. Let them go, they may sooner realise the hideous system and condition of capitalism. They will flnd that in Canada they have to toll harder. They will discover that conditions are worse than they had anticipated. They will soon realise that Canada is as much a hell as England. Perhaps after that they will assist towards the polltlical breakup necessary. At least it tb to be hoped so. The tendency to emigrate Increases daily, and it Is only the natural thing. Capada ought to show the way. If some of the "boys" who come to England on holiday would just take the stump to do a bit to show up this phase of capitalist expansion the increase of Intelligence would soon be noticeable. Any way, whenever possible I do my share, though opportuni- Socialists are often amused at the- puny efforts of. "wise ones'" who, being; unable to successfully refute the facts*, brought forward by those who nana made a study of capitalism, build* nn> a man of straw, label It Socialism^ and then proceed to knock it down. A preacher recently made himseir ridiculous by asserting solemnly and! with all due reverence that air mens are not the same height, weight, ot endowed with the same amount of m>- tellect. No one, of course, ever said*, that they were equal or would ever 6w equal in the way the parson said, amE his congregation must have gone awarcy with the idea that their spiritual adviser had gone "nutty." There are ways, however, in which i mankind can stand on an equality. We are supposed to be, for instance, "equal before the law." We really have, in a certain sense, "political equality," inasmuch as all duly qualified persons have an equal right on election day to vote in whatever manner they believe may best conserve -■ their interests. But political equality, like thet- elght hour day, is not of much consequence to a man who does not know- where his next meal is coming front and who has no control over his means*, of getting a livelihood. The working class needs what maybe called "economic equality," or equal access to those things by the use of which they produce the necessaries and luxuries of life. To get this access it is imperative that the*: workers use their political power for- the purpose of transferring capitalist. property (that is to say, the factories,, mills, mines, railroads, etc.) into- working class property, then the individual worker having an ownership)" in those things, no one will be able to i deny him the use of them. He would I then have equal access, as the result, of his labor, to the good things of life as well as his fellows. Another individual who evidently believes he is a. Socialist, writing in'an evening papen. says that he does ''not expect Socialism to grow up over nighty or words to that effect. In making this statement our friend is on a par with the preacher and his "equal" idea, for no • one expects Socialism to come suddenly, however desirous such a coming may be. " It can be easily reasoned out that" the workers, growing ever more and more conscious of their political power and the proper use of it, wilt encroach gradually upon the Capitalist State, and as tbelr power in this. respect increases that of the capitalist class will diminish. This result would mean that through correct education along class lines the mind of the worker would have become revolutionized and the more revolutionary his actions (in a political sense) become the more "reforms" the master class would let fall, without, however, increasing an lota the material welfare of the working class, for that could only be possible if the workers could get more, by these reforms, of ' what they produce (more food, cft-thr.-- ing, shelter, etc.), and that ls impossible under capitalism. When, however, the government ot a country is once captured by the working class, the revolution in relation to the means of production at once commences. Industry after iff-- dustry wlll then be brought under the- ownership and control of the whole • people. The products of labor will then belong to labor, and Mr. Capital-- 1st will have the same right as th'e- rest of us—the right to earn his bread "by thc Bweat of his own brow." Much amusement is afforded by so- called Socialists as well as preachers who, being too mentally lazy, or maybe suffering from dyspepsia of the brain, make such huge jokes of themselves by advertising their Ignorance. LEEDS. Thc ''Chicago Socialist'' has changed Its name to the "Chicago Evening World." It has also changed, its politics, or rather Its politics Is. now an unknown quantity. Its circulation, however, lias gone up to 800,000, but Its use as a working class paper has fallen to about 100 below zero. It is time to start the Economic Class In your .Ix-caliVy. Get It started at once, and we will advertise It in the Clarion. If you do start one, try and learn something other than rage chewing. tics arc so rare, and are getting less for me. The Emigration fake is good for the C.P.R. just now, but- soon It will be the worker's turn. Let your friends know in England how hellish things arc. Let them understand that to go to Canada to be condemned to a sentence of wage slavery in another way. It simply means that In Canada the workers will keep on producing and the capitalist continue retaining tho products. It means that the capitalist will live ln luxury, whilst the worker will starve. Of course, until— and only until—thc worker gets wise and has power to own his product. And the time Is coming. MOSES BARITZ. PAGE FOUR THE WESTERN CLARION, VANCOUVER. BRITISH COLUMBIA. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1912. FUTURE GENERATIONS. APHORISMS OF SOCIALISM. A few years ago J. Pierpont Morgan stopped in his mad and merry career of acquiring old masters, new issues •of desirable bonds, rare books, paying .■business propositions, yachts, money and other triflas, to give a very large sum of money to a maternity hospital In this city. Other very rich men have given much money to many institutions, but Morgan's gift to such an institution recleved an unuausl degree of praise. Other men had founded technical schools, endowed colleges and contributed to ordinary hospitals. Iltit here was a case of an institution so furnished with money that future .generations, as their members -came Into the world, could receive a few -weeks of expert attention at the start, and those who bore those members of "future generations could receive some comfort and attention. When we think of Morgan we do not dividual he is. He may be rough to realize what a good, tender-hearted in- us, and sometimes coarse and insulting. He may take away from us many things we need. He may have the most utter contempt for the working class. But what of that? His heart does beat in warm sympathy with the coming generation. Morgan, or perhaps we should say "Mr. Morgan, has been an investor in •certain mineral lands in Virginia and West Virginia. With his associates who are able to allow certain invested sums to He dormant until they can "bring back enormous returns, he is credited with haying bought all the -workable tin mines of this district, and tin is a restricted mineral ih this country. The deposits are Infrequent and the yield is scanty. But what there is he and his associates have i bought. While*he was doing that, he— and his associates—invested In West Virginia coal. There are good, quick profits there, and Morgan, and his associates, have pocketed many thousands of dollars from them. But the workers of West Virginia are an ungrateful lot. They have wanted money from Morgan, and associates, from the Elkins estate and Uncle Gas- saway Davis, and from the widows and orphans who have put .their money into West Virginia coal. Throdgh the efficiency of the police and the private detctive spy agents, these nefarious designs were for a long time frustrated. But at last there broke out a strike in the Cabin Creek and the Paint Creek districts. The Call has recounted the utterly astonishing actions qf -the miners. They did not want to be shot down by private detectives and by labor spies. They did not want to starve. They did not want to be slaves -working for nothing even If it was for ' the Bake of Morgan, and associates. They did not want to be driven from the shacks they called their homes. They did not want, in a word, to go obsystems eolcxicstgumatheflaopage.x without food so that Morgan, and associates, could buy more old masters and possibly contribute something further to a modern maternity hospital. While this was going on, there were Tjmany children born in the district. •One of the babies that had so little forethought as to be born in such circumstances was the child of the wife ■ of Frank "Rush, one of the strikers. Mrs. Waters, wife of a Paint Creek mine foreman, swears: "There came to my home Frank Rush's wife. She had her baby on her arm and she was about to become a mother again. 1 took the wife iu. I knew I took a chance, there was so little love and charity In the mining district. I felt, as the wife of the foreman, I was under obligation to these people. A few days later my husband was discharged as foreman, and the superintendent told him It was because we had given Frank Rush's wife a home with us." That is, because Mrs. Waters, seeing a poor creature crawling through the hills, had taken her into her home and permitted her to give birth there to a.child, Waters became a marked man, and lost his job. Frank Rush had already lost his job. Mrs. Rush had already lost her home. Baby Rush, for being born during the course of u bitter strike, is the cause of the victimization of a working claas family. There was no Morgan maternity hospital to which Mrs. Rush could go. There was nothing In the may of "modern surgical appliances and scientific care" for either of them. "But there is the picture of charity. Baby, although unborn, mother and •striking miner father were outcasts and outlaws, and anybody who dared give any one of them aid and comfort, even ln the agony of bringing a new human being into the world, became outlawed and outcast also. It is the will of capitalism, of which Morgan is such i a perfect exponent. If he had been on the scene be might have told the woman that she could go to the mater- jnity hospital he endowed. But the woman In her heart would "have known, as we all know, that that hospital was endowed from the dollars stolen from the poor, that its bricks and stones are cemented by tears ot misery, and that It Is a monument ot shame to a leading robber ot a robber •class—The Call, New York. BEING AN EXPLANATION OF THE DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES OF THE S.P.G.B. As in the order of social evolution the working class is the last class to achieve Its freedom, the emancipation of the working class will involve the I°°k'-*<1 l° recrult that abundance of ceased to exist in this country. The serfs had shaken themselves free of most of their feudal shackles and stood now . as independent peasant- proprietors. But the rising capitalist class could only elevate themselves on the backs of this class of free peasants. It was from their ranks, chiefly, that they emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex. The Aphorism speaks of "the order of social evolution." The phrase shall be the starting point of this explanation. Society has not always been divided Into the same classes that it comprises today. The present class division, as was shown in dealing with our first aphorism, is based entirely on the private ownership of the means of IKe. On this is erected the class distinction, and from it flow the class chracteris- tlcs. Only this private ownership by a section could, for instance, have developed a wage slave class (not a class \ who occasionally work for wages, but a class who have no other means of li-ving than by working for wages). But previous to the present social system other social systems have existed, upon other bases, and with other classes ruling and ruled under them. Under the feudal system, for instance, the feudal nobility ruled, basing their power upon a certain qualified control of the land. Under the classic States based upon chattel slavery, a class of slave-owners ruled. But the constant feature of society ever since it has had the class formation—that is ever since classes have existed—lias been that the ruling classes have controlled the dominating factor in production. Under chattel slavery lt was slaves, against .whose labour the free men could not, partly from pride and partly from their liability to military service, compete. The feudal nobility of the middle ages had but partial control of the land, hence their dominance was never very complete. Indeed, in England the serfs managed to throw off the shackles of serfdom and gain a position which, though still subservient, was similar to that of the free Roman citizen of the poorer class, but without the Incubus of slave- labour to drag them down to ruin. But against this persistent feature of class society is the constant characteristic of the democratic societies which preceded them—the means of living belonged to no one: they were open to all. This gives us the key to the aphor- iBm. Without private property, without privileges in the means of living, there can be no class distinction or class domination. Tho emancipation of the working class, therefore, since it can only be accomplished by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distribution, leaves nothing to form the basis of domination. Thus it follows that the emancipation of the working class must end class domination, and must involve the emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex. Don't Worry. 'Clarion. Read the Western APHORISM V. This emancipation must be the work of the working class itself. Before the present social system came into existence the feudal nobility were the ruling class. But lt was characteristic of the feudal system (as of any system that was Incapable of any other ending than ruin and chaos), that the dominant class under it could not prevent the rise to power of a new class. The source of this was largely In the towns, where surplus products of a "non-perishable" nature were produced, which fell into the hands of a class who made commerce their business. The source of the merchants' wealth were capable of much greater extension than those of the nobles, partly because the products of the country districts, being more perishable than those of the lowns, did not lend themselves so readily to international commerce, and partly because the serf, having rights in the land, was chiefly producing goods for his own consumption, and only working for a strictly limited' time for his feudal superior, while the handi-craftsman of the town was already producing commodities—goods produced for sale. It was quite in the nature of things that with the increasing productivity of labour the capitalist side of production—the production of commodities by wage-labor—should tend to increase rapidly, and certain geographical discoveries (the way to the East round the Cape of Good Hope and the discovery of America) gave tremendous Impetus to this side of Industrial development. The laws and restrictions placed upon commerce and pre ductlon—partly feudal, partly customary to the different trades—pressed heavily upon the rising class, and so it was natural that as their wealth and power increased they should direct their attention toward gaining social supremacy. As the new class rose the serfs gradually rose from servitude also, and long before the merchant forerunners of the modern capitalist class bad achieved ruling power, serfdom had cheap laborers they desired for their factories. Already the break-up of the bands of retainers of the feudal nobility bad supplied great numbers, and the dissolution of the monasteries had set free a great many more, but still the factories cried for other workers, and only the class of peasant-proprietors could supply the needed Increase. Events, however, proved favorable to the needs of the capitalists. An enormous demand for wool had sprung up, and in consequence the land be gan to wear a different aspect in the eyes of the aristocracy. It presented a means of keeping sheep, and hence of acquiring great wealth. Unfortunately, the peasant proprietors were in the way. The small agriculturists, whom the capitalists so badly wanted In the factories, and whose fields the aristocrats coveted, were clearly altogether out of place upon the land. That was a matter that the capitalist class and their feudal opponents could agree upon, for all their class antagonism. So the two combined to drive the peasants from the soil. At first they were dispossessed of their fields without troubling about any legal form, but later the classes interested passed, under various pretexts, legislation which made the expropriation of the peasants more swift. They were hunted out by troops, their dwellings were burnt to the ground, and their lands were appropriated by the great landlords and laid down ln pasture for sheep. The legislation passed against the dispossessed peasants makes terrible reading. They were expropriated at a rate far too rapid even for the rapidly growing capitalist industry to absorb them, hence their presence on the earth was inconvenient and unwelcome. Laws were passed, therefore, aiming at the wiping out of the surplus. Under Henry VIII. (see Karl Marx's "Capital," Chap. XXVIII.) sturdy vagabonds were to be tied to the cart tail and whipped until the blood ran ln streams from their bodies. For the second offence of vagabondage the whipping was to be repeated and half the ear sliced off. For the third relapse the offender was to be executed as a hardened criminal. Under Edward VI. it was ordained that if anyone refused to work he was to be condemned in slavery to the person who denounced him as an idler. If he was absent for a fortnight he was to be branded on the forehead or back with a letter S and became slave for life. If he ran away three times he was to be executed as a felon. Under Elizabeth similar laws were made. For the flrst offence a whipping and branding, unless someone would take them into service for two years; for the second offence execution unless someone would take them into service for two years; for the third offence execution without mercy. In the reign of James I, the expropriated peasantry were subjected to like enactments. Holllngshed says that 7,200 were executed In the reign of Henry VIII., while Strype records that in Elizabeth's time "rogues (those, for the most part, who had been robbed of their land) were trussed up apace, and that there was not one year commonly wherein three or four hundred were not devoured and eaten up by the gallowes." The same individual states that In Somersetshire alone In one year 40 persons were executed. These laws, and many other which cannot be mentioned here, remained in force even ns late as the beginning of the 18th century, while ln France for three-quarters of a century later laws as severe were active against the workers Other periods of history show the same bloody repression of subject classes by ruling classes, even from tho dawn of written history. And the savage suppression and avenging of the Paris Commune of 1871, together with numerous examples at Barcelona, Moscow, and elsewhere on the Continent, at Pittsburg and Lawrence in America, and at Featherstone and Tonypandy in England, of recent years, show that the same factor which we see running through all written history still persists. That factor is the life and death struggle between the classes. This teaches ub that with classes, however lt may be In exceptional, Individual cases, economic interests govern actions. Convinced of this, and holding to It as a guiding principle, and knowing, moreover, that the interests of the master class are diametrically opposed to those of the working class, we assert that the emancipation of the working class must be the work of the working clasB Itself. This, of course, does not preclude the possibility of some few members of the master class rising superior to their environment and their class Interests, and rendering good service to the workers' cause. Capitalists, like workers, are human, which is why, as a class, they are actuated by their class interests. But for the same reason individual capitalists may be moved by any other human emotion, even to the extent of taking up the battle of the oppressed class. The difficulties in the way of their doing so, however, are stupendous. Their outlook upon life is entirely different to that of the workers. No' other system of society ever lent Itself more to illusion than the present one. No other system ever so effectually concealed the chains of bondsmen and so artfully surrounded slaves with the atmosphere of freedom. The position of the chattel-slave was always very clear, indeed it appeared that he got nothing for his labor. Yet he, at all events, never starved, and was robbed of a comparatively small proportion of his product. The modern wage slave, on the other hand, appears to be free; nobody owns him and he even has his foot on the social ladder—he may own property; perhaps he does own a bit, or has some money in the teapot. He actually has a vote. It seems that he is robbed of nothing, that he is paid for all he produces. Even the forces of the State seem to be necessary to hold markets abroad for the disposal of his products and to protect the rich cargo of his teapot at home. All this presents difficulty enough even in the case of the worker, assisted as he is by his class interest in seeing through the sham. But it is an almost unsurmountable barrier to those born and bred in the atmosphere of capitalist circles, so much so that the few who DO get some glimmering of the position are shut oft from true democracy by class arrogance and class prejudice. They are the superior ones, and MUST lead. It is just here that our aphorism applies with greatest force. , Without shutting the door against any who subscribe to our principles and act In accord with them, it is upon the working class that the working class must rely for their emancipation. Valuable work may be done by Individuals, and this work may necessarily raise them to prominence, but it is not to individuals, either of the working class or of the capitalist class, that the tollers must look. The movement for freedom must be a working CLASS move ment. It must be founded upon the understanding of their class position by the working CLASS. It must depend upon the working CLASS vitality and intelligence and strength. Until the intelligence and knowledge of the working class are equal to the task of revolution there can be no emancipation for them. Hence they must control all Individuals ln their camp, no matter which class they may belong to, and they must be guided ln the conflict by the principle of the class struggle, which is based on the irrefutable fact that all written history is a history of class struggles, and the knowledge that the emancipation of the working class can only be the fruits of a class struggle, and therefore must be the work of the working class itself.—A. E. Jacomb, in Socialist Standard. SLAVERY. Slavery Includes all other crimes. It is the joint product of the kidnapper, the pirate, thief, murderer and hypocrite. It degrades labor and corrupts leisure, says "The Voice of Labor." With the idea that labor is the basis of progress goes the truth that labor must be free. The laborer must be a free man. We would like to see this world, at least, so that a man could die, and not fret that he had left his wife and children a prey to the greed, the aver- lce, or the cruelties of mankind. There Is something wrong In a government where they who do the most have the least. There ls something wrong when honesty wears a rag and rascality a robe; when the loving, the tender, eat a crust, while tho Infamous sit at banquets. The laboring people should unite and should protect themselves against all idlers. Mankind is divided into classes: The laborers and the idlers, the supporters and the supported. Every man is dishonest who lives upon the unpaid labor of others, no matter if he occupies a throne. We need free bodies and free minds —free labor and free thought, chain- less hands and fetterless brains. Free labor will give us wealth. Free thought will give us truth. There will never be a generation of great men until there has been a generation of free women—ot free mothers. When women reason, and babies sit In the laps of philosophy, the victory of reason over the shadowy host of darkness wlll be complete. The rights of men and women should be equal and sacred—marriage should be a perfect partnership— children should be governed by kindness—every family should be a republic—every fireside a democracy. Break your chains- AND GO BACK TO THE LAND 160 ACRES HOMESTEADS and Pre-emptions IN BRITISH COLUMBIA WE HELP YOU TO LOCATE Western Farming & Colonization Company, Limited 5 WINCH BUILDING | - - - - VANCOUVER, B. C. LOCAL VANCOUVER Propaganda MEETING Every Sunday Evening Empress Theatre OVER 66 YEARS' EXPERIENCE Trade Marks Designs Copyrights Ac. Anyone lending a Bitot eh and description may quickly ascertain our opinion free whether en Invention It probably patentAble. Cemmunlca. tlnm strictly oonlldeiitlal. HANDBOOK on Patent* sent free. Oldest agency for Becurmg-patents. entente taken through Munn A Co. reoelye specla1 notice, without charge, In the Scientific Hmtricatt. A harrtiomei. HlmtnitM weekly. X-mrge-* cir. culatlon of any ■clentlfic journal. Terms for Canada, $3.76 » year, -pottage prepaid. Bold by all newedaalera. F. PERRY TAILOR Removed from 58 Hornby St. to LABOR TEMPLE. A Good Place to Eat at Mulcahy's Cafeteria 137 Cordova Street West The best of Everything properly cooked E. T. KINGSLEY ^Printer Publisher High-Grade Catalogue Book and Commercial NEW LABOR TEMPLE VANCOUVER, B. C. GREAT BOOKS BY GREAT MEN Age of Reason, Paine.. 25e j Origin of Species, Darwin 25c ' Ingersoll's 44 Lectures $1.00 , Evolution of the Idea of God, Grant Allen 26 Life of Jesus, Renan 25 1 The Churches and Modern Thought, V.vian 26 I All books postage paid. People's Bookstore I 152 Cordova St. W. LITERATURE. We need money and we want to make way .for new pamphlets. • Therefore we make the following offer: Manifesto of S. P. of C 10c Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism 10c Socialism and Unionism 6c Slave of the Farm 5c Struggle for Existence 6c Summary of Marx' "Capital" 5c The State and Government 5c Value, Price and Prodi 5c 50c THE WHOLE BUNCH FOR 25c. ATEINTS im^dLijtiEsmi-Mi In all Countries. Ask for our Inventor's Adviser. Marlon & Marlon, 364 University Street, corner St. Catherine Street, Montreal, and Washington, D. C, U. S. A. The B. C. Liberal party Is too awfully dead to kick. The Conservative party has resolved Itself Into an executive committee of the big corporations. The organized labor movement must accept the socialist position and go into politics. B. C. Federationist:— Aro you striking for freedom? What would you give to be able to know you are really free, instead of having to slave six days a week for a few crumbs? Rhymes of Revolt BY WILFRID GRIBBLE Neat little volume of virile verse 25c Spee'a' Ptiee for quantities OBTAINED AT CLARION OFFICE Brackendale - Cheahamus MOTOR STAGE Leaves Squamish wharf daily, on arrival of Vancouver boat Better Service Same Old Prices H. JUDD, Prop. 50 §0rialt2t &0ttg0 with music, 25 cents. By Bouck i White. Handsomely bound. For labor mass meetings, the home,] etc. Propaganda on every page. J New. Postpaid. Stamps or coin. Address, Socialist Literature Co, j "DeDt.P» 15 Spruce St., New York City Party Lapel BUTTONS Price: 50c each or 5 for $2.00 Dominion Executive Committee Labor Temple DF.NTIST W. J. CURRY 301 Dominion Trust Building Vancouver, B.C. The best and cheapest WORKINGMAN'S HOME Cordova Boarding House 612 Cordova Street East FOR SALE 25 Acres on the new extension of E.&N. Ry. (C.P.R.) Vancouver Isl Within a few hundred feet of the sea. Easy clearing. Excellent soil. Two steady streams flowing through property. Nice slope towards the water. Good fishing and hunting. Price only $80 Per Acre This is a snap. A town- site certain within two miles as soon as railroad is completed TEEMS — One-third Cash, and balance at 1 and \ 2 years. Interest 7%. HANDLE THIS IF YOU CAN W. W. LEFEAUX Labor Temple Bldg., Dunsmuir St., Vancouver
- Library Home /
- Search Collections /
- Open Collections /
- Browse Collections /
- BC Historical Newspapers /
- Western Clarion
Open Collections
BC Historical Newspapers

Featured Collection
BC Historical Newspapers
Western Clarion Oct 5, 1912
jpg
Page Metadata
Item Metadata
Title | Western Clarion |
Publisher | Vancouver, B.C. : The Western Socialist Publishing Co., Limited |
Date Issued | 1912-10-05 |
Geographic Location | Vancouver (B.C.) |
Genre |
Newspapers |
Type |
Text |
FileFormat | application/pdf |
Language | English |
Notes | Titled The Western Clarion from June 18, 1904 to June 1, 1907; titled Western Clarion thereafter. |
Identifier | Western_Clarion_1912_10_05 |
Series | BC Historical Newspapers |
Source | Original Format: Royal British Columbia Museum. British Columbia Archives. |
Date Available | 2016-04-04 |
Provider | Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library |
Rights | Images provided for research and reference use only. Permission to publish, copy, or otherwise use these images must be obtained from the Digitization Centre: http://digitize.library.ubc.ca/ |
DOI | 10.14288/1.0318743 |
Latitude | 49.261111 |
Longitude | -123.113889 |
AggregatedSourceRepository | CONTENTdm |
Download
- Media
- wclarion-1.0318743.pdf
- Metadata
- JSON: wclarion-1.0318743.json
- JSON-LD: wclarion-1.0318743-ld.json
- RDF/XML (Pretty): wclarion-1.0318743-rdf.xml
- RDF/JSON: wclarion-1.0318743-rdf.json
- Turtle: wclarion-1.0318743-turtle.txt
- N-Triples: wclarion-1.0318743-rdf-ntriples.txt
- Original Record: wclarion-1.0318743-source.json
- Full Text
- wclarion-1.0318743-fulltext.txt
- Citation
- wclarion-1.0318743.ris
Full Text
Cite
Citation Scheme:
Usage Statistics
Share
Embed
Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML
of your page to embed this item in your website.
<div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
<script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
src="{[{embed.src}]}"
data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
async >
</script>
</div>

https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/cdm.wclarion.1-0318743/manifest