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Western Clarion Nov 18, 1911

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Analyze and Expose the System-Don't Waste Time on Pa- is perhapB a typlcal example of thege
tJCUlar Organizations. J conditions.    The reaction against an
  j overbearing     religious     atmosphere
manifests itself ln his able attack up-
Engels, in pursuit of Duhring's scalp, existence as humans, seeing, feeling, 0n this effect of economic conditions,
i has given what is perhaps the finest hearing, etc.    The evolution    of   the, The   treatment  and   attitude   toward
exposition of scientific  Socialism ex- jSoda,i6t iB then in the last analysis; women finds him frantically explain-
nothing but a continued gathering of;fog Why a woman is "better" than a
and assimilating of sense impressions. !man, and denouncing the brute man
The non-Socialist only knows so much; |for  his   share  in   woman's  downfall.
earning.    Small  business  is  also    a I cording  to    every    modern    ethical
champion of rights and justice, hence standard.    Its  criminality   lay  in  its
we find these grafted whole into the size.
I. L. P.   Its leaders gain their knowl- -   «   «
edge of Socialism from the Bible and     The conquest of the air has been
kindred sources of light.    Blatchford I the dream of the ages.   The genius of
the ages culminated in the aeroplane.
Only a Christian nation squabbling
over profits could use such a master-
j tant.    The  kernel  of  the  portentous
[ volume Antl Duhring has been before
jthe reading public these last few j in order that he become a Socialist \ Because the already decaying small
[years In the form of Socialism Uto-!he mUBt know B0 mucn more' Now j shop keeping ethics produced his mental attitude toward it, he spares no
pains to attack it. On the other hand,
because he is the product of this
class of little Englanders called "small
plan and Scientific and is certain!v !let there be no howling and denuncia-
the best of its kind. Engels with the !tlon ot thoBe "*vno only know B0 far;
quiet humor for which he was famous, iaB tne Christian who knows God and
might have excelled with a companion iClll'ist exist' really aoes;  and  ln or"	
volume, Socialists Utopian and Scien-!**er tnat ne come t0 I*now Go<i nas no, business" he can only see    England
tlflc,  had he not so  well  understood |exiatenee'   n'B   Dnlal  ' of    knowledge He wants cherry gardens In Trafalgar .
that the Socialist movement, although !mu6t become taore full, so that then Square and a huge army.   During the!mayor, at the second ballot,  Decem-
compoeed of units, is in the'mass butine  wi"  know*   not tnat ne ""'d not!Transvaal  war,  his  house  resounded|ber oth.    They don't work  but they
the expression of the average knowl-!know'"   -0?  he  ahva'/s  did'  but that;with Rule Britannia and kindred   So-
edge of all Socialists ialthbugh he met God as a reality ev-!cialisTIC matter, its all, alas, in the
piece for purposes of vicious assassination. Witness the Italians at
Said a French capitalist: "If the
bankers want war there will be war.
If the tankers do not want war—why,
there will be no war.." Bankers deal
in profits. Profit is the wealth the
workers make, but do not get. Get
wise, Mr. Wage-earner.
Society women, hobble skirts and
all, are electioneering to defeat Job
Harrlman,    socialist    candidate    for
Here and there we find comrades, Iery S,m,lay' 'twaB not hls Benses p,ay- TIC* Nevertheless Blatchford is not
walking encyclopedias, men of per-|ed him falBe-for on the avera(-;e the> a° intellectual Pimp as some dialec-
[fectly amazing knowledge and in the !are al7f8 u°°™<-^ *lmvly h*7*<"-an8 declare'
same local, members who have never lwant of *turther knowiedSe explaining As industry evolves the i. L. P. tol.
traversed beyond the simplest expres-!,he ex,8tence °f that God and at the|lows, and the younger members are
■sion of value. Between these two is 6ame tlme ex"lalnlnE !t awa**'- wh<-"--! growing more and more revolution-
large body of more or less well in-|fore eeaBe noundlnS and expound. Thejary. The s. D. P. have "erred and
[formed  comrades  who  make  up  the Socialist parties of EngIand come in! strayed" not so much from inherent
average, justj
|advance  upon  a  low   lying  shore
baseness as from a desire to "do some
thing  now"  for  the   frantic   poverty
therefore, as  the  seas I for   much   8Cathine   comment   every
jionce in a  while, yet since only the
not measured by the wave flung farth-S"e,ce68ary ha"pens' wh-*" a" the riot-' confronUng them. The red thread
est up the beach, or by the length the, ™ey   represent  a  perfect  chain    of jrunB tn,.ough them a„   and flnds   ,tg
receding water rushes back, but by the ^°'"t °n '" thol,eht Let us examl»e' latest expression in the S. P. of G. B,
average advance all along the coa6t *»e I. . P. for a moment; this is more |w hose pOB,tlon ,n tne mIdgt Qf B0
so the strength of the Socialist Party|eB6en,ially EnS1!sh than ^y of the!much menta, „aze is one of Bharp
its just the mean average of its knowl-iotuer nan-es- L(lged clarltyi aB lt can not help but
jedge. Outside the party is a perfect i About the middle Victorian times a be. Because it is girt about with re-
"medley of ideas ami warcrys, all, nev, great period    of "virtue    mongering"'ligion, it officially attacks it, how can
campaign in automobiles. The working women are trying hard to elect
Job. They work, but they campaign
at a walk.
Iertheless,   heading  the   way   we  are!was   reaching  its  climax.    Born    in
going, all moulded by the pressure otjand  around  the  petty  shop  keeping
J environment, all rebellious against   a
but half understood social condition
the Socialist movement.
class, the race of shop keepers know
only shop keeping ethics and morals.
The  books  of that period  reflect    a
Against the forward march of this j turgl-l and loathsome prudery.    Who
I great army, the "extremist" wing hurl ''as not recoiled in disgust from those
(.heir thunders in vain. The "wiser j shining mirrors of virtue, the star
than thou" attitude ma'.eu few Social-1 Performers of Dickens' books and
!"jts, the Socialist Is evolved out of the j thanked fate for the girls with one or
past even as the tadpole and sky-imore screws loose, who serve but to
scraper. Thundering upon the Christ-1 counter and render all the more apian Socialist, or the I. L. P. and kind-' Parent  the  pennyworth-of-tea  virtues
I red organizations, is not doing propaganda work, 'tis but an ostentatious
display of our own mental sterility,
for  is  not  wrong,  right?  and   right.
of the heroines. Who has not often
wondered that the droll performances
of these smelling-salts angels could
ever have gained a popularity so re-
t*rong?   Are not all activities, mental, Imarkable?   They reflected the times,
noral and physical, (and do not quib-
lie with the classification), all concep-       ^_^^^^__^^_^^^^^_^^^_
(ions of human duties and action; but ja*'°i*nd womankind, who so far as we
iart of the never ending, never begin-Kan judge, were supposed to be com
I that   was  all   they  could  do.
j Ideas   of   morals   revolved   of
|iing, warp and woof of events? Are
lot all things but the unfolding of the
irand panoramic "progress" of the universe. Also are not the reactionists,'/
he revolutionists and vice versa?
rVherefore then all this squabble of
■ontending aims? All aims lead to
he one goal which Is but the gateway
]>f another. The goal reached, 'tis but
[he opening of another vista. Revolutionary scientific Socialists, forsooth!
[.'aught but a pack of squabbling
In Great Britain we have the spectacle of the S. L. P., through Its or-
Kan, the Socialist,  (otherwise a journal of sound thought)  belaboring the
P. of G. 11., claiming that said S. P.
B.  does  not understand  or agree
ffitli Marx, therefore the position of
he S. L. P. toward the retrograde S.
G. B. is one of antagonism and so
f'orth. The S. P. of G. B. throws down
[he gauge of battle to all other part
posed of a head and feet connected
by a solid mass, probably wood, such
things as legs and other hidden portions of the female form divine being
non-existent at that time. The conception of woman, full blooded, ruddy
lipped, sparkling as to eyes and free
hearted, as a pal, a comrade, a fellow
being, was for the race of crinolined
emasculates an impossibility. Peanut
commerce begets peanut religion, the
majesty of the R. C. C. and A. C. was
idolatry; their gummy little counters
and bottle window emporiums reflected
themselves In the white washed walls
and barren sterility of their religious
meeting places. The sermons were
mostly of hell Are and murder; damnation always held prime place and
was flaunted in the face of the damned
with a persistence only possible to the
huxters of fly paper and pickled onions.
Correctly enough, the damned were
|es, attacks he S. D. P., flays the I. |jn  their eyes  those    who  oppressed
P.   In Canada the S. P. of C, the
D. P. of C, and the Ontario S. P.
tdaim to be expounding the Socialist
|iope while the newly formed S. P. of
5. A. defies them all, pointing with
.Bering finger and scornful rage to
he reform tactics of our fellow slaves
n Parliament. 0! Dialectics, art thou
ndeed a dream! The writer is a
limber of the S. P. of C, but by no
neans its champion, far otherwise,
laving realized that time, the bulletin
loard of natural selection, will write
ts merits or demerits larger than pen
mine;  trying also to comprehend
[he utter futility and inconsequence of
he Individual, himself.
It is after all a matter of knowl-
Iidge and what is knowledge?   How
ibtalned?   By what process do we arrive at the understanding of Social-
sm?   Knowledge   is   knowing;    no
nowledge ls not knowing, hence let
lis dispense with the "do not know"
.ilea and admit that since we  must
an'" enou,-**-. to keep alive  anyway,
'do not know" Is In and by Itself an
tbstirdity.    Knowledge  is  at   bottom
'sense-impression," and the sensitive
iluten  within our   heads,    the place
■where    those    Impressions    manifest
Themselves, the lenses of course, those
Jot-gaiis of sense so necessary to our
it do otherwise? Action, reaction, inter-reaction. To explain religion away
is to attack it, however' we may wriggle. Tired of the length of time political education takes to spread, impatient for the realization of the pro-
The giving of charity implies that
charity  has  previously  been given.
• »   •
Your poverty is not measured by
the actual amount you receive but by
the amount you reoeive compared
with what you are capable of producing.
• *   *
Look out for the people who loudly proclaim sympathy and affection
for the working class. They usually
want help to further their own pe
culiar schemes.
,   a   .
Labor  produces  all  wealth  and  it
will belong to Labor when Labor unitedly decides to take it.
a    *    *
The population of Canada is about
seven   millions.    A   large  portion  of
The Purpose of Capitalist  Newspapers Is to Delude the
Working Class.
letarian  victory,  the  S.   L.   P.   looks:this  number  works  for  foreign  cap-
toward industrial action as the means'
toward the long desired end.   All are
right, all are wrong, for upon that day
they shall all be found ready to bring
about   the   consummation.     Till   then
advertise the goods without so much
stress upon the brand.
them most, the already very wealthy
and powerful, large capitalist landowners, who were also land owning
capitalists, partners in industry and
farming; many sided monsters. Now
the Catholic Church and the Anglican
Church are the natural reflex of the
wealthy classes who were destined to
destroy our petty traders, hence the
ministers of the packet-of-pins tribe
denounced the "scarlet whore" with
hell-broth fervour. ThlB was the
ground from which the I. L. P. was
to spring, for be it understood they aB
a party never got beyond state capitalism, the only conception of "Socialism" small traders as a class are
capable of. On the other hand Morris
and Bax and Hyndman with the S. D.
F. were at work amongst the proletariat, hurling the message of Marx
broadcast. So oppressive did virtue
become that bourgeolse novelists revolted against lt and Meredith and
Swinburne, together with Fitzgerald,
stand out in bold relief against the
drab background of funnel-drawer
Class distinctions ln Englnnd were
drawn frightfully tight and the shop
keeper found lt Impossible to mix
with the laborer even as "business"
swept them Into the ranks of wage
Every class struggle is a political
* *    •
Well-fed wageworkers are no less
slaves than hungry ones.
* *   *
Working class energy that ls not directed against capitalist ownership in
the means of life Ib uselessly squandered.
a    *    *
"The general tendency of capitalist
production is not to raise, but to sink
the average standard of wages."—
a    •    •
Queen Mary has left for India accompanied by her husband. India
will have to look pleased in spite of
Its feelings.
,   *   •
That the finest achievements of science are to-day turned toward the destruction of human life is the great
disgrace of capitalism's contribution
to the pages of history.
a    a    *
General Wu Lu Chen, a Manchu governor in a Chinese province, was a
progressive, but not a revolutionist.
He did not want a republic, nor yet
an absolute monarchy. When the
rebels came out for a clean wiping
out of the present dynasty, he joined
the Manchus, and as a result was
chopped to pieces by his friends. This
Ib a warning to all reformers and
a    •    a
If the workers are Intelligent
enough to produce the wealth of society, they are Intelligent enough to
manage lt in their own interest.
• *   •
Superstitious and    harmful    reverence  for other people's  laws  is  the
curse of the working class,
.   •   •
It is impossible for a free man to
work for wages      	
• *   »
Between International warB and Internal scrapping over peace treaties
the world Ib kept fairly busy.
a    a    *
i London newsboy waB given a
mouth at hard labor for crying; "War
declared between England and Germany."   This was "good
italists.    Let us sing, "O Canada."
a    a    a
Attend the economic class at Headquarters, 133 Water street every Sunday, 2:30 p.m. Speakers' class Wednesday, 8 p.m.
*    •    *
Charles Edward Hussell has the following to say about compulsory arbi-'
tration. This may be applied to our
good Canadian efforts at "industrial
Under the most favorable conditions that could be e:pected anywhere, New Zealand has made a thorough trial of compulsory arbitration,
and this is the result. The thing does
not work, because it is an impossibility, an anomaly and a bootless device. Neither by conciliation commissioners, nor arbitration courts nor
fines nor making a strike a crime,
nor by injunctions, nor jails, nor
militia, nor Pinkertons, nor employers' associations, nor Civic Federation fakes, nor platitudes, nor sloppy
talk about bringing labor and capital
together,  nor  slush,  nor  doughfaces,.
Without question, the press is today the most valuable asset that the
capitalist class possesses. Its uses
are chiefly to confuse and mislead the
workers by bringing up false and
musty issues, and to persuade them
that these things concern them more
than anything else under the sun.
How many workers are there with
opinions of their own? Not one in a
hundred; the ideas which so many
deliver themselves of, with so much
sagacity, and a wise look, are simply
and solely ideas culled from some
capitalist sheet, and then retailed second hand to whoever is to be found
foolish enough  to listen.
Anyone gifted with intelligence, can
speedily confound these would-be wisdom mongers by simply prying into
the reasons for the statements made,
and finding a complete dearth of personal knowledge and the usual source
of their information, to be "The Daily
Squeal," or some similar rag. If you
have patience enough, you will hear
how "panics are caused by tightness
of money;" how strikers are roughs
and hoodlums, and the use of soldiers
justified to keep order, and so on indefinitely, solely because some paper
or other said so.
Note the way these paperB write
so fulsomely of the intelligence of
"our readers" and begs them to be
heedful of the possibilities of a growing city, with an eye no doubt to the
real estate interests. It usually
causes our working friends who
chance to be struggling to save the
monthly payment on the real estate
man's lot, to swell their puny chests
with pride. It is pathetic, sometimes
amusing, and after all so tragic, the
way the working class mentally stunts
itself, with the editorial wisdom, andl
cultivates a taste for anything but I deadliest enemies' ideaB. Advertising
what their class interests require. plays a large part in the life of the
And after all, with common sense | newspapers and, it naturally follows,
used in reading, the readers could jthe publishers arc going to cater to
not fail to see the class nature of the I their advertisers' views or lose their
It is an ill wind that blows no gooC
But why multiply instances, the
class nature of the daily and weekly
press is but too apparent, its chief aim
and purpose is to mislead the workers; if the workers can be made le
accept their master's ideas as their
own, then a great deal has been accomplished from the capitalist point
of view; and this has been done anfi
is being done very successfully today;
Should any rebel be bold enough t»
state in public that between the toilers of the world and their masters
there ia a ceaseless warfare, which
can never cease till the working class
wins out, then it is the Press that
comes forward, with a maze of con.
tradictions, calumny and abuse, for
the bold thinker who dares to speak
the truth. This is their time honored
attitude, arguments they have none,
though at times with most becoming
gravity, the editors sound forth most
solemn warnings against "Socialistic
anarchy" and similar rot, stuff that
contains no grain of sense.
Nothing Ib too out of the way, no
weapon of abuse or ridicule, ls barred
out in the fight waged on the side of
the Press. This is ever the case, anything goes, if only the slaves can be
made to believe that everything is all
right and things are as they are because they always were. It may Been
so to them, or It may be that their
material interests color their views,
as is no doubt the case with a very
large percentage of the members of
the newspaper business.
The master class control the so-
called free Press, all sources of information being owned by them, hence
the hostility to the working class-
Slaves accepting views from a newspaper,  are  in  reality  imbibing  their
mental hash they are served. Why
not ask themselves the reason for the
big space given to any happenings in
society, the pictures and picturesque
accounts of Miss So and So's marriage, or coming of age, and the obscure corner devoted to the story of
Subsidies from political parties are
also a source of much revenue, and
the result can L-e guessed. It is easy
to dig up an iBsue and espouse it for
a monetary consideration. And alter
all, the editorial opinions are scarcely
how a man falls fainting of hunger on j ,lVOrtll  Bll]t,  they    will    change sides
the streets; or some unfortunate slave] Without the slightest heed to appearances.    Nay, they will even have, op-
being crushed to death at his dally
toil. Why the glaring black type announcing the looting of a bank, and
the brief dismissal of a workingman's
holdup and loss of five dollars. Note
the difference in these and hundreds
of similar cases, and it becomes very
plain that some reason is behind the
difference of notice accorded to the
news. Does the workingman ever ask
why, he ought to, it cries aloud for
answer, and it really requires but lit-
nor  Bpies,   nor  kidnappers,  nor  fake I , ... , .    . ,■       .
,        . . ..     'tie expenditure of brain power to find
murder   charges,   nor   by   any   other1    ,    .
,       ,' .   „ jout why.
meanB  under  the  heavens  shall  you
put a stop to the dissensions of labor |    The  business  interests' automobile
and capital so long as you retain the Parades get a page of description, and
present organization of society. jthe  unemployed  procession gets  the
"If you  were to adopt the plan oflbottom corner of tne last "aee- » •*
finds its way in at all.  Should a bru-
the manufacturers' associations and
drive men to their work with bayonets, that would not do It. And If you
could make practical the dreamy
ideas of poor old Dr. Abbott and cause
every worker to become a stockholder
in something, that would not do it.
"You cannot do It with  force, and
you cannot do it with slathers."
Comrade H. M. Fitzgerald lectured
to a large audience on Sunday evening upon the subject of "Social Evolution." The lecturer dealt with his
subject In a very interesting manner,
giving a brief and rapid sketch of social evolution from primitive communism to the present time. Quite a
number of questions were asked and
answered at the close. Prior to the
lecture, Comrade H. O. Adams favored the audience with a charming solo,
Meredith's orchestra supplying the
musical items. — Social Democrat
The Tribes of Israel whom the good
Lord scattered over the face of the
earth for their sins, have done fairly
well. The Lord must have had something up his sleeve, for the said earth
now belongs mainly to Hebrews.
"Efficient management" of Industry
Ib a scientific method of squeezing
surplus value out of the workers. It
Is the modern refinement of industrial
slavery.       **m*m*M
tal police force break up the procession, there will be extra editions got
out detailing the notions nature of
the workers, and the orderliness of
the police under great provocation.
No need to look for any labor agitators' speeches ln our respectable
Press. Our masters do not run their
papers for, that purpose, but you will
no doubt see all the latest news of
what this or that pugilist or wrestler
Ib going to do to some other artist
of the mit or mat.
A recent issue of one of the coast
dallies contained an account of some
jaded pleasure seeking millionaires
having to rouse up some interest in
life, by partaking of a hobo dinner.
Can anyone imagine the news columns
being filled with descriptions of the
workers' numerous hobo dinners? God
knowB, they are common enough and
not such nice dinners as these aristocratic hoboes were to get Dry bread
and water is considered too good for
workingmen hoboes, and it is certainly too good to mention it In the
And, by the way, as a recent issue
of Life has It. "If the idle rich make
work for so many dependents, why
should the Idle toilers be decried so
much; for they provide work for untold thousands of parasites in the
Bhape of Judges, lawyers, Jailors, policemen, reformers and others of that
position editorials published from the
same office, so do they fool the poor
duped workers.
What does it matter to them that
the workers are so blind; it is the
object they are paid tb attain, let
them take sides against each other,
and the master class smiles, and goes
confidently on.
It Is occasionally the case that a
paper is to be found professing a great
regard for the "common peoples'"
rights, and very much wrath and ink
is poured out on paper as a protest
against the greedy street car company, or the wicked corner grocer,
who will play the game and chenL
Yes; and even Borne professed rebels
may be found who will aver that such
a paper does the Socialists' work.
But the only thing for the working
class to keep ln view, all the time,
and they will never get wrong, Is that
any paper that is not for the common,
ownership of the earth, and the product of toil to the toiler is not for
them but against them. There is the
remedy for poverty and its consequences, ignorance, misery, crime.
There is the secret of our slavery
to the lords of the earth, because they
and not the working class own thc.Be
things we must use to live.
Boycott their agents all we can,
support the workers Press, and a
brighter day will be in store.
F. S. F.
You have your G. T. P. and your
0. N. P. and also have you cinched
your Union Jack. Don't you think it
time you were really going after something for yourself?
Th.   Workara'   atnaanta.
"The very fnct that n nilvn Ib a member of an organization which Ih Btudylng
Important qucMtionH ami pre«e Ihk reforms in matters afTeetinK the whole
Hoclol   fabric  compels   him  to study and
think and become informed, as hi.
Information Is extended, his method of
thought anil study wlll be fixed ox
belter and surer lines, and hi- influence
in the community will be ffroater. both
lhe membership ami the organisation
will become mure Influential,"-—lamey
JohnHon, Ohio Supreme Court Judge. PAGE TWO
8ATURDAY,   NOVEMBER   18th,   1911
~Pilb]ln*ied        every   Saturday   by     the   So-
•r-iallat   Party   of   Canada,   at   the   Office   of
.he    Wentern   Clarion.    Klack      Block   Baae-
. maul.   366  Hastings  Street,   Vancouver.   B.C
11.00   I'er   rear,   50   cents   for   Six   Montha,
26 rent* for Three Months.
Slrlclly   In   Advance.
Btindlea „f 5 or more coplea for a period
•»I not leas than three months, at the rate
••of  one  cent   per  copy   per   iBsue.
Advertising   rates   on   application.
If   yell   receive   litis  papetfc   It   ia   paid   for.
ln maklni! remittance by cheque, ex
• chHtiKc tnUHt lie added. Address all communication,, and make all money orders
pa.yal.lr   to
579 Homer, Klehurlla   Ijtne, Vancouver, B.C.
*JI I—Watch the label on your paper. If
Vt't t ti In number la on It, your sub-
■a-riplhin   expires   the   next   Issue.
SATURDAY,   NOVEMBER   18,   1911.
It needed but one rebel victory to
set China aflame witli revolt from one
end to the other. Fanned by the
fcreeze of success, the smoldering fires
-of revolution burst with startling suddenness into one great conflagration
that will purge this great country of
every last vestige of the decayed Feu-
■dalistlc rule of the Manchu.
While the rebellion ls primarily a
national war upon a foreign conqueror,
1t is also the dawning In China of a
new social order. The programme of
the victorious revolutionists is based
opon the establishment of a republic
■with political freedom for all along
the same lines as the older republics
of Europe and America. While this
programme also contains many proposals which are regarded as radical
to existing democratic countries, such
•as the single tax, etc., there ls nothing
proposed which will prevent the free
-development of capitalism. We are
assured by representatives of the
revolutionary party that foreign in-
■vestments in China will be encouraged.
Such Investments, however, are to be
under the sole supervision of the Chinese.
"No foreign investor has any cause to
tear the result of this latter arrangement, for in -no country is the wise
manipulation of capital so assured. A
railway has recently been completed
between Peking and Kalgan, a distance of 130 miles, in the construction
•of which no foreigner had any hand
■whatever. Some of the most difficult feats of engineering were accomplished by Chinese engineers and Chinese labor was employed throughout.
The result is that China has the most
thoroughly, and at the same time the
most cheaply built railway in the
What is to happen to the markets
•of the world when these people with
their keen business sense, indomitable
perseverance, tireless energy and wonderful powers of endurance swing
fully into modern machine production?
We are entertained with stories and
cartoons of how the other great powers are about to seize China and reap
vast fortunes at the expense of her
citizens. Any power, however, that
in future seeks to meddle with the
affairs of China to her detriment, will
discover a new race. It will find itself
opposed to millions of men with martial spirit and- modern military prowess. It would be advisable for countries that desire to invade this new republic to move with extreme caution.
So much for the capitalist side of
the situation. What of the workers?
The revolutionary party promises
many reforms in the interests of the
working class. No doubt it earnestly
•seeks to bring about greatly improved
conditions. It will be remembered,
however, that these same advantages
have been promised at the inception
of every republic. However sincere
its desire may be to bestow happiness
upon the tollers, however great its desire to establish permanent freedom
from oppression, the capitalist system
must work out according to its own
In its working out It must breed the
propertyless proletariat subject to the
same conditions of employment that
prevail In all capitalist countries.
Capitalism operates for the benefit of
capitalists and to the detriment of
producers, in spite of all well-meaning
efforts to the contrary.
In time will appear the revolutionary worker, his revolt not directed
against an imperial dynasty, but
against capitalism. Political democracy may cause the next revolution to
pass off peacefully. But revolution
there must be, for, before internal
class strife is ended, the producers of
■wealth must possobs the country ln
■which they toll and administer that
wealth In their own behalf.
The reconverted Clarion starts off
under fairly good conditions. Prospects look brighter now than they
have for some months. A great many
comrades are throwing themselves
into the work of getting subs, with
considerable success.
We do not wish to take up valuable
space appealing for subscriptions. Let
us remind you again, however, that
this is your paper and it depends largely on your efforts for success. Don't
leave the work to a few. Let every
comrade do his part and the cause of
revolutionary Socialism will be advanced thereby.
Many proposals have been made for
the building up of the circulation. One
of them is that locals charge an initiation fee sufficient to cover a Clarion
sub. for three or six months. It is
within the power of any local to do
this under the constitution.
In the meantime we have issued sub.
cards which we will sell at the following rates:
5 or more yearly cards at 75 cents
10 or more 6-month cards at 40 cents
20 or more 3-month cards at 20 cents
Locals could not do better than secure bundles of these. Handled with
a little energy they would be some assistance to local treasuries.
But   Cost   of   Living   Has   Gone   Up
Steadily—Some  Deductions
From  Great  Britain.
London, Nov. 1.—Professor A. L.
Bowley, of the -London School of Economics, as an undoubted authority on
statistical matters, has been interviewed regarding the rise which has
taken place in the price of food, and
he admits being puzzled and doubtful
as regards the exact facts of the relation between wholesale and retail
prices. According to this authority,
no definite expression of opinion can
be given, as the data will not be
available for some time yet. Professor Bowley, however, is quite clear
that the purchasing power of the people has decreased, and that real wages
reckoned In terms of food have fallen. Comparing the three years 1898-
1901, Professor Bowley makes the fall
3 per cent. The calculation based on
the labor department's figures makes
the fall 6 per cent. From 1850 to 1900
real wages were rising, and their check
is a very serious phenomenon. It means
that the working class had been making steady progresd up to 1900, when
the movement of advance ceased, and
has not since been renewed.
"Understand," said the Honest Toller, as he rose from the banquet, "I
don't like your milk."
"You don't," said the Worthy Rich
"No, I don't, lit ain't jblue—it's
white and kind of thick. I ain't accustomed to thick milk and I don't
like it."
"I'm sorry."
"And your meat was bad, too."
"Oh, wasn't the steak good?"
"Good! It was about two Indies
thick and pretty neur raw and my
knife just slid through It."
"And don't you like lt that way?"
"No, I don't. I like good steak—
about a quarter of an Inch thick and
cooked all through and strong enough
so it gives you something to chew on."
"Anything elie?"
"What was that stuff In the glass?"
"That was whisky."
"Well, it's rotten; I wouldn't have
known it was whlBky If you hadn't
told me."
"They said it was the beBt on the
"They are fooling you then. It don't
come nowhere near the stuff that
they sell at the saloon for five cents."
"I hope you liked your cigar."
"You ain't joking me, are you?"
"Of course not."
"Well, you don't mean to tell me you
think this rope I'm smoking is a good
"It's Said to be.   It cost fifty cents."
"They're robbing you; It ain't nowhere near up to the kind I get—
eight for ten."
"You're rather displeased, then, with
the whole outfit."
"You bet," assented the Honest Toller, proudly, throwing out his chest,
"blue milk, thin steak, five-cent whisky and eight for a dime cigars—that's
me, every day in the week."
"Well," said the Worthy Rich Man,
with a sigh of relief, "of course you
knqw your own business best. If
that's what you want I'll try to. see
that you get lt."—Exchange.
There's going to be no coaxing'or
wheedling about this little screed, but
the writer Is going to put the matter
of circulation up to you straight and
let it go at that.
It's like this: The Clarion occupies
the unique position on this continent
of never having pandered to reform,
or any form of unionism In order to
attract subscribers, and of never having gone in for flattery or patting on
the back those who have got a few
subs. It has not been yellow in any
way, either In abuse of the capitalist class or in indulging in any kind
of sensationalism, nor has it wasted
its space by the insertion of a silly,
sappy, Socialist (?) serial.
Moreover, the Clarion is owned by
the working class, which is probably
one of the reasons the workerB who
call themselves Socialists do not, aB
a rule, push the circulation of the
only working class owned paper in
Canada. Take it or leave it as you
like, but the writer is convinced that
the majority of those in Canada who
call themselves Socialists are not
really so, and this applies to party
membership to a great degree. Such
may honestly believe themselves Socialists, but the proof that the majority of those claiming to be Socialists are not, if the fact that they prefer to subscribe to a privately-owned
and controlled an,d incompetently run
paper, to such a paper as the Clarion,
partly no doubt because their slave
trained minds impel them to appreciate the' condescension and patronage, the patting on the back which
they get from those running these
opportunistic sheets, partly because
such papers are "easy to read"—just
like other capitalist papers—and partly because they are cheaper than the
Clarion, which last mentioned paper
cannot afford to be cheap, never having been backed by any but members
of the working class.
Anyway, It's up, to those who call
themselves Socialists to say once and
for all what shall be the fate of the
Clarion. After years of struggle and
financial sacrifice by a few members
of the working class who have had a
few dollars to spare from time to
time, a crisis has been reached and It
has been decided that unless the
Clarion is put on a self-sustaining basis within a month or two it will be
discontinued — to the everlasting
shame of the English-speaking Socialists (?) in Canada, and to the extreme
gratification of those who are enemies
of the Clarion for one reason and
another—and many of these enemies
are in the Party Itself. Some are ene
mies because they have I. W. W. ism
badly, and the Clarion will not pander
to them; others because—after signing our revolutionary platform (and
lying by doing so) they wish to tack
on "midget" demands, instead of getting out qf the Party, which would be
well rid of them. If the Clarion instead of being a straight Party paper
would speak approvingly of all aggregations called Socialist, it would
please" the members of such and get
their approval and support. If it
would only tickle the susceptibilities
of the workers instead of endeavoring
to educate them it would "attract"
The Clarion, however, is not in the
business of "attracting" subscribers,
but of making Socialists. Finally,
plainly and bluntly, it has come to
this: Either there are enough revolutionists in Canada to put the Clarion on a self-sustaining basiB or there
are not, either the working class of
Canada ls ready .for it or it is not.
The writer believes it is, and be
lieves that the real Socialists in and
outside the Party will soon put the
Clarion in the position it should be
that It is only necessary to call their
attentlon to the need of action.
This has not been sufficiently done
by the Clarion itself in the past, the
editor being of the opinion that the
Clarion should be Its own recom
mendatlon, but the editor being sick
in the hospital at present, his assistant has given the writer a free hand
to express his opinion that readers of
the Clarion should be given an energetic jolt from time to time as to the
need of putting forth a little energy
on their own part to secure new readers.
Is the intimation of the need of ac
tion sufficient, or do you want your
fads to be deferred to, do you want
to be wheedled, coaxed and flattered
We shall soon know.
W. G.
By D. A. Anderson.
Money, O Money" the preachers sing,
Thou art their Savior, their God and
their king,
It's for thee they preach and for thee
they pray,
And  take  two  collections  each  Sabbath day.
The preacherB  are urgent in  money
The  indolent  priests  work not with
their hands,
The lazy things preach for the coveted
Greedy things that they are, they get
never enough.
They've poor in their parish who need
some relief;
They preach to their poverty and pray
for their grief.
They  send  the  box  'round  to  them
morning and night;
And suggestively preach of the poor
widow's mite.
Some get their knowledge at no little
And all of their Trinity's dimes, dollars and cents;
Money, more Money, Is all that they
From the pulpit's first step to the
brink of the grave.
The preachers and priests, before service commences,
Must tell to the flock all their own
great expenses.
He hurries the usher, fearing some
may Blip out,
To grab up the box and go 'round
and about.
Some may be passed with no penny in
And again he reminds 'em of the poor
widow's mite.
And while they're singing "Shall we
gather at the river,"
He tells how the Lord loveth every
"cheerful giver."
And when they're laid low and their
bodies at rest,
Place a box on their grave Is their
latest request;
That their friends may all see, who
come for reflection,
That they can't rest in peace without
a  collection.
Money is their creed, they can't preach
without it;
Their heaven iB closed to all those
who doubt It.
For this is the essence of modern religion :
Come regular to church and be
plucked like a pigeon.
Their pay may be hundreds or thousands a year,
Double it, triple it, still they are
With their box or their flunkies, collecting your brass,
They can't do as Jesus did—ride on
an ass.
They've carriage and car and servants and all,
They're not going to foot it like Peter
and Paul;
Neither, like John', live on locusts and
So out with your purses and plank
down your money.
Fools   sometimes  ask  what  they  do
with the money,
Just as well ask bees what they do
with their honey.
They have a good time and sing with
the choir
And threaten to leave if their pay's
not raised higher.
In the cold, silent earth they'll soon
be laid low,
With the blessed who have left us
long, long ago.
They'll sleep there In peace till   the
great resurrectioii
And be flrst on their legs to take up a
Socialist   Party   Directory
Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary, 579 Homer-Richards
Lane, Vancouver, B. C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets e\ ery alternate
Monday.     D.   Q.   McKenzie,   Secretary.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada.
Meets every alternate Monday in Labor
Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce. Secretary will be pleased to
answer any communications regarding
the movement ln the province. !•'.
Danby,   Secretary,   Box   647.   Calgary.
Committee: Notice—This card Is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested ln the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party: so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
secretary. \V. IT. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good  Street, Winnipeg.
ecutlve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every flrst and third
Saturday in the month, 8:00 p.m., at
headquarters, Ma*n Street, North Bat-
, tleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement In this Province. L. Budden,
Secv., Box 101, North Buttleford, Su3k.
Hard Bump for Teddy.
It is well to keep in mind this fact:
No man has a corner on wisdom.
"There Is no royal road to learning,"
said a solon of old. The pronoun "I"
fs obsolete, and he who uses it with
emphasis should have a care. Any
time a man bobs up with a bit of gush
that smathers with "I-am-the-great-I-
am" air, JUBt put him down ln your
note-book as a double-dyed, musty old
welnerwurst. Keep an eye on the fellow who punctuates every sentence,
written or spoken, with that almost obsolete Infinitesimal pronoun "I."—Labor
Forceful   Humor.
A subscriber 'sends in thla query:
"Was Madeline Force-d to marry when
the Colonel Ast-er?" Call at the offlce,
dear subscriber, and get your reward.
We have the axe behind the door.—
Labor Unit.
Professor Bacon of Kale College de
Clares that this government, founded by
our forefathers with the Idea that they
were achieving an approach to the broth
erhood of man, has degenerated into a
mere plutocracy. Professor Bacon.says
that capital confers one-tenth of the
common product on the tollers and nine-
tenths on the Idlers, says the "Industrial
Worker." It is somewhat strange that
professors of our big universities can
discover these things, yet the man with
the patches on the seat of his pants, his
bedraggled hair and empty stomach, can
still find an argument ln favor of the
master class, which means to favor his
own misery. One would suppose that
the flrst to rebel against this plutocracy
would be the victim of plutocracy, which
ls the wage worker. There are millions
of tollers today, who do know that they
are mere slaves used to make others
rich, but are yet too cowardly to organize and shake off the parasites. It
will have to be done, and delaying the
fight only makes matters worse for us,
as the cause of our troubles today ls still
the cause of our troubles tomorrow and
so on, and with each succeeding day our
masters are more firmly entrenched
behind their industrial combines and
the task of freeing ourselves becomes
harder. The time to fight against this
plutocracy is now.
LOCAL SANDON, B. 0„ NO. 36, S. P. OP
c. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
In the Sandon Miners' Union Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K. sandon, B. C.
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. In Public Library Room. John
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allen,
LOCAL  VANCOUVEB,  B.  ft,  NO.  1,  8.
I', of C. business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, 133
Water Street. F. Perry, Secretary, 618
Hornby St.
LOOAL   VANCOUVER,   B,   O.,   NO.    45,
1- Innisli. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 2237
Main Street,    secretary, Wm. Mynttl.
LOOAL  VBBNON,  B.   C,  NC.  38.  S.   P.
of C. Meets every Tuesday. 8:00 p.m.
sharp, at L. O. L. Hall, Tronson St.
W. H. GUmore, Secretary.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the flrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele. Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendennlng. Box 63.
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
Committee. Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays In the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Gluce ony,
N. S. Dan Cochrune. Secretary. Box
491. Glace Bay. N. S.
LOOAL   FEBNIE,   B.   P.   of   C,   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miner*'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernie,
every Sunday evening nt 7:45. Business meeting flrst Sunday In eacli
month, same place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Paton. Secretory, hex 101.
S. P. of C. meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hull. Greenwood.
Visiting Comrades Invited to call. C.
Printer, te, Secretary.
LOCAL  LADYSMITH  NO.   10,   S.   P.  of
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 n.ni.. In headquarters on First Ave
Parker Williams, Sec. Liuly.smllh. B.C.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dallv.
Secretary. A. Farmilo. 622 First St.;
Organizer,  W.  Stephenson.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p. m. at Room 25. Hackle tBlocli.
Eighth avenue and Second street W.
Club and reading room same address.
Frank  Tipping,  Secretary,  Box  647.
meets lu .Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. K. Campbell. Secretary. P.O.
Box 674. Hossland Finnish Branch
meets In l-'inlanders' Hall, Sundays ut
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble. Secretury. P.O.
Box 54. Uosslunil.
LOOAL   MICHEL,  B.   ft,   NO.   16,   S.   P.
of C.. holds propugunda meetings
every Sunday ufteruoon at 2:30 p.m. In
Crahan's Mull. A heurty Invitation is
extended to nil wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the flrst
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a.m. In the same hall. Purty
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
second Sunday, 7:30 p.m., ln McGregor
.Hail   (.Miners'   Hall).     Thos.   Rpberts.
every Friday evening at 8 p.m.. In
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin.  Secretary.
No. IS, S. P. OP C.—Iteudijuurtcrs
Room 3, DunOnt Block, over Northern
Crown Bunk. Propugundu meeting
every Sunday. Crystal Theatre. 8 pm
Business meeting every Monday. 8 p.
m. B. W. Spurke. Recording Secretary: H. Gilchrist. Organizer; J. C.
Williams,  financial Secretary.
S. P. of C,, meets everv Sunday in
hall ln Empress Theatre Rlock at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorhatn. Secretary.
LOCAL   BEVELSTOXE,   B.   ft,    NO. . 7,
S. P. of C. Business meetings nt Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Guvmnn, Secretury
every Sunday, Trades Hall. 8 p.m.
Business meeting, second Friday, 8
p.m.. Trades Hall. B. Simmons, secretary, lilOO Garnet St., P.O. Box 1046.
of C. Headquarters. No. 10 Nation
Block, Hossar Ave. Propaganda meeting. Sunday ut 8 p.m.: business meeting, second ami fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.; economic class, Friday at 8 p.m.
secretary, T. Mellalieo, 2a9 First St.,
Brandon, Man.
S. P. of C. Meets first and third Sundays ln tiie month, at 4 p.m.. in
Miners' Hall. Secretary. Chus. Peacock.  Box  1983.
OP O.—Propaganda meetings every
Sunduy. 7:30 p. m., ln the Trades Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday, 3 p.m.
D. McMillan, Sec. Treas., South Hill
P. O., Sask.! A. Stewart. Organizer,
South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves welcome.
of C. Headquarters. 528 1/2 Main St.,
Room 2. next Dreamland Theatre.
Business meeting every alternate
Monday evening at 8 p.m.; propaganda
meeting every Wednesday at 8 p.m.;
economic class every Sunday afternoon. 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh Lald-
low. Room 2, 528 1/2 Main St. Secretury. J.  W.  Hillings. 270 Young St.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,   No.   8,   8.   P.   OP   O.
Business meetings first Sunday in
month In open air, followed by a pic-
nil during summer months. Propaganda meetings every Saturday night
al 8 p. m., at the corner of McKenzie
Ave. und Itldeau St. A. G. McCallum,
Sec. 140 Augusta Street.
LOCAL   OLACE  BAY, NO.  1,  OP  N.  S.
Business and propaganda meeting
every Tliursduy ut 8 p.m. in Macdon-
ald's Hall. Union Street. Ail are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Buy; Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financiul Secretary, offlce In D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and program of the re-
-clutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is bused upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long us the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, nnd to the worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property,
•The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ina struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
program of the working class, as follows;
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, the
Socialist Part yis absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands in such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working clasi. alone.
Marx on Unlona.
Trades unions work well as centres
of resistance against the encroachments of capital. They fail partially
from an injudicious use of their
power. They fall generally from limiting themselves to a guerilla war
against the effects of the existing
system, Instead of simultaneously trying to change it, insteud of using their
organized forces as a lever for the final
emancipation of the working class, that
ls to say, the ultimate abolition of the
wages system.—Karl Marx.
Of the Workers' Own Making.
Nearly every great Influence of society is against the worker. Political
machines are not designed for his advantage. Industrial Institutions are instruments ot opposition. The money
power ls enlisted to oppress him. The
courts are operated to prevent him
from securing his rights. Kven the
church Ib none too friendly—S. A.
Cooper. SATURDAY,   NOVEMBER   18th,  1911
Meeting held Nov. 6th. Present,
Comrades Kreekls, Mengel, Klngsley
(chairman), Peterson, Karme and
Asst. Secy.
Correspondence dealt with from Alberta Executive and Slgfrld Hansson,
Stockholm,  Sweden.
Charter granted Local South Raven,
It was decided to publish the Western Clarion again in weekly form,
commencing with Nov. 18th issue.
Warrants ordered drawn for November rent, $15.00;   Secretary's August
and September salaries, $60.00.
| Alberta Executive  $ 47.00
Moose Jaw Literature      7.25
j. W. Dargle, dues     3.00
Maritime Ex. stamps       5.00
Winnipeg buttons        2.00
Ottawa stamps       2.00
Clarion  Maintenance        2.00
' Clarion Oct. surplus      69.85
| Convention surplus      36.00
Meeting held Nov. 6th.   Correspon-
[dence dealt with from H. Gildemeest-
er, Mara.
Evidence being presented showing
[extreme irregularity of conduct on the
mart of Gerald Desmond, committee
heclded to warn all locals against entrusting this man with any funds of,
kr the performance of any duty for,
[the party.
^Vancouver    Lettish      constitutions    $   .50
^Burnaby, stamps       2.00
H. Elliott, dues       Ii50
West Burnaby        5.00
Salmon Arm    10.00
Vancouver Lettish stamps      3.00
Port   Moody,  stamps    '..    5.00
Silver Creek, stamps      2.00
Minutes of meeting held at headquarters Saturday, Oct. 14.
Minutes of previous meeting approved. Correspondence from locals,
Regina,   Fennell   Hall,    Moose    Jaw,
oni. Hermann, Rosthern and the
"Western Clarion.
Report of organizer adopted.
Audit committee to report at next
Proposed and seconded that organ-
zer arrange a tour to Rosthern and
'urrounding district.
Proposed and seconded that we
nuke an appeal for funds to aid the
loose Jaw comrades in their efforts
o elect their candidate in the coming
Srovtncial election.
Proposed and seconded that we is-
ue a monthly bulletin to all locals in
,he province to enable them to keep in
tmch with party matters. Copy to
e sent to Cottons Weekly.
Financial report adopted.
Proposed and seconded that the ef
jects of the Prov. Ex. Com. be disposed
f at once and that we vacate the
eadquarters by Oct. 20.
f.ocal  Regina    $2.00
lennell'Hall    2.00
ocal North Battleford  1.00
. A. Moon     2.40
Warrants  drawn for—
larlon    $2.00
larion Card, July, Aug., Sept... 3.00
',  Moon     5.00
ostage  75
| Secretary.
The campaign has taught us good
lessons, and we wlll be better prepared In the future.
Subscriptions of party members
and sympathizers    $230.90
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Financial Agent.
St. John Local No. 6, New Brunswick, has been coming into the limelight lately, having clashed swords
with the chief of police of that city
and also succeeded in drawing the
then premier of New Brunswick into
a controversy with reference to open
air meetings and free speech. The
police held that the Socialists were a
lot of lawless beings and dangerous
at that, because they had dared to
show the workers that the question
of reciprocity was only another red
herring and was only being used bo
as to obscure the real issue.
The chief of police and Mr. Hazen
say that the Salvation Army can hold
meetings because of the good (sic)
they are accomplishing, but presumes
that the Socialists can do no good; so
issues orders for the mto be dispersed
if they attempt to hold open air
meetings. It so happened that Borden cast his eyes eastward and recognizing how Hazen had thrown dust
kinto the eyes of the people of New
Brunswick, he thought that with his
October 29—Fred Flatmon, "The
Evolution of the Mob."
October 29—Fred Flatman, "The
Destiny of the Mob."
November 12—H. A. Fogal, "Present Day Problems."
November 19—Wm. Smith, "Modern
November 26—H. Russell, "Labor's
December 3—Wm. Smith, "Who
Produces the Wealth and Who En-
Joys It?"
December 10—L. M. Gordon, "Why
Are the Workers Always Poor?"
December 17—Fred Flatman, "What
Socialism is Not."
Preserve this card for future reference.
By William English Walling.
Suppose things don't happen exactly
the way we thought they would ten
years ago.
Suppose the trusts decide that Instead of swallowing up all the small
capitalists lt will be safer, after reaching a certain point, to check the extension of the trust principle on the
economic Held and apply it to politics.
Is lt not highly probable that an effort is already being made to apply
the "get together" idea to politics,
and that .the more far-sighted among
the regular Republicans and conservative Democrats In private conferences
are saying to "insurgents" and "progressives":
We have the banks, railroads,
mines, forests and leading industries;
you have the votes and you will soon
have the political power. Yet we are
all capitalists. Why not get together?
The thing to do now is to consolidate
the capitalist class. What we need is
a new combination wide enough to
embrace all capitalists.
As competitors we have you beaten. You will have to give up your
dream of entering into business
against us as independent competitors. Yet you may remain capitalists
as investors. You* may still be landlords whether in the city or country,
and have your tenants. As capitalist
farmers, store-keepers or business
men, In those few branches we leave
in your hands (because we are used to
oily tongue and suave manner    (we
know these lawyers) how he would 'higher profits than they will yield),
be an excellent addition from the capi- yo„ purchase from us your tools and
talists' point of view to his glorious > some ot your materials. As small
cabinet. And so it came about that j mlner8F lumber men, or farmers you
Dr. Daniels, who had  won the elec-,seu ll8 some of our raw material.
any difficulty the government can take
the future increase in the value of
city lands—as they already are doing
In Germany and England. This will
bring in billions every year and will
hurt nobody.
"When we are all working together
It will be useful to Install a little more
"democracy"—not industrial, you understand, but political—for example
the Initiative, the referendum, and the
recall. We may even call a constitutional convention and abolish the political power of the Supreme Court.
"Of course, we can't have a majority of the people, but we can easily
get a majority of the voters. With
negroes and foreigners disfranchised,
the poll-tax requirement, the law that
the workers must live several months
In the place where they vote, and the
educational test, 50 per cent, of the
adult male workers are already without votes. It ls now proposed to make
naturalization more difficult while Dr.
Lyman Abbott ln the progressive Outlook wants the Southern laws disfranchising the negroes turned against the
northern whites, and Prof. E. A. Ross
in La Follette's Insurgent weekly
wants workingmen to be required to
read before they can vote. We run
no danger from labor in a single state
of the Union and if they capture a I
few minor cities we can easily deprive
those of such home rule as they now
enjoy. By rounding out this kind of
democracy we can give you small capitalists the best possible pledge that
we will not. deceive you. The political
power will remain largely In your
"As to the labor policy—are we not
already agreed that what we want is
a scientific combination of the principles of Civic Federation and the
Manufacturers' Association, such as
has already been adopted by the railroads and the Harvester Trust?"
Can any close observer doubt that
the Insurgents and Regulars, progressives and conservatives are already
getting together on the platform of
capitalistic "State Socialism"? This
combination is now taking place in
France and Germany and it will soon |
take place [here—whether 'under
Woodrow Wilson, in 1912, or Roosevelt or La Follette, in 1916, Is a secondary question.
The above is not an imaginary conversation. It is very nearly what is
actually occurring in the private conferences between Roosevelt and
Woodrow WilBon and what they call
"the good trust magnates." Already
they have announced half of the program In their speeches and it is only
tion in the city and county of St. John,
resigned his seat to make way for
Hazen. Up to this time the Liberal
press  had  been going for the    late
"Why not recognize that we have a
monopoly in transportation, banking,
smelting, steel-making, " etc., etc.?
Why  should  we not appoint special
premier for all they were worth, but jgovernment boards to fix rates, prices,
flear Comrade:
Enclosed please find statement of
flection receipts and expenses, which
Jilease publish ln the November issue
|>f the Clarion.
Here right in front of this strong-
told of Capitalism, and amongst uris-
ocracy, plutocracy, nobility and re-
¥gious bigotry, in short crasocracy,
fie have dared respectability, and have
•laced ourselves In opposition to lg-
lorance, which ls due to the economic
We have impressed upon our proletariat the Inevitable outcome of evolution of the economic conditions of so
Tdety, based upon   the   materialistic
Conception of history, with the result
lhat 298 wage slaves have shown their
§lass consciousness by voting for A.
I.  McCallum.
We have kept up a strictly scientific
Ittltude, and did not allow the heat,
f the campaign to carry us away ln
eliciting votes, but directed most of
ur energies to spread the knowledge
f surplus value, which is the key-
ote of capitalistic production. We
istributed leaflets throughout the
Ity, and held about 20 open air meet-
However, we did not lose sight of
Iiractlcal organization, and managed
o fill about 30 out of 90 polling divisions with our comrades.
now a convention of Liberals, recognizing that after all their Interests
were the same, decided not to oppose
Mr. Hazen so that he could walk into
the cabinet without any further trouble. But they had reckoned without
their host; the comrades here saw
the opportunity of winning the free
speech fight and nominated the writer
to contest the district against J. D.
Hazen. After great difficulty the deposit ($200), was secured and the
nomination papers made out. When
the candidate and his official agent
approached the court house between
the hours of 12 and 2 on Oct. 27th,
the date set for the nomination, to
their surprise they found the door
locked against them. After banging
in a very lusty manner for 25 minutes, j
during which time heads were poked
out of the windows of the court house
and the same pin heads Indulged in
hearty laughter at the frantic efforts
made by the workers' representatives
to gain admittance, which attracted
quite a crowd, some of whom were advising them to break the door In or
get through the window, they managed to gain admittance by a back door
and at last reached the returning officer, who was surrounded by the moneyed interests of the town, a host of
lawyers and press representatives,
some of them with large deportments
where the watch chain hangs, which
denoted that they belonged to the
parasitic leisure class.
After a protest about the focked
door the papers were handed In when
the chairman of the Conservative association, who happens to be the recorder of the city, advised the retiring officer to reject them on a technicality that there was no such electoral district as St. John city and
county, but there was a city and county
of St. John. The upshot was that the
henchmen of the government refused
to accept the deposit or the nomination papers, so after telling the enemy
what waB thought of them, they departed, having been delayed too long
to remedy the so-called error. Tbe
press stated (both Liberal and Tory)
that Mr. Hazen would be elected by
acclamation, and so he was.
It is now the talk of the place, and
their treachery will act as a boomerang. After all, will the revolution
be peaceful, or will the capitalists refuse to obey the laws and still hold
the reins of government, or when they
refuse to allow the nomination of the
workers, will they be justified to taking up their rifles to defend and force
our rights.   The answer Ip, yes.
maining way by which profits can be
further increased.
Another purpose of this new capitalist doctrine ls to shelve all measures
that really aim at the redistribution
of wealth and democratisation of society by increasing the political and
economic power of the masses when
compared with that of the capitalists.
The reformers argue that any plan
that can be devised which will Increase real wages 5 per cent, and
profits 10 per cent, will surely decrease strikes and bring about relative peace between capital and labor.
"The science of management" is a
proposal that labor should be systematically and scientifically studied and
directed, like the manufacture of steel
or of chemicals. Its advocates say
that the new methods are "as revolutionary in increasing output as the introduction of machinery was." And
it seems to be a demonstrated fact
tbat, in many instances, tbe product
of each laborer has, by these methods,
been increased by two or three fold.
National attention was flrst called
to the matter when the very latest
and most fashionable "reformer,"
Louis Brandeis, argued last year before the Interstate Commerce Commission that by these means the railroads could save a million dollars a
day. Perhaps the most enthusiastic
advocate of this reform, which it ls
hoped may weaken labor union agitation and distract attention from the
labor question is Air. Roosevelt's organ,  The Outlook.
"With the Introduction of scientific
management," writes Mr. Ernest Abbott ln Tbe Outlook, "the relation between employer and employee is transformed. Their mutual Interests become identical."
Let us assume, for the sake of argument, that lt ls really a technical
revolution in industry that we are
facing. We have already passed
through a number of technical revolutions without the interests of the employer and the employee becoming
identical or in any way closer than
they were before.
Scientific management and the gospel of efficiency do not necessarily
imply more speed, overstrain and an
earlier death for the laborer. On the
contrary. If the labor supply continues
to be limited, as it .is now by keeping
Asiatic labor out of the market, there
is no reason to doubt that the whole
capitalistic attitude towards labor wlll
soon be revolutionized. While land
or coal or labor were cheap the capitalist policy was to use up all of these
raw    materials    without    regard    to
necessary to read between the lines j waste.    But as soon as the suply is
to see what the other half is. nearly exhausted, a diametrically op-
Now what does this mean to Social- posite policy, that of conservation, ls
ists? It means that while we were pursued: the land or the coal or the
formerly   fighting   individualist  Cap-j labor, as the case may be, begins to
dividends and wages, and control
these boards in common. Instead of
restoring competition, protect us from
competition and just look what we
can offer In return.
"You will be protected as capitalist
consumers (not ultimate consumers)
against high tariffs, monopolistic
prices, high transportation rates and
high interest.
"When we are united we can trust
the government to go into banking
without monopolizing it. This means
that it will lend us the people's credit
at low rates.
"Such a' safe and stable government will also use its credit, sovereign
j power and right of eminent domain to
build us canals and roads, improve
waterways, undertake billions of dollars worth of investment In reclamation by drainage and irrigation of
waste lands, scientific utilization of
water power, mines and forests, etc.
We may even find it more profitable
as they have in Germany to entrust It
with the railroads, workingmen's Insurance, etc.
"We will be glad to allow such a
government to protect your interest
as investors. This will insure us a
steady stream of capital to build up
the new system and will guarantee us
your political support. Indeed there
is no reason why the government cannot guarantee all the securities of
business over which it has such firm
"Some of you are well paid professional men and corporation or government employees. We can act together
through such a government to see that
'retail prices also do not rise. This will
also protect the recipient's fixed incomes from investments. In other
words we are willing to protect all the
ultimate consumers from a rise in
prices. We can take lt out of the
wage-earners by lowering wages, but
you are protected from excessive competition among yourselves by the increasing need of a higher technical
education in your occupations and the
increasing cost of obtaining it. We
will furnish free schools, but the
courses will be so long that lt will be
utterly impossible for the working
people to support their children there
until they are 20, 25, or even 30 years
old as is sometimes necessary (if we
add to the school years the several
years of unremttneratlve experience
required In hospitals, laboratories,
"Then we are all taxpayers. The
new government enterprises will be
so profitable that we can soon relieve
all your taxes altogether.   If there Is
be saved. The time has come in nearly every country where not only the
saving of labor while in the factory,
itallsm, competition on one hand and
the trusts on the other, we are now
fighting collectivist capitalism, "State
Socialism," that is the capitalist class jbut the saving of the labor supply, 1.
for the first time consolidated, and for e., of the laborer, is a good capitalist
the first time in complete possession policy.
of the government.    It means, there-1   Tn,8 sav,ng of the ,al)orer ,fl th(J eg.
fore, that however much we feel that 'aent,a- element of the gospe, 0, effl.
the carrying out of this program will |d „ ^ ,aborer becomes at a„
facilitate our own action, It is none of I scarce_  tne  capltaUst  w|„  take  pr(J.
our business.    We watched anxiously K       pa)ng tQ ^ Wm   jMt a8 ^
and with approval the formation of the L,aveholderg 8aved the 8lave8i not onIy
trusts, but we did nothing and could ■   M,e he ,g flt WQrk but throughout „|g
do nothing to help them along.   The who,e ,'fet|me_   Mr  Hyman gtn]nBky
same ls true of the economic and po- |has po(nted ^ (m Wg ^^ Qn We|
litical consolidation of the capitalist
class that is now taking place. Our
task is not to bring about capitalist
collectivism, but to convert it into Socialist collectivism.
But this is the negative lesson we
nre taught. There Is also a positive
one. I have purposely touched only
lightly on the State Capitalist (or
State Socialist") Labor program. At
thiB point we have not only a program, but a whole new capitalist philosophy to guide us. The "State Socialist" policy towards Labor Is entirely summed up ln the "Gospel of
Efficiency" of which "Scientific Management" is only one branch.
This "gospel of efficiency" Is a representation of the capitalism of the future. Formerly we heard only the
gospel of success: let each individual
rise from his class and leave nobody
except despicable Inferiors behind.
But the sun of Individualism has set,
und now even the capitalists are becoming "Socialists." The working
people are being advised by their very
masters to seek their salvation without endeavoring to leave their class,
i.e., they are to look for favors from
a benevolent capitalistic government.
It is not the advocates of "Scientific
Management" alone that are now
preaching the gospel of efficiency and
class salvation All the "Socialistic"
reformers are off on the same tack.
Workingmen's insurance, a minimum
wage, government employment for the
unemployed, a shorter working day by
law, etc., are all advocated on the
ground that It can be shown that
though they lead to an increase of
wages, they lead to a more rapid increase of profits. The new "Social
Istlc" Capitalists have made up their
minds, aparently, that the time has
come lo allow wages to rise slowly-
faster even than the coBt of living.
The reason they have reached this
conclusion Is that a greater efficiency
of labor, even If it can be obtained
only with a real raise of wages (I. e.
faster  than  prices),  is the  best  re
fare Work in "The Coming Nation")
how the factory Inspector of Rhode
Island and other authorities have
shown the capitalists that the time
has come when they must save their
working people just as they have always saved their "cattle and horses."
One of the leaders of the new move
ment, E. P. Stimson, guaranteed to
show a committee of the House of
Representatives that under the new
system a four-hour day could be established and still the profits of capital
be increased. Most of its advocates
favor an eight-hour day on the ground
that it would increase the working
life of the now valuable laborer. All
of them favor workingmen's insurance, since they know that all the government does for the laborer enables
them to pay that much less wages
(though the decrease Ib not sufficient
entirely to negative the worker's bene-
insurance. In other words the government established a law by which
employers are automatically penalized
when they try to take advantage of
the employing class by wasting the
labor supply.
The Civic Federation and reformers
all over the country favor the establishment of a minimum wage by law
in the sweated Industries. In England the law ls already In successful
operation. It enables the large manufacturers, the owners of power machinery to put their toot-power competitors out of business, as the latter
can't afford to pay the minimum
In Great Britain the government
also proposes to solve the unemployed
problem. Those who can't be used
as servants, soldiers or sailors, according to the new Development Bill
and other schemes are, with the consent of the Labor Party, to be compelled to work on roads, re-forestra-
tion, etc. ThUB money will be saved
In almshouses, work-houses, jails and
hospitals, while the wages paid will not
be high enough to raise the general
level. There will be not only as many
but more scabs furnished by this
semi-convict employment as come now
from the army of the unemployed. In
fact lt has been proposed ln Hungary
that this new army of labor be loaned
to the farmers in harvest times. .
Would this idea not be popular In
Kansas and Iowa? Moreover if desertions are common in our regular army,
which spends part of its time on parade, would they not be wholesale
from any army that works every
hour—especially when the prices ot
strike-breakers  ranged  high?
But the heart of the whole "benevolent" labor policy is best seen in Its
effect on wages.    There is no more
doubt that  it  will  raise them  than
tbat  the introduction of  machinery
had  this effect.    But    machinery increased  the  strength  ot    capitalism
ten-fold and    scientific    management
and "labor reforms"    will    have the
same result, unless they are accompanied by the better political and economic   organization ■ of   labor.    The
great scientific    manager,    Frederick
W. Taylor,' showed the pig-iron handlers how to increase their output of
labor 362 per cent, and gave them a
61  per cent Increase in wages.    In
other words one-sixth of the benefits
of the reform went to labor and five-
sixths to capital.     That   Is the economic superiority of capital over labor was made five times greater than
it was before.   Similarly if we figured
out the ultimate results of al the labor reforms proposed by the capitalists   (say aften  ten years' trial)   we
would  probably  flnd  similar  results.
And  even    if some    reform    should
chance to give a little more to labor
than to capital we would find that a
dozen others had been enacted at the
same time which gave several times
more capital and proved the rule.
It is a conflict, a class-struggle. Labor advances sometimes more rapidly, sometimes, less, but Capital is
all the time gaining on Labor and will
continue to gain more rapidly than
ever under the "State Socialist"
regime I have been describing—except as the labor unions and the Socialist Party grow stronger. This will
not mean that these organizations can
win anything of Importance now—beyond these reforms that the "State
Socialists" will introduce without a
struggle (though not without some
discussion and polite disagreement).
It will mean that the day when a successful revolution is possible haB
drawn that much nearer.
As a part of the labor reform program, as suggested by both Ia Follette and Woodrow Wilson, the rights
of labor organizations will be somewhat extended. Boycotts will be allowed and Injunctions and "conspiracy" practlcaly abolished—as in England—where, after all, the unions
don't seem to be much freer or more
advanced than they are here. At the
same time compulsory "Investigation"
and, if necessary, compulsory arbitration, will be extended from the railways to the mines and all other Industries where the stoppage of work
would seriously Inconvenience the
capitalist class as a  whole  (I. e., in-
fit), while it removes ^™«^J^|5^"tta~P*^Ml*»i  and   Insur-
dividual grievances which Interfere
with efficiency. All of them, of
course, favor industrial education. As
to the taxes required to support, such
sweeping reforms, the capitalists will
not grudge them if they are certain to
get the benefit—for which they must
wait until the children are grown up
or until the time arrives when "conserved" workingmen would have been
thrown on the scrap heap—a period
that Is from ten to twenty years. Mr.
Brandeis calls Workingmen's Insurance "The Road to Social Efficiency,"
I. e., It Is simply the principle of indus-
gents). Unions will be permitted
among Government employees as Mr.
Ua Follette demands, and as is already the case In France. But, as in
France, they will not be permitted to
strike. As to the boycott, it can't
do much harm to the capitalists as a
whole—bo much less meat Bold, so
much more fish and eggs. As a weapon against the meat trust It might do,
as a weapon against the capitalist
class as a whole lt Is not very deadly
(though It can be very useful against
small shopkeepers, professional men,
etc., with whom we deal    and    who
trial efficiency applied by the govern- .     ,,   , „    .    .
„ ..   , ,„.      , .        .must be disciplined when they try to
ment.   He argues that   If society and .....
,   .    , j,L.i  -uj..i ..    desert our cause).   As to labor organ-
industry and the Individual were made i.     ,        ,,       .. ,,, . .    ,
.      .     ,_     ., _ , izations then there will be no back-
to pay from day to day the actual
cost of sickness, accident, invalidity,'
premature death, or premature old
age consequent upon excessive hours
of labor, of unhygelnlc. conditions of
work, of unnecessary risks, and of irregularity of employment those evils
would be rapidly reduced"; and he
proves his point by showing the rapid
decrease of flreB where the manufacturers have established    mutual  fire
ward step, merely the substitution of
a more or Icbb compulsory arbitration
lor the Injunction and the Sherman
law—greater freedom in smnll strikes,
less In large ones.
It Ib difficult to see why Labor
should be alarmed at such a revolution in the capitalist attitude as now
confronts us.    Better conditions gen-
(Continued on page four) PAGE FOUR
SATURDAY,   NOVEMBER   18th,   1911
At the pfesent time oats are plentiful, as compared with many years. Although we are not having a capitalist
feast yet, we are juBt a little removed
from the dark days when we wlll be
mopping tt up inthe soup kitchen supplied by those necessary appendages
of capitalism, the Salvation Army,
Holy Rollers and the rest of the sloppy ones.
Hard times, in one sense, make one
scared, but to Socialists it means one
more step to the destruction of capital. Ab bourgeois society is one big
gambling den, with their stakes laid
in the stock exchanges, and as this
feeling peryades the air which is inhaled to a greater or smaller extent
by every one, I am tempted to say, "It
is worth while." We know that capitalism will collapse sooner or tjater,
aud the quicker the panics, the quicker will be the social revolution.
But why should we put trust In the
panics to break up capitalism? The
reason is obvious. It is simply because
all panics are due to over production
and over production demonstrates
that the problem of production has
been solved and that there is ln the
world sufficient food, clothing and
shelter to satisfy anyone without the
anxiety prevalent among the workerB
as to the possibility of being out of
work, or thrown in the Bcrap heap at
40. Why should a man be anxious
to produce more, when there is more
than enough? It is ridiculous, and
yet capitalism makes the struggle so
keen among wage slaves, that they
are forced to try to sell their labor
power, when there is no market.
Another reason for putting our trust
in panics is, that they are the means
of crushing out of existence so far as
business is concerned, those petty
bourgeois who blow out their chests
with pride when they go to church
on Sunday, (to exchange greeting with
their customers) and who work 15
to 16 hours per day to make endB
The cleavage is getting greater and
greater, and the panics are doing a
good share towards it.
Panics will occur more often as machinery becomes more productive. Before the advent of machinery we had
no panics, but with machinery's
growth we have had to experience
them and as the productive powers
have grown, the panics have been
more and more acute and the intervening space between has become
shorter and shorter.
As some of you know, many persons,
especially the I. L. P., say that the
"phenomena" of over production is due
to under '•-nsumption. If this was so,
why did we not have "over production" in the early part of last century. The "people" were practically
starving and yet there was no over
production. Mo! Under consumption
is not the cause of over production.
The cause of over production is the
large productivity of machinery and
social working class labor, combined
with fierce competition. As capitalist
development gets to a head instead of
being able to say that our soup is a
little thicker, we will not even be able
to distinguish any change, because
we shall ln the end be precipitated ln
a panic worse than any, and one that
will last until capitalism has been
Sometimes we hear of money panics. These are the result of a diminishing exchange of commodities, also
resulting from glutted markets or
over production. The amount of gold
ln currency, is determined by experience in the exchange of commodities.
There is never the amount of gold on
the market that would equal the total
prices of commodities. This ls due to
the fact that a piece of metal may
change several times in a very short
space of time. So you see the total
amount ls not needed. The total
amount of money needed ls the total
average prices of commodities, divided by the velocity of currency In money. For. an Instance, we will say
wahuyean CESle4. .iusflvromnuntcmff
that 52 commodities of 1 unit value
are the average on the market every
year, and that the average velocity of
currency of money ln units ls 4 every
year, then the total ot money needed
Is only 13 unit pieces. Now, If the
demand for commodities decrease
then the velocity decreases and consequently It shows itself on the market
as a shortage ot coin when In reality
It ls merely over production.
Fellow slaves! Over production Is
the cause of panics and panics are
one of the chief causes that wlll bring
about the Social Revolution. Ab panics get more acute and frequent, the
social revolution gets nearer and as
the social revolution Rets nearer it.
is up to us lo get all our class wise to
It, bo that when the time comes thero
wi!I be no blunders through ignorance,
but an intelligent revolution that will
sweep the whole world.
By Holloway.
Shut In the squalid factory room,
Dusk, in the murky light,
Children are groping in the gloom
From  early  morn  to  night.
Like phantoms dumb    they    go and
For ever on their way;
Treading the ceaseless  mills of toil
All day, all day, all day.
A woman stands there by the loom,
With tearless, leaden eyes,
And In her heavy, aching womb
A   quick'ning  infant  lies.
All day she stands, with flying hands
Feeding the grim machine,
And broods with sad foreboding heart,
Over the diBmal scene.
The mother-soul leaps down the years
Along the death-strewn path
Her child must tread, and shrinking
Are changed to raging wrath.
A rising flood of burning blood
Sweeps through her swelling veins.
And every pulse-beat bids her child
Rebel, and burst its chains.
And  from  that  mother's  blood,  distilled
By nature's alchemy,
A cup of bitter hate is filled
And drained unceasingly.
The dawning soul sees fate unroll
His seeming destiny.
And in his wrath-nursed consciousness
He swears it shall not be.
Gaunt spectres whisper in his ear
<01d tales of wretchedness,
Ancestral wrongs of countless years,
Unbroken bitterness.
The cutting pangs of hunger's fangs,
The shame of lash and chain,
They beg him to avenge their wrongs,
And beg him not in vain.
Ye human wolves, who would devour
Your kind, e'en in the womb,
Time strikes the    black    impending
' When you must meet your doom.
This   child   but   waits   to  burst  the
That hold him captive now,
Woe, woe to you, he comes to wreak
The vengeance of his vow.
The smould'ring wrath of centuries,
Born of abysmal woe
And immemorial miseries,
Some day must overflow.
That day is near, and yet you sneer,
In  blindness overbold,
Drunk   with   the   poisoned   wine  of
Like fatuous kings of old.
Dumb beasts that  live on mountain
Know when the craters breath
Foretells the coming of the tides
Of seething, liquid death.
But you, less wise, see not the skies
Grow red with signs of blood,
Nor heed the grumble of the ground
Above the molten flood.
Beware, beware—to-morrow morn,
Dread dawn of destiny—
This child ln Labor's travail born,
Shall come to set her free;
And thrones of gold, like thrones of
Shall  crumble  'neath  his heel,
And  kings,  about their    soft    white
His knotted hands shall  feel.
Q.   Who develops B. C?
A.   The workers.
Q.   Who gets B. C?
A.   Mackenzie,  Mann  et al.
Q.   What do the workers get?
A.   Nothing.
Q.   Do they not get their wages?
A. No, the wages. go Into their
bodies, which belong to the capitalists.
Q. What is the worker here for,
A. To work if he thinks so. To
enjoy life if he would think with his
own brains instead of his master's.
Q. What ticket are you going to
vote at the next election?
A.   The Socialist.
Q.   Why?
A. Because the Socialist Party is
the only party of the working class,
and is therefore the only party which
knows what the working class wants.
(Clarence Darrow.)
Strikes, In the main, are like other
wars,  largely  a question  ot supplies.
For this reason, under ordinary circumstances, the workingman has little
chance to win.
It Is only by strategy, choosing an
opportune time, or so appealing to the
Imagination as to catch public opinion,
that the striker can hope to win; and
even then it Is only a poor victory at
the best.
An army without ammunition might
almost as well expect to win against one
fully equipped and possessing unlimited
resources as a union could hope to Wn».
ln general, hunger and want must
Anally settle a hard-fought" strike.
The workers of the world have only
food and clothing and shelter for a few
The world and all its fullness belong
to the class that are hostile to the strikers' cause; a very few always Intensely
patriotic and against the union own all
the coal ln the earth, and. If necessary,
can freeze the workman to win the
They not only can, but do.
If one only remembers that property
rights ure purely matters of convention, and that the right to own the earth
depends simply upon the consent of the
community ns expressed ln law, It is
ensy to see how wise the workers, must
lie when thoy place everything In the
linnrta of a few anil then depend on brute
strength to get back a small portion of
what should he theirs.
Moth logic ami history show that the
ohl-tlme method ot striking has about
run Its course; It Ih lneft'ectual, brutal
and iiiussy  In  the extrtme.
So-Oniled rights of property must be
radically modified and changed before
much progress toward social justice can
come, lt Is high time that the workers
got together to change the laws, if they
really hope to accomplish anything for
themselves and mankind.
Address J. Brightwell, 133 Water St.
Capital, by Karl Marx, 3 vols.,
each    $2.00
The  Ancient   Lowly,   Ward,  2
vols., each        2.00
Great American  Fortunes,  Myers, 3 vols., each     1.50
Woman and Socialism, Bebel  1.50
Ancient Society, Morgan    1.50
Critique  of  Political  Economy,
Marx   ,  1.00
Principles  of   Scientific  Socialism, Vail     1.00
Philosophical   Essays,     Joseph
Dietzgen  1.00
Materialistic Conception of History,  Labrlola     1.00
Love's  Comlng-of-Age,   Edward
Carpenter    1.00
Looking Forward, Philip Rappa-
port  1.00
Positive Outcome of Philosophy,
Dietzgen     1.00
Socialism  and  Philosophy,  Labrlola    1.00
Rise of the American Proletarian, Austin Lewis   1.00
Landmarks of Scientific Socialism,   Engels   ,  1.00
The Republic, N. P. Anderson... 1.00
Socialism and Modern Science,
Enrico   Ferrl     1.00
The Poverty of Philosophy, Karl
Marx   .  1.00
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The American Farmer, A.    M.
Simons    50
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Kautsky    50
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Feuerbach, Frederick Engels 50
Communist  Manifesto  and   No
Compromise    50
The  Positive  School  of  Criminology, Ferri   50
The   World's   Revolutions, Untermann    50
Social  and  Philosophical  Studies,  Lafargue    50
Class Struggles in America, A.
M.   Simons   .N 50
Socialism Positive and Negative,
LaMonte  50
The Right to be Lazy and other
Studies, Lafargue   50
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Franee  60
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Life and Death, Teichmann. 50
The Making of the World, Meyer   .50
Human, All Too Human, Nietzsche    50
that what he meant was "a little
more." If they get this from year to
year he will be satisfied.
Those unions, on the other hand,
which ask for a fairer division of the
product and aim steadily at the overthrow of capitalism in government
will use the new strength they may
gain from such reforms aud technical
revolutions to strengthen their demand for industrial democracy and
economic equality. As long as capitalism is getting a larger and larger
share of the product, it will be a matter of entirely secondary importance
to them that their income also is increasing slightly from 'year to year.
For they will realize that as long as
the percentage of the total product
going v to the capitalists rises, it is
their political and economic power
that increases and not that of the
The possessors of capital and of an
expensive education will continue under capitalistic Socialism as at present
as long as this system lasts to enjoy
an income many times as great as
that of laborers. They will continue,
directly or indirectly, to control the
government, and though they form
less than a third of the population,
their children will continue to monopolize 99 per cent, of the better positions in society, to enjoy grossly unequal incomes, to direct the commu-
unity according to their own interests
and ideas, and to pass these powers
and privileges on to their children
after them.
No revolution in industry, and no
revolution in government (even a constitutional convention) can protect us
from a constantly hardening caste
system unless it is consciously directed to improving the condition -and
increasing the power of the exploited
mass more rapidly than it adds to the
wealth and power of the ruling class.
The coming political trust, the consolidation of the capitalist class in
politics, will teach the workers far
better than would the swallowing up
of the small capitalists by the large.
Until now many workers have believed that the enemy was not the.
capitalist clas as a whole but the|
trusts, or the big employers or those,
capitalists who happened to be employers. The small capitalists or even
the "middle-sized" (merely millionaires, not billionaires), the competitors of the trusts used labor for their
purposes. Each group of capitalists
persuaded the workers to look for
their enemies "higher up." This deception is no longer possible.
As long as the capitalists were divided reforms were delayed. Now
that the large and small capitalists
have got together in France and England and are getting together in this
country under Roosevelt and Wood-
row WilBon, the reforms will be put
Into execution instead of being held
out to the laborers as rewards if they
voted "right." No reform has even
obtained a public hearing which does
not offer more to the capitalists than
to the workers, but the workers were
afraid they might not get even the
little they were offered. The capitalists had not yet. agreed on a political
policy and all reforms were delayed.
But now that all such reforms as
government ownership, workingmen's
Insurance, the eight-hour law, and
government work for the unemployed
are being actually carried out, the
workers will see that the capitalists
are geting the lion's share from every
one of them. They will understand
that even if the workers were disfranchised, without labor organizations,
or in actual Blavery it would pay an
organized capitalist class to introduce
these reforms.
With the economic and political consolidation of the capitalist class the
workers are restored to their position
under chattel slavery—with the sole
difference that they are now slaves
of no Individual, but of the consolidated capitalist class and government.
They have become the most valuable
property the capitalists have—more
valuable than either their slaves of
yesterday or their mines, railroads
and mills to-day. They must be better bred, better educated for Industry,
better managed, less wasted.
Every reform which improves the
condition and efficiency of the workers is good capitalist policy provided
(Continued from page three)
erally ought immensely to strengthen
the labor movement In every way—
unless the working people are such
slaves at heart that they will not revolt as long as their conditions improve slightly from year to year. Assume that -the science of labor management of the gospel of efficiency
and capitalistic "Socialistic" reform
double real wages and increase profits
fourfold. According to the Civic Federation argument and that of Mr,
Gompers, this would be sufficient
ground why labor and capital should
be absolute friends during the whole
period wliile this was being brought
about. Such a progress, would, Indeed, destroy unions resting on the
old basis, for all they demand, as Mr.
Gompers has often said, Ib "mora"—
and from his actions no one can doubt
Know Why
Socialism is Coming
Don't be a socialist unless you know why you are one. Know why
Socialism is coming. Trace the economic development of civilization
through from slavery to the present and know why socialism is
VictorL. Berger says:
"A few socialist phrases is not sufficient to make Bl eclentific
socialist. In order to know WHY SOCIALISM IS COMING, e.
socialist should have an idea of evolution, he must know history,
he must know something of economic development.
We as socialists are vlttvlly interested in the development of
civilization. History for us is not a collection of shallow village
ttvles, the story of coronations, weddings and burials of kings. For
us the true lesson of history is the story of progress of mankind by
gradual steps from brute.! sltvvery to enlightenment, culture
tvnd hume.r-.ity.
The manner in which one system has grown out of another,
feudalism out of slavery and capitalism out of feudalism ia most
suggestive of the manner by which the Socialist Republic will
gradually develop out of the present system.
To show how the SocleJist Republic will gradually develop out
of the present system, the Library of Original Sources hrxaj been
published.   It is tv treasure mine."
The Library of Original Sources
(In the original documents—translated}
clears away the bigotry and superstition that has accumulated around religion, law,
government, education, etc.—brings to light the naked truth and shows why socialism is coming. This wonderful library gives the authoritative sources of knowledge
in mil Melds of thought—socialism philosophy, science, education, etc. The rock-bottom
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Thousands of the Comrades in e-.Il parte of the United Statee tvnd
Ce-.ne-.da have secured thie library on our co-ope re. tlve ple-.n, and
without a single exception e-.re enthusiastic over it.   Letters
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John Spargo: "cAtost helpful.   Ought
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Jack London:    "cA library boiled
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Ernest Untermann     "The volumes will be my most valuable
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An "original document"  free
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aet a set oa tbe co-operative plan.
it does not improve the position of
their economic and political organizations.
It might be thought that what aids
the worker aids his organization. But
this is an Illusion. All over the world
the workers' condition is being gradually improved. But everywhere his
organizations, economic and political,
are being more and more restricted—
as to their power of achieving results
under the present syBtem. This restriction is possible because, though
the workers are slowly getting more,
they are getting a smaller share of i
the product, Capitalism ls strengthening itself economically at five or ten
times the speed.
Here, then, is the benefit of "State
Socialism"—as an object lesson!
Every reform that is enacted will
teach the workers that while they are
moving forward they are losing in the
They will take their eyes off their
grievances and rivet them on their
employers' gains.
They will cease asking the employer
to make good their losses and will
concentrate their attention on forcing
him to divide up his profits.
They will remember that there is no
end to the amount of capital a good
breeder will invest in his horses or
the reforms he will undertake as long
as they continue to become more valuable and their working efficiency continues to increase.
They will see that all economic reforms apply equally well to working
cattle as to men and that manhood
begins with self-government.
They will learn from actual trial
that the only measures that advance
us towards. Socialism are those that
take industry and government out of
the hands of the capitalists and hand
them over to the workers.—International Socialist Review.
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The West, not yet having reached the stage of intensive capitalist development, affords, for the time being
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