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Western Clarion Apr 9, 1910

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••V i 7 "•■."-O--,   .''x a)' --?-^'.Viv<
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Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, April 9,    1910.
SUaW-rintiou r rice
While today, in the .domain of natural science, the theory ot evolution is
generally accepted as the basis of research, the reverse is the case In the
field of political economy. The reason is that natural evolution can be
"squared" with individualism, but social evolution cannot. Natural organic
development can admittedly be evolutionary witnout interfering with the
"God-and-creation" idea which attributes the privileged position of the
few to Omnipotent favor. Social development along evolutionary lines
must, if logically and persistently traced, demonstrate most clearly that
All Men are Social Produces
and economic positions, therefore,
merely the result of necessity and not
>^f choice.
While orthodox political economy at
the bidding of the possessing class, is
at all times concerned to prove that
capital and wage labor have existed
through all history, the historic and
economic teachings of Karl .Marx, particularly the "Materialist Conception of
History" and the "Theory of Surplus
Value," supply ammple evidence that
capital and wage labor are conditions
of a social system of production forming but a comparatively small link in
the great chain of social evolution.
In the "seventies' 'and "eighties" the
orthodox political economists who set
out to demolish the "pernicious"
theories of Marx had not yet acquired
the craftiness of present day "economic experts," and therefore contented themselves with mere fairy tales
to explain the origin of capital and
wage labor. Thus WJlhelm Roscher,
professor of political economy at the
University of Leipsic (until his death
in 1894) wrote ("Principles of National
Economy," Stuttgart, 184, Vol. I., p.
423): "Let us imagine a fisherfolk
without private property and capital,
naked and living in caves, gaining
their sustenance by catching with their
bare hands sea-fish left behind by the
tide in pools on the Bhore. All workers may here be of an equal standing,
each catching and consuming three
fishes a day. Now a wise man limits
for 100 days his consumption to two
fishes a day and uses the 100 fishes accumulated in that way to devote his
labor power for 50 days to the production of a boat and a fish-net. With the
aid of this capital he commences ln
future to catch 30 fishes a day."
Today, at the beginning of the twentieth century, however, the origin of
and Justification for the employment
of capital are no longer ascribed by
the economic prize-fighters of capitalism to the thrlftlessness and laziness
of the many and the thrift and industry
of the few. No, the mighty annihlla-
tors of Marxian theories of the Mallock
school have, to their own satisfaction,
adopted the more profound explanation that it is the
" "Directive Ability"
of the few and not the mere labor of
the.workerB which creates the greater
portion of capital and is the most important factor In wealth production;
and, strange to say, they draw the deduction that this factor can be and is
supplied by the capitalist class alone.
But European history from the 14th
century explains the primitive accumulation of capital in quite a different
way. Some bourgeois historians have
described it from the standpoint essen:_
tial to the glorification of capitalism.
It was left to Karl Marx to explain it
froji the standpoint of the proletariat.
The literary advocates of the bourgeoisie at times described the rise of
capitalism correctly in order to .impress upon the workers'the, bourgeois
standpoint that the struggle of capitalism against feudalism was a struggle against tyranny and privilege—a
light for liberty and equality. These
capitalist scribes then rightly point out
that industrial capital could not rise
without "free" workers—workers who
had ceased to come under the domination of chattel slavery, serfdom or the
craft guilds. They also emphasize the
fact that capitalist wealth production
had to be freed from the fetters of
feudalism, from the
Clutches of the Feudal Lords.
Socialists have no reason to detract
from the importance of that struggle,
considering that the capitalist class
are most anxious to deny its character
when they hear us now proclaiming
the need for social revolution.
While a number of bourgeois writers
contributed considerably to the records
of the history of primitive accumulation, it was left to Marx and his life
co-worker, Engels, to point out its
significance from the working class
standpoint. It was they who laid
stress upon the fact that this accumulation spelt the creation of the proletariat and oi capital itself. Marx, having already given in "The Poverty of
Philosophy" some indications of the
conditions that in England — the
motherland, of capitalism—prepared
the way for primitive accumulation,
furnished a full and lucid history of
lt ln his great work, "Capital."
That fascinating history teaches us
that apart from the craft guilds in the
towns, the greatest hindrance to the
rise of capital was the
Common Property in the Soil
by village communities. While such
property existed proletarians in large
numbers were Impossible. Fortunately
for capitalism, its development was
considerably assisted by the feudal
nobility. After the Crusades the pro
duction of and commerce in commodities, developed by leaps and bounds,
increasing greatly the demand for
goods made by the craftsmen and sold
by the merchants of the towns for
money. The feudal nobility*, dependent
for their existence upon the direct
services of, or goods supplied by, their
peasant dependents, began to devel-
ope a craving for money. The military
power of the towns and princes precluded all possibility of robbing or
extorting money from the merchants
or craftsmen, while the very poverty
of the peasants did the same in their
direction. Hence they determined to
become producers of commodities like
the townfolk—to produce wool, corn
and other products for money instead
of for their own use only.
Such a change could only be brought
about at the expense of the peasantry.
These, reduced to serfdom, could now
be driven from their homesteads,
which were added to the adjacent territory of their lordB and masters. Ana
to complete the ruin of the peasants,
the communally owned land of the
villages standing under the suzerain *
of the feudal lords, was turned into the
latter's private property. At that time
wool was much in demand by the textile undertakings of the towns. But
the extension of wool production
necessitated the turning of arable land
Into sheep runs. To accomplish this
end a great number of peasants were
Driven from Their Farms
by legal or Illegal means, that Is.
either by economic compulsion or by
the use of physlonl force. (For confirmation of Marx's statements on
these points see H. de Gibbons' "Industrial History of England," pp. 40-
57.) With the growth of the textile
industry the number of expropriated
and evicted peasants increased continually. Besides, the nobility dissolved
their retinues, which had under the
changed conditions ceased to be a
source of power, but on the contrary
had become a decided source of financial weakness. The Reformation, too,
favored the rise of capitalism by depriving the old, sub-tenants of their
holdingB of Church property, driving
them out, In order to hand the same
over, almost for nothing, to speculating farmers and citizens, thus forcing these sub-tenants, like the inmates
of the suppressed monasteries, into
the proletariat. (See de GIbbbnB' "Industrial History of England, p. 83, for
confirmation on this point.)
By such means a large proportion
of the country population was divorced from the soil, from their means
of production, with the result tbat an
army of proletarians was created—proletarians compelled, In order to live,
(Centlm-ad on fag* S)     '
A Capitalist Plaint.
God of the factory, mine and rail,
Lord of the busy marts of trade,
To Thee we tell our piteous tale,
We call on Thee to render aid!
These Socialists are fierce, we fret
They'll win out yet, they'll  win  out
yet! .
The power of superstition dies,
And faint are grown its' alter fires;
The hope of wealth beyond the skies
No longer gluts our slave's desires.
The wealth of earth they wish, we
They'll take it yet, they'll take it yet
We see our power melt away,—
'Tis but the ignorance of the slave,-!—
For they are learning day by day
From thraldom they themselves   may
Our hope-Is faint that they may yet
This fact forget, this fact forget!
For patriotism, loyalty,
It's evident they're losing awe,
An ever lessening quantity
Is their regard for order, law;
They think to make their own, we
They'll do so yet, they'll do so yet!
They aim to take the    world    Indeed,—
We fret it soon will strike the hour,—
"What    justifies?"     They    answer
We   ask   their   right;   they   answer,
Oh, sad!   'Tis plain we'll have to get
To labor yet, to labor yet!
Dear Comrades: —
The work of organizing the Socialist movement in the Maritime Provinces is no light task, and your com
;iiittee feel their responsibility in this
We have at present 15 chartered
locals, and we know that there are
thousands of men and women in these
provinces who understand and endorse
the principles of Socialism. Thousands more are 'disgusted with Capitalism and its fruits, and only need
the issue clearly set before them and
they .will enlist in the new movement.
To do this, as you know, demands
the best effort that every Socialist
can put forth.
Properly organized the Socialists in
the Maritime Provinces will be a
force to be reckoned with in the battle with Capitalism.
That Capitalism appreciates this fact
Is apparent in the strenuous efforts
being made ln all sections to thwart
the spread of Socialism.
It is absolutely necessary that a
capable man be employed as maritime
organizer. If each member will do
something, the amount of the cost can
be raised without difficulty. It must
be done.
Please bring this matter before your
local at an early date and see what
can be done. A trial trip of two or
three months must be undertaken at
once. Any labor news or suggestions
will be gladly received.
Will you please see that the enclosed forms are filled out and returned within ten days.
Yours for the revolution,
Sec.  Maritime Ex.  Committee.
Glace Bay, N. S.
Is he so much better off than I I
think not. I sell my labor-power for
the current market price to any one
who is willing to purchase it, providing
I am sure of getting the price asked.
The farmer has no visible boss, yet I
can see him work as hard as any slave
I ever saw. It is a heritage handed
down by his grandparents, who, it
must be presumed, were founts of
wisdom, that hard work Is what makes
the wealth. I quite believe it, can't
see anything else for it, yet neither
can I see this same wealth coming the
farmer's way.
There is an ex-farmer round this
burg, who, lt Is rumored, started with
forty acres, and to-day has 180 acres.
It Is pointed out that thus may a man
succeed, by dint of perseverance and,
as aforesaid, hard work. Yet, I found
that this same chump is to-day a living skeleton, a walking symbol of
death, because of the way he hud
tolled to keep up his payments. The
old saw (early to bed. etc.) didn't wink
out in his case. If being crippled and
worn out is the price of hard work,
even though, it brings nominal ownership of a farm, then, I say, let us si ay
wage slaves and fight the battle for
emancipation from their ranks.
The farmer points with pride to the
fact that he has no boss, like me, yet
he somehow seems in a never-endins
scramble to meet some payments or
other. He says that his grub is better
than the city wage slave's, and it needs
to be to toil the hours he does—daylight till dark, except Sunday, when
his recreations are doing chores and
going to meeting to hear of "Jonah and
his whale," "how the poor are blessed"
and like topics.
Sometimes he points out to the
hired man (of course the farmer Isn't
hired) how he can save his money,
being away from city temptations to
spend the hard-earned wealth he might
have been' keeping for his own farm
Borne day. I know a few who have
saved and to-day they have got a
steady job I call it, on "their own
farms," provided they raise the rent
for their landlord. Right around here
90 per cent, of the farms are rented,
and to preserve that steady job the
women folks and the children are all
called in to do their little bit so as
not to be dropped down to the wage-
slave ranks, when the hired man comes
Guess after all he is a worse slave
than I, the wage-slave. I can show a
greenback once in a while, he sometimes never sees money till fall, when
he takes it in for his crops and pays
it out again for his "bills. But he can't
see where Socialism Is going to benefit
him, it is too like slavery, nothing hut
a bare living under that. I smile to
myself and wonder what a bare living
is like in his imagination, don't see
anything fat about hiB present one.
Mighty intellectual society here. too.
Talk ranges from Johnny's mumps to
Mary's measles; they read "Farm and
Home," or such like dope with maybe
a Btirring serial In, of how some poor
fool finds a rich wife and lives happy
ever after.
Ah, well, come on capitalist development, crush out these two by four Independent farmers and let them see
what can be done by scientific farming.
No more borrowing neighbor's drills
and plows, patching up harness, or
getting rattled because his neighbor
is Up ahead of him, a change from the
eternal salt pork for dinner and a rest
—a rest for the poor farmer slave in
F. S. F.
To the   membership   of the Socialist
Party of Canada.   Greeting.
Comrades: —
At the annual meeting of the Ukrainian Socialist Publishing Association
held ln Winnipeg on the 12th day of
November, 190!), at which all Ukrainian Locals and Branches of the Socialist Party of Canada were represented, among other important matters there was discussed the necessity
of unifying the Ukrainian Socialist
forces In Canada in matters purely
Ukrainian; to make them work more
effectively and harmoniously and thereby to facilitate the spread of tbe Socialist propaganda. As a result of the
discussion, a proposition was drafted
to all participating Locals and
Branches, to form a Federation of
Ukrainian Locals with a central committee, whose duty It would be to supervise the agitation and publications
in the Ukrainian language. The referendum vote of the Ukrainian membership unanimously endorsed the above-
mentioned proposition, and so the
Ukrainian Socialist Federation was
formed. The undersigned was elected
secretary of the Federation.
Now, as the Constitution of the Socialist Party of Canada contains no
provisions for the language federations, and as our ambition is to remain
inside of the S. P. of C. as a legally
constituted body, not outside of it, and
lastly as the Federation needs funds to
carry on its work and according to the
present constitutional arrangements
the funds for the Federation would not
be obtainable, I am instructed to submit the following constitutional amendments:
Article VII.—Language Federations.
Sec. 1, The Federations of Locals
of one language may be formed for the
purpose of supervising and directing
the propaganda and organization in
that particular language.
Sec. 2. The Federations shall have
complete autonomy in the matters of
organization, propaganda and publications; they may also enter Into communication and tinriorst tiding with the
Socialist organizations of their nationality in other countries without first
asking the permission and assistance
of the Dominion Executive Committee.
Sec. 3. The language Locals shall
submit in the Dominion matters to the
decisions of the Dominion conventions
and to the Dominlo Executive Committee; in the provincial matters, to the
Provincial conventions, and to the Provincial Executive Committees, and In
the Local matters they shall act In conjunction with the other Locals of the
same riding, as provided by the Constitution.
Sec. 4. The Executive Committees
of language Federations shall periodically report to the Dominion Executive
Committee and all Provincial Executives concerned, about the progress of
the Federation.
Appointmcnis as commissioners for
taking affidavits of A. M. Oliver, Ains-
wort'h, B. C. and Thos. E. Nelson.
Ymir, B. C. are in the hands of the
B C. Executive, the post office having
been unable to,locate them. They are
requested to send present address.
Pretty fair Clarion last week.
What's the matter with keeping it up?
Write something.
Comrades: —
The Provincial Legislature at Hall-
fax, N. S., Is now in its last year, and
it is quite within the possibilities that
before the roses bloom, the workers
will be again given the very great
I privilege of chQosing between Tweedledum, and Tweedledee, with the one
notable exception that in Cape Breton,
it hast, they will be given the first
opportunity of voting for a revolutionary working class candidate of the Socialist Party of Canada.
As the first step towards this action,
we are now engaged in raising a cam-
palgn fund to conduct the light and
possibly pay the fine, If we do not
iiia;te the fight a fairly successful one.
We are pleased to acknowledge the
following contributions, and invite all
comrades who have a spare dollar or
so to invest in the coming civilization,
to forward tho same to Comrade W.
McLeod) Glace Bay, N. S., treasurer
campaign fund.
Say, we have opened a bank account
and are depositing the money there until needed for the fight. Further con-
tribuiions will be acknowledged
through the Party press. Now for the
Roll of Honor:
A. Marsh, $10; A. McKinnon, $10;
W. M. McKinnon, $10; D. N. Brodle,
$10; Daniel Cochrane, $5; H. A. Mc-
Mullan, $5; W. Willis, $1; W. M. Lord,
$10;- Picnic Fund, $4. Total to date,
Olace Bay, N. S.
Sec. 5. The secretaries of Federations shall be official translators from
English Into their own languages or
vice versa and reporters of all correspondence, resolutions, notices, etc., o(
general Interest to the Party membership.
Sec. 6. The Federations shall get
the necessary supplies from the Party
at their real cost of production.
Sec. 7. Tbe language Locals shall
have the right of the usual representation in all conventions, but the expenses of the delegates of such Locals
shall be paid by the Executive Committees of their Federations.
All expenses Involved in the perform
ance of routine business with the Federations, shall be covered by the Federations.
Making those propositions the Ukrainian Socialist Federation wants to lay
the greatest possible stress upon the
fact that they are not dictated by he
narrow nationalistic spirit, or by the
desire to loosen the bonds that unite
us with the Party. They are dictated
only by the bitter experience we have
had to endure. As a matter of fact
the Ukrainian Locals are only nominal
ly in the Party. Ninety-five per cent
of the membership of our Locals do not
read English at all. Our Locals dc
not know what Is going on in th(
Party. The Party is unable to tract
what is going on in our Locals. It ii
sometimes impossible to find a mat
able to take "care of English corres
pondence The whole movement de
pends on two or three men, who are
more acquainted with the Party and
serve as a sort of Cod-appointed mediators. There is no Constitution of the
S. P. of C. printed in our language.
The result is that practically none oi
us know how the affairs of the organization are run. The next result if
that every Local makes out a sort ol
Its own unwrltien constitution, whlct
again is interpreted according to thi
liking of the chairman or some othei
leading spirit. Tho consequence o!
that state of affairs again is that everj
Ivocal, chartered or unchartered*-1 is s
distinctly separte and absolutely inde
pendent organization, so much so thai
sometimes oue Local does not even
resemble the other Local.
The differences in Interpretation ol
constitution lead to petty Bquables, the
differences of ways and tactics of dif
ferent Locals or even of groups Inside
of one Local develops the (actional
strife, develops the sects.
The Ignorance of how the. funds ol
the Party are expended gives roon
for the most foolish suspicions and
Hut the picture of confusion would
not be complete If I would not draw
the attention to the fact that even the
disrupters and traitors drift from one
Ixical to the other unmolested, because
the persecution through the various
Provincial Committees and througl
that horrible English correspondence If
a task too great to the ordinary secre
taries of our Ix>cals.
' My task this time is not to go intc
the details of our different difficulties
but I liopp^tliat the picture I just pre
sented is quite sufficient to Illustrate
that the Ukrainian Socialist Federation
is perfectly justified in the stand taken
and so I presume that the Comrade',
would not oppose it but rather give
us the support, which wc previously so
much appreciated.
Yours for Revolution,
•    •    *
Suggested   Amendments  by   Manitoba
Section 8.—That all Locals suspend
ed or expelled from the Socialist Par
ty of Canada on constitutional grounds
shall be suspended or expelled from
the "Federation."
That In Section 4 the word "quarter
ly" be substituted for the word "per
That the words "the Party at theli
real cost of production" be struck oul
and the following substituted: "Th<
Dominion Executive Committee dlr
SATURDAY,  APRIL »th,   1910.
h Western Qaho&
^_^^_^^_ hi   OtacloB,   naa
■aaamint, iss ■asMa***Street, Tanoou
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Weaten   OUcioi
fcy   ths
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Watch the label on your paper. If this number is on it,
your subscription expires the
next issue.
SATURDAY,  APRIL  9th,   1910,
"Britons never, never will be slaves?"
it ib in the nature of a reflection
upon human intelligence that that
line should have been- penned by a
Briton and should be sung by Britons,
seeing that they have never been
Aught else but slaves since they
•were blue painted savages, to whom
came the serried legions of Caesar
bearing the blessings of civilization,
even as today British regiments bear
it to Just such backward peoples.
In this respect the balance is
rather in favor of the Romans, for they
came frankly upon a mission of conquest and subjection. They came to
extend Rome's empire and Increase
-her wealth by enslavement and exploitation for the benefit of the
Romans. They came not as the
modern Briton, with canting and
hypocritical professions of uplifting the
savage, enlightening his ignorance,
lettering his material conditions and
assuring his spiritual salvation. They
came to make the savage work for
-them and they said nothing about
-dignity of labor.
They sold the prisoners of war to the
'slave-trader who followed, vulture-
like, upon the heels of the armies.
-They established in Britain for the first
-time, the "Pan Ilrilannica" of which
Britons now boast. They reduced the
inhabitants to slavery and wrested
from them all the fruits of their toil
except the true slave's portion, a
meager subsistence.
When they left, to defend the heart
of their then effete empire against
-its final conquerors, the civilized Britons fell an easy prey to the rude
Norse pirates and were fain to call
upon the Anglo-Saxons for aid. These
latter, ln true English fashion, "established a protectorate" and in turn
became the lords of the land and
masters of its toilers.
The old chattle slavery introduced by
the Romans even then in its decadence
endured in Britain about a thousand
years until Its breakdown after the
Norman conquest.
The Normans in their turn enslaved
the British workers, but In a new fashion. They appropriated the lands and
the slave became an attachment to the
' noil, a serf tilling bis liege lord's fields
•and In return permitted to wrest his
-subsistence from a patch for himself.
As much a slave as before except in
name and in law, receiving for a lfe-
tlme of toll, the same slave's portion,
a meagre subsistence.
And so for generations, until the
power of the feudal lords was broken
•■by the new invaders, coming this time
-from within, in the trading class, the
•bourgeoisie, who now, by the hand of
the giant machine, have been raised
'to pinnacles of wealth and power un-
•dreamed of by even Caesar.
But what of the tollin* serf? The
"bourgeoisie freed him from everything
hut toll and servitude. By land and
sea, ln factory and farm, mine and
mill, the workers yet toll at the
'master's bidding, at the master's be-
''ltoof; toll as they never toiled before,
-men, women and children, and babes,
heaping wealth upon wealth such as
man's history beheld never before, for
the ever hungry, ever unsatisfied
'master's of their bread, and receiving
for themselves, as of old the slave's
portion, a meagre subsistence, growing ever more meagre.
But the masters glass Is nearly run
out. The long night of slavery is
drawing on to tbe dawn of freedom
•when the slave's portion will no more
be ours, while our masters rot ln superabundance. All that nature and labor
can afford will be at our command, and
we, at last, as free men shall bend
our efforts to producing for ourselves
a sufficiency of all good things. Receiving no longer a stinted portion but
for each the best there la, and giving, each, the best tbat is in us.
GALVESTON, Tex., April 5.—"If the
farmers would bring the price of cattle and hogs down to reasonable figures there would be no cry ot high
cost of living," remarked Mr. J. Ogden
Armour, the Chicago packer, who is
sojourning ln Texas.
"Complaint ls made of meat and
other combinations by packers and
others, while as a matter of fact the
farmers and stock raisers absolutely
control the market and are organized
into unions and leagues and are starving the people. The packers would cut
prices in half If the stock raisers and
farmers would sell cattle and hogs at
reasonable profits.
"We are paying more for these now
| than ever in the history of the country, and we are willing to admit that
the cost of putting the finished product
I on the market is no more to the
packers than it was a decade ago,
when we paid only half the present
price for sheep, cattle aud hogs. We
are necessarily compelled to advance
our price because of the increase we
pay the farmers for live stock.
"Does it cost the cattle raisers and
sheep raisers more to raise their stock
than it did a few years ago? Nobody
appears to realize that the farmers
have organized and combined Interests and are putting the prices of meat
|up to their own figures. The packing
houses do not raise beeves, and sheep,
and hogs, but buy them aud pay the
prices the farmer trust puts upon
'We go Into the market and are at
the mercy of these people, but the consumers point to the packers and
charge us with running prices higher
and squeezing the life out of the eaters of meat.
"I am not worried over the indictment and have no fear of conviction for myself or associates. We
have violated no law and hence have
no fear or being punished for operating a trust. Investigate the trust of
the men who sell cattle and hogs."—
Vancouver World.
At last the villian ls unmasked!
What idiots we were never to have
suspected it before. And there was
| every reason for suspicion. Why, look
at the farmer. Buying automobiles,
mind you.; wearing diamonds as big
as a bartender's; keeping footmen and
chauffeurs and valets and parlor maids
and kitchen maids and ladles' maids.
Drinking the most expensive brands
ot mineral waters; having pumpkin
pie for breakfast and real eggs In his
egg-nog; giving a banquet at the coming of age of his pet rooster; founding
free libraries for the illiterate and
endowing music schools for the deaf.
Of course It's the farmer. Where
else did he get lt except by holding up
the beef trust and "squeezing the life
|out of the eaters of meat," us unfortunate   "ultimate  consumers."
Hail to our deliverer, J. Ogden
Armour, the discoverer of the dastardly delinquent. We should certainly
take up a collection and present him
with a testimonial of our admiration
in some suitable form, such as a case
of antique eggs. What he lacks in
economics he certainly makes up in
j originality. At any rate he seems
quite sure that he is not to blame.
And we are Inclined to agree with
What's that? The farmer says he
gets a bigger price for produce all
right, but has to work twice as hard
his father had to and doesn't get
quite as much to eat? Well, then, it
must be the implement men. Or they
might blame the steel trust, who
light pass tt up to the W. F. M. But
_. can't be us working plugs. We eat
less and produce more than any working plug ever knew how, but we pay
more for fodder. Which brings us
right back to the farmer. What's the
use."   We give It up.
(Continue* from Pag* 1)
to sell their labor power to the highest capitalist bidder. The feudal lords
were thus instrumental in. paving the
way for agricultural commodity production on a large scale, while at the
same time supplying the capitalists of
the towns with the wage workers they
so urgently needed.
The consequence of the wholesale
expropriation of the peasantry in the
15th and 16th centuries in Western
Europe, was general vagabondage,
which threatened  to   overwhelm   so
These methods depend ln part on brute
force, e. g., the colonial system. But
they all employ the power of the
State, the concentrated and organized
force of society, to hasten, hot-house
fashion, the transformation of the feudal mode of production into the capitalist mode and to shorten the transition. Force is the midwife of every
old society pregnant with a new one.
It is itself an economic power."
The foregoing brief outlines of the
brilliant history of the origins of capital demonstrate beyond doubt that
primitive capital was the result of rob-
ciety, and, as a deterrent, cruel and|bery. murder and rapine, and that
heartless punishments were meted out j therefore it ls only to be expected that
to  vagabonds  and  paupers,  such' as j the orthodox political economists, the
whipping, branding, slicing off ears,
and even death. Marx sums up the
horror of this treatment as follows
j ("Capital," p. 761):
j "Thus were the agricultural people
.first forcibly expropriated  from    the
cat's paws of the capitalists, should
Lie and Shuffle
to the utmost degree in order to prove
that capital is the outcome of thrift
and  industry,  or  the   result   of   the
"directive  ability"  of the  capitalists.
soil, driven from their homes, turned And tliere is no reason for surprise in
into vagabonds and whipped, branded, .the fact that, in the face of the over-
tortured by laws grotesquely terrible, I whelming evidence as to the origin
into the discipline necessary for the' and development of capitalism furnish-
wages system." e(- ''>' Marx, the political economy of
But while more workers were thus the present orthodox school is averse
set "free" than capital could employ,; to Accepting the theory of evolution
the supply of efficient workers fell as the basis of its research. For
behind the demands of capital, as dur-1 pinned down to the glaring facts of
Socialist Directory
ggW Every Local of the Socialist Party at
Canada ahould run a card under thia head
11.00 per month.     Secretarlea pleaae note.
Socialist Party of Canada. Meeta
every alternate Monday. D. O. Mc-
Kensie, Secretary, Box 836, Vancouver.
B. C.
ing the period af actual manufacture
proper, which led to a division of manual labor, production depended upon
workers who had gained a certain proficiency (in many cases taking years
to acquire) in the various part processes. Besides, much more capital
was needed for wages than for tools
history, it loses every vestige of argument against Marx's theory of value
and his explanation of the origin of
capital. Unfortunately the misrepresentations and lies levelled by the
bourgeois economists, politicians and
diplomatists against the sound and
Irrefutable teachings of Marx, are still
and materials. Hence with the ac-1 swallowed without much hesitation by
cumulation of capital, the demand for the workers of this country. But we
wage labor grew rapidly, while the Socialists, as evolutionists and revo-
supply of competent workers pro- lutlonists, know that the failure of
ceeded in much slower ratio. the capitalist quack remedies for the
Skilled Workers were Very Scarce, great social evils of today, must, In the
and In great demand. The fact that long iun, convince the bulk of the pro-
they still retained the high notions letariat that their salvation is to be
of handicraftsmen made the wage 'found in Socialism alone—H. J. N., in
workers during the infancy of capi- f the Socialist Standard
talism independent, defiant and often
rebellious against the hard discipline
and wretched monotony of capitalist
production. Therefore, to obtain submissive workers, the capitalists had to
Introduce the same powerful authority I
by whose aid the peasants were expropriated, the land made private
property, and the vagabonds and paupers tortured and murdered—the authority of the State. The most stringent legislation was enacted to fix a
maximum wage, extend the working
day, aud prohibit combination of the
workers. (See "Capital," Karl Marx,
pp. 761-765; also "Industrial History
of England," de Gibbons, pp. 71, 106
and US.)
The Province of Alberta is certainly
up-to-date in advertising for wage
slaves. One might be led to believe
by their book, "Land and Agriculture
in Alberta," that this was the place
where one could soon be independent.
The introduction to this little book
serves as food for thought. Grunted
that climate and soil are the finest in
the world and "the truth ls great
enough, even great enough to stagger
the credulity of the most optimistic
We will now have some truth. Hardworking farmers can hardly make both
... .. ends meet.    Mortgages, if they show
And how  hypocritical was the cry pr03Derlty   pr08perlty  abounda.    Auc.
in the real estate business.
Dear Comrade:
We have had Comrade C. M. O'Brien,
M. L. A., here tellng us how they treated him at the Edmonton wind factory.
He doesn't seem much worse with all
that Mumm's extra wet, and the long
A. P. G. cigars. He told of the Bills
he had introduced, how they were received and the difficulty he had in
complying with all the red tape rules
they have got up there. I liked his
way ln asking if there was any of us
had any roads, bridges, etc., needed
fixing or building, and finally he drew
to a close.
Now, Mac, I want to touch a little on
that spell he delivered to the Legislative Assembly. It certainly was the
dope. I think it would be a good idea
If each Local in this constituency
would subscribe to a fund, or raise
some money to have lt printed in
pamphlet form, and give every worker
one. It won't do any harm to let them
all know who Charlie is representing
up there.
We had a good audience, the collection amounted to $13.10.   I am,
Jack Ollphant.
Bellevue, Alta.
Locals favoring a Provincial convention this year should at once so notify
the B. C. Provincial Executive, together with nominations of place and
approximate date of convention.
the French industrial capitalists at the
time of the French Revolution was
proved by the fact that as soon as
they had conquered political power
(mainly by the assistance of the workers) these "just" people instituted a
bitter campaign for the abolition of
the remainder of common land and for
the strictest prohibition of any  kind
The farmers of every province of
the Dominion must unite with the
wage-worker of the city because farmers are wage-workers in a disguised
form. The farmer does not draw his
cheque every month, but when he delivers oats, wheat or cattle, then he ls
paid  for   his   labor  power   and   goes
or labor combination.    ("Capital," 1'P-' home wlth'a'bouT enough on the aver-
'•'"■-'•' [age to produce more oats, wheat or
The foregoing historical survey ex-     Ule    Now_ Mr  Farmer ^ ,g ^
plains how the proletariat, and subse- |dlfference between tne wage s,ave o(
quently a "surplus" number of wage
workers, were created and how they
made possible the development of capitalism, which in its turn reproduced
to an ever larger extent the proletariat aud a "surplus" of wage workers, i
Another Important question remains: Whence originated the wealth
which provided the
Nucleus of Industrial  Capital?
The usurers' and merchants' capital
inherited from ancient society played
an Important part in the middle ages.
Ever since the crusades commerce
with the near and far East had expanded, with the result that the merchants'
capital had become concentrated in
few hands. But usury and commerce
were not the only sources which supplied the nucleus of Industrial capital.
Readers desirous of an explicit exposition of the historical development
bearing on this point should study the
brilliant chapters relating to primitive
accumulation in Marx's "Capital."
Here a quotation from that work
(p. 775) summing up the various methods of this accumulation must suffice:
"The discqvery of gold and silver
in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the
aboriginal population, the beginning of
the conquest and looting of the East
Indies, the turning of Africa into a
warren for the commercial hunting
of black-skins, signalized the rosy
dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings are
the chief momenta of primitive accumulation. On their heels treads the
commercial war of the European nations, with the globe for a theatre.
It begins with the revolt of the Netherlands from Spain, assumes giant dimensions in England's anti-Jacobin
war and is still going on in the opium
war against China, etc.
Tlie different momenta of primitive
accumulation distribute themselves
now, more or less ln chronological order, particularly over Spain, Portugal,
Holland, France and England. In England at the end of .the 17th century
they arrive at a systematical combination, embracing the colonies, the national debt, the modern mode of taxation and the   protectionist   system.
the town and yourself? You both get
enough on the average to reproduce
your labor power, and both are robbed
of about four-fifths of what they produce.
Both Liberals and Conservatives
have held the reins of government and
have never willingly legislated ln the
Interests of the workers. As we cannot get the old party politicians to
change these conditions, we must take
the matter in hand and the work must
be done thoroughly by a united workingclass.
Some workers tire because they
find the dice are loaded, but let us
the wage slaves capture the dice, load
them for the workers, and remove the
capitalist class from the earth forever.
The G. G. A. are trying to get more
for their labor power by shipping
grain, etc., but why not unite of the
political field and elect men of your
own class? Workers to legislate in the
interest of the workers only.
Never In the history of man, have
legislators acted ln the interests of
the master class and slave class at
the same time, for what is good for
the slave ls bad for the master, and
vice versa. What do your children
learn at school? Just what the master
class want them to know; the newspapers also tell what the masters want
the slave to read.
The Socialist Party of Canada wants
to educate the workers so they will
revolt against existing conditions.
Then will be the flrst working class
revolution ln history, and If we slaves
must face hirelings of capitalism, always bear ln mind the Zulu battlecry:
If we go forward, we die; if tire
go backward, we die. Better go fur-
wand and die." w-
50c per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 26c.
Published at Cowanevllle, P.O.
 oo&umxA   vmoTxvoxajb
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. O. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 136, Vancouver, B. C.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. Eaat. opposite postofflce. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement ln the province. _ ,
I'. Oxtoby, Sec, Box 647 Calgary, Alta.
LOOAX, K4.BA, B. C, VO. 34, *. V. of O.
Meeta first Sunday ln every month ln
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
■cooAi. UDrmm bo. to, *. v. of
C. Business meetings every Saturday
7 p.m. In headquarters on First Ave.
Inlc. Williama. Sec., Ladysmith, B. C
every Sunday 7:30 p.m.  ln  McGregor
Hall   (Miner's Hall),   Mrs.   Thornley,
meets ln Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p. m. B. Campbell, Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets ln Finlanders' Hall, Sundaya at
7:30 p. m.. A Sebble, Secy., P. O. Box
766 Rossland, B. C.
tlve Committee. Meets first and third
Tne3days in the mouth nt I20!4 Adelaide St
Any reader of the Clarion deriring information about tbe movement in Manitoba, or who
wishes tojoin the Party please communicate
with the undersigned W. H. Stebbing, Sec.
861 (iood St.
ttve Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKin-
non's, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box- 1   Glace Bay, N. S.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store, 161 Hastings St. W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
every   Friday   evening   at   8   p.m.,   In
Miners'   Hall.   Nelson,   B.   C.      C    A
Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy.
meets every Sunday at «:3U p.m., la '
Miners' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organizer.    H.  K. Maclnnls, Secretary.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room. Labor Hall, T. H
iloMach 11 Box 647. Secretary, A. Mac
iccild, Organizer,    Box 647.
P of C, meets every first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town HalL
J. Oliphant, Secretary.
LOOAL   VANCOUVER,   B.   C,    NO.    45,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays in the month at 161
Hastings St. W.   Secretary, Wm. Mynttl
Headquarters and Reading Room,
Room 1, Eagle Building, 1319 Government St. Buslnesa meeting every
Tuesday evening, 8 p.m. Propoganda
meetings every Sunday at Grand
Theatre.      K.   Thomas,   Secretary.
LOOAL NANAZXO,  BO.  3,  «.  P.  of  O.,
meeta every alternate Sunday evening
ln Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 8:00 o'ulock|
Jack Place,  Rec.  Secy.,  Box  826.
LOOAL   PBBNXB,   S.   P.   of   O,   HOLD*
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave., Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:46. Bualness meeting flrst Sunday tn each
month, same place at 2:30 p m
I'.cvid Paton, Secy, Hox 101
C, meets every Sunday in Miners'
Union Hall at 7:30 P.m. Business
meetings, 1st and 3rd Sundays of each
month     Geo   Ha herton.  organizer; K ;J
Campbell, Secretary, Box 134.
LOOAL VBBNOB, B. O., NO. 88, *. P. OP
C, meets every second and laat Friday in
each month. 1 baa. chancy. Secretary, Box
127, Vernon, B. C.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     BO.     *.
Meets every Sunday night in tha
Miners' Hail and Opera House at I
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 FlrBt St.,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room ia open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 649 Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, 130 1-3 Adelaide Stree
opp.Kobliu Hotel. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m.    Propaganda.,
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m. Everybody welcome.      Secretary. J, w. Hilling,
370 Young St; Organizer, D.  McDougall, 414
Jarvis St.
of C—Business meetings 2nd and 4th
Wednesdays ln the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at 3:$f o'clock at
the Labor Temple. Speakers' claaa
every Thursday at 8:00 o'clock at Labor
Temple. J.   Stewart,  Secretary,
62 Seaton St.
LOOAL  OTTAWA,  BO.  8,   8.  P.  OB  a
Business meeting 1st Sunday la
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Roberta-
Allan Hall, 'it Rldeau St. A. G. Mc
Collum, 68 Slater St., Secretary.
63, 8. P. of O.—Meets every Sunday in
hall ih Empress Theatre Block at 8:00
p. m.    Angus  Mclver, Secretary.
Propaganda and business meetings at
8 p.m. every Sunday evening ln the
Edison Parlor Theatre. Speakers
passing through Revelstoke are invited to attend. B. F. Gayman, Secretary.    \V. W. Lefeaux, Organizer.
LOOAL   COBALT,   BO.   S,  *.  P.  OB  a
Propaganda and buslnesa meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. ln Miners'
Hall. Everybody Invited to attend.
Arthur L. Botley, Secy., Box. 446.
LOOAL   BERLIN,   ONT.,   BO.   4,   8.   B.
of C, meets every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., 81
King St. E., opposite Market Hotel.
V. A. Hlutz, Sep., 94 West Lancaster Street.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. O.
Rosa, Financial Secretary, offlce ln D.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Union
M^^'^^fs flSSsH SlOSsV
Wage Workers who>l''d"',t*ind
means are uauallr soclalista. Better look into
tne question for yourself. Write roar address
on tbe lines below, mall ua tha coupon with 10
cants, and jou will gat a hondred-paco Ulna-
trated magazine and a SS-pate Illustrated book
thai wlll help yoa decide very aulcklj which
aide you are on,
8md !*■ two-eMt iUnp«.   Addrtti
a-ariei H. Kerr 4 Co., 134 Khiie St. Chlca-o.
 i .
Books of all Kinds
The Mistake of Moses   50c
The Riddle of the Universe 25c
God or my Neighbor, Blatchford
Aysha, or the Return of She, by
Rider Haggrrd  20c
Merrie England  20c
Dr. Cameron Boccaccio  75c
Maria Monk  75c
All books sent postage paid.
Send for catalog.
The People's Book Store
142 Cordova St. W.
A. F. Cobb
Merchant Tailor
OKotoKs,   Alberta
For *v*rjr -rait sold through
this advertisement I will giv*
$2.00 to th* circulation ot tbe
Western Clarion.
1. WTite ma for sample* ol
2. Mention the price you waat
to pay for suit
3. Compare my sampl* frith
the price.
4. If suitable, send me te-
posit ot $6.00.
6. I wlll guarantee to delivsr
suit to Ot within three weeks.
6. Clarion will acknowledge
receipt of $2.00 from m* whsa
•utt I* paid for.
Suit* to measure from $1040
to $30.00.
I Propaganda Meeting |
Sunday Evening. 8 o'Clock
City Hall
B. C. SATURDAY, APRIL *»»,  1010,
--------■■e----*--****-.' " ■----■■■■■??**************^3gS5gS I II     Zm^-m-mm\Zm-m-mm^
Tb'** Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Charter   (with    necessary    sup-
start Local)  $5.00
..   .01
,.   .It
piles to i    ^^^^^^^
Membership  Cards, each
Dues Stamps, each	
Platform  and  application  blank
per 100   -	
Ditto in Finnish, per 100	
Ditto in Ukrainian, per 100 —
Ditto in Italian, per 100	
Constitutions, each
Ditto, Finnish, per
dozen 60
Meeting April 4th, 1910.
Present,  Comrades  Morgan   (chairman), Karme, Kingsley, Mengel, Mackenzie, Peterson, Stebblngs,  and the
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Correspondence dealt with from Alberta, Manitoba,, Ontario and Maritime Executives. From Locals Glace
Bay, N. 8.; Montreal and Lachine
Locks, Que.; Cobalt, Toronto and Ottawa, Ont., and Innisfail, Alta. From
Organizers Gribble, Fillmore and Desmond, and from Com. Myr. Stechishln,
per Manitoba Executive, on behalf of
the Ukranian comrades.
F. S. Faulkner, Mason City, 111., admitted   to  membership  at   large.
The suspension of Jas. P. MeGuire
by Local Ottawa confirmed and his appeal ordered published for the Party's
Local Toronto 24, having resigned
la the terms of resolution herewith
published, resolved that the Ontario
Provincial Executive be suspended
av.'ii the Dominion Executive assume
that function. That the assets ot the
Ontario Executive be held in trust
for the Province by the Dominion 'Executive until such time as the Party
decides to reconstitute the Ontario
Provincial organization; and further,
that the Dominion Executive submit
its action for review by the Party
Secretary instructed to call ln
amounts pledged by Locals to the publishing fund and to proceed with the
publication of pamphlets.
Action on the formation of a Ukrainian league, In conformity with plans
as' outlined in Com. Stechishin's communication, postponed for one month
to afford the membership an opportunity for an expression ot opinion
No endorsation of the proposition for
a referendum upon International affiliation having been received from any
of the Provincial Executives and only
from Local Montreal, extra provincial-
ly, the proposition falls of action.
Wararnts authorized for Clarion,
March card, $1.00. March deficit,
$87.35; W. Gribble, organizing, $50.00;
poBtage, $3.00; secretary's March salary, $15.00.
Maritime Executive supplies.. ..$ 5.00
B. C. Executive supplies  50.00
Local Lachine Locks, stamps...    2.20
Local North Battleford, stamps..    3.00
F. S. Faulkner, dues     2.00
H. A. Webb, dues	
Clarion Maintenance Fund, per
Okanagan Campaign Committee, $13.30;  F. Halgh, $1.00
Meeting held at headquarters, April
3rd, 1910.
Present—Comrades Danby, Machln,
McDonald (Chairman), Browning and
the secretary.
The secretary tendered his resignation, which was accepted.
Comrade Danby was elected secretary.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and adopted.
Correspondence    dealt    with    from
Bowden, Bound, Horse    Shoe    Lake,
Lougheed, Edmonton, Hardisty, Moun-1
tain House, Ersklne, Bellevue, Evarts,
Coleman and Dominion Executive.
Charters granted to Mound, Lougheed and Horse Shoe Lake.
Moved and seconded that the secretary's action be consured.   Carried.
Calgary (Uk.), stamps $ 2.00
Bellevue, stamps       5.00
Mountain House, stamps     3.50
Edmonton, stamps      5.00
Mound, charter and supplies     6.50
Bellevue  (Fin.), stamps     5.00
C.  M.  O'Brien,  supplies     7.20
Coleman, stamps       4.00
Ersklne, stamps      1.00
Lougheed, charter and supplies.    7.50
Horse  Shoe  Lake,  charter and
supplies       5.75
The attention of the membership
ls called to the suspension of the Ontario Provincial Executive. . Locals
wishing to contest this action of the
Dominion Executive are requested to
so Instruct their Provincial Executive
(or the Dominion Executive where
there ls no Provincial Executive) before April 30th. Provincial Executives
so instructed by the majority of their
Locals should notify the Dominion Executive before May 15th. Should a
majority of the Executives be so instructed, a referendum will forthwith
be taken on the matter.
Loan to Calgary Local $35.00
March 23rd, 1910.
Moved by Comrade Green, seconded
by Comrade Farmillo.
"Whereas the propaganda in Ontario is being retarded on account of
the dissension which has been sown
by means of the circulation of faUe
and malicious statements among the
membership;  and
"Whereas the bone of contention is
manifestly the control of the Provincial Executive Committee;  and
"Whereas Local Toronto English
No. 24 has been charged with seeking
control of the committee for purpose
of its own;
"Therefore, ln order to give the lie
to this charge, and to remove from
amongst us the bone ot contention, to
the end that the energies now being
wasted in the internecine strife may
again be turned into their proper channel, the pushing of the propaganda of
Revolutionary Socialism;
"Be it resolved that Local No. 24
esign the function of Provincial Executive and request the Dominion Executive Committee to resume this
function, as by Constitution provided,
until such time as the Locals of Ontario shall have demonstrated by useful effort, united action, and sound
progress, to the satisfaction of the Socialist Party of Canada as a whole,
their fitness for organization provln-
Rec. Secy. Local Toronto No. 24.
Dominion Executive Committee;
Am instructed to report following:
At general business meeting of this
Local, March 6th, 1910, following motion moved and carried:
That as Comrade J, P. MeGuire has
stated on our public platform, January 23rd, 1910, that he does not accept
the principles of the S. P. of C, we
suspend him as member of the Local
until he does accept the principles."
Vote to suspend  9
Vote against   6
Members present, over 40
Sec.  pro tem.   Ottawa  Local  No.
S. P. of C
•   *   •
Executive Committee S. P. of C,
Vancouver,  B.  C. H^
Gentlemen: —
| At a meeting held in this city about
four weeks ago, I stated that I did
not accept this Socialist Party's conception of the class struggle. I am
now suspended from the Party for
malting the above, statement.
Without going into the broad question ot who is right, the question is
this: Have the members of this Party
the right to say what they think always and everywhere? If you answer
with this Local, "No," then submit my
case to a general vote at once. If the
majority say, "No," my place ls out
of the Party.   I am,
Yours for progress,
Jas.  P.  MeGuire.
Ottawa, Ont.
The Dominion Executive, holding
any one not adhering to the Platform
and principles of the S. P. of C. does
not belong in the Party, the suspension was sustained. The suspended
member's appeal is herewith submitted for the Party's consideration.
crow performs a nsetul function. He
said, the day ls elegant; 'tis good to
be alive. I wll do myself proud; I will
work. And he worked and Gribble had
his meeting. Fennell Hall gave Gribble a splendid meeting and Gribble
gave back the goods clean and strong.
The North Battleford meeting was a
success ln numbers and interest, and
Gribble gripped his audience from
start to finish.
But, oh, he's violent. Actually spoke
of a coming revolution of the slaves.
Said some of them were even revolting now. Millions of them. Even said
the church had always been behind
the ruling class.
Now, I put it up to you, comrades,
ane these things true.   Gribble's going
to frighten away from our meetings
all the old ladles of both sexes and
wreck the movement.   Comrades Budden, myself and other parlor Socialists have been hiding under the sofa
or on it ever since singing:
Bust the bugles, blow the drums,
Show me the way the enemy comes;
The sound of a musket in my ear,
Is enough fpr this runaway musketeer.
No revolutlng for us or laying violent hands upon the Church.
Com. Gribble wound up by attending
an organization meeting (on the Sabbath), aud unfolded a scheme whereby he hopes to lure, coax or abduct
from the east speakers for the West.
Says the West needs them.
Don't believe him, eastern comrades,
he's an old sailor. Your work lies
where for more than one generation
the people have anchored until they
festered loose. No sirs, the people do
not come West because of poverty or
unenscious protest against capitalism
in other lands.
They come "fer der kllmate."
The West does not need you, comrades. Prosperity Is here ln pailfulB.
The plaster on every quarter section,
cattle and machinery is only to keep
the land still and prove the farmer is
a small capitalist. Stay where you are
comrades. Home-keeping youths hath
ever homely wit. I have not travelled,
besides, if we only get a speaker once
ln a blue moon wo can stand his revolting. But oftener, I and the other
parlor Socialists would be compelled
to quit the Party and Join the Young
Men's Christian Crumpet Assn.
H. C.
Meeting April 4th, 1910.
Minutes of previous meeting approved.
Communications dealt with from Locals Nanaimo, Gibson's Landing, Port
Moody, Matsqut, Vernon, Revelstoke,
Phoenix (Ukranlan), Michel, Vancouver and Sointula. From the Okanagan
Campaign Committee and Comrades
John Staples, Cloverdale, B. C, J. F.
Johnson, Enderby, and J. H. Hawthornthwaite, Nanalmo.
Endorsatlons of proposition for referendum on International affiliation
received only from Locals Nanaimo,
Port Moody and Phoenix (Ukrainian).
Secretary instructed to obtain opinion
of Locals on advisability of a Provincial convention before levying convention assessment.
Warrants authorized for Clarion
March Card, $1.00; Dominion Execu-
tice supplies, $50.00; secretary's March
salary, $15.00.
Local Sointula, stamps $20.00
Local Michel, stamps     5.00
Local Matsqul, stamps	
Local Vernon, stamps	
Local Phoenix, Ukranlan, stamps
Local Gibson's Landing, stamps.
Local Revelstoke, stamps     5.00
Okanagan Campaign Committee,
donation to organizing  13.30
John   Sta*ples,   donation   to   organizing       3.00
D. Q. McKenzie,
Secretary Dominion Executive,
Socialist Party of Canada.
Dear Comrade:
At the last business meeting of this
local held to-night, the following resolution was passed:
"Whereas there are factional differences between the members of the Socialist Party of Canada in Ontario;
Whereas, should a referendum be
taken these differences would still exist;
"Therefore Be It Resolved, That Local Cobalt No. 9 calls upon the Dominion Executive to take over the Executive work of the Province until such
time as the Ontario trouble ls straightened out; and,
"Be It Further Resolved, That a
copy of these resolutions be sent to
the Dominion Executive for publication ln the Western Clarion, a copy to
the present Provincial Executive, and
a copy to the two warring factions in
Secretary Local Cobalt No. 9, English
Branch Socialist Party of Canada.
March 14th, 1910.
Dear Mac:
Local 24 decided, provided the
weather was warm enough, to start its
open air propaganda Sunday, March
27th. On arlval at the usual spot,
corner University and Queen, we
found our "pitch" ln possession of the:
Salvation Army. It looked as if we
would have to take a new stand, but
about 3 o'clock the Knights of the
Drum and Bum, having extracted all
he change the crowd was prepared to
cough up, hit the trail elsewhere and
left us in possession.
Comrade Taylor opened the meeting.
Taylor is, a new hand so far as the
spelling end of the game Is concerned.
He Is well based, however, and speaks
In working class language, and may be
expected to develop Into a really good
propagandist with more practice.
There was no "speaker of the afternoon" hut half a dozen comrades put
in about 15 minutes each. The crowd
was attentive and seemed to like the
stuff. The speakers were all members of Local 24—Green, Woodhouse,
Stewart, Farmilo, Taylor and Des-
Stewart, Farmels, Taylor and Des-
splcuous by their absence. Probably
they were engaged getting out another
leaflet berating the "autocrats" of
Local 24.
Local 24 proposes to wage an active
summer campaign. It possible, we
wlll do two meetings on Saturday and
the same on Sunday. Should the necessary speakers develop amongst the
membership or others who are competent to deal out the real stuff, come
from outside we wlll increase the program.
The sale of literature ls also to be
pushed vigorously. All this means
work—hard work and lots of it, but the
boys here will make good. They may
not be experts In the circular letter
or leaflet business, but like most "impossibles" they are not afraid to get
down and do the requisite spade work
which ls necessary before any movement can grow.
A number of young men who have
proved their competence as public
propagandists in the Party, to place
themselves at the disposal of the Dominion Executive for agitation work.
. Any answering the above ad. must
clearly understand that volunteers are
not necessarily accepted, that the Do-;
minion Executive, being held responsible for their efficiency, wlll be the
sole and final authority as to fitness of
volunteers, and, in case the number of
volunteers exceeds the number wanted, as to those selected. The exact
number required ls not yet known except in the case ot Alberta, which
province is ln a position to keep four
constantly going.
Terms—the usual for S. P. of G. agitators—their keep.
Any having an idea they would be
making a "sacrifice,'' not wanted.
Any not thoroughly realizing they
would be getting greater returns in opportunity for development than they
would be losing in wages had better
not volunteer.
Any comrades thinking of offering
their services are advised to think the
matter over carefully flrst, and not to
act on Impulse, as none are wanted
who would weaken when In the field.
The idea is to place accepted volunteers in the field as soon as the
farmers' busy season ls over as far
as the prairie provinces are concerned, and elsewhere as opportunity
Any   volunteers   will   receive   further    information     from    Dominion
Executive or from the undersigned.
Care W. H. Stebblngs,
316 Good St..
Printing five issues $235.00
Bound volumes 	
Expressage on same	
Total  $298.75
SubB $171.90
Cards and Advs     39.50
Deficit       87.35
This is to tell you all about Com
Gribble's meetings in this district. He
gave Locals North Battleford and Fennell Hall 10 meetings ln seven days.
One meeting most days and on others
two for a rest. A very successful
Berles with one exception.
It was a Monday afternoon meeting
and for days the weather had been fine
and warm and the farmer wage mule
(small capitalist) had champed at his
bit, and in other assinlne ways shown
his eagerness_for work; and in church
on Sunday he could hardly restrain
himself, rising on Monday before- the
Comrade Editor:—
I am writing this to try and get information. On March 27th Local Nanaimo held propaganda meeting at
which Comrade Young spoke on
"Trade Unions" at some length. During the somewhat heated discussion
whh-h followed, a statement was made
(by Hawthornthwaite) that there are
millions of wage-earners who are not
robbed under the present system.,
This view was combatted (by Place),
who held that wages presupposes surplus value.
The wage-earners more particularly
referred to are those in service to
some gentleman (?) or other, such as
ms, coachmen, valets, ets. If
these people are not being robbed I'd
like to know why, and I don't care
whether It's Marxian or Engelian or
Lassallian or not so long as it will
bear analysis. We could possibly
thrash it out in our own Local, but
there are probably many Clarion readers who are Interested in such problems and would like to see it explained.
Yours for the Earth,
The unrest and discontent among
the laboring people of the United
States still continues and the future
seems to be pregnant with many conflicts between exploiter and exploited.
The working class of every state of
the Union, looking into the tuture, sees
the coming storm and feels somewhat
nervous as to the results.
In the building trades ln nearly
every large city ot the country there
seems to be a feeling of dissatisfaction and the skilled mechanic who
ones entertained the opinion tbat the
wages which he commanded would
keep the wolf of hunger from his door,
has discovered that in the increased
cost of living he is unable longer to
lay away a surplus for a rainy day.
The strike of the street car men
In Philadelphia and the arrogant attitude assumed by the magnates ot the
company Indicate that the exploiter ls
unwilling to show any quarter to
unionism, and the fact that thousands
of men in various industries in the
city ot Philadelphia separated themselves from their occupations to aid
the battle of the street car men, demonstrates that organized labor is
awakening to the fact that the working class in all industries must stand
together if any victories are to be
wrested from the clenched grip of
greed. The armed power that was
summoned together in Philadelphia,
consisting of armed policemen, state
constabulary and companies of state
militia, to awe and intimidate strikers
who were struggling for living conditions, shows conclusively that official
authority is arrayed on the side of the
employer and against the slave. The
brutal violence that was visited upon
the strikers by the so-called guardians
of the peace and upholders of the
majesty of the law, tells but too forcibly that labor can expect but little
justice while capitalism retains in public life the minions who use the power
of cities, states and nation to suppress an uprising of the working class.
In the railway service during the
past several weeks there was pending
a threatened battle between the railway corporations and the members of
the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Englnemen. At the present
writing there are indications that a
compromise will be effected. Had the
strike taken place, 28,000 firemen and
enginemen would have been Involved,
which would have tied up forty-nine
railroads running west of Chicago, and
this strike would have probably thrown
out of employment at least 200,000
men connected with the railway service. It a compromise is effected it
will be merely a truce to hostilities, as
the railway corporations of America
are already conspiring to put the railway brotherhoods out of business, and
will be successful unless the employes
in the transportation Industry come
together In one mighty organization
that shall know no craft or trade lines.
Since the United Mine Workers of
America held its annual convention at
Indianapolis during the month of January, there has been a number of conferences held with the mine operators,
in the hope that reasonable concessions would be granted to the men of
the coal mines, but so far the conferences that have been held have resulted in failure as regards an amicable adjustment of differences. The
niiners, on account ot the Increased
cost of living, have been forced
through necessity to ask for an in
creased wage scale, but regardless of
the fact that the necessaries of life
have soared skyward during the past
few years, yet the coal barons are
standing upon a lofty pedestal and refuse to yield to the demands of an
organization that ls only asking living
wages for the slaves of the mlneB.
At the present writing there ts but
little hope that a strike ot the coal
miners can be averted. Should no
settlement be effected, then grim
necessity will force the United Mine
workers to declare a strike which wlll
Involve fully 250,000 men. Such a
strike will mean the life or death of
the United Mine Workers, as defeat
means that the coal barons, who are
likewise magnates in the railway system of this country, will Issue an ultimatum that the organization of the
coal miners shall be no longer recognized.
As we have stated, the near future
is pregnant with developments in the
industrial field, and no observing man
in the ranks of organized labor can
close his eyes to the fact that the solution of the labor problem ls the great
absorbing question, before which all
other questions palo and sink into Insignificance.—Miners' Magazine.
Jfere and Ifow
By " LEEDS,"
Charley O'Brien gets the belt away
from Gribble this week. Ten subs, and
a bundle of twenty-five.
• •   •
Three subs, per Com. Matthews, one
of them a dollar donation from Com.
T. Sarchet.
• • •
Local Innisfalen, Alta., send along
ten dollars to pay for bundle and card
ln directory.
• •   •
Local Bellevue pays up for its card.
• •   •
On February 8th, a strike of twenty-
three cigarmakers took place at Winnipeg, Man. According to a report
received from the employer, the cause
of the dispute was the promotion of a
female apprentice before she had served her full time. On February 17th,
work was resumed, the employee having been restored to the rank of apprentice.—Labor Gazette.
Local Windsor, Ont., has missed
their bundle and are much put out
thereby. It won't be their fault it
they miss any more numbers. Com.
L. Wiltrle will see to that.
»   •   •
Local Vancouver pays up for bundle
and card.
• •   •
Comrade Miss S. Muskrat, Moncton,
N. B., desires to read the Clarion and
thereby assist to spread the Gospel ln
the East.
•   •   •
Wilson C. Glaspell of Gait, Ontario,
sends $3.00 for bundle and hopes that
the dope won't be diluted with palliation.
• •   *
Comrade Ross of Glace Bay, N. S.,
forwards $6.00 for bundles.
• •   •
Comrade  Taylor  of Toronto  lines
up three.
• •   •
E. Rolls of New Westminster renews
two yearlles.
• •   •
"The Declaration of Independence of
the United States and the establishment of these colonies Into an independent nation were caused by tyranny and injustice, and the denial of the
rights and opportunities for development to the American colonists. It
gave to the world not only a new nation, a republic, but emphasized more
clearly the unalienable rights of man
to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, by which he is inherently endowed."—Sam Gompers.
• •   •
The following are guilty of criminal
offence against capital by turning In a
sub apiece: Comrades Emma Mott,
Fernie, B. O; J. Stewart, Toronto; A.
E. Faulkner, Conjuring Creek, Alta.;
E. Williams, John Fraser, Wm. Wright,
Harry Higgins, all of Vancouver; Geo.
Nickels, Rivers Inlet, B. C.; Jas. Hamilton, Green Point, B. C; Archibald
Hogg. New Westminster, B. C; Dave
Paton, Fernie, B. C; E. J. Thomson,
North Battleford, Sask.; A. Gutnlck,
Macleod, Alta.; W. F. M., Denoro, B.
C„ and John Pickenshovel, Sidney,
B. C.
Comrade Desmond is beating it
West so if any Locals want him to
speak his piece in their vicinity, they
had better notify Com. W. H. Steb
b'iuga 316 Good street, Winnipeg, or
Com. F. Oxtoby, box 647, Calgary,
right away.
February 20th, 1910.
Editor Clarion:
Will  you  allow   me space  ln  the
Western Clarion in answer to Alfred
Budden'B article of the 12th Inst.    I
think he is a dogmatizer.   If I understand his article correctly, ln the flrst
place how are we to tell a Christian
from ah unchristian?.   Christ said, "by
their works ye shall know them," and
the Apostles said, "I will prove to you
my faith by my works."  The Christian
Socialist don't claim that If we had
Socialism that we    would    have the
"peace that paseth all understanding
which peace I gave unto you," which ls
the saying of Jesus.   We claim Socialism because it will give every one a
chance  to sit under their  own  vine
and fig tree with none to molest or
say what doest thou?    I think If my
friend Buddin will just read over that
New Testament and mark the verse,
chapter and book that he sees anything
In against Socialism, and alsa every
_aying that he sees in favor of lt, ln
place of having his eyes ln the ends
of the eath, for what ls not of the
Christ Is of the earth—earthly.    Mr.
Buddin seems to think he ls very wise
when he says that anyone calling themselves Christian Socialists is Ignorant
of Christianity and Socialism.   So we
have heard his judgment, but that old
book tells us that he that Is wise ln his
own conceit, there Is more hope of a
fool than of him.
G. J.
At the Ymir General Hospital
a duly trained nurse. For par-
ticultrt write
W. B.  McISAAC, Secy.
A good
plice to tat
305  Cambie Street
The best of everything properly
Chas. Mulcahey- Prop. -rocs
SATURDAY,  APRIL   Mb,   1B10.
Marx was attracted as a young man to the working class movement which was then fermenting in
Germany and thioughout the Continent of Europe,
in ISIS, a now celebrated period in the history of
the German workers, the ruling classes were afraid
of an actual general revolution, and there was
some ground for their alarm, for the young n-en of
broad minds and keen intellect, among whom was
Karl .Marx, had been drawn into the revolutionary
vortex of the hour.
Marx father, who had formally adopted the
Christian religion for political reasons, had great
hopes of the future of his son as a government
official, .Marx, however, pursued a course of his
own. He became a press rontroversalist ami agitator, finally accepting tho editorship of a revolutionary organ. The police were commissioned to give
hill, no quarter, and he was, consequently, exiled, first from one country and then from another,
until lie was forced to come to England, where he
resided till his death.
Political economy and general philosophy had
always been favorite subjects with Marx, and he
found his acquaintance with them of invaluable
assistance to him in his polemical discussions with
the ordinary scribes of the capitalist press. He
resolved, at the earliest posible moment, to attack
the orthodox economists, and with this aim he
published his first criticism on political economy,
which, strange to say, has only recently been published in the English language in America.
In his English retreat he further developed his
first essay, which he ultimately expanded into his
celebrated work, entitled "Capital: An Analysis of
the Capitalist System of Production," the latter
part of which ls not yet printed in English.
The object of this pamphlet ls to give a brief
outline of the contents of Marx's work, so that the
reader may readily see how he deals with the
economic problem.
Is that "Labor Is the Source of All Wealth."   The
true value of a social  product,  he says, is the
amount of actual labor it contains, its quantity
being measurable by time.
Why one man ls poor and another one rich
Marx proves to be due to exploitation, which has
ItB genesis in the subjection of man to man, which
in time became sanctioned by 'custom, evolving
various social grades of workers, such as we
see under feudalism, ultimating in our present
complicated capitalist system of free exchange
and wage-labor. Men may seem to be free contractors, but they are, in fact, so bound by their
economic environment tbat they are forced to toll
as a servile race like chattel slaves and serfs did
of old, of whom, indeed, they are the real lineal
The capitalist system ls an embodiment of many
other economic systems which have preceded it,
and thus we often find social conditions which at
flrst sight appear to be in contradiction to the
ordinary laws governing capitalism. In the industrial systems preceding the present, the chief
aim of the producers was directed to creating
commodities that they might sell them for money
to obtain commodities of a different kind for the
purpose of consumption. That simple system of
exchange has passed away. Producers do not
now start creating commodities to get money that
they may get other commodities to consume, but
they commence with money to create commodities
that they may sell them for more money. This
new set of conditions is peculiar to the capitalist
system, Tfie aim of the capitalists being to turn
everything Into gold, the production of pure and
well-made commodities becomes quite a secondary
'matter to them. When 'honest'' capitalists like
John Bright easily convince themselves that adulterated goods ami child labor are necessary factors iji ;iroductlon, we cannor expect unso.nipulau'i
capitalists to bother about the fiYJl ggelftl Wflill'
tlons or the right of the worker to live. 60 long
as they secure their ObJSflt—unpaid labor convened Into gold. Capitalists me Impelled by the
stress of economic circumstances to bring everything into the vortex of exchange. Thus Ihings,
from articles of virtu to churches, are placed on
the market, and priced so that a portion of the
surplus-value created In the workshop may come
to them, and add to their idle of wealth. They
do not trouble whether tnls or thui Ib a commodity
^','re and, simple, so long us It secures them a
profit on thp ii'tiii'-ui'tioii, l:y means of iliu prim
form Of Villi!*) Ull Horts of things and all klnilrt lit
■"•ervloeB hie brought within the commodity world.
What Marx hns done for political ncoliomy ls to
analyse the capitalist system, in which labor products are created and exchanged as commodities.
He has done so with great precision, showing how
lt is that the worker ia r-Ompelled to create wealth
for which he got* Ho equivalent whatever. Why
the worker subjects himself to the capitalists and
goes working on In his misery, even going so far
as to repel those who wish to help him, Is a
psychological problem which Marx in his work
does not leel compelled to answer; but the lines
on which he would answer this problem can be
clearly perceived in his materialist conception of
history where lie states that man's material needs
govern both his emotional und Intellectual being.
The primary form of wealth Is that of use-
value—a thing which we appropriate for use.
Broadly speaking, anything that we use may be
termed wealth. We therefore, have lo come to
this conclusion, lhat utility Is the substantia which
converts material things Into wealth; meaning
by "Bubstnnce" the principal element which distinguishes It from other things. It Is true Mini
things such as the air nnd the sea are useful,
and from the point of view of strict logic ought
to be Included In our definition. Hill nlr mid the
sea always remain in the simplest form of wealth,
and do not, like minerals for lin'tnnce, "pass
through phases of development until they become
regarded, not only as commodities, but as capital.
Society, which does nol bother about line distinctions, turns Its attention to the obJectB of
wealth which II dally handles, leaving exact definition to Ihe professional economist, who, In
turn , follows society In its Indellnlleness.
In the course of time use-values nre not only
appropriated from Nature ,hut are created by,
man. These latter, therefore, become labor products, as well as being use-values. When man
takes to a pastoral life, and then to agricultural
pursuits, we have an Interchange of superfious
products, which creates barter. The benefits accruing from the exchange of these articles nre
recognized as being so great that there conies
a time when products are specially created for
the purpose of exchange. It Is natural Unit If a
community grows ihlngs for Its own consumption
and also for the purpose of exchange It; should
invent a term to distinguish the latter. We might
call them either exchange or market products,
but society hns determined in the name nf Its
economists to call ihem commodities, It will help
us if we nre careful |n noting how the distinction
arises between one form of wealth and that of another, and the reason why. Kor Instance, why
does a labor product become a commodity?—To
denote a given usage to which a lnbor product Is
put, namely, that of being placed on the market
for the purpose of exchange Instead of being used
for home consumption ln the ordinary way. Usage,
then, by means of exchange, converts a labor
product into a commodity, and usage likewise performs the same office for the commodity, by changing lt Into money.
We come to the next development in the form of
wealth—that of money.
We see that a commodity is a labor product
put to a certain use. Now, money, ln Its turn, is
also a commodity put to a given UBe, and to denote
this usage it ls called money. Let us proceed
carefully, for If we miss understanding how money
comes into existence, we cannot claim to know
much of economics. When communities exchanged their labor products they had to barter. If
they grew corn, they had to calculate, when they
bartered, in this way: So much corn is worth si)
much salt, so many cattle, so many skins. Hut
this form of calculation Is a tedious method. Custom soon found it easier to reverse the process,
making everything worth so much corn. Corn
and rattle and skins have each been money in
their time. And why? Because, being the most
staple articles produced, they in the natural order
tit things became used for the purpose of reckoning. .Money, then, is n commodity used for the
purpose of reckoning the value of other commodities as a medium of exchange.
When we say salt is worth f.'o much butter,
we accept butter as representing value, nnd salt
as the one we wisli to measure, .Marx is rather
careful in pointing out the relations of Ihis transection, and he characteiises one commodity as
occupying the relative form of value, ad the other
ihe equivalent form of value, which corresponds
lo the position of two things we weigh. In our
instance the butter would correspond to the weight
and Ihe salt to the article we wish to weigh. The
equivalent is the one we accept as representing
value, and our object is to find the relative value
of the other. From this equivalent form arises
which we now term the money-form of the commodity.
Usage determines whether one commodity or
another shall be money. The commodity selected
for the purpose of reckoning naturally begets a
social importance, for anyone who has money can
exchange it, as it is accepted as a universal
equivalent for every commodity brought to market. To recount: We have, first of all, use-value,
then labor-product, then market-product or commodity, then money, and now we come to the next
form of wealth—capital. As we have seen, a
commodity put to a certain usage becomes money;
now, money, in Its turn, also gets put to a certain
usage, and gets a particular name—that of Capital.
The money-commodity being recognized as the
universal equivalent and medium of exchange,
and therefore possessing considerable social advantages over any kind of commodity, everyone
has need to command a certain quantity of it, and
is prepared on occasions to give something to
those who will loan it—thus we get usury, or interest. Then, as society evolves and commerce
becomes prevalent, merchants find themselves
compelled to start, production or a business with
money. Their object is to make more money out
of the transaction, but they do not like the odium
attached to those who make money by loans,
which is called interest, so they call their Increase of money, profit. Money used for the purpose of begetting profit is now called capital. Let
us again review the progress made. We have
firstly, use-value, then labor-product, then commodity, then money, then capital. Capital under
these conditions possesses the attributes of money,
of a commodity, of a labor product, and of a use-
value combined. Thus capital is wealth, money Is
wealth, a commodity is wealth, a labor-product is
wealth, a use-value is wealth.
Use-Value, Exchange-Value, and Value.
After defining wealth we come to a disquisition
on the most difficult subject of political economy,
over which professors discuss without ceasing.
But we need not be troubled. Professors of economy want an explanation which accords with
their preconceived views, and one which justifies
social inequalities; whereas we only want an explanation in accordance with facts. If we carefully follow the analysis of value, we shall find
that it is so easy that we shall be somefhat chagrined at ever imagining it difficult.
We have three values to examine. Two of them
nre of the concrete order, one of the abstact. But
do not be alarmed hy the terms of "concrete"
and "abstract," Thev are terms easily mastered.
W? jtnlve fit the abstract through the concrete.
Take man as an illustration. Our experience tells
us of white, red and black men. Our power of
reflection informs us that if we abstract whiteness,
redness, or blackness, man is still left. Man is
an abstract conception; a black, a white, or a red
man is a concrete conception. A thing, it is pis'",,
Is In the concrete when it has attribute's; in the
nbstract when in imagination all attributes are
abstracted and only one substance left. Let us not
fQi-get this.
Use-value and exchange-value are concrete or
particular forms of value, and come fliat in point
of experience, but our purpose will be better
served by examining value ln the abstract. Now,
what does value express? A comparison. If I say
what is the value of your watch as compared with
my chain, it is equal to saying what amount Of &
given substance is there In your watch as compared with the same Bubstance in my chain? It
ls evident from this that value Is a determination
by comparison of two quantities expressed in a
given substance. From this we are compelled to
assent that value is a quantitative relation. They
are bo In obedience to psychological law, for the
human mind is subject to physical law like all
other physical things. Marx, to illustrate his
point, takes the question of weight. When we
weigh things, we compare, and our comparison is
one of quantity in a given gravitating substance.
How do we weigh articles? By ascertaining their
gravitatlve force, usually by a pair of scales.
The articles we compare must both have one,substance, the property of weight. There would he
no comparison If we compared the sound of a
gramaphone with the brass weight. It is clear,
Ihen, when we analyse a value relation our task
Is to find the substance by means of which we
compare? Our presnt task is to find the substance
of exchange-value. We have acknowledged that
a commodity is our unit of capitalist wealth, and
our comparison Is, therefore, between two commodities, which takes place at the point of exchange because It Is there the equation is made.
We produce commodities, and then distribute by
means of exchange. Our method of distribution
thus compels us to find the exchange-value. We
oan agree without argument that the value-substance is in the commodities before we exchange
and compare them.just as the weight Is in a cabbage, and in the iron or brass weights before we
put them into the scales. From this circumstance
we call exchange-value an objective relation, because the object is there In the commodities, in
front of us, and all that Is required is to measure
It. By common consent there are two substances
only by which the value of commodities can be
expressed—utility and labor. Of course, we can
have as many values as we can find substances
to make a comparison. Thus we can have bread
values, cloth values, land values without number.
Bnt for general purposes we can Include these In
one category, and call them use-values, or things
or utility, as they can all be ranged under this
title, so for the purpose of argument we can agree
that our substance must be either utility o>- labor.
How do we test utility? At the point of exchange?
No. We can only test It by means of consumption.
We realize the utility or usevalue of a pair of
boots by wearing them. Sugar Is useful to me
because it is sweet, and I test it by tasting it,
or consuming it—not by exchanging lt. Utility ls
evidently of a subjective character, varying with
the taste of each Individual. I like acid drops,
you prefer cloves. The utility of the two depends
on our tastes. It is evident that utility has to be
discarded as the substance of exchange-value, because lt cannot become manifest at the pont of
exchange. If utility was the lest of value, a man
ought to pay more for a loaf when he was hungry
than when satisfied, but the prices for a loaf remains the Bame whether a man Is hungry or not.
Exchanging a thing does not tell us Us utility; that
as we see, depends upon Its consumption, so we
have to fall back upon the only alternative—labor.
Can we measure labor at the point of exchange?
Briefly pin
an ext'iaiv
fronted will:
say tha a vo
it Is worth -I
pric --form
ties, end tha
had to flss'.i 11
not under c:
labor time, c
If we cjnsicl
change vain.'
For how is
Yes; by means of labor-time. Ascertain the time
taken to produce two commodities, and we know
their relative exchange-value. And this quality"'
tallies with market valuations. Reduce the labor
In a commodity by means of some labor-saving
contrivance, and the price falls. Let conditions
change, and more labor be expended on it, then
the price rises.
Marx, In dealing With this question of value,
made an important discovery, which forms the
greatest contribution to political economy since
the time ol "tristotli—namely, thai of reducing
labor to the ni struct.   The different kinds of labor
are too in ms to count, but we can view them
In the absi ici as one product— human energy',
Thus when we compare commodities, we compare
ihem as i lucfs of human energy; and not as
samples of carpentry and shoe-making labor—a
fact, which had escaped previous economists,
Sojar as i eating value is concerned, then, cue
man creates as much value us another, and on
the basis ol equal labor time equal vain,'. Social
ists rest their argument of social equality.
Price Form of Vali'e
, un exchange of two commodities Is
between labor; we are, however, eon.
this fact, that the market does not
mmodlty is worth so much labor, bul
i much money.   This brings us to the
f value.
In dealing with wealth, we saw that a commodity had to i:.• selected io measure other coMmodi-
i every commodity, as'a consequence;
ie the money-form of wealth.   We do
ipitajism measure things directly by
he true standard; but by their price,
■r a moment we shall realise that ex-
can 'have no direct  time  standard,
the market to know the exact lime
that one manufacturer takes to produce a commodity as compared wllh another.   Besides, manufacturer's are very secretive as to their methods
of production.   The consequence 1.- that the market
has to fall back upon the price-value-form of Ihe
articles, such price being settled  by higgling, or
competition.   We are so used to pricing things that
we never consider what It means, and we do not
suppose  one   in   a  thousand  could   explain   lt  If
asked.    Yet it is very simple.    We say boots are
worth half-a-sovereign.    How do we mentally arrive at that and conform to all the conditions attached to value? Why we turn our boots, by Imagination, into a piece of gold, then we compare it
with a sovereign.    As soon as our boots assume
the gold form, the rest ls easy.   We can compare
the two pieces of gold by their weight.   And that
is what really happens.   We fulfil by this method
all the conditions attached to value.   By reducing
all commodities to gold, we reduce them to gold-
labor and though we may not precisely know the
time taken to produce half a sovereign, We know,
collectively considered, that the time taken to produce one half- sovereign ls equal to that of any
other.    The price-form measures two quantities
by one substance, by means of their weight, and
this ls how the capitalist system arrives at the
value of commodities.   Weight becomes thus the
standard of price, and price becomes the exponent
of exchange-value.   Now price being an ideal or
Imaginary form of value, is also subject to the
vagaries of the imagination, and thus we price the
value of honesty, and all sorts of absurd things,
which are really not commodities.    Such things
often disturb the student of economy.   By studying
the price-form of value, however, we get an explanation of many seeming anomalies which arise out
of the complex social relations going on around
us.    Take, for instance, the sale of sites.    Why
does a piece of land fetch such a high price in the
City compared with other situations? Because the
City represents a place where business can be
done on a large scale.   There a greater quantity
of profit can be realised, and a buyer Is glad to
pay $5,000 that he may enjoy $10,000 Which the
site enables him to secure.   Thus there arise discrepancies between price and value, similarly as 1
between price of production and the cost of production. |
But we are digressing.    Before  dealing  with
cost of production, we have to deal with surplus-
value, and to do that we must analyse constant
and variable capital, labor nnd labor-power, then
we can return to price of production and cost of
For the better analysis of capital, Marx divides
capital into two divisions—constant and variable.
These respectively represent the means of production and wages. The reason Marx uses the
term "constant," Ib because anything In the nature of plant cannot alter Its value when transformed or changed into another product. For instance, a skin of en animal is worth a sovereign.
When converted into a rug, the skin, by Itself,
Still represents a sovereign, neither more nor less.
The Bame argument applies to a building, a machine, or any other instrument of production. The
old economists used to divide capital into many
divisions. They would put a building in one category, because it was a lohg time circulating, and
they put seeds and such-like things in another category because they circulated quicker. These latter' divisions are really useless. What concerns
us ls whether fjha't portion merged In the new pro
duct alters ftis value. Marx points out that instruments c-f -[fcoiluction do not change their value
when ''transformed into a commodity. That ls, if
a capitalist buys a machine worth a thousand
pounds. It can only impart the value of a thousand
'pounds, and whether this value is imparted in one
year or ten makes no difference from Its value
point of view; and he, therefore, applies the term
constant to this form of capital—constant, because
it has no power to expand its value.
With regard to wage-labour, or labour-power,
Marx shows tbat its value cbanges when it is
transformed into a commodity. Thus a man who
sells his labour-power for a given sum Imparts
three or four times Its value Into a commodity
and for this reason he calls that portion of capital
which is spent in wages variable capital, as it increases its value when embodied In a product.
Labour-Power and   Labour.
We have already touched upon Labour. Upon
analysing lt, we find we require three terms to
express its variable phaseB. (1) One to express
labour as stored up in a man's body; (2) one to
express its activity; (3) one to express its embodi
ment in a commodity. Generally only one is used,
which has led to some confusion ln ideas. Marx
observed this, and he introduced the word labour-
power, meaning the power to labour. It Is this
power to labour which the workers sell to the
capitalist in exchange for a wage. Firstly, labour-power ls the crystallised energy of the worker; secondly, labouring or working expresses the
expenditure of this crystallised energy; and,
thirdly, labour expresses the embodiment of this
energy In the product. The only evidence we
have of expended labour ls, of course, the objective form of the commodity. We know that a chain
has labour embodied in it because of its form.
Now labour, like value, must also be looked at
from the quantitative and the qualitative standpoint. When we regard labour as huniun energy
only, we Ignore Its qualitative side.
Objection is often taken to Marx reducing all
kinds of labour to one given quality, and only
counting them as simple energy. The objectors
are not very logical, however, for they never oh
ject to the capitalist doing the same thing tinder
the pike form. The capitalist, when he sells a
commodity, never thinks about the various kinds
of labour In it. He calculates them all in gold,
which Is enly stating that every commodity ls
equal to gold, and therefore to gold-labour, to affirm which is equal to saying that there is only
one quality of labour—which, ln the eyes of orthodox economists, ls Marx's greatest sin.
(To be Continued In our next Issue.)
The above will be published in
pamphlet form. Price 5 cents. $1.00
per 100 to subscribers to the publishing fund.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, ln convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and pro-
grnmine of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers lt should belong. The present economic system ts based upon capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently all the products of
labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist Is therefore
master; the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains In possession of tha
reins of government all the powers of the State wiii be used to
protect nnd defend their property rights in the means of wealth
production and their coutrol of the product of labor.
The capitalist systom gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever Increasing measure
of misery and degradation.
The Interest of the working class lies ln the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, under which ls cloaked the robbery of the working-class
at the point of production. To accomplish this necessitates th*
transformation of capitalist property ln the ro°anR ot wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist
and the worker is rapidly culminating In a struggle for possession
of the power of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to
secure It by political action. This ls the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for the purpose of setting up snd enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property In the meaas of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mills, railroads etc.,) into the collective property of tha
working class. ,
2. The democratic organization and management of industry
by tbe workers.
8. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when In office, shall always and everywhere until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to
this question Its guiding rule of conduct: Wlll this legislation advance tha Interests of the working class and aid the workers ln ,
their class struggle against capitalism? If It wlll the Socialist
Party Is for It; If lt will not, the Socialist Party Is absolutely
opposed to It.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledge*
Itself to conduct all the public affairs placed In Its hands In such
a manner as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
The South half of District Lot 116, Burnaby,    2 V2
Blocks South of Hastings St. car line, Facing
Boundary    Road,
So Acres Divided into 90 foot Lots,      Will be on Sale
about MARCH J5
Prices reasonable.    1-5 Cash, balance in 6, 12, 18 and
24 mouths,    Exclusively by
41 Hasting St. E.      Phone 3391,      Vancouver, B.C.
Trade Mark*
Copvriqhts Ac.
Anyone lending ■ iketrti and dcecrlptlon m»»
aulcklf aacoruln our opinion free whethor en
InrniitVra Ie probably patelit«">L"k_.Conimiiiilcii.
tiimeitrlctlr eonOdenUiii. **""
lent free. Oldeet agency t
paten*flblfc„Com     ...
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I'm ante taken through Munn 4 Co. receive
ip-clel notice, without charge. In tbe
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A handeomelT Ulnetteted weekly. Iarrmt ch>
cola-Ion of anr MlenUSe Journal. Tenne '°'
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o »•""*•*"■• New York
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Dominion Trust Bldg.
neighbors,  send for a bundle of
"Robatchyf Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
50 c-nti 1 year
133 Stephen Si.        Wlnnlee*;, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label.
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Union-made Cigars. r _ .
3hi$ ttntlfir**. l*mom,mume>»kl-<M>aM'lWn**l
,muMaLmk**mia-mLeMlimv*»,>mv.. u*ym*m-t.-u--<«-id
■ro.«Ji-<aj»Ai«inw-«»iuunfcMiiw*iiKi*i*rf.   aim*-. 11
On, CW1 tt m -acbn ikM-at «• SS
Ull fitmi'm.mtlml'etUemkllmtlmiaml
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and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to'our office and we will send a man
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