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Western Clarion Sep 17, 1910

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 NO. 597.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, Sept. 17, 1910.
snMcrlutioD Price ai gtm
fnvui    el.irn
Two Tragic Acts From Wage SlaVe Drama
It Is Sunday, September the fourth,' must go to church even  if 1 do get
nineteen ten, and I, a free citizen in a
free   country,  have  two  whole  days'
holiday.    I  don't get many  holidays
['during the year so I feel proud of our
unions for forcing the bosses to give
i us a holiday, and for getting up all
I kinds of sports so that we can enjoy
[ourselves.     It   just   shows   me   what
J unionism  can do,  and  if the  unions
Kwere strong enough to lower the price
lof feed, our happiness would be ccm-
[plete.   (-"ur membership has increased
f by sixty-two this year so we will soon
[ be strong enough.
Now, let me see, tomorrow will he
Labor Day.   Where shall I go?   Well
I guess I'll go to the Trades an! Labor
1 sports and take the missus and  the
' kids.    But, hold on, 1 can't take the
missus  as  she  hasn't  got  that   icw
dress she's been wanting for the lust
' six weeks, and the kids have no boots
so they must r.tay at home too; but I
must  go  or  my  union  brothers  will
say ta<'i'. 1 am too mean to help the
Anyhow, today being Sunday, I must
go to church. It's a fine morning and
the Lord is very good to send such
fine weather for the workingmen to
enjoy themselves in; but the wife will
have to stay at home and I'll tell her
what the minister preached, because
she likes our minister, he Is such a
good man. Ours Is a fine church, the
best in the city; we have the best
singers, and take up the biggest collections. And then, listen to that sermon. "The Lord is my Shepherd I
shall not want." How true those words
are, if everybody would love Jesus
there would be no poverty; look at our
minister, doesn't he look healthy and
well-fed; look at the fine house he lives
in, and the fine clothes be wears. I
feel so proud of going to his church.
If I could only love Jesus a little
more Instead of kicking about not hav.
ing enough wages to live on, Jesus
would help me more than he does.
Well, after dinner I'll go to church
again and ask the Lord to help our
union to get better wages, then everything will be alright.
' Ah! dinner is ready, I can smell
that boiled pork and don't those potatoes look good; if we only had a nice
cabbage with it, it would be fine and if
those children wouldn't eat so much
meat it would be better for us. Look
how they enjoy that rice and prunes.
Well, dinner is over and I guess I'll
get ready to go to church. I should
saw some wood, but as it is Sunday
and I have a holiday tomorrow, the
wife will have to make out with what
she has—I must not work on Sunday.
Well, I must hurry to church, I am
anxious to hear what the sermon ls
so that I can tell the wife.
On my way to church I was reminded of tbe morning sermon as there wus
a Socialist meeting. These men are
causing discontent among the workers
they want to do away with Ihe capitalists, the men that give us work. Why
If It wasn't for the capitalist we would
starve. They say we are slaves and
that there Is more poverty now than
ever before. These men are agitators
and are the cause of the wages being
low because they are hoboes and won't
-work. If they would go to church and
love Jesus they would not want for
The afternoon sermon was on the
text, "Do unto others as you would
have them do unto you." When I told
my wife, she told me she had decided
to take in washing to get the price of a
new dress so she could go to church
too; and I though that we'd better
send Jimmy out to sell papers as he
was nearly six years old and the money
he made could buy him boots. Then
they could all go to church, and our
children would learn to become good
citizens and christians, and the Lord
would bless us, then I shall have a
good time when I am dead.
Well, supper ls on, but I don't feel
hungry; lt seems as though the Lord
had already begun to help me. Still
that bread and dripping looks tempting
and those prunes delicious, so t guess
111 eat and then go to church this
evening again.
Well now, its raining, and I haven't
got am umbrella or a raincoat, but I
wet, so here goes. Ah, here comes my
boss in his automobile. He's a good
boss anyway and he deserves to get
on. He would raise our wages only
the price of material has gone up and
he can't afford It. Well, now, see how
he turned that corner and splashed the
mud all over me; but I'm sure if he
had known it was me he'd have slowed
There's not many people in church
to-night; guess they were afraid of
getting wet, but see what a fine sermon they've missed—"I am the Way,
the Truth and the Light"—and the
splendid  music.
Monday morning, I wake up with a
start at five o'clock. I haven't got
to go to work because its Labor Day,
so I'll go to sleep again. But, hold on,
I'll have to take Jimmy out and get
him some papers to sell. My word!
and its still raining. But It can't be
helped, I can't waste much time and
I want to go to the sports If It leaves
off raining.
Monday noon, Jimmy sold half his
papers. Its still raining and I can't
go to the sports. The wife is doing
our washing and two other families'
Monday, five o'clock, Jimmy has a
big bundle of evening papers to sell
after supper. Wife's just finished
washing and is getting tbe supper. In
lighting the lamp, it explodes, setting
fire to Jimmy's papers, and In attempting to put them out they get scattered, setting fire to the washing,
which is being dried Inside on account
of the rain; getting geyoijd onr control it sets fire to the house and drives
us out into the rain with no home and
no money. But we will trust in the
Lord to help us out of our trouble.
W. W.
With tbe fast dying middle class
the system Is different again. They
would be benefited by the abolition of
capitalism. But because of their ownership of some small part of the
machinery of production they link
their interests with the capitalist
class. Though they are not absolutely
propertyless, they are exploited just
the same as the wage slave. Seemingly they possess a certain amount
of individuality; that individuality
rests upon their ownership of the
small portion of the means of production they hold. Although they
would be better off working directly
for a master, their property interests
prevent them from looking outside of
their own class. These are the fellows
who are blinded to their own Interests,
and shout so hard for reforms, such as
single tax, the abolition of the trusts,
falling to see the landlord and the
trust are results of a historical process, which means the burial of the
small property holder. To shout
against it is just about as sensible as
shouting or legislating against the
Then again the capitalist could not
assist / the workers if he wished.
Forced by competition to produce at
the lowest possible cost he must
secure the wage-slaves at the lowest
possible wage. Competition waxes
among the capitalists, each new machine reduces the cost of production,
competition continually persecutes the
capitalist, compelling him to get new
machines to introduce further subdivision ot labor to further speed up
the workers.
The capitalist is a product of the
system the same as the workers, but
though he Is a product of the system,
and we recognize he does what he
does because he has to, we cannot
spare bim for that. We are products
of a system the same as he, but our
exploitation makes lt imperative that
we should remove the system, and the
capitalist being with the system we
must remove ' him too. We do not
expect him to help us, do you expect
a man to commit suicide for another,
that's what the capitalist would be doing. No improvements can come to
the workers so long as labor power
is a commodity. The unemployed
army keeps wages down to the bare
existence level. The capitalists cannot abolish the unemployed army without  abolishing  themselves.
We often hear about the narrowness of Socialism, that if we preached
an all-class Socialism we would make
greater progress. The Utopians tried
that but did not make much progress. They tried the effect of presenting a beautiful picture of a future
state and compared it with the existing misery of the masses, trusting to
appeal to the sentiment, enthusiasm
and pity of the idealists and the rich
to once and for all abolish. poverty.
To try to preach an all-classes Socialism would be to preach the same, or
now that Marx and Engels have put
Socialism on a scientific basis, to revert back to utoplanism. With the
"Communist Manifesto" they put the
labor movement on a solid foundation,
showing that societies are not the
result of dreams, but of economic development, and that the next order
would be a collective one.
The mission of the Socialist party
Ib to organize the workers for ths
overthrow of the capitalist system, the
robbery of the workers being the impelling force, the class struggle the
road, the capture of the political power
the means. J.   STEWART.
Showing it's Evolution to ihe Collective Form
The question is often asked to-day
especially after a Socialist speaker
has outlined the evils of capitalism,
and the remedy, why. instead of
preaching the class struggle, we do not
co-operate and .obtain the much valued
assistance of the capitalist, in our
efforts to abolish the poverty and the
misery of the workers.
That the condition of the workers
Is one of abject misery, a struggle
all the time for a living, no one will
deny. Even the capitalists or their
politicians do not deny this. The fact
is to glaring for a denial, yet we
find the capitalists and their accessories opposing Socialism. In their
reasons for opposing Socialism we
find the reasons why we cannot cooperate with them.
The co-operative commonwealth of
Socialism Implies a social revolution;
capitalist ownership in the means of
production. It means the ownership
of Ihlngs now held by the capitalists
by the whole of the people, and It Is
only because the capitalist owns these
things to-day, he enn draw from them
his rent, Interest and profit. The
capitalist system is tottering to its
downfall, lt proves that it cannot find
the necessities of life for all, therefore we who suffer from it, can no
longer uphold it, we demand a new
system;  a social revolution.
The capitalists also recognize that
the system is not all that ls to be
desired, still they oppose Socialism.
Their opposition cannot be put down
solely to ignorance, tbey are in a
position to understand the economic
laws, and generally have studied tbe
social system more than the workers.
The fact of the matter is that they
can see no Immediate gain for themselves by abolition of exploitation,
in fact their mode of living, their incomes, depend on the maintenance of
the present system, consequently the
maintenance of the wage-system and
the wage-slavery of the workers.
Man's actions are dominated by
material Interests, it is tbe material
interest of the capitalist class to maintain the present system therefore
they will support it, it is to the interests ot the workers to abolish it,
therefore lt Is to the working class
that the Socialist appeals.
Out  in   the    woods   of   the   Mogul,
hemmed by the sky-topped lines,
Gyved to the realm of his Masters—
the forests, the valleys, the mines;
There toils a slave to a Land-God, ply.
ing the axe and the spade,
Paying the price for a few meals!—
the price that his Fathers' paid.
Un in the steep-bosomed hill-top, far
through the dank tunneled curve.
The slaves are pulling and hurling,
straining their strength and their
nerve, ,
Hewing the rock for the mighty,
struggling and heaving with zeal;
Oh what a price for a shelter! Oh
what a price for a meal.
There goes a mortal that's slavobound,
bent with an age of toll,
Disgruntled,   haggard,  and  sorry—an
essence of all that's loyal,
Gripping  tbe   crowbar  and   hammer,
like a demon loosed from lair,
Panting and gasping for more work,
work Is his fare and his share.
And yet the transient homeless, do
praise the gods of the earth,
Lisping the praise of a shackle, thanking them for a grand birth,
Bending to gods of their fetters, down
at their shrine will they kneel,
All for the price of a shelter and
hopes of a sundown meal.
The cackle of drudges and slaves,
bored stern with slavery's test,
Limp sluggish toward their camp-
house, for a few hours snap of rest,
Cursing the breath of the despot—the
curse of a pent-up spiel:—
"To Hell with the Master's table, To
Hell with the Master's meal!"
With grit and sinew the woodsmen,
are grim and ghastly with lire,
Tis logs ot an hour they're wanting—the task of a few slaves' hire,
Slash, cut and drive with a vengeance,
to a pace that's hardly real:—
"Hurrah for the land ot the despot,
and the price of his cursed meal!"
Slaves grind and crawl to tbe Mighty,
slaves creep to the dismal ghoul,
That lures on Its dupes so fatal, by
blows that are struck so foul;
Power, Greed and Terror thou monsters, that all thy talons have
For the blood of the slave-bound victims, and the price of a world* they've
Giants   of   Earths   damning   process,
Kings of the Land, Sea and Air,
Stamping the foot on the imprint, of
liberty everywhere,
Demons  of  Force mocking Freedom,
that have been for ages sold,
For the damnable price of a verdict,
that Life shall be bought by Gold.
Comrade Slave,—On Monday the
28th of August, the only representative of the slaves of this province,
Com. O'Brien, Comrade Blake and the
writer attacked the city of Strathcona
and at once proceeded to spread the
doctrine of discontent. We had a fine
meeting and some opposition which
brought out. some fine points. O'Brien
was in line trim and delivered the
go..!.; )n good style. One Indiv'dunl
amongst the audience said ail we
were here to do was to spread discontent amongst the contented people of
Strathcona. I hope we succeeded. I
thank him. Another says, "am I to
Infer that you Intend to overthrow the
jubnurtal institutions (whatever that
Is) founded on the blood and toil of
our forefathers?" The only thing I
could make out of it he must have
meant our slavery that has been founded on our forefathers' blood and toil,
and it Is to be admitted we were out to
abolish tbe present system lock, stock
and barrel.
The writer being tbe peddler of the
mental dynamite, sold during the past
week about four dollars worth. During the campaign we added four to
our fighting list; also we took a number of subs, for tbe Western Clarion.
In all, we did an excellent piece of
propaganda, and personally I think
we should test this burg In the next
election. There are quite a number
around here who are getting to savvy
there Is something wrong and it is,
I believe, a fine way of presenting our
dope to the slaves,
We are coming up in line, we are
making some progress in the line of
spellers, Comrades Bissett and Blake
are making good headway. You will
find enclosed two subs, for one year
and a half.
A slave ln revolt,
Private property developed out of
communistic possessions, thence into
capitalist property. In analyzing property in the means of wealth production, a great deal of confusion might
be avoided were we to keep in mind
that they are three distinct forms of
property, representing three very different periods in human history. So
many of our Comrades so carelessly
say private property when dealing with
modern capitalist property.
That portion of the earth occupied
by a communistic society was the common possession of all the members of
the commune. Its members got the benefit of their common effort. When the
time came that tbey could produce
j considerably more than they knew how
| to consume, their leaders were entrust-
I ed to barter the surplus with outsiders for things they did not have or
could not produce within the commune. This was the beginning of private property which finally brought
ruin to the primitive societies.
Private property was possiple only
after long experience of communistic
effort that taught man how to master
nature so he could—to some extent—
produce his living independent of
Private property Is just what lt implies, tne property of an Individual at
flrst operated by the owner, later also
by the family which grew up with private property. Its owner got the benefit of his own effort and later also benefits from all others, who, for any reason, applied their labor to his property.
Space will not permit much detail,
Suffice to say, as such, property is operated by the labor of others than the
owner, It serves to exploit, and therefore to enFlave, the non-owners. As
production for sale or exchange takes
the place cf production for use property loses its private character.
They who produce things for their
own use produce use-values but not
commodities. In order to produce the
latter they must produce social use
values for others. The former is the
function of private property, the latter
Is the function of capitalist property.
The slow growth of the market In
comparison with the rapid development of the means of wealth production—that is the hard tools into machines—forced the owners of property to
conform to this rapid change in order
to compete in the market. Hence the
partnerships, the corporations, the
trusts, as well as many intermediate
steps. With private property he could
say "this Is mine." Even in partnership they could say, "this is mine, or
my partner's;" but when they developed into the corporations it "-"•jame
more dfflicult for ea<-h to tract i property, and with the advent of uusts It
becomes Impossible for the individual
to trace his property. No shareholder
In a modern concern can say this or
that part of this property is mine.
At the advent of private property
wage labor was the rare exception,
many who never owned property were
finally forced Into wage slavery. For
various reasons—often because they
were so burdened with superstition—
many who owned property could not
conform to the changing conditions, so
could not successfully compete and
had to surrender their property ta—
and become wage-slaves for the successful one.
Modern Capitalist property is operated from tbe bottom to the top by
wage slaves. Once it was the rare exception, now it is the rule. With private property the owner performed a
useful function even when he had
others at his command; likewise with
the partners. Even in the corporations
one owner would be manager, another
superintendent, foreman, secretary,
buying raw material, seeking markets,
etc. All doing something useful. But
when they go Into the trusts the
owners are relieved even from the necessity of seeing their property.
It would appear that a large number who are not capitalists own some
property. But careful Investigation
will show that In the great majority of
such cases the value of the property
is not equal to the debts of the supposed owners, and the few eases where
the value of the. property ls equal to
or even greater than the debts,' may
console themselves for they are fast
joining the majority. Even where such
property Is free from debt the title
deeds do not Imply ownership, because
such property is so much at the
mercy of the large predominating
capitalit property; indeed, it Is
a part of that property as ls
evidenced by the fact ,that the benefits all go to the capitalist class. The
benefits of property always go to the
real owners. They can well afford
to leave tbe ti.le deeds with some of
us, so long as they get the benefit.
Thinking we own it, we work harder
and take better care of the property
than we would do if we knew we did
not own it. True, we have the privilege of selling, for it does not matter
to the real owners which slave happens
to be on the property, excepting where
the slave proves to be inefficient, then
they soon force him to sell to a more
worthy slave. It is difficult to sell such
property for we either reason it out, or
instinctively feel that such property
is more of a burden than a benefit.
Usually when such property is bought
it is not with the intention of keeping
it, but wltb the hope of being aple to
sell again for more than was paid for
it. The real owners of any property
are they who get the benefit of that
property. The supposed owners of
what appears to be private property
are for the most part propertyless
wage slaves. Industrial development
is fast compelling the real owners, the
capitalist class, to take over the title
As we trace, step by step, the
growth or development of private pro-
pert into capitalist property by the
same act we trace the growth of wage-
slavery. They are the two sides of
the same thing. The one Is made possible by the existence of the other.
Capitalist property Ib class property.
ST. JOHN,  N. B.
St. John, N. I!., Is supposed to be a
hard nut to crack because of tbe
apathy of the people to any movement wbich means better conditions
for the working people. Socialists
themselves have told me that It is Impossible to arouse tbe wage-slaves in
this vicinity to action, because they
had gone into the rut and there was
nothing bul to let them alone.
The working people must be aroused
and the Socialists must arouse tbem,
from my experience I can say that
this city is ripe for propaganda work,
at present we suffer from a lack of
speakers, and cannot raise the funds
for outside help.
With our limited talent n new feeling Is being created, the people are
discontented and only need he shown
their only salvation. Our meetings
are being well attended and the sale
of literature Is Increasing, which goes
to show that the efforts of a few
stalwarts are not going for nought.
There ls only one danger, that the
reform element may spring up, and
cause dissension. I should like the
party platform which Is printed in
the Western Clarion to include the
Application for Membership Certificate, as lt then shows our position
clearly, I.e., that Socialist members
can only vote for candidates on a
Socialist  Ticket.
A certain local not a hundred miles
from St. John, some months ago
passed a resolution that its members
should support any candidate running
for municipal honors who would
pledge himself to look after the Interests of the workers. This Is directly In opposition to the platform and
principles of the Socialist Party ot
Canada, and I think It should be made
perfectly plain to ail members that
wben the party has no candidate In the
Held that it is treason to vote for our
enemies, no matter what promises
they make, as the working class can
only be represented by the working
class, and the only party in this country which can, and does do this is
the Socialist Party of Canada.
Organizer, Local St. John, No, 6, N.B., I
-   JWJt- I THE  NEW   ERA  IN   B.  C.
Tbe spectacular stage in the capitalist development of British Columbia
seems to have at length arrived with
the advent of the inseparable Mackenzie  &  Mann.    Henceforth  things
'«£   the   Western   Clarion,   Flack   Block
7**a-*ment, 165  Hastings Street, Vancouver, B. C.
Tn Tear, 60 ce»t» for Hi Hontha,
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tf you receive  this  paper,  lt ls  paid
and velocity of modern Commerce production for themselves, they are
measured in the magnitude and com- faced with the police, and—these not
plexlty of Money, world-currency.        , sufficing—with me military.
All things today express themselves j The master class control the fight-
in terms of cash. Would we ascertain ' ing forces and are prepared to use
the wealth of a nation, we must go to ' them to maintain their position. They
the office and the counting-house. Com.' are   enabled    to   use   those    forces
merce presents itself not as the movement of materials which satisfy our
daily wants, but as a rush of gold and
silver.   Into the commercial maze are
* In -making remittance by cheque, ex-
*at-ange must be added. Address all
-oje-mmunlcattons and make all money
'•rears  payable  to
ISM Tuoonvar, B. O.-
Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on lt,
your subscription expires the
next issue.
SATURDAY,  SEPT 17th,  1910.
It has been our sincere pleasure to
i shake the dust of the city from our
Jeet, and acumulate that of the coun-
iry. Last Sunday we Investigated a
portion of the district which lies be-
"tween the Fraser River and the United States of -America, with a view
-to getting local color. We got tt, but
at will brush off. We also got sundry
•3>-dns within, which not infrequently
arise from the unregulated consumption of assorted fruits.
That is a beautiful country. As one
strolls along between the towering
itrunks of tranquil trees, the thought
is Irresistibly suggested that but a few
«hort years ago all was wilderness,
and now, so swift and sure is the
\anarch of civilization, most of it Is a
-■Smber limit.
In one section where, within the
memory of men still young, the red
squirrel and the porcupine held undisputed sway, four timber guardians
mow get five dollars a day each for
Great Capital has discovered B. C,
much to the present joy and subsequent sorrow of the unsophisticated
The  master-move  in  Mackenzie  &
Mann's    strategic    advance    towards
multl-millionalredom was the success-. before that wnlch he ha8 called lnt0
ful negotiation for government guar-,bemg> he crlnges to do Itg bl(ldlng.
antees for C. N. R. bonds. With the | Ag wlth hlB commodities, so with him.
governmental credit at their backs, ac-1 HIfl hopes and -ears> hls joyBi hl„ sor.
cess to the coffers of England has been
through their control of the political
machine—which they hold by the
votes of the class they have robbed.
    In  a  word,  the  continuation  of  the
cast the products of man, to reappear I workers'  poverty is due  to  the fact
as cash. | that  they  bave  voted  their  enemies
And Man, what of him?   Impotent into power.
What, then, is the remedy? How
are the working class to regain that
which has been stolen from them?
How are they to stop the robbery in
j rows, his loves and his hates, all are ' future?
easy, and the precious pair have at- reduoed ln the crucible of "business"'    Obviously   by  the   removal   of  the
tained to the limelight as financiers of »„   ri««i. ' *«.      ,   .,      .
6u...»»Uvi».i» ,„—Cash. root cause;  the   ejection from power
the highest order. Henceforth all they | This coin, this note, what service '0f the capitalist class, the control of
touch will turn to gold, and the era of have they performed? Their Impassive I political power by the working class,
high finance has dawned in B. C, with  faces   reveal  no  secrets.    They may \ ln order that they may throw off from
___ mmmmMmmmmmmmmmmmm,mMmmmmmmmmm
come fresh from the purchase of a ! their shoulders  the class  which op-
these two as the joint incarnation of
,     —--—     .— «-     --    — I ii.cn     duuiiiuoid    mo    Liann     \> 1111:11    up-
the finest genius that has inspired a woman's honor. Or they may have been  presses them and thereby gain access
Morgan, a Harrlman, a Gould or any  the price of the vaunted principles of to the means of wealth production,
high priests of capital. an upright man.   For lack of them a      This can only be accomplished by
Already the flrst venture aside from mother's breast may throb with fear the organization of the working class
the C. N. R., has been launched with for the safety of her child. Do they | lnto a party hostile to their enemy,
unexpected success. They bought SOme from those we hate, or those we j the capital class, determined to end
the  Dunsmlur Collieries.    The price,  love? | capital, capitalist and capitalism,
as given out for publication, was j is theirs a tale of industry or of The capitalist hirelings, led by the
eleven millions. Having been given idleness? None can tell. We only "statesman of Labor," John Burns, tell
out for publication, we may therefore know that they will bring us wealth !you that the poverty of the worker is
safely assume that it was a carefully, from the world of commodities. But|due t0 hts thrlftlessness and excessive
calculated exaggeration, taking care to still, we are not their masters, for what | dr|„klng habits While telling you
remember that "when they speak, they they bring is sometimes greater, some. 1 this they are compelled to publish
"tin!'!!"11  th6y  "re   S"ent  th6y  are|tlmes less' and ever we must ablde by [figures proving that poverty is on the
tne-r decision. j increase, while the expenditure on in-
Shall a world of men be forever crea-1 toxicating liquors decreases  year by
The next step has been to float this
lay-out as a corporation with a capital-: tures  of cash?    No, for  cash, being
ization of some  thirty  millions,  and
the blood of commerce, must circulate
and, having now reached the zenith of
its activity, its movement grows year ]
by year, more sluggish, until complete
stagnation must ensue.   Man, however,
will survive and devise for himself new
lt is reported that the suckers have
swallowed the bait greedily.
It is also rumored that they have
bought  the  Nanaimo  Collieries,   and
other deals are pending on thelsland, .
while an anthracite proposition east of forms and conditions of existence.
the  Rockies  is  being  "looked  into."
These, each in its turn, will no doubt] THE WAY OUT.
be put through the same process of
"over-capitalization." That done, of
course, the next move will be a consolidated collieries into which all of
The  greatest  problem   before   the
working class today, the problem that
I requires immediate attention, is pov-
these will be merged, with a further | erty    0n all hands the existence of
"expansion  of  capitalization,"  and  a
yet more enormous sale of stock.
poverty  amid  extreme  wealth Is ad-
__^_^___^^__. mitted.   All parties, no matter   what
Besides coal, the whaling Industry theil. label_ admlt the existence of this
among others, is also attracting their probiem and trot out one scheme or
attention by its possibilities. So with another that they claim will alleviate
one thing and another, we may predict | the evil. Before considering reme-
a considerable accession to the Mac-1 dleS| lt ls necessary to discover the
kenzie  &  Mann  fortunes.    Not  only j cause of the evfl; Bnd, having found
Will     (ha     "WISmoW     «pnflfo     ~C     fl«'«l     -
will the "legitimate" profits of flotations be enormous, but there wlll also
be  pickings  in   the   subsequent  con-
-.watching each other.
'Jn various other ways the hand of I stock "values" by the usual methods
innan  has   wrought    many     changes, [and from sundry subsidiary sources.
.Ever and anon the science of agriculture, manifests itself.   There are two
a>r   three   prosperous   farmers   in   the
v district.    Their business, however, is
x~*tot farming. Those who farm do not
appear so prosperous, at least, not to
that, to endeavor to, if possible, abol
ish the evil by removing the cause.
The first important fact that con
traction and expansion of the various j -ronts ug ln tn'Is examination is the
fact that poverty is confined to one
^^^^^^———————.,,,,,,,,,,,11,———    section     of    the    community,    and.
At present it is the universal opin-  stlangely    enough,    to    that   section
ion of the local small fry that these | which  alone  produces  the  welter  of
Ambling along a splendid highway,
• ihe principal function of which Is to be
.-.-»  vital   factor   In   local   politics,   we
■suddenly came upon a space where the
-rays of the sun  found their way to
-the ground.   Our first impression was
that of having discovered  the  scene
•of a  great  natural  unheaval.    Huge
■stumps  of  trees  and  piles  of  earth,
alternating with great cavities in the
-ground mingled to produce an aspect
■at tremendous confusion.    Advancing
-a little further, our eye encountered,
-on the other side of the disturbance,
■a. building.   That is, it was evidently
«f artificial origin, though "building"
is scarcely the  proper  word to  use.
'it was a shack round which the air
was thick with gloom.   Just then we
-detected a sign of life.   Out Into the
■ajpen stepped a rooster, lean yet proud.
His   tail, from   much   drooping,   had
.detached itself.    Lifting his head, he
prepared to crow when, catching sight
ot  his   surroundings,   he   closed   his
magnates "will do B. C. good." Wherein we readily agree, provided we may
attach our own significance to the
phrase. When B. C. has been "done
good" we will hear the usual howl
about "malefactors of great wealth"
and "conservation of our natural resources." This will of course call
forth the usual eulogistic vindication
of Mackenzie & Mann, and rival publi
riches we see around us. We find that
it is the hewers of wood and the drawers of water that are poor, while the
idle class are rich.
Why is It thai* those who produce
wealth in abundance receive but sufficient to keep them alive?
It Is not that there is not sufficient
wealth  in the country to supply the
j needs of the whole people, for we find
cations will espouse the rival causes  ft  admitted  on  all  hands  that   that
wealth   is   increasing  by   leaps   and
strictly moral, the opinion of the small
imoiitli,  swallowed  hard,  and  stalked  fry t0 the contrary notwithstanding
with much plausibility and no little
profit. On the one hand we will be
informed of Mackenzie's unostentatious, benefactions and simple piety,
and of Mann's remarkable rise from
the position of a humble tie-hewer to
that of a multi-millionaire and collector
of pewter-mugs and postage-stamps
While on the other hand we will be
regaled with information that Mac
kenzie corrupts legislatures and keeps
a harem, and that Mann waters stocks
and beats his mother-in-law, if he has
All of which will be perfectly welcome to us. We are glad to see them
here and whatever they may do, wc
shall consider perfectly legitimate and
-disgustedly off.
The truth was beginning to reveal
itself. This was evidently a human
habitation. Continuing our explorations we walked Into what appeared
to be a garden. Yes, It was unmistakably a garden, for here was a cabbage rearing its verdant crest with
the disdainful air of a monarch. And
so he was, for there was naught to
■dispute his sway.
All at once the truth was made
manifest—we stumbled upon a box
marked "stumping powder." This
-was a farm. Tbe cataclysm that had
at flrst astonished us was due to the
modern system of farming by dyna-
umlte. The farmer was not at home,
but let him continue. Though be be
mot prosperous now, posterity shall
admire his works and steal his plums.
As we said before, prosperity shines
'.■not upon those who bombard the earth
that it bring forth fruit, but upon
those who draw lines upon its bosom
and sell the enclosures thereof. Hereafter, don't talk Socialism to the
young man in tbe town, advise him
Ao go forth armed with hope and
artillery to reclaim the wilds. It's a
good argument.
Capitalist development Is what w
need to prepare tho way for the cooperative order. The "higher" the finance and the more enormous the
"theft," the better for us. They will
all be grinding our corn. No malefactor of great wealth can malefacture
a million, no petty bourgeois pilferer
can cry "stop thief," without ever and
always working to our advantage.
More power to them.
Pamphlets Now Ready
Proletarian in Politics    The Slave of
The Farm
Price 5c each                     25c per dozen
Could the tribesmen who flrst found
it necessary to exchange articles of
their respective production, in order to
satisfy their varied needs, view the result of that primitive transaction, what
language could spell tbeir amazement.
Still more would they be appalled
could they see the giant that has
sprung from the few shells or pebbles
they first used to facilitate their operations.
For Commerce, that might stream
with Its numberless tributaries, flowing
in man-made channels throughout the
earth, huge volumes of wealth for the I the   workers'
use of man, now hurtling across con- [own the only means by which they can
"—*-    now   traversing   the   width,live.
bounds, while at the same time the
poverty and misery of the workers increase.
The very fact that men able and
willing to produce are unemployed
shows that there need be no scarcity
of wealth.
There Is sufficient for all, but the
working class are denied the opportunity of consuming it; nor are they
allowed to operate the tools of production In order to produce what they
We are forced, then, to see that
members of the working class, while
desirous of producing, are prevented
from so doing by another class, who
own the means of wealth production.
This class are thereby enabled to dictate terms to the workers, who are
forced to accept them In order to obtain sustenance.
The terms are that they shall create
a value far In excess of the amount
paid to them In wages. The difference
between the value they receive and
the value they create is taken by the
capitalist as bis profit.
This surplus, theresult of the robbery of the worker, is piled up by the
capitalist, who is unable to consume
It fast enough, with the result that
sooner or later the markets are glutted and the workers discharged. With
the growing productivity of labor we
find these periodical gluts recurring
with ever greater rapidity. The unemployed army, growing greater and
greater, clamoring for a purchaser at
almost any price, force down the
wages of those employed to the lowest possible level, despite all attempts
on the part of the latter to raise them.
The class that produce the wealth
are in poverty because that wealth,
when produced, ls stolen from them
by the capitalist class.
The capitalists are enabled to steal
product  because   they
Despite an Increased expenditure of
£93,000 on wines (certainly not a
working class drink), the total drink
bill for 1909 shows a decrease of
£5,897,997, compared with that of
1908. Taking Into consideration the
Increase in prices, the total decrease
In the consumption of liquor amounts
to about   £11,147,997.
Capitalist statisticians and others,
while attributing the greater amount
of poverty to drink, are compelled to
admit that it is not possible to eradicate tbe "drink evil" while the housing conditions of the workers remains
as it is. Drinkiug habits, they admit,
are largely due to the vile housing accommodation and the coarse and indigestible food of the workers.
The workers live in the slums and
consume bad food because they are
poor, so we are brought back again to
the original cause, namely, poverty.
The Tory party, In order to get the
votes of the working class, bring forward a proposal which they call Tariff Reform. They tell us that a tariff
placed upon foreign manufactured
goods will keep out foreign competition and at the same time raise, by
the tax (upon the goods that are to be
kept out), sufficient to enable them
to finance measures of social reform.
The Tory leaders, however, have admitted that Tariff Reform will not
solve the poverty problem, and a little
Inquiry into the corraitions of the
working class In those countries
where protection has been established
will show that Tariff Reform Is no solution.
The Liberal party have been compelled to admit that they have no
remedy. Free Trade, they say, Is the
workers' real protection, whereas under free trade capitalism the workers
Both parties are pledged to support
the present system of class ownership
and are consequently enemies of the
working class.
The Labour party are pledged to
support capitalism through the Liberal
party, while In turn the I, L. P. has
sunk its political identity ln the Labour party.
The S. D. P. has all along shown its
Ignorance of tho working class position. While at times preaching tho
antagonism of Interest existing between the two classes, It has constantly blurred the Issue by advising
the workers to support sections of the
master class. It exists merely for the
purpose of advocating reforms of the
Socialist Directory
Every local of the Socialist Party
of Canada should run a card under this
head. $1.00 per month. Secretaries
please note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meeta
every alternate Monday. I). G. McKenzie, Secretary, Box 1688, Vancouver,   B.   C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meet.-! every alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 1688 Vancouver, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday ln
Labor HaU, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofllce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement in the province. F, Danby, Sec, Box 617 Calgary,
tlve Committee. Meets flrst and third
Tuesdays in the month at 12 1-2 Adelaide St. Any reader of the Clarion
desiring information about the movement In Manitoba, or who wishes to
Join the Party please communicate
with the undersigned. W. H. Stebblngs,
Sec,  316 Good  St.,  Winnipeg.
tive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKlnnon's,
Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box 4yi, Glace Bay, N. S.
LOCAL   VANCOUVEB,   B.  0.,  NO.   I.-—
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store. 161 Hastings St. W.
F, Perry, Secretary, Box 1688.
Finnish. Meets every second und
fourth Thursdays in the month at 151
Hastings St W. Secretary, Wm.
Propaganda and-business meetings
8 p. m. every Sunday evening in tl
Edison Panor Theater. Speake
passing through Revelstoke are 1
vited to attend. B. F. Gayman, S
cretary. -
LOOAL   LADT8MITH  XO.  10,   B.   P.
C. Business meetings every Saturdi
7 p.m. in headquarters on First A\
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmlt
B. C.
second Sunday 7:30 p.m. in McGreg
Hail (Miners* Hall), Thos. Robert
meets in Miners' Hail every Sunday
7:30  p.m.     E.   Campbell,   Secy.,   P.
Box   674.     Rossland   Finnish   Bran-
meets in Flnlanders' Hall, Sundays
7:30 p.m.    A. Sebble, Secy., P. O. B<
765 Rossland.
LOOAL   NELSON,   8.   P.   Of  C,  MBS1
every  Friday  evening  at  8  p.  m.,
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C.    I. A. Au
tin, Secy.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at
p.m. In the Labor Hall, Barber Bloc
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofllce). Cli
and Reading Room. Labor Halt,
Machin, Secretary. Box 647, A. Ma
donald,   Organizer,   Box   647.
P. of c, meets every first and thii
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town Hai
J. Oliphant, Secretary.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.
Miners' HaU and Opera House at
p.m. Everybody welcome to call. H.
Smith, Secy.
LETTISH-—Meets every second aud
ui .1 Sunduy in the month, 2 p. m.
I-:. J. Weinberg, 40 Ave., South Hill.
J. Schogurt, Secretary, Box 101 ii,
Vancouver,  B.  C.
P. of C. Hearquarters 622 First S'
Business and propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. shar
Our Reading Room ls open to the pul
lie free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dull
F. Blake, 649 Athubasea Ave., Seer
tary. Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourt
St., Organizer.
Headquarters aud Heading Room,
523 Johnston St. Opposite Queens Hotel. Business meeting every Tuesday
evening, 8 p.m. Propaganda meetings
every Sunday at Grand Theatre. R.
Thomas, Secretary.
S. P. of C.—Meets  1st and 3rd Sui
day in the month, at 4 p.m. i
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Cha
Peacock,  Box  1983.
LOCAL  NANAIMO,   NO.   8,  8.  P.   of   C.
meets every alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'clock
Jack Place, Rec. Secy., Box 826.
LOCAL   FEBNIE,   S.   P.   of   C.   HOLDS
educalionul meetings in the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave,, Fernle, every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business
meeting first Sunday in each month,
.same place ut 2:30 p. in.
David  Paton,  Secy.,  Box  101.
meets every Sunduy in Miners' Union
Hall ut 7:30 p. m. Business meetings,
1 >t and 3rd Sundays of eaeh month.
George Heatherton, Organizer; R. J.
Campbell, Secretary, Box 124.
LOCAL VBBNON, B. C, 38, S. P. of C,
meeta every second ahd last Friday in
each  month.    Chas.  Chaiiey,  Sec,   Box
127   Vernun.   li.   C.
S. P. of C.—Meets every Sunduy in
hall In Empress Thinner Block at 2:00
p. m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOCAL MICHEL, B. C, NO. 16, 8. P. OF
C, meets every  Sunday in Graham's
Hall at  10:30 u.  in, "  '
are invited to call,
ret ary.
quarters, Kerr's Hall. 120 1-2 Adelald
Street, opposite Roblin Hotel. Bus
ness meeting every Monday evening i
3 p in Propaganda meeting Sunda
evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcom-
Secretary. J- W, Hilling, 270 Youn
LOCAL  TOBONTO, ONT., NO. 84, 8. 1
OF C. Business meetings 2nd an
4th Wednesdays lu the month, g
the Labor Temple, Church St. Oui
dour propaganda meetings, Saturday
8 p.m.. City Hail; Sunduy afternooi
3 p.m.. at University nnd Queen St
Sunday night, 8 p.m., at Sluiler an
Tonga St. speakers' Class ever
Thursday, 8 p.m., at Headquarter!
79 Church St. Secretary, Arthu
Taylor,  201  George St.
LOCAL   COBALT,   No.   9,   B.   P.   of   C
Propaganda and business meeting
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. In Miner?
Hall. Everybody invited to attent
M.    .1.    Gorman,    Box    446,    I'Mnancla
LOCAL   ti'TAWA,   NO.   8,   B.   P.   of   C
Business meeting 1st Sunday • li
month, and propaganda meetings fol
lowing Sundays at 8 p.m. in Robert
Allan HaU, 78 Rldeau St. Tho usua
weekly inside propaganda meeting
discontinued during summer months
J 'Im I.yon.s secretary, 43 Centre bt,
Socialist speakeri
V. Frodsham, Sec-
LOCAL MABA, B. C, NO. 34, S. P. of C,
Meets flral Sunday In every month In
Socialist Hull. Mara 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman,   Recording  Secretary. -
Business und Propaganda meet in)
every Thursday at s p.m. In Macdon
aid's hall. Union Street. All are wel
come, Alfred Nash, Corresponding Se
cretary, Glare Bay; Win. Sutherland
Organiser, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross
Financial Secretary, office in I). N
Brodie Printing Co. building, Unloi
Passed by Local Toronto 24, Wednesday,  Aug.  24th,  1910.
That whereas from a report In the
Toronto Globe of Friday, Aug. 19th,
1910, wherein is stated the following
report of a deputation of the Trades
and Labor Council of Vancouver to
Sir Wilfrid Laurier.
Representatives of the Trades and
Labor Council asked for a head lax of
$1,000 on Asiatic immigrants. It. P.
Pettlplece, spokesman, in a vigorous
addreBS, maintained that the vices of
present system, such as State malnte-1 the Asiatics were perpetrated In spite
nance for school children, the right to'of the local police, and were polluting
tlnents, now traversing the
of the seas, Is but the maturity of that
early action which marked the first
toddling commercial steps of tho race.
And as that venture was marked by
the employment of something wherewith the value of things exchanged
might be expressed, so is the volume
As we have seen, the working class
are compelled to produce more than
they receive because they are forced
to accept the masters' termB in order
to live. Should they endeavor to take
those things necessary for their maintenance, or try to use the means of
work, etc., none of which touches the
poverty problem at all. They also have
endeavored to make alliances wltb the
historic enemies of the working class
and can be lumped with the other parties as being worthless from the point
of view of the worker.
The only party that stands for the
entire abolition of capitalism, and all
that capitalism Involves; the only
party that has laid down a clear and
definite set of principles in accord
with economic truths, and  stood   by
the community. He argued that the
Oovernment maintained the fish hatcheries on the Fraser River "for the
benefit of corporations" and asked
that they take over the canneries for
the benefit of white labor."
And that R. P. Pettlplece being a
member of the S. P. of C, and the S.
P. of C. being a Proletarian revolutionary organization, meaning, the
establishment of a system of society
based upon the common ownership
and   democratic   control  of  industry,
of the S. P. of C. distinctly mentions
tbat (
"So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins oi
government, nil the powers of the
stale will bo used to protect and de>
fend their property rights In the
means of wealth production and their
control of the product of labor."
That, such being the case, tt follows
that government ownership under
capitalist administration can In no
way benefit the workers and the advocacy of such, can only further
delude the workerB, and when advocated by a member of the S. P. of C, caa
only confuse and mislead them of th©
aim and object of the S. P. of C.
That granting such report to be correct, be it resolved:
That we, Local Toronto 24, S. P. of
C, maintaining the revolutionary-principal of Socialism and uncompromising
hostility to any reform advocacy, repudiates the action of Comrade R. P.
Pettlplece and consider It out of
harmony and detrimental to the
Socialist movement, and be lt further
That copy of above resolution be
them consistently; the only party that |and the distribution of wealth by and forwarded to the Dominion Executive,
aims at and steadfastly works for the in the interest of the whole community, for publication in the Western Clarion.
elimination of the causes that make
for poverty, is the Socialist party of
Great Britain.—Twel, in The Socialist
The Muckrakers may take some of
the polish from off the Individual capitalists. But lt takes the Proletarian
Class-Conscious Socialist to reduce
the whole of Capitalism to a Skeleton, which must be done before we
can get Socialism of a practical order.
and as the preamble of the Platform |    For, 12; against, 1.
Propaganda Meeting
Empress Theatre
Sunday -Sept.  18th.
Parker Williams
■p-p-fc uw j*tw=-(m-***M»f My— '
TV* Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
all questions relating tothe movement question.   Like you, I came from the fleeced and skinned as we and our kind
Meeting held Sept. 12th, 1910.
Present Comrades Mengel (Chairman)
Karme, Morgan, Peterson and the
Com. R. I. Matthews presented credentials and was seated, vice Com.
W. M. Mackenzie who has left town.
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from
.Maritime and Alberta Executives.
Locals St. John, N. B., Toronto, Ottawa and Cobalt, Ont., Menzles, Sask.
From Organizers O'Brien, Gribble,
Baritz and Fillmore, and from Com.
A. L. Botly, Porcupine, Ont.
Alberta   Executive 120.00
Maritime  Executive     5.00
Local  Ottawa  10.00
Local   Neplgon     2.00
Literature Sales Edmonton, $5.00
J.  Keller,  $4.00    9.50
'   $46.00
Warrants authorized for M. Baritz
organizing    $50.00
Office Fixtures, Moving, etc  22.25
Rent to Oct. 12  14.00
parently seemed to thrive upon their
On Thursday night we attended the
Local meeting ln Detroit and I was
informed if that "guy" (note the
brotherly internationalism expressed)
came there and insulted anyone
(which of course meant telling them
the truth) he would very quickly get
thrown out. Well, things were going
along very nicely, that is to say, they
were getting through with a lot of
tomfoolery, such as sending for Mayor
Seidel of Millenutum to come to Detroit and show the wage-slaves how
to keep policemen cool and all that
kind of dope when the local party
platform was up for adoption. Now,
this may sound strange to ub "guys,"
but you know every American hamlet
can formulate a local platform to prevent his neighbors spotted pigs from
of that society. Marx called his theory
"the materialistic conception of history;" let us apply it to education.
Modern  education  in  the  schools,
that is elementary education, endeavours to fit a boy out with a certain
equipment of positive knowledge.   He
ls taught the great laws of morality,
capitalist morality;  as much history
and geography as will tell him where
the principal countries of the world
are, and a few lines concerning how
these countries became what they are.
Besides this he ls taught a lot of sentimental slush;  reading and writing,
and also the elements of mathematics.
Regard that closely, then we wlll compare lt with the education given to
the  son of any  well  to do  Roman
citizen of 1500 years ago.   This brings
a curious reflection;  the Roman boy
was taught the same things, and some
authorities state that If lt was possible
to bring the Roman child back and
put him through the school education
ot today he would not meet with a
single unfamiliar line    of   thought;
amidst all the great facts accumulated during the last 1500 years, not ont
would  supgest  a  different  mode  ol
regarding the universe, or in finding
out the truth about the universe, and
Meetlng held Sept.  12, 1910.
Minutes   of  previous   meeting
Correspondence dealt with from
Locals, Port Moody and Nelson, and
from Organizer Desmond,
Receipts, Port Moody, $2.00.
Expenditures, none.
Dear Comrade McKenzie:—Well
we have Just finished one week's propaganda here, and if ever a city has
been awakened from a state of lethargy this place has.
Last Saturday night Comrade Barltz
gave his first lecture on the class
struggle in Canada, showing conclusively the futility of trades unionism
and all other reform movements that
were claiming to make capitalism a
little more bearable, and impressing
upon the minds of each and all the
absolute necessity of political action
in order to emancipate themselves
from wage-slavery.
On Sunday evening we went over to
Detroit and then the S. P. of U. 8. A.,
reclining in his easy-chairs if it wants our relation to the universe, than were
to. So when one of the comrades current in the mode of thought in his
suggested that Comrade Barltz be time. Yet surely any thinking man
given an opportunity to discuss it, the [must agree that there ls a vast dif-
chair absolutely refused, and one of _ference between the civilization of the
the Comrades? arose and very vehe-Bth century and that of the 20th, and
mently exclaimed that he had heard ! still greater the difference In intellec-
that Com. Baritz was a troublemaker | tual development and thought of that
and If the chairman would cloak him day and this. Then what has brought
with authority he would proceed to about the great change? The won-
evlct Com. Baritz from the hall, which derful development of physical sci-
pleasure he  was denied.    The same ence?
Comrade? stated that as nearly as Physical science deals with the
he could make out Com. Baritz was a, material world;   goblins, ghosts,  and
paid agent of the capitalist claBs and
Com. Baritz asked permission to disprove the remarks and again was
refused. They argued (that Is the
members) as to the advisability of
discussion of party platform and finally
decided that after adoption, tree discussion would be indulged In. "Oh,
Democracy, how oft' thou hast been
At the conclusion Com. Barltz took
their platform more for amusement
than anything else and literally tore
it to pieces, showing them how very
unsoclallstic lt was and advlBlng them
In the name of common decency to
get down to business. He got several
subs, for the Clarion and confessions
of many descriptions. One fellow was
man enough to say that at flrst he
was inclined to think him a "freak,"
but was very glad to say he had completely changed his mind.
Tonight, Saturday, we held a meeting down town and Com. Barltz delivered a lecture on "Commercialism
and    Colonization    of    the    British
theology have no place in lt, lt consists of the natural forces, the science
dealing with light, heat, sound, magnetism and electricity, mechanics, etc.
Our modern civilization Ib based upon
wage-labor, but lt does not differ from
ancient civilization ln that respect as
they were based on slave labor, and
Old Country (but it was. some years
ago) filled with great hopes of prosperity and although, as Gribble says,
the soup is thicker, yet it ls not thick
enough by a dum sight.    In the old
land Socialism as explained to me was
some kind of a pipe dream; we sent
our men to parliament, asked the capitalist in our Sunday best voice to Mud.
ly bestir himself for the regeneration
of humanity;   "come, there's a good
chap now, don't you know the working
class are starving poor fellows."   At
this point the capitalist would sink upon his knees overcome with woe and
self-condemnation, strew   ashes   upon
his head, and, handing over his ownership of the means of production, retire
to a monastery or volunteer to do the
dirty work under Socialism.  However,
the "destiny which shapes our ends,
rough hew them how we may" brought
me into touch with the S. P. of C. and
revolutionary Socialism, for which I
wtll pour out a libation to the High
Gods, when I can afford it.
As to the parliamentary policy of the
party, I fall to see how you get tied up
It is true we are a revolutionary
party and aim direct at the conquest
of political power; this, and nothing
more is the reason for our existence,
but political power can only be spelled
in numbers and we are lacking that
so far. We are ln line to educate our
fellows, and parliamentary action as
performed by our comrades who reach
the legislative halls, is more or less of
a farce. To avoid parliamentarism
is a constant care with us. Yet the
writter cannot agree with those Comrades who expect our representatives
to raise Cain in the halls and shout
for pay day, etc. Any little palliatives
or reform which can be snatched
from the masters should be got hold of.
Sanitary conditions of factories is
much better than working in a cellar.
As to old age pensions and Compensation Acts, if you or we can get a real
compensation act, let's have it by all
means, and old age pensions must be a
boon to the poor old wrecks of Labor's
before us bave been fleeced and skinned. A pleasant prospect truly. To
wake every morning while the other
fellow takes his cream and coffee in
bed. Our men folks must get up at
dawn and sweat and toll until night,
that they, the master class, may not
be deprived of any of the luxuries they
have been taught are theirs by divine
right—"Might." Yes, theirs, fellow
workers, Just as long, and no longer,
than we give them that right. It's time
to wake up and get busy. Know your
place, and Importance, and use the
power you do possess. If we must, and
Xere and 7fow
By Spes.
The mainspring    of    civilized
vance, is the desire to escape work.
Yet all the'teachtng of civilization Is
based upon the glorification of that
same work.
We are said to have a free will and
that poverty Is our own fault Yet,
we do Btill, send men to parliament to !partte8 are ele°tod *"><1 Persons are
represent us (or rather to mlBrepre- Balnted  on  ,he   ^tenetb    of    their
wage-labor Ib a modern form of slave | army wno Set tnem- Get any real bene-
labor. Civilization to-day has for its! tit we can wring from the masters,
basis physical science, take that away I hut unlike the Labor Party of England,
from any nation and that nation at never forget that only when we have
the S. L. P., the I, W. W., and In fact
every organization  worth mentioning I ^"OPite,
and a good many not, got what was     Taking India principally, explaining
coming to them.    They resented and now through robbing, rape and mur-
shot questions at him, got answers to del'' EnSlish capitalists by exploiting
their quizzes in gattling gun fashion  "°01'-  "neducated   Hindoos,  aided  by
shot back, and the meeting ended with ithe   EnS|isl*   Government  In   passing
a goodly number nursing sore beads !Inws   Prohibiting    free    speech    and
caused  by the  merciless  fashion  he 1)rison confinement without trial, they
went at them. He took the S. P. In
particular and showed that it was a
fake organization composed principally of grafters, fakirs and humbugs, and
defied anyone present to prove otherwise. The meeting was closed after
disposing or rather selling Clarions,
and Com. O'Brien's speech In the
Alberta Legislature, and advertising a
meeting at the same spot on Wednesday evening.
On Monday evening we again held
forth at the P. O. corner In Windsor,
and Com. Baritz lectured on the "Materialistic conception of history," showing how all laws, morals, ethics and
religions have been derived from tho
material condition of then peculiar
On Tuesday he lectured on the
"Economic" interpretation of art, literature and architecture, taking us back
to ancient Egypt, Babylonia, Persia
• Greece and Rome down to the present day as described in a recent issue
of the Clarion under the title of "Open
air in Toronto."
On Wednesday night, once again we
sallied forth to Detroit and invaded
the enemy's camp ond then he repeated his lecture given the night previous. A large and very interested
crowd assembled that was orderly,
something he had failed to get so far
in Windsor. On account of previous
attacks on the American Soc. movement, there was quite a sprinkling of
reformers on hand to "beard the Hon
ln his den," which they found to be a
very unpleasant job, as the lion ap-
were callable of extracting from them
about on an average per year, one
hundred and fifty millions.
I do not know if it is possible to
procure anywhere an organizer that
Is 30 live a wire as Com. Baritz is.
while I think he will admit that this
is a tough "burg" he certainly has set
a few ditch waler. deep-thinking people, and others thinking. The results
of his visit may not be noticed for some
time but results there will be that ls
sure. Personally I have greatly benefited by his visit; he has put me
right when I believe I was wrong,
that is one anyway. You can increase
my bundle from 25 to 50 under previous conditions.
Hoping Comrade Baritz receives
from each Local or town where he
goes the heartiest co-operation by all
Yours in '•evolt,
38 Louis Ave., Windsor
Trade Marks
Copyrights Ac.
Anyone lending a Bitot ch and description may
mtcklT aioertaln our opinion free whether an
l Up   ■
torilTree. fflde«*"MOnc'V'-for"i*«m*tTniil;ateii
Hon* utrlotlT conOdeiltlnl.,MAND|00_K_.oi
Patents taken -.[rough Muira A Co. recelre
fp-clal noMee, without chnrao, ln the
Scientific American.
A handsomely UlnrtratM weekly. fegfMt «j£
eolation of any Icientlfio Joonial. lerm-s for
Canada, $3.16 a year, poaLago prepaid. Sold by
all newsdealers^
-- „o.38,Bro"lwar- New York
nve, $» F <Jt.. 'WaahlBstoc O "5
At the present time there seems to
be one Important question pervading
lie minds of the people of Canada,
both capitalist and worker, and that ls
the question of technical education.
Newspapers are devoting editorials to
it, and as a crowning glory a "Royal
Commlsion" on technical education is
at present "doing" the more or less
civilized part of the globe, obtaining
evidence to make a report to the
government. Btill, what concerns
us more, is that a member of the S. P.
of C. is on that commission and his
views differing somewhat from those
of the writer and also the local to
which he belongs, is the reason of this
scribble. The local have discussed the
question with him and will duly report
results in the "Clarion."
This question, ltke all others, can
only be looked at by the Socialist from
a Socialist standpoint. What then is
the only view the Socialist can take?
When Marx discovered that the superstructure of society could not be understood by itself, nor explained by
any so-called general progress of the
human mind, but that lt ls rooted In
the economics of a society, that is the
way In which society gets Its living,
he puts the key of all problems in our
once loses its position amongst the
nations, Its trade would be gone, It
could no longer compete In the worlds
market, for lt is the knowledge of
physical science and physical science
alone that makes our intelligence and
energy stronger and many times more
productive than mere brute force.
Now, keeping the above tn mind, and
particularly the Marxian hypothesis,
that the social institutions, the schools,
etc., are determined by the ruling class
ln their Interest, is it the least surprising that at the present time the
capitalist government of Canada, have
a "Royal" Commission investigating
the different educational systems of
the world to find the best? It is simply material conditions determining the
actions of ihe capitalists. It ls a
natural outcome of the present mode
of production, so we must look for
more technical education. Not only
that but must also expect to see radial changes made in the elementary
system of education. For these things
are in the Interest of the ruling class,
and though perhaps not having a clear
conception of economic laws, they
fully recognize that theoretical knowledge is of little service as a producer
of surplus value alone, but that it
must be backed up by practical scien-
tilc Knowledge, that is by observation
and experiment.
The capitalists to-day are the ruling
class, they have the political power,
therefore we the working class will
have to take any reform they offer,
whether we want it or not, if they
say so, we have got to have It rammed down our throats. So with technical education. Just as the position
of the ruling class ls for or against
so will It come or not, their position
will be determined In their own Interests.
The benefits to the workers as a
class are practically nil. I don't Intend to go Into them now, but am
ready to defend my position on It If It
ls questioned. More than that, I cannot see what good „ Socialist can do
on the commission. I think his time
and oratorial abilities could be used
to much better purposes enlightening
his fellow wage-slaves as to the cause
of their enslavement and organizing
them for the overthrow of the capitalist system. This is a question which
concerns the capitalist class. Let
them do their own business, we wlll
continue to do ours—that of selling
our commodity labor power and as a
side line doing our part to bring nearer
the day of revolution.
abolished the wage system shall we
get anything worth having.
Let us then march straight to the
goal; education Is the only way, and
the fact that our men in the gas works
wring any small benefit from the masters, cannot in any way detract from
our revolutionary teaching. Political
power does not of necessity manifest
Itself ln the silly jabber of parliamentary orators.
Now, I am somewhat surprised at
that speaker on Winnipeg Market
Square and his views on the farmer's
position and action. The Idea of the
factory workers owning the factories
and the farmers the land sounds to me
like anytli!ng but the answer a revolutionary Socialist should give to
such a question. This Is a weary busl-
ness, constantly expounding the absolute social condition of modern production. The pamphlet, "Slave of the
Farm" sketches the matter in a crude
manner, but, you as a Socialist, already
understand this. Society produces, society must own the means of production; this is Socialism, nothing more.
Land and factories are the means of
production In part and to say that the
farmers (who, as a class, have no existence in this country) will own the
land and the industrial workers the
factories, is untrue.   Those Old Coun-
sent us,) let us send a man of our own
kind, "a slave," like ourselves. That
being such, he knows our wants and
and wishes, for are they not his own?
Then we may expect to get something,
or at least he will register a protest
against the robbery, graft and misrepresentation of the shysters that occupy
most of our seats in parliament at the
present time. To make impossible
such dtsgraceful scenes (as Comrade
O'Brien so ably described), that took
place at a session In the Alberta parliament about the time of the Whitehaven mine disaster, when his voice
was drowned and he was grossly libeled and Insulted for daring to have the
"courage of his convictions," and to
stand up on the floor of the house and
try and amend the motion of sympathy
on behalf of the nation on the death
of perhaps the greatest blackleg that
ever lured women to their ruin and
The late king was truly a credit to
his class. But no! Our poor fellow
slaves boxed up under the earth to
roast to death must not be spoken of
In the same breath. I say no don't
mention them in the same breath, don't
profane the dead miners, they are ln
a class of their own, workers every
one, and for what? The privilege ot
going day after day with their poor,
half-filled buckets, Into the bowels of
the earth that their masters may not
feel the damp cold weather.
, Oh how was it that they did not rise
ln a body and hurl those mine owners
into that bottomless pit, that they had
destined their dear ones to be roasted
alive in that their surplus might not
be interfered with, and that they might
not be deprived of any of the luxuries
we have the pleasure of watching them
enjoy, while we watch our fellow workers burn.
Is it not time we woke up when a
man Is called a traitor and a blackguard that he, should dare to voice
sympathy for the bereaved ones of our
own claBs? Must we go on providing
more and more? I say no! We must
even as the worm turn and demand
our own. They ask if we confiscate,
do  we   Intend  to  remunerate   them.
charity toward the "unfortunate poor."
We are told that onr employers
have all the brains, and should therefore govern. Yet we are exhorted to
educate ourselves and our children,
because "corporations require brains."
Governments and Companies are
quite capable ot building railroads and
they are afterwards said to have built
them. Still, there ls a constant cry
from that source about a "shortage ot
Socialism will take away our homes
and make us all slaves to the Government. Socialism Is impracticable because It is nothing but a beautiful
The same men who urge upon us
the necessity to arm ourselves for
protection from invasion, are those
who hire the Invaders.
Satisfaction of desire is immoral,
and more wealth would ruin the workingman. Yet, "freedom of the individual is what constitutes a great
Nation, and is the secret of our
Empire's greatness."
•   •   *
The Editor is more of a sleuth than
anything else, you are expected to
keep him supplied with mysteries.
Don't write, gallop across the paper.
The effect is more artistic and diversifying.
If there is a typewriter around, hit
it with an axe. It would remove that
pleasing element of uncertainty that
hovers over most manuscript.
Linotypers are not supposed to read,
but to set type, therefore it is not
necessary to reveal to him what you
intend to say.
•   •   •
Following Is the line-up of this
week's sub-getters:
J.  Johnson,  Vancouver  4
Com.  Rudd,  Toronto -1
Moses  Barltz,  Detroit  3
"Smith,"   Vancouver  2
W.  McQuoid, Edmonton 2
EH Waterson, Salmon Arm, B. C, 1
and a bundle.
Thomas    Budge,    Nanalmo,  B.  C
For what?   How Is the man remuner- jWalter Ba***t<-'*. Northfield, B. 0.1 J. C.
ated that puts his hand into another's Bul*Be68. Calgary, Alta.; J. H., Frank,
pockets and helps himself? Is he any
less guilty that he has law to back him
up? I say no! What arc laws? Laws
are something that the hirelings of the
master class make to enable that class
to go on plundering nnd scalping our
Is it any wonder that the master
class can go about telling what a fine
country this Is—a "grand country."
I'ts easy to be patriotic on a full
stomach, with all their wants and wishes gratified.
It pays to hand out a little Increase
in wages once in a while.    It makes
try Socialists who are In doubt as to the worker feel good, and his master
the policy of the S. P. of C. In regard
to the land, cannot do better than
study Marx and Engels, for in them is
written our platform.
Just a word to comrades coming
west this winter to talk to farmers:
get the farmer question off as plain as
you can, make it simple, concise and
easy to understand, because our Rube
Is obsessed with tariff and railway
question, he Is a G. G, Aer for all he
is worth as a rule, and once lhat dope
Is swallowed, a pretty powerful emetic
is wanted to make hlm puke It up.
Ventilate tho farmer question.
A. ni'DDEN.
Alta.; Aurey Rice, PIncher Creek,
Alta.; Unique Tailoring Co., Victoria,
B. O.i H. Noakes, Victoria; Jack
Place, Nanalmo, B. C; J. W, Sinclair, Nelson, B. C; Tom Sykes, Vancouver.
•   •   •
Comrade:—Perhaps you think that
the comrades of Winnipeg Local No. 1
are not working.   But we bave been
spreading   tho   propaganda    on    the
market square every Wednesday and
Sunday night.    During the month of
August we sold eleven dollars worth
quite  proud   of  himself,  because  he'of   literature    and    distributed   four
knows that it always comes back to I hundred  Clarions,  so   that  ought to
him,  his  returns  are  not  Interfered  awaken some of the wage mules.
Dear Man ln the Street:
Your letter ln Clarion 594 opens the
way for a very interesting dlBcusslon.
You ask that some of the Reds explain
a few things'upon which a great many
comrades besides yourself are befogged. Now, I cannot claim the real red
tint for myself yet, although I have
reached a degree of mental clarity
upon whicli I pride myself until some
one "redder" comes along and turns
me bottom uppermost, which, since I
read the Clarion, happens pretty often,
hands; he gave us the open sesame to' Nevertheless, here goes to tackle your
It Is said a worm will turn when
trampled on. So It seems workers of
the world, as a whole, are hardly ln
their class yet, though it seems to me
we are just about on the turn, beginning to see the light.
I add my mite as a protest against
the ever and ever Increasing rottenness of our present laws and conditions.
Our sickening lot, waiting for the
good times that the old party heelers
are never tired of telling at election
time, will surely come If the votes
are only cast for them.
"Good times!" They have been
edging us on with that same old dope
bo long as we, and our fathers and
mothers before us, can remember.
Fellow slaves, ls lt not enough to feel
ourselves, and those near and dear to
us, growing old and disabled before
our time? For what? That the master class may have tho cream and the
best our labor produces, and we, the
producers, take the skimmed milk and
husks they are good enough to throw
to us.
What are we struggling for? Just to
bear and raise more of our kind to be
Who knows better than wo housewives, that even hate pay day? It's
just a fresh torment to try and mnke
our husbands' pay go around. Just a
case, of week in and out, trying to see
Comrade Gribble has been with us
for the last ten days and we have
used him to advantage. On Saturday
night Comrades Gribble, Watson,
Brown and myself journeyed to Selkirk to hold a  propaganda  meeting.
where we can cut down expenses and  Wc got "lcolj' 8ta,'tc,(1 when a big fat
still be clothed ond fed swell enough i'""   '":''"'   '"'  '""l   l"lsl '"iuni.1"
to keep that ever-fearsome doctor or
dunner from the door.
So I say, Women wake up, put your
shoulder lo this wheel of Socialism.
You see how much faster the cost of a
mero subsistence advances, to the Increase In the rate of wages. Agitate,
read uur platform that has for Its aim i
and object the transformation as
speedily as possible of Capitalist property, In the means of wealth production, material resources, factories, mills
railroads, etc., etc., Into the collective
property of Ihe working class, and the
establishment as speedily as possible
of production for use Instead ot for
profit. In accordance with this the Socialist party pledges Itself to conduct
all public affairs placed ln its hands,
in such a manner aa to promote the
best interests of the working class
alone. So I say Its high time all workers joined this working class party,
that we may become strong enough to
demand our own, created by our class,
past and present, from the monumental-nerved Master class.
The above by V. Blake was published In the Clarion some time ago, and
will shortly be Issued In leaflet form.
Price $2.00 per thousand, post [laid lo
any part of the world.   Order now.
dribble off the soap box and kicked
It Into Watson's shin. (irlhble
wouldn't stop talking, so got pinched—
two dollars and costs or fourteen days,
lie Is now on his way vest; wo
went together to Portage La Prairie
on the following Saturday and held a
good meeting ln the evening; seventy
Ilvo cents worth of literature sold and
one yearly sub. for tho Clarion and
got the names of a number of wage-
slaves who wish to be enlightened.
Comrade Gribble left Portage at
twelve p.m. for Brandon. 1 remained
over Sunday bo as to hold a meeting
with Comrade Armstrong on Sunday
night. We opened a meeting as soon
as the Army was finished and the
crowd paid good attention until the
Chief of Police stopped the meeting
on account of lt being Sunday night.
We Invited a few of those who were
interested over to the hotel and discussed Socialism until eleven p.m.
YourB for the revolution,
Organizer Local No. 1.
W'solk'l. (lie business of ManufACtor-StS,
Hn^ine-en1 find others who rea Mm Ihfl advi-uibil*
i;y of having theii Patent butlncu transacted
by J-ixpeits. Preliminary advice tttt, Charges
model a t«.-. Our Inventor's Adviser Bent upon
ri-mrst, Marion ft Marion, New York I.ife Blag,
•4-. ttU-tfOl :    ii. 1 Wofchington, Jb.C-, U.S.A. THE  NEW  ERA  IN   B.  C.
Iflfiri      valnnltv     /-.(•
SATURDAY,  SEPT.  17th, 1910.
Value, Price
and Profit
It Is the employing capitalist who Immediately extracts from the laborer
this surplus value, whatever part of lt he may ultimately be able to keep
for himself. Upon this relation, therefore, between the employing capitalist
and the wages-laborer the whole wages system and the whole present system
of production hinge. Some of the citizens who took part in our debate were,
therefore, wrong in trying to mince matters, and to treat this fundamental
relation as a secondary question, although they were right in stating that,
under given circumstances, a rlBe of prices might affect ln very unequal
degrees the employing capitalist, the landlord, the moneyed capitalist, and,
if you please, the tax-gatherer.
Another consequence follows from what has been stated.
That part of the value of the commodity which represents only the
value of the raw materials, the machinery—In one word, the value of the
means of production used up—forms no revenue at all, but replaces only
capital. But apart from this, lt ls false that the other part of the value of
the commodity which forms revenue, or may be spent in the form of wages,
profits, rent, interest, ls constituted by the value of wages, the value of rent,
the value of profits, and so forth. We shall, in the first instance, discard
wages and only treat industrial profits, interest and rent. We have just
seen that the surplus value contained in the commodity, or that part of its
value in which unpaid labor is realized, reoslves itself into dmerent fractions, bearing three different names. But it would be quite the reverse of
the truth to say that its value Is composed of, or formed by, the addition of
the Independent values of these three constituents.
If one hour of labor realizes itself in a value of sixpence, if the working
day of the laborer comprises twelve hours, if half of that time is unpaid
labor, that surplus labor will add to the commodity a surplus value of three
shillings—that is, of value for which nt) equivalent has been paid. The surplus value of three shillings constitutes the whole fund which the employing
capitalist may divide, in whatever proportions, with the landlord and the
money-lender. The value of these three shillings constitutes the limit of
the value they have to divide amongst them. But it is not the employing
capitalist who adds to the value of the commodity an arbitrary value for his
profit, to .which another value is added for the landlord, and so forth, as
that the addition of these arbitrarily fixed values would constitute the total
value. You see, therefore, the fallacy of the popular notion, which confounds the decomposition of a given value into three parts with the forma-
matlon of that value by the addition of three Independent values, thus converting the aggregate value, from which rent, profit and Interest are derived,
into an arbitrary magnitude,
it the total profit realized by a capitalist is equal to £100 we call this
sum, considered as absolute magnitude, the amount of profit. But it we calculate the ratio which those £100 bear to the capital advanced we call this
relative magnitude, the rate of profit. It is evident tbat this rate of profit
may be expressed in a double way.
Suppose £100 to be the capital advanced in wages. If the surplus value
created Is also £100—and this would show us that half the working day of
the laborer consists of unpaid labor—and if we measured this profit by the
value of the capital advanced ln wages, we should say that the rate of profit
amounted to one hundred per cent., because the value advanced would be
one hundred and the value realized would be two hundred.
If, on the other hand, we should not only consider the capital advaneed
in wages, but the total capital advanced, say, for example, £500, of which
£400 represented the value of raw materials, machinery and so forth, we
should say that the rate*of profit amounted only to twenty per cent, because the profit of one hundred would be but the fifth part of the total capital advanced.
The first mode of expressing the rate of profit is the only one which
shows you the real ratio between paid and unpaid labor, the real degree of
tbe exploitation of labor. The other mode of expression Is that in common
use, and is, Indeed, appropriate for certain purposes. At all events, it is very
useful for concealing the degree ln which the capitalist extracts gratuitous
labor from the workman.
In the remarks I have still to make I shall use the word Profit for the
whole amount of the surplus value extracted by the capitalist without any
regard to the division of that surplus value between different parties, and in
using the words Rate of Profit I shall always measure profits by the value
of the capital advanced in wages.
General Relation of Profits, Wages and Prices.
Deduct from the value of a commodity the value replacing the value of
raw materials and other means of production used upon it—that is to say,
deduct the value representing the past labor contained in it—and the remainder of ItB value will resolve Into the quality of labor added by the workingman last employed. If that workingman works twelve hours daily, if
twelve hours of average labor crystallize themselves Into an amount of gold
equal to six shillings, this additional value of six shillings ls the only value
his labor will have created. This given value, determined by the time of his
labor, is the only fund from which both he and the capitalist have to draw
their respective shares or dividends, the only value to be divided into wages
and profits. It ts evident that this value itself will not be altered by the
variable proportions In which it may be divided amongst the two parties.
There will also be nothing changed if in the place of one workingman you
put the whole working population, twelve million working days, for example,
instead of one.
Since the capitalist and workman have only to divide this limited value—
that is, the value measured by the total labor of the workingman—the more
the one gets the less will the other get, and vice versa. Whenever a quantity is given, one part of it will Increase inversely as the other decreases. If
the wages change, profits will change ln an opposite direction. If wages fall,
profits will rise; and If wages rlso, prof ItB will fall. If the workingman, on
our former supposition, gets three shillings, equal to one-half of the value he
bas created, or If his whole working day consists of half of paid, half of unpaid labor, the rate of profit will be 100 per cent., because the capitalist
would also get three shillings. If tho workingman receives only two shillings, or works only one-third of the whole day for himself, the capitalist will
get four shillings, und the rate of profit will be 200 per cent. If the
workingman receives four shillings the capitalist will only receive two, and
the rate of profit would sink to 33 1-3 per cent., but all these variations wlll
not affect the value of the commodity. A general rlBe In wages would, therefore, result in a fall of the general rate of profit, but not affect values. But
although the values of commodities, which must ultimately regulate their
market prices, are exclusively determined by the total quantities of labor
fixed In them and not by the division of that quantity into paid and unpaid
labor, it by no means follows that the values of the single commodities, or
lots of commodities, produced during twelve hours, for example, will remain
constant. The number or mass of commodities produced in a given time
of labor, or by a given quantity of labor, depends upon the productive power
of the labor employed, and not upon its extent or length. With one degree
of the productive power of spinning labor, for example, a working day of
twelve hours may produce twelve pounds of yarn, with a lesser degree of
productive power only two pounds. If then twelve hours' average labor were
realized ln the value of six shillings in the one case, the twelve pounds of
yarn would cost six shillings; in the other case the two pounds of yarn would
coBt also six shillings. One pound of yarn would, therefore, cost sixpence
in the one case and three shillings in the other. The difference of price
would result from the difference ln the productive powers of labor employed.
One hour of labor would be realized ln one pound of yarn with the greater
productive power, while with the smaller productive power six hours of labor
would be realized in one pound of yarn. '* he price of a pound of yarn would,
In the one Instance, be only sixpence, although wages were relatively high
and the rate of profit low; it would be three shillings in the other instance,
although wages were low and the rate of profit high. This would be so
because the price of the pound of yarn is regulated by the total amount of
labor worked up In It, and not by the proportional division of that total
•mount Into paid and unpaid labor.. The fact I have before mentioned, that
blgh-prlced labor may produce dear commodities, loses, therefore, Its paradoxical appearance. It is only the expression of the general law that the
value of a commodity ls regulate-} by the quantity of labor worked up in It,
and that the quantity of labor worked up In lt depends altogether upon the
productive powers of the labor employed, and will, therefore, vary with every
variation ln the productivity of laltor. ,
Your job fixes your  standing in  society.
Working on a job tells everyone
that you are hired by a master.
Where there Is a servant there ls
a master, and there is also two classes. A master class and a servant
There cannot be equality and free
dom in a land where there are masters and servants. In the eyes of the
law, a servant is not the equal of his
master. One who must obey another's orders to get money to live
on, ls not free.
While working for a master you are
his property. He buys you for the
wages he pays you. Sold Into slavery
for wages, the law does not recognize
thst you have rights equal to your
master's. It glveB him the right to
make you do what he wants, and it
lends him police, deputy sheriffs, state
militia and judges to force you to
obey them.
In every case in which the rights of
the   masters   and the   servants   are
brought   into   question, the   masterB
have the advantage, for it is members
of their class who run the courts, and
they want cheap servants.    They are
not going to voluntarily do anything
to encourage an independent spirit in
the servants.   They do not want the
servants to think they are as good os
their masters.
Servants do not come into and go
out of a shop when they like, nor do
they piik out the kind of work they
want.   The time ls set and the work
is given out by a boss.
When  the servants  stick together
and get the boss to agree to let them
Btart later and quit sooner, they do
not change from servants to masters.
They  are   still   servants   working  to
make wealth for a master.
While the law says you must be a jn'igh~e"r wage's
chopped off in the Bervice of their
masters, or after they get too feeble
or too old to do profitable work. Masters who give back to the servants
enough to keep them from being paupers, are praised by their hangers-on
and timeservers for being kind and
good. Workingpeople have a short
plain word that tells what sort of people sing praises to get favors. They
call them suckers.
Servants who have families are
very much afraid of losing their jobs.
A father would rather be kicked and
cursed by a master than see his children go hungry. He will let his master
cheat and abuse hlm to hold his job.
Masters know that the love of parents
for their children fastens the servants
to their jobs better than the strongest
steel chairs.
Married and unmarried servants
must have a job to get money. They
have only a poor chance of getting
money any other way unless they beg
or steal it. For a servant to steal, in
the opinion of the masters, is almost as
wicked as to murder one of them.
They also think begging is one of the
meanest things servants can do. "Patriotism" is what the masters call the
murder by workingmen they dress up
ln uniforms and send out under a flag
they call the "banner of freedom."
"Promoting public welfare," Is what
the masters call the begging they do
to get the government to give them
money to help them in their business.
Congress snd the Legislatures always do what they can to help the
masters get the wealth from the labor
of the servants. They give them
Panama Canal contracts, Alton railroad bonds. Alaska laud grabs, Incorporate mining companies, and
legalize strikebreaking agencies. The
jobs Congress and the Legislatures
give the servants Is to put them breaking stone as convicts If they strike for
Socialist Party of Canada
servant if you are not a master, you
can not be a "free citizen." The job
holds you in bondage. The right to
vote does not change the standing of
a servant. At common labor or at
skilled labor, the native and the foreigner get the same rate of pay.
Citizenship ls not something you
can eat. It is not clothes, nor will
It do for a lodging place. A citizen
who is a servant, If he wants to live
must eat, has to wear clothes, and
must find a lodging somewhere. To
get these he must sell a part of his
life to a master. For this part of his
life he is paid wages.
It ls customary to call the masters
the wealthy, and the servants, the
poor. It is easy to tell who is a master and who is a servant. Masters
are well fed, well dressed, and live
In line houses. Servants have a half-
starved look, wear {ihabbiy clothes,
and live on the side streets and alleys.
The masters live on the money they
get from the wealth the labor of the
servants make. The servants live on
the money they get for making the
things the masters own.
Business is the name the masters
call getting the wealth made by servants. There are many kinds of business, for instance; banking business,
insurance business, liquor (business,
advertising business, law business, railroad business, and—one is tempted to
say—funny business of all kinds.
Business is different from working
for wages. The difference is that you
get more out of business than you put
into It. Getting more out of business
than you put In, ls called profit making. The profit is that part of the
wealth made by the servants for
which they did not get anything. The
servants that make the wealth have
to keep themselves, the masters, and
the other servants they hire to keep
them comfortable and amuse them.
Wages are paid for work. Servants
call work a job. Work mnVes you
tlreu ind breaks down your health.
When y »u ure sick or tired, you do not
care to look at things or read. If you
do not go to look at things and you
do not read, you get stupid. It Is the
work that makes the servants stupid,
that makes, the wealth the masters
use to get automobiles, yachts, race
horses, flying machines, city, seaside
and mountain homes, elegant clothes,
and expensive food. MasterB enjoy
the wealth made by their servants
A servant who has a short work
day and high wages, says he has a
good job. He means that he does not
have to work as long for his master
for the food he eats, the clothes he
wears, and his lodgings, as some other
servants have to for commoner food,
poorer clothes, and less comfortable
lodging. But he still must obey his
master, for he can only hold his good
job while he pleases him.
Servants are always looking for
good jobs. To hold a good job, they
will let a master swear at them,
cheat them and then laugh at them,
and still pretend that they respect
Masters like servants who do not
kick when they swear at them.
Masters have a big opinion of their
own dignity and they think it is respected when servants do not talk
back when they are cursed. To reward these meek servants, the meekest of the lot are given enough money
to keep them out of the poorhouse
after they have their legs and arms
Jobs and the government are owned
by the masters. Owning the jobs, the
power of life or death, over the servants, gives the masters control ot the
government. Control of the government gives them the authority to vest
the titles of the ownership of wealth
in themselves, and the legal power to
set the length of the workday and the
rate of pay. The length of the workday sets how much of their lives the
servants must sell to the masters, and
the rate of pay sets how much they
shall get for It.
A political party, the masters find,
is a better burglars tool than a jimmy.
Congress and Legislatures are far
better pals than expert safe blowers.
Courts a better fence (A place where
stolen goods are sold) than pawnbrokers' shops; police, army and militia
better strong-arm men than any gang
of footpads.
Intelligent servants who do not
want to fight against each other to get
jobs to make wealth for masters, have
organized a working people's political
party. It is called the Socialist Party.
When it gets hold of the government
it will change the law of ownership
and make the wealth they get. They
now get their wealth by giving jobs
to servants to make It for them.—Ed-
Moore in International Socialist Review.
When a man of tbe age and standing of Sir Wilfrid Laurier spends two
months pouring salve on the numerous
sections of the population of Canada
it can be generally accepted that the
Liberal party Is ln sore straits.
With the farmers crying for free
trade, the machinery and lumber
manufacturers crying still louder for
protection for everything but labor
and labor protesting against the lowering of the standard of living by
European and Asiatic competition.
Sir Wilfrid must surely be having u
joyous time.
His arrival in Vancouver was mark'
ed by the usual ceremonies—the presentation of numerous yards of addresses of welcome by bankers, lawyers, capitalists and other parasites
on the body politic, followed by a parade in which the aforementioned parasites rode in automobiles, while the
workingmen, both European and Indian, walked in the gasoline stench.
Then followed a luncheon, the nabobs
and would-bees cheerfully paying $2.00
for the privilege of eating a very
ordinary luncheon in the sacred presence of Canada's first minister.
Whether Sir Wilfrid has been able
to gather together the shattered forces
of John Oliver, we have been unable
to ascertain, but strenuous efforts
have been made to reconcile those
who have not received what they believe to be their share of the slush
From the working olass standpoint,
the visit of Sir Wilfrid meant nothing,
his speeches conveying no message of
hope for the tollers, except the hope
that they would line up on election
day and again return him and his colleagues to the treasury benches.
Whether this hope will be fulfilled remains to be seen, but the comparatively few workers who attended the mass
meeting and the still fewer number
present at the luncheon, augurs well
for the Increased enlightenment of
Vancouver workers.
There is an ever growing distrust of
Liberal or Conservative politicians, an
ever increasing desire on the part of
the workers to do something for themselves, a result that can only be accomplished by electing members of
the working class to the positions now
held by lawyers and employers of
labor. May Sir Wilfrid's.visits be frequent, If each results in opening the
eyes of the workers to the same extent the present one has done.—Wage
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State wlll be used to protect and
defend their property rights In the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degredation.
The Interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition ot tho wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of "production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working clasB, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in offlce shall always and everywhere
until the present system ls abolished, make the answer to this question
Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for It; If It will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to lt.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in Its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
Books of all Kinds
Paine's Age of Reason ISc
Six Ingersoll Lectures  ISc
"The Descent of Man" Darwin
The Origin of Species, Darwin ISc
"Tokology" or the Science of
Sex and Life  l.tS
"Nana" by Zola  75c
Merry Tales of the Monks 75c
Postage prepaid on books
The People's Book Store
152 Cordova St. W.
NOTICE ls hereby given that I,
Alfred Wyngoert, Gibson Landing, B. G,
Rancher, Intend to apply to the Commissioner, under Part V. of the "Water
Act, 1909," for licence to divert one-
quarter cubic foot of water from St.
Vanes Creek, at the back of D. L. 1657,
New Westminster District, for domestic
and Irrigation purposes; and that notice hereof was posted on the 15th day
of August,  1910.
Gibson's Landing, B. C.
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to start  Local) $5.00
Membership  Cards, each 01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform and   application    blank
per 100   25
Ditto in Finnish, per 100 50
Ditto In Ukranlan, per 100 BO
Constitutions, each   20
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen         40
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
To Canadian Socialists
On account of increased postal
-rates we are obliged to make ths
subscription price of the International Socialist Review In Canada
»1.20 a year Instead of $1.00. We
can, however, make the following
special  offers:
For 13.00 we will mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.*
For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one Issue.
For $3.00 we will mail the Review   one   year   and   the   Chicago
Daily Socialist for one year.
134 West Klnzle St., Chicago.
305  Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Molcahey, Prop.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Which Stand* for a Living Wage
Vancouver Local 857- K*
fllf you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to onr office and we will send a -nan
to measure yonr premises and give yon an estimate ol cost of
installing the gac pipes,


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