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Western Clarion Apr 20, 1912

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I'lCK YiUR        oli-OU
The wages of the workers are paid
out of the proceeds of the sale of the
products of their own labor. Such
balance as may be left in tbe hands
of the employer after wageB are paid,
represents that portion of the laborer's time which he has been compelled to expend in the employer's
service and for which he receives no
payment or recompense. He produces his wages during a part of the
working day. The balance of the
day he works for the employer for
nothing. Out of the product of chattel slaves the slaves were fed, clothed,
etc., the balance was devoted to the
comfort and luxury of the master. The
slaves produced their own sustenance
and provided for the luxurious and expensive living of the master. The
labor expended for tbe latter purpose
was labor for which they received no
returns. During a certain portion of
his time the feudal serf produced sustenance for himself and family by
working upon a piece of land set aside
for his especial use. During the balance of his time he had to work for
his feudal lord for nothing. In this
way the lafter was supplied with all
the requisites of high living, without
any cost to himself. Tinder the wage
system the worker pays his own wages
during a part of the working time.
During the remainder he provides for
the rich living, and adds to the wealth
of the employer, by working for nothing.
In either case the result is the
same. A bare and narrow existence
for the slave; luxury, pomp and power
for the master. A civilization rotten
and corrupt to the core, because of
the poison of slavery that lurks in it's
No civilization can long withstand
the assault of time, that is based upon
human slavery. Just as chattel slavery and serfdom went to their doom,
so is capitalism, with its wage system
of slavery, now tottering to its grave.
It is too rotten and stenchful to be
longer tolerated by human kind. It
is a cursed nuisance that must be
abated in the interest of social peace,
well-being and decency. It is up to
the enslaved working class to do the
Reports from all parts of the United
States show that the two old parties
are being driven into one camp. In
dozens of towns the Republicans, Democrats, Independents and Prohibitionists have Joined forces to prevent the
Socialists from getting into municipal
offices, and have dismally failed. We
must all admit that if we can drive
our common enemy into one camp we
can show up the issue better.
The Issue ls between the working
clasB and the capitalist class, but when
a dozen different candidates are in the
field the Issue does not appear to be
clear to the average voter. Let us
co-operate and make the issue clear;
let as take every opportunity to drive
the Liberals and Conservatives Into
the same camp; let us take part ln
every election, municipal or otherwise;
let us, if need be, take part In three
fights In one year, municipal, provincial and Dominion. You say you have
nothing to fight for In a municipal
election. Apparently they have in the
states, and we also have an issue here
in Canada. Is your town council looking after the Interests of the working
clasB as they should? No? Then get
after them. What happens to your
propagandists? They get driven from
town to town. You can hardly keep a
good Bpeaker in your town unless he
is raid. Why not try and pay his salary from the cities' funds? i Most
locals are half asleep during the year
or so between elections. A municipal
election will keep the fight going.
Fight we must all time! And unless
we get into the municipal fight we cannot truthfully say we are working in
the interests of the working class.
The   "Liquor   Question",
each.   $4.00 per 100.
10  cents
Propaganda   Meeting
Sunday, April 21,8 p.m.
E. T. Kingsley
If the productive power of the individual was but sufficient to supply
himself with1 the bare necessities of
life, lt is clear there would be no motive to prompt his enslavement by
another. If, however, the productive
power of the Individual be more than
sufficient to supply his own needs,
the motive is afforded to prompt his
enslavement by another, who might,
perchance, have the power and opportunity to do so.
Not until the powers of production
bad been developed to the point
where lt was possible for the worker
to produce a surplus beyond bis own
actual requirements, was human
slavery possible. When 'this point
was reached lt not only became possible but inevitable. Slavery became
tbe order of the day and although its
outward garb has been changed from
time to time, in its real essence it
remains with us today even more
sweeping and drastic in Its consequences than in the days when the
conqueror brought home his captive
slaves at his chariot wheel.
Never were the world's tollers more
completely enslaved than now. Without title of ownership in the means
upon which they must depend for an
existence, they are absolutely' at the
disposal of tho class In present society that owns and controls the land
and instruments of production. They
are compelled by their necessities to
offer their services to these owners
and accept such terms as the circumstances of the slave market may
prompt those owners to offer. Even
under the most favorable conditions
for the slave he can successfully demand but little, if any, more for his
services than enough to keep bim in
fairly decent working order. Upon
the average the slaves cannot accumulate a surplus. They are, therefore,
always at the mercy of the master
class, a circumstance tbat this class
is by no means slow td take advantage
of upon every occasion.
In the Conquest of the State Lies the Hope of the
Working Class.
There are many individuals in the
working class today who are aware
that a change ls impending ln the
present form of society but who think
that tbe reforms introduced by the
parliaments of the world are leading
up to the co-operative commonwealth
and tbat this latter will come about
without the capture of tbe political
machine by the conscious action of the
workers. In the course of this article
it will be my endeavor to show tbat It
is only by conscious political action
that the workers can hope to free
themselves from wage slavery.
In early feudal times the serf with
the aid of his family produced the
largest part of his requirements. At
a later period it will be noted that
the work had become more subdivided
and parent and family devoted themselves to producing only particular
sets of articles, such as the carpenter
making chairs, tables, boxes, etc., the
spinner producing yarn and the weaver cloth and clotbing of various descriptions.
As this "division of labor" necessitated an exchange of products, there
had naturally come Into general use
the means of easily exchanging articles. From the earliest tlmeB there
had been exchange by means of direct
barter, but this was a clumsy and very
Inefficient method, and the growth of
population and greater specialization
of productive effort had forced society
to adopt a particular product as a
"medium of exchange." The objects
used for this purpose have varied considerably from time to time, the best
stead of being as we previously were,
merely Isolated units, but this applies
only on the industrial field and the
only weapon with which we can fight
in this sphere is that of the strike.
This weapon, too, is very inefficient
and for numerous reasons. In the
first place it is but a commodity struggle, a fight for more h§y and oats, an
attempt to corner tbe commodly
"labor-power" and that In a flooded
market. Supposing, however, the attempt Is successful and the price of
labor-power Ib raised, what have we
gained? The experiences of the past
few years show that this increase does
not keep pace with the cost of living,
which meanB constant strikes to maintain our level. But these strikes cost
money, not only do we lose according
to the number of days that we do not
work, but our savings, ln the shape of
union reserve funds, are diminished.
Another factor is that every strike
produces a reaction of some description. The owners look around for improved machinery to replace laborers;
the users of what the strikers produce
seek substitutes, and, worse still, the
purchasing power of the workers for
that particular period is diminished,
and many other things take place that
react to the Injury of the workers.
Tbere is also the fact tbat in raising
the price of labor power the workers
assist tbe bigger capitalistic concerns
in crushing their smaller competitors
and do not strengthen their own position in Industry; they still only have
the loan of a job. By this means the
capitalist class is concentrated and
better able to cope with recalcitrant
slaves.   Whilst we are generously aid-
Twenty-slx children, whose relatives
supposed that they were being given
an industrial training, were rescued
last night from what ls said to be a
"House of Torture," conducted by the
"Bev." J. H. Hudson In the name of
charity at 1749 Carroll avenue.
J. B. Kerr and George Oakley, detectives from the state'B attorney's offlce, raided the Hudson Orphans'
Home on complaint of Mrs. Hanna C.
Snowden and Miss Minnie Jones, juvenile officers who have been conducting an investigation of the place
since last January. What they reveal-
eded, they believe, will be enough to
convict Hudson on a charge of contributing to the dellpquency of the
According to tho Investigators the
chief purpose of the Institution was to
raise money for Hudson, who compelled the children to beg on the
streets all day and bring their "earnings" to him at night. By his own admission $50 was a poor day's profits.
Hudson later alleged that he was holding the money he got in this way ln
order to purchase the building and
grounds and dedlcato them solely to
Half-starved children told the officers a pitiful story of torture, beatings
and starvation. Meals were the exception to the rule. Por the slightest
offense children would be held up by
their thumbs and flogged. Big welts
were found on the bodies of many of |
the children, caused by the terrible
beatings they had received.—Chicago
The worker sells his labor-power
to the employer. He receives for it
a price that is determined by the
conditions of the labor market at the
time. If the market be well supplied
with laborers the price will rule low,
as the competition for Jobs will tend
to force it down. If laborers be
scarce the price will tend upward as
the competition for jobs will be lessened in consequence of this scarcity
of labor. The more powerful the
tools of production become the more
chronic becomes the overstocked conditions of the Jabor ' market, / The
smaller the number of workers required to carry on the process of production the greater the number continually forced Into the market as a
surplus from which the employers can
draw substitutes for sudh of their
workers an may be stubborn enough
to demand more wages.
known being copper, silver and -fln-Jl/Afng -» r-,i laem 0t their competitors,
they will permit us to withhold our
labor power for a season, but tbat object once accomplished, can they not
close down the mines, mills and factories and sit, wait and EAT until we
are starved into submission.
We must remember, too, that the
capitalist class always have at their
disposal a reserve army of labor to be
called upon wben occasion demands,
and it is impossible to organize a
hungry man. Owing to the concentration of the world's markets and consequent impossibility of disposing of the
ever-increasing surplus, this reserve
army of labor is rapidly'increasing and
the pressure of hunger will force them
to take any job that Is offered.
An instance of the Ineffectiveness of
the strike unaided by political action
is afforded us by the coal strike in
England. The miners there struck for
a minimum wage and their representatives demanded the insertion of a
schedule of wages. But what could 42
labor members do against 628 capitalist representatives whom the workers
had put there.
It is also well to bear in mind the,
words of England's prime minister
when Introducing this bill. I quote
from the "London Times" of March
20th. "Parliament would be justified,
If compelled to do so, which heaven
forbid, ln taking other measures to
defend the Industries of the people
against paralysis and starvation"; and
the Times goes on to say that he sat
down amid loud cheers. What does
this mean except that the government
would be prepared to protect those
who returned to work from molestation by the strikers.
Tha power of the capitalist class
then lies in these two things, the control of the government and the unemployed. It is impossible for us to get
the latter to forego the chance of a
job when on offers, but we con show
them that intelligent action on the
political field will enable them to obtain a livelihood. It is only by capturing tho political machine and guid
gold, which latter ls now practically
an universal standard.
As the need of having this medium
of exchange increased, lt naturally
brought a tremendous power to those
who were able to accumulate lt ln comparatively large quantities. Its owner was able to acquire possession of
any improved productive tools, and
by the use of them to obtain still more
economic power.
In the early days of the handicrafts
the individual owned the tools which
he worked, but as the size of these
tools increased and consequently the
amount of labor time for producing
them, lt became Impossible for any but
the rich to own them. For instance,
the use of the steam engine made lt
possible to transport at least the same
quantity of articles from place to place
as a given number of horses could before, but, whereas these horses were
formerly owned by perhaps an equal
number of persons, the latter could
not own a steam engine individually,
as they would not possess enough
money with which to buy one. But
even supposing they had sufficient of
the "medium of exchange," the state
of the market would not warrant as
largo a number of Bteam engines as
there were horseB previously and consequently some of the people would
have to go out of business.
By applying the example to other
modeB of production it wlll readily he
seen that the worker has gradually
been divorced from the ownership of
the tools he uses. There Is, however,
another factor In this connection to he
considered, namely that as these
things became predominant in the field
of production they displaced those older institutions which flourished under
previous methods of obtaining a livelihood. The more extended the division of labor, the less able was the
feudal system to cope with the problems and the less was Its power. As
money became more essential so the
feudal lords became more dependent
upon  its  owners  until  at  last  their
power   was    completely    undermined .g ;t a,ong our own road ,hat we can
and they had to make way for the
rising capitalists.
It will be seen from thlB that the
growth of the capitalists' power was
due much more to economic development than to the control of the political machine.
With the working class today, the
only class that can depose the capitalist class, things are completely differ-
I ent. Instead of the monetary power
| playing into our hands, the very re-
verso Ib the case, for, as a class, we
are constantly becoming poorer. It
is true that the persistent concentra
tion of industry is constantly organizing us into a sdlid industrial body in
free ourselves.
This is the task the Socialists have
set themselves to accomplish and they
refuse to be turned back. In order to
succeed in this we need all the help
obtainable, and it is up to each one
who understands the clasB struggle to
get into the movement and take their
little part In the greatest struggle the
world has ever known. Reader, this
is your fight as well as our light, and
you must act, complementary to the
evolutionary forces, to bring about the
downfall of the s;ystem that ruins
your manhood and makes you the
chattel of the master class.
Under tho head of the "Trend of
Events," the Cleveland Citizen issues
the following warning:
A condition that we warned the
workers upon several occasions to be
prepared to meet is now In process of
And history is again repeating itself.
If certain interests could have their
way we would be ln for another period
of religious wrangling ln order to divert the attention of tbe people from
the great economic and political problems tbat are pressing for solution.
; New York newspapers report the organization of the "Guardians of Liberty," which, like the American Protective Association a score of years
ago, is to bend all Us efforts to prevent
the selection and appointment of Ro
man Catholics to public positions.
General Nelson A. Miles and other
distinguished patriots are said to be
active in the work of spreading the
"Guardians of Liberty" into every part
of the country, and tt ls predicted that
converts by the thousands wlll soon be
rushing into the new organization to
save the country from being gobbled
up bodily by the old man on the Tiber.
Prior to the Civil War, when the
slavery question was being agitated,
religious fanaticism was injected into
the pending discussion and strenuous
efforts were made to set the Catholics
and Free Masons and other elements
at each other's throats,
bor were becoming a mighty force,
their progress was hampered, and finally checked by tbe insidious hints and
whispering that Powderly and other
officials were ln the employ of the
Pope. These suspicions and the
boodle politics that crept into the order nearly everywhere soon resulted
ln disrupting and disintegrating that
once promising organization.
In the '90's the A. P. A. became the
craze, blocked the progress of the
American Federation of Labor to a
large extent, and aided materially in
destroying the Populist movement. Indeed, a prominent official of the National Civic Federation has made the
boast publicly tbat when tbe Populist
of Kansas and other western states
threatened the money power, he went
among them and started a religious
fight, with the result that the People's
party was demolished by Internal dissensions.
A year ago last November, in St.
Loouis, certain Catholic workers formed an organization called the Militia of
Christ, and about six months ago the
Men and Religion Forward Movement
was launched by Protestant preachers
and unionists. Now come the "Guardians of Liberty" to assist ln stirring
the religlo-polltical pot.
Throughout its existence of twenty-
one years the Citizen has consistently
refrained from engaging in religious
controversies and discouraged its
readers and correspondents from participating in such discussions. Religious contentions are aa old as the
world and wlll likely continue for
some years to come, although we believe less bitterly sb Intelligence increases ami superstition disappears.
We are unconcerned whether a man
is a Protestant, Catholic, Jew, Mo-
hamedan or any other believer or non-
believer respecting religious matters;
but we are concerned In every movement that tends to uplift humanity and
to make life worth living while we
are here on earth—we are concerned
In the questions of abolishing poverty
and all Its attendant evils and lo establish freedom and justice for all
Wc know that those are lhe ideals
for which tho organizations of the
workers, Industrial and pollilcal, are
striving, and therefore, we caution
them to beware of Ihe sinister
schemes that are being concocted by
the privileged few to incite religious
quarrels for the purpose of once more
blocking progress and lnaugurattlng a
period of reaction.
The robber classes in all ages used a
religious cloak when necessary to cover their villainies and perpetuate their
power. The robber class of to-day,
knowing there Is world-wide dissatisfaction with Its barbarous and unjust
rule, will attempt to utilize all the
means within its reach to divide lhe
people Into warring camps to prolong
its reign.
But this latest effort is doomed to
failure. Religious prejudices have
softened and nre rapidly disappearing.
If the capitalists and their hangers-
on want a light over religious ques
lions, let them do the light Ing. The
workers will keep hands off and continue ln their own way to struggle lo
replace the present rule of gold with
the golden rule.—Miners' Magazine.
The Toronto Trades and Labor
Council is appealing to the working-
men of the Dominion and of the
United States to come to the financial
assistance of the 1,100 locked out cloak
makers and garment workers formerly employed ln the T. Eaton company
The workers received an ultimatum
that they must do the new work as
ordered and without arbitration or conference, or else at once leave the factory, where for many years they had
contributed to the success of this firm
and tbe industry. When the workera
asked for an hour's grace to consider
this choice offered to them, they were
granted five minutes and then driven
roughly out of the factory by the police.
This firm for whom their underpaid
employees have largely contributed to
its success, has systematically, persistently and (with the most oppressive
methods opposed any attempt on the
part of their employees or organized
labor to obtain tbe least concession of
their rights, whereas the right for collective bargaining has already been
acknowledged either directly or indirectly by a large number of employers.
The T. Eaton company is one of the
minority who have remained obdurate
and holding with ferocious bulldog tenacity and any attempt on the part bf
an employee to so much aa dare td protest was met with instant dismissal.
Ih short, discrimination, intimidation
and subjection to the worst prison-like
system has been and is the predominant rule of this firm.
The report of the conciliation committee follows:
"We have conferred with Rabbi Jacobs, Magistrate Cohen and Mayor
Geary, with the hope that they might
arrange a conference for us with some
representative of the firm of T. Eaton
& Company, Ltd, However, Rabbi Jacobs, after consulting a member of the
firm, reported to ub that it was hopeless to try to get a conference unless
we would flrst agree to do the work exactly as ordered on February 7th, and
then further agree to sign a statement
that the previous statement of the
causes of the strike, issued by us, was
false In every particular; that the
statements made in our behalf by the
committee from the trades and labor
council were entirely false, and that
we regret all that has happened to
hurt Mr. Eaton's feelings, and beg him
to take us back to work without any
concessions whatever."
The stories of injustice and suffering told by tho locked-out workers
from the so-called "model" factory of
the "King of Canada" came as a great
shock to the public after the pious pretensions of the T. Eaton firm. Frail
children of fourteen years have worked from 8:00 a.m. to 9:00 p.m.; young
girls on starvation wages have been
subjected to gross insults and temptations from foreman and examiners;
homo work was common, and workers
were forced to do it at night after long
hours in the factory; graft was rife;
where employees had to pay for a
chance to earn a living wage; the
much-bragged of Saturday half-holiday
was only a dream, during busy seasons, for tired little girls; the boasted
sanitary conditions leave much to be
desired in tho way of suitable washrooms, lockers for wraps, etc., etc.
Wraps from all sorts and conditions of
homes are today hanging packed together so that vermin and disease
from the miserable homes of foreign
immigrants are passed on to the clothing of the most delicate daughter of
refined parents. It ls quite plain that
Mr. J. C. Eaton is not tho sort of king
who can "do no wrong."
The Minister of Militia Ib spending
over $8,000,000 for military purposes
and out of that he Is spending $800,-
000 as pay to the men whom he wants
to train. He is giving to the man
who ls going to shoulder tho musket
when trouble comes, including noncommissioned officers, $800,000 in lhe
way of pay.
Every Sunday Evening
Empress Theatre PAGE TWO
Published every Saturday by the Socialist Party of Canada at the office of
the Western Clarion, Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St., Vancouver, B. C.
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B. C.
they are virtually Siamese twins,
like Chary and Eng, held together by
the nexus of the present systems of
property, which will admit of no other
relationship. That which would dispense with one, would also dispense
with the other. The triumph of the
proletariat conquering the capitalist
state will break that nexus and then
"rigor mortis" in oblivion for the pair
of them.
f?|?et—Watch the label on your paper. If
W* this number is on it, your sub-
■orlptlon   expires   the  next  issue.
The funnctions of capital is to bring
to its owner—the capitalist—profit.
Ask of any capitalist why be makes an
investment, and he will answer because he expects to reap *& profit thereby. The dullest one in the last analysis
is not so stupid as to invest the means
at bis command in any venture that
he knew to be a losing one. He would
realize that to do so would nullify tbe
legitimate purpose of an investment
and strip from him the garb of capitalist. Hence, unless bis capital successfully performed its true function
of bringing him profit it would be but
a matter of time until he would find
himself in the ranks of the non-capitalists. Though he might still remain in
undisputed possession and ownership
of a means of production, say for instance, a factory, he would have lost
his position as capitalist, because his
holdings of property could no longer
be used as a medium through which
the function of capitalist, i.e., to make
profit, could be expressed. Were it
even possible for him to turn to and
operate his factory by his own labor,
the output would accrue to him, not
as profit upon his investment, but
merely as a return for his own labor
expended in Its operation.
It may be seen from this that the
means of production though nominally
appearing under certain circumstances
as capital, are not ln themselves capital. Under such circumstances they
afford a medium through which, or by
performing its profit-making function
ln the scheme of things. With such
circumstances lacking, capital vanishes. The Capitalist depends for his profit upon the labor of those who, perforce, depend upon his property in the
means of production for their living.
By purchasing the labor-power of such,
as a commodity in the market, and
utilizing it in the operation of his instruments of production, our capitalist finds himself in possession of whatever volume of wealth may result from
the expenditures of this labor-power.
Under such circumstances the labor-
power of the workman can be converted Into the food, etc., necessary to perpetuate his existence, only by selling it
to the capitalist. Out of the wealth
produced by Its expenditure the capitalist recovers the cost of this labor-
power and retains the balance as a
profit. His ownership of the means of
production upon which the workmen
depend for their existence affords a
medium by which the wealth they produce passes Into the hands of tho Capitalist. By this means capital performs the function of gathering profit from the toll and sweat of wealth
producers—the workers.
Capital, then, It will he readily seen,
merely expresses the relationship existing between exploiter and exploited—between miiBter and Blave. The
present form of ownership establishes this relationship and makes ItB expression, not only possible, but Inevitable.
With the ownership and control of
the means of production transferred
from the capitalists, to society, as a
whole, this relationship would be diB-
troyed, because the medium through
which it is expressed—capitalist property—would no longer exist. Capital
would vanish, though the means of production remained intact and still at
the service of mankind. The capital
1st stripped of his power to exploit
his fellows, would become merely an
individual member of society, with the
same rights and duties as the rest.
The Socialists wage war against
Capital, not against Capitalists as individuals. Doth Capitalist and wage-
slave are legitimate creatures of the
present system of property in the
means of production. They are not
responsible for the system, but are a
part and parcel of it.
So long as the means of production,
upon which all depend for their existence and which, by reason of the
gigantic and complicated nature of the
instruments in vogue can only be operated co-operatively, remain the property of a part of society, the capitalist and wage-slave will remain with us.
As the one exists by virtue of the other
By the time this goes to press an
other election will be over, and, from
all Indications, the Conservatives will
be again returned to power.
Now is time, Mr. Workingman, to
file away for future reference some
of the hlgh-falutln' speeches made and
promises given by the various candidates during the last two weeks.
Better times (could they be worse?),
lots of jobs, good wages, all the old
election guff has been handed to you
by the capitalist candidates. We, the
Reds, have done our best to waken
you to your own true interests, have
shown you the fallacies, and at times
wilful misrepresentations contained in
the old parties' speeches. If you memorize Bome of these fine promises I
think that they should prove a great
comfort to you next winter when you
are riding the guts of an old rattler,
and the mercury is down at zero, and
your last square meal is only a memory, and you're hunting a job, and the
blamed thing is so skeery you can't
catch up to it. It should, I repeat, be
a great comfort and help to you to
be able to repeat to yourself a bunch
of many inspiring words spouted forth
prior to this election when the capitalist candidate was after your vote
And then when you recall the present
to your mind, hungry, tired, dirty,
ragged, homeless and a tramp, I am
sure that the fact that you voted for
good old So-and-So who has represented the working people so faithfully as
Conservative or Liberal member for
so many years, will warm you and
feed you, etc.
If you who read this are such a
one, to you I say, "Good enough for
you." I only hope that one of the
shacks will take a notion to frisk the
train and pull you out from under and
apply boot grease to the seat of your
pants, and that the first bull who runs
across you will throw you in and incidentally beat the can off you. And
then the beak will hand you 60 days
for vagrancy. Perhaps during those 60
days you will have time to dope it
out that it Is coming to you, and then
maybe the next time before you step
up to the polling booth, you will find
out who is the man that represents
your interests and will poll right for
the worklngman's representative, the
Socialist candidate, and influence as
many of your chums as you can to do
likewise, for if enough are swung into
line it means no more riding rods, no
more dinner bells without dinner, no
more pan-handling side streets, no
more paying employment Bharks to
give you a job, but work for all, food
for all, leisure for all, home for all.
How so?,you say. Read your Western Clarion through and you will learn.
The story has been told bo often and
bo simply that yours seems a foolish
question. One word more. The capitalist partleB, Conservative or Liberal,
will not help you. The most they will
do is, If driven too far, Ib to throw
you a sop to keep you quiet. The only
real, genuine, all wool and a yard wide
help you can get is what you do for
yourself. Vote right and talk right.
Vote Red and talk Red. Vote Socialist and talk Socialist.
Christ entertain the opinion that the
ligion which they wear to hide their in-
vlsion of the working class will be un-
famous hypocrisy. The brazen au-
able to penetrate the masks of re-
dacity of perverts who prostitute religion to secure "the mess of pottage"
is an insult to intelligent men in the
labor movement, who know that any
society, institution or organization
that Ib financed by powerful mercenaries Ib but another plot In the conspiracy of Capitalism, to put labor
asleep and prolong the regime of an
exploiting system that has almost beggared the human race.
If such men as Stelzle, Robblns and
other "friends of labor," who are now
preaching under the Christian flag unfurled by Morgan & Co., are loyal to
truth and honor, then immediate steps
should be taken to canonize Judas as
a saint.—Miners' Magazine.
Socialism is the workers' hope—the
salvation of the world. Get a move
along the lines of progress, and organize to materialise the social revolution. Production is social; ownership, sectional. Therein lies the anomaly of present-day economics. Ab
production is social, ownership must
become social. When that is achieved
the social revolution, the change from
capitalist class ownership and pro
duction for profit to collective ownership and production for use will be
The Rev. Charles Stelzle has become
a spouter under the auspices of the
Men and Religion Forward Movement.
The sanctified and righteous Charles,
who for a number of years has posed
aB a "friend of labcr," opened his campaign in Memphis and spoke of the
many blessings that flow from the re-
lllglous cyclone that was now sweeping over the country, linanced by Big
A significant thing in connection
with the address of Stelzle at Memphis was the fact that a banker was
the chairman of the meeting.
It would be Bomewhat difficult for
any honest man to picture Christ
preaching to the multitude with a Shy-
lock presiding as chairman. But
Stelzle, with the hairless dome and
full moon face, felt honored by the
presence of such a dignified gentleman
as a coupon-clipper, lending his personal appearance to a rellgiouB revival that is heralded as a movement
that la destined to bring about the
dawn of a better day and make brothers out of masters and slaves.
The duplicity of this Men and Religion Forward Movement is as deceptive and as treacherous as the conspirators who launched the Boy
Scouts, and both movements have
been backed by the multi-millionaires
of a continent.
Tho Carpenter of Nazareth, it Is
said, chased the money changers Out
of the temple, but Stelzle and the vast
majority of pulpit expounders of modern times feel elated when a bloated
financier presides at a religious meeting, and  these mlsrepresentatlves of
The following Ib submitted, with the
necessary respect to all comrades interested in the abolition of the "wage
system," as the humble opinion of one
who, on good authority, considers that
the policy of the S. P. of C. hitherto
followed, viz., "education wlithout any
serious attempts at organization"; at
the present time, especially in the
more populated districts, Ib seriously
out of date, proof of which is staring,
he who can see, everywhere in the
Years ago when the population was
always floating, and the Canadian proletariat was mainly constituted of fortune seekers, any serious attempt at
organization was predestined to fail.
So the S. P. of C. did all it could do
under the said circumstances, and
waged a campaign of education to the
extent of its energy and its indeed
limited means.
In many parts of the west education to a very small degree is what
the Party is limited to, even today,
but even those places would greatly
benefit by the more thorough organization of the Party as a whole. The
Party as constituted today ls an organism—if it deserves the name—the
different parts of which, instead of
working harmoniously towards the desired goal, "the abolition of the wage
system," are constantly in conflict
as to ways and means, thereby actually retarding its growth. Now to those
comrades who will perhaps sneerlng-
ly remark, "another unity freak," be
of good cheer, this is no such an attempt, although unity at any time is
eminently desired, non-uniters notwithstanding.
The platform and manifesto of the
S. P. of C. are the right stuff, nearly
as good as some of tbe European Parties, many of whose manifestoes alone
are a veritable proletarian education,
containing such a thorough analysis
of the capitalist system of production,
aB would make some of these r-r-revo-
lutlonists green with envy, especially
those, while knowing little or nothing,
regarding the there obtaining conditions, which necessitate certain actions, pass the most absurd of criticism as regards the reform character
of those Parties.
But to resume. Even to the most
casual observer among the Party membership, lt must by this time be glaringly apparent, that besides education,
organization Ib not only in order, but
absolutely essential to the further
growth and development of the Party,
and besldeB, we are ln the field as a
political organization, and as such
have only attained to the level of the
Liberal or Tory, by our activity during elections, barring, of course, some
of the methods they pursue. Again,
the fact that we are a political party
should force on us the realization that
we are badly ln need of a compact and
thoroughgoing organization, not only
at election time, but the year round,
based on the class struggle, and organized for the abolition of the class
ownership of the means of productivity. Ab it ls at present, there Ib only
a spasmodic attempt at the systematic distribution of literature at election time, and the party members, being Imbued with that spirit, on which
they have been spoonfed as lt were by
the party literature, respond only to a
very limited degree indeed, when called upon to do the work ln connection
with the said distribution. It must,
however, not be misunderstood, that
to organize, to abolish a certain system, necessarily means estranging
yourself from the militant organized
proletariat. Not by any means. Those
demands of the workers neceBsary to
maintain or create a decent standard
of living, as well aB the question of
hours and protection of life and limb,
all of which cannot be denied, are
necessary to the workers' existence,
and which the worker both as an in
dividual unit and a social whole, shall
risk his life to enforce; all of these, I
say, must be here and everywhere
voiced by the political representatives
of the workers in the houses of parliament.
Now, such betterments of the workers' condition when effected, though
being inadequate and real improvement well nigh impossible so long as
the capitalist system exists, the fact
that they MUST BE GAINED, or the
worker will perish, meads that such(
measures do not necessarily conflict
with the uncompromising revolutionary attitude ot the Party. Such and
similar points demand the most serious consideration, now that the Parly
Is entering into, not the so-called practical politics, but the political arena,
the only place where the class struggle can he fought with effect, and the*
workers would do well to have a care
whom it chooses to champion its principles, and inaugurate the REAL
All this talk regarding the fighT"on
the economic field is mere piffle, and
while those who neglect their opportunity to assert their manhood on the
political field, are practically committing suicide; they deserve no more
rebuke than those at the other extremity, who expect, when elected, to
run a mere campaign of obstruction or
ignore (?) the opposition, all of which
may serve for the amusement of said
individual, but is entirely outside oi
the sphere of activity of a parliamentary fraction of the proletariat except
when occasion demands.
[1 Socialist   Party   Directory
Socialist Party of Canada, meets second and fourth Monday. Secretary,
B. T. Klngsley, Labor Temple, Dunsmulr  St..  Vancouver,  B.  C.
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada, meets second and fourth
Mondays in .nonth at Labor Temple,
Dunsmulr St. E. T. Kingsley, Secretary.
Socialist Party of Canada, meets every alternate Tuesday, at 429 Eighth
Ave. East. Frank Danby, secretary,
Box 647, Calgary.
Committee: Notice—This card Ib inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested In the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so If you aro
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
Secretary, J. D. Houston, 493 Furby
St.,  Winnipeg.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays ln the Cape Breton office of the
Party, Commersial Street, Olace Bay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Rox
49t, Olace Bay, N. S.
Headquarters, Room 206 Labor Temple.
Dunsmulr Street. Business meeting
every 2nd and 4th Friday in the month".
Reading room open every day. Socialist and Labor papers of all countries
on file.    Secretary, S. Lefeaux.
8. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Oreenwood.
Visiting Comrades Invited to call. C.
Primerlle, Secretary.
LOOAX    FEBNIB.   8.   F.   of   C,    HOLS
holds educational meetings In the
Miners Union Hnll every Sunday at
7:30. Business meeting first Monday
In each month. 7:30 p. m. Economic
class every Sunday afternoon at 2:30.
H. Wllmer, secretary, Box 380.
—.« ' ' ■' . —
meets ln MinerB' Hall every Sunday at
7:10 p.m. E. Campbell, Secretary, P.O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
moots tn Flnlaaders' Hall, Sundaya at
T:S0 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O
Box 64, Rossland.
S. P. of C.—Business meeting every
first Sunday of the month and propaganda meeting every third Sunday.
Free word for every body, at 512 Cordova Street East, 2 p. m. Secretary,
Ad  Kreekls.
LOCAL   VANCOUVER,   B.    C.,    SO.    4i,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 22S7
Main Street.    Secretary, Wm. Mynttl.
Business meeting every Tuesday evening at Headquarters, 213 Hastings St.
East. J. A. Maedonald, secretary, 1724
Alberni St.
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.'   •'.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on tha flrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at t.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendenuing, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
Information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M.  W. of A.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business aud propaganda meetlnga
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading ruom is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organiser,  W.   Stephenson.
of C.—Business meeting every Saturday evening at 8 o'clock at the headquarters. 429 Eighth Ave. East, between Third and Fourth streets. F.
Tipping, Secretary.
•very Sunday, Trades Hall, > p.m.
Business meeting, second Friday, I
p.m., Trades Hall. B. Simmons, secretary. 1909 Garnet St., P.O. Box 1046.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Itossar, Ave. Propaganda mooting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Monday* at I
p.m.; ecoaomlc claas, Friday at I p.m.
Secretary, T. Mellalieu, 144 Third St.,
Brandon, Man.
A good many cherished delusions
have been knocked on the head lately
throughout the northweBt.
First the unemployed in Vancouver
got a glimpse of the real meaning of
government, to their exceeding sorrow. Now the millhands of Gray's
Harbor, having had the temerity to
quit work and demand more pay, are
getting theirs. Wholesale arrests and
deportations are taking place, the militia is held in readiness, in case the
local and imported thugs can't manage to cow the rebels.
One of the American's cherished beliefs has been that he could always
do as he pleased and when be pleased,
for this was God's country. However,
in this case strikers were rounded up
at the point of the gun by the respectable Christian businessmen of the
town, and given the choice of going
back tc work or being loaded on boxcars and sent out of town. Where
now is our boasted rights to "life, liberty-and the pursuit of happiness?"
Not in Gray's Harbor at any rate.
Many eyes are now being opened
to tho real purpose of the militia, the
press and the rest of the dirty capitalist  institutions.
The press refers with gusto to the
way, the determined way, the citiens
of the towns involved handled the situation. If the I. W. W. were to turn
round and use the same methods, we
Bhould be treated to horrifying accounts of the bloodthirsty anarchists
and their ways, as even now they
refer to the strikers as being only
ignorant foreigners, a fact entirely
lost sight of while they slaved in content.
Truly, tbe American capitalist is at
heart a patriot. He will, in cases of
necessity, as at present, help out his
humble fellow countrymen, as witness the cry going forth for Americans: "Married men with families
preferred," to work in the mills. What
a touching instance of devotion to the
country and its free citizens. And oh,
what a lesson ln economic determinism to readers, if they wlll but read
Tho lines are drawing close in this
country. The thin line of demarcation between Democrat and Republican Is being obliterated ln many places
and the Issue drawn clearly. The
working claBs vs. the masters. That
is what we all want. It ls what the
comrades in British Columbia are facing now, if they would only wake up
to the fact and get down to the brass
tacks of the fight for power.
A few figures from the Seattle campaign may be interesting. Hall meetings held before primaries, 44; after
primaries, 20; total, 64. Collections
at meetings, $1,105. Handbills for
halls, 70,000; 285,000 advisory ballotB
(these being necessary through nonpartisan law), 200,000 copies of Voice
distributed, 2,000 women's leaflets and
Bcveral hundred pamphlets. And It
wlll bear fruit in the near future, and
why should not British Columbia come
ahead, too? ThlB can be done by
working for it, not before.
(To Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to start Local) $5.00
Membership  Cards,  each 01
Dues Stamps, each 10
Platform   and   application   blank
per 100   28
Ditto In Finnish, per 100 60
Ditto In Ukranian, per 100 BO
Constitutions, each   20
Ditto, Finnish, par dozen 50
LOCAL MICBCRL, ***. O., NO. 18, B. T.
ot C, holds propaganda meetings
overy Sunday afterm-on at 2:10 p.m. In
Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation Is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the firsi'
and third Sundays of each month at
10:39 a.m. ln tho same hall. l'urty
organisers take notice. A. S. Julian,
LOCAL  NELSON,   S.   T.   of  C,   MBBTS
evory Friday evening at 8 pm., in
Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin,  Secretary.
S. P. of C„ meets every Sunday in
hall tn Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.tn.    I..  H. Gorham.  Secretary.
S. P. of C. Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month. B. F. Gayman, Secretary     	
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
In the Sandon Miners' Unior Hall
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K. Sandon. B. C.
8. P. of C. Meets first and third Sundays ln the month, at 4 p.m., ta
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chao. Peacock,   Box  1981.
OF C.—Propaganda meetings ovary
Sunday, 7:30 p. in., tn tne Trades Hall.
Economic Class every Sunday, I p.m.
D. McMillan, Sec. Treas., South Hill
P. O., Sask.; A. Stewart, Organiser,
South Hill P. O., Sask. All slaves wol-
B. T. OF C—Headquarters 628% Mall-
Street. Winnipeg, room 2, next Dreamland Theatre. Business meeting evory
Sunday morning, at 11; economic class
Wednesdays, at 8 p. m. Secretary's
address, 270 Young Street. Propaganda meeting every Sunday evening
tn Dreamland Theatre, Main Street, »t
8  o'clock.     Discussion  Invited.
LOCAL  OTTAWA,  NO.  8,  B. P.  of O.—
Business meetings the first Sunday ln
the month tit 3 o'clock p.m. at headquarters. Secretary, Sam Horwlth.
Headquarters, 36 1-2 Rideau Street.
Phone 277. Address, 322 Gladstone
Headquarters and reading room, 1319
Government St., Room 2, over Collis-
ter's gun store. Business meeting every Tuesday, 8 p.m. Propaganda meeting every Sunday, 8 p.m., at Crystal
No. 61, meets every Friday night at
8 p.m. In Public Library Room. Jobs
Mclnnls, Secretary; Andrew Allan,
Business meeting every Sunday, 10:30
a.m. Economic Class held twice each
Thursday, 10:30 n.m. (for afternoon
shift), 8 p.m. (for morning shift). Propaganda met-ting every .Sunday 3 p.m.
Headquarters: Socialist Hull, opposite
post office. Financial Secretary Thomas Carney. Corresponding Secretary,
Joseph Naylor.
LOCAL OLACE BAT, No. 1 OF MARITIME—Headquarters ln Rukastn
Block, Commercial St. Open every
evening. Business and propaganda
meeting at headquarters every Thursday at 8 p. m. Alfred Nash, secretary.
Box IBS; Harold G. Ross, organizer,
Box GOB.
LOCAL    SIDNEY    MINES    NO.    7,    Of
Nova Scotia.—Business and propaganda meetings every second Monday
at 7:30 in the S. O. B. T. Hall back
of Town Hall. Wil'lam Allen, Secretary, Box 344. 	
TION of the S. P. of C, Is organized
for the purpose of educating tho
Ukralnenn workers to the revolutionary principles of this party. The
Ukranlan Federation publish their own
weekly organ, "Nova Hromada" (New
Society), at 443 Klnistino Ave., Edmonton, Alta. English comrades desiring information re the Federation,
write to J.  Senuk, Fin.  Secretary.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegience to and support of the principles and program of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist elass. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
thoir control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling stream
of profits, and to ths worker an ever-increasing measure of misery and
Tha interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wag*
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working claw at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation
of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective
or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating ina struggle for possession ef tha
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class straggle.
Therefore, w* call upon all workers to organix* under th* banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with tha object of conquering th*
public powers for th* purpose of setting up and enforcing th* economic
program of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property
in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills,
railroads, etc.) into th* collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
th* workers.
3. Th* ***»blishm*nt, as speedily as possible, of production for
us* instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance tha interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their elass struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party is for it; if it will not, th*
Socialist Part yis absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledge* itself
to conduct all th public affairs placed in its hands in such a manntr
as to promote the interests of the working elass alone.
5   Yearlies - -
- $3.75
10 1-2 Yearlies -
-   4.00
20 Quarterlies -
-   4.00 8ATURDAY, APRIL 20, 1912.
Everett, Wasji., March 31, 1912.
The Western Clarion:
Dear Comrade,—Enclosed please
find 20 cents (coin), for which please
send two copies of the Manifesto of
S. P. of C.
Saw a copy of it yesterday and made
up my mind at once that no Socialist
had ought to be without such a clear-
cut exposition of Socialist fundamentals.
And say, by the way, If praise is
any satisfaction to you, according to
my way of thinking, the Clarion is the
best publication in tho field for the
propagation of scientific Socialism. I
get everthlng from the Commonwealth
exchange, but the Clarion meets my
highest appreciation. When my sub
scription expires I have $1.00 waiting
for a renewal.
Yours for the revolution,
Meeting April 9, 1912. Comrade Tip
ping in the chair.
Comrades Mr. and Mrs. Anderson.
Smart, Tipping and the Secretary were
Correspondence was read and dealt
with from Camrose, Kingsbury, Diamond City and Locals Bellevue and
South Raven.
The Secretary, Comrade Danby, tendered his   resignation   as   secretary,
which was accepted and Comrade Anderson was elected to succeed him.
Balance on hand  $40.55
Local So. Raven, due stamps     2.00
Crawford Bay, B. C, April 8, '12.
Dear Comrade,—Local Crawford Bay
leld its flrst business meeting on Sun-
ay, April 7th. Officers were elected
ar the current year as follows: Or-
anizer, Geo. Zimmer; secretary, J. E.
lcGregor, and treasurer, Wm. Bay-
Iss. It was decided that, for the sum-
ler months, business meetings would
e hel<1 once a month.
Yours in revolt,
The Western Clarion is owned and
ontrolled by the Socialist Party of
lanada. If you are a subscriber you
re also owner, and as an owner you
hould certainly help in building up
he circulation. Thousands of immi-
;rants are now pouring into this coun-
ry from the British Isles and surely
'ou can locate them, give them your
ild Clarion to read and then hit them
ip for a subscription.
Here are the sub. hustlers for the
x>cal  Fennell Hall,  Forrest  Hall,
Sask  20
{.■ Paterson, Winnipeg, Man  6
F. Orchard, Kamloops, B. C  4
J. Hunt, Fiske, Sask  4
il. Lightstone, Calgary, Alta  3
Johnstone,  Montreal  3
A. Larson, Richard, Sask  2
V. Gribble, Cumberland, B. C  2
V. Stewart, Moose Jaw, Sask  2
diss Mushkat, Coleman, Alta...,. 2
June,  Petone, New Zealand... 2
. Watson, Winnipeg, Man  2
V. Green, Toronto, Ont  2
J. Powers, Grief Point, B. C; C.
'ederson, Hazel Bluff, Alta.; A. Mc-
)onald, City; J. Cochrane, City; H.
Jalgleish, Victoria; T. M. Brown,
Vhlte Bluff, Wash.; H. Laidlaw, Win-
ilpeg; B. Peake, Winnipeg; S. Gage,
Vinnlpeg; Wm. McQuold, Edmonton,
ilta.;  H. N. Coursier, Revelstoke; T
. Dunne, Arrowhead, B. C.
Alex. Taylor, Toronto, 5; Pit Bohln-
hik,  Lille, Alta.,  5;   C.  F. Orchard,
Camloops, B. C, 5.
Total    .'. $42.55
F. Danby for postage  % 2.16
F. Danby for books   21.08
Balance on hand   19.31
class and recognizing what forced
them there, will make a noise quite
out of proportion vto their numbers.
However, the bulk of the dispossessed middle class will not enquire
deeply enough into matters to realize
the forces that are at play and will
form themselves into a number of
sections of protest and reform, according to their several degrees of intelligence, or lack thereof. These reform
parties, at times of no inconsiderable
numerical strength, recognizing that
today they are unable to capture the
political power in the world struggle
permitting police regulations to be
broken, told them they must register
at the clinic before tbey could work
ln her house.
Physicians who see, day in and day
out, the patients of clinics, soon learn
to know the women who belong. A
new face and a manner bespeaking
ignorance of the ways of the life are
detected in a minute. When these
girls applied for the bill of health
which is necessary to the trade, the
doctor talked with them and reported
to the superintendent his belief that
the girls were lust starting and might
now well under way, will make ad- be saved. He took the girls to Mb
vances to both the large factions in' private office and talked it over with
human society; some to one side o. them anTl he learned their whole plti-
the  fence,  others  to  the  other, and ful story.
Total    $42..55
whichever side—be it capitalist or
proletariat—that opens its doors to
them will have admitted to Its own
ranks the cause of chronic indigestion
and verbal diarrhoea. We of the class-
conscious proletariat have no compromise to make with anybody or anything under the capitalist Bystem.
We belong to the working class who
do not own the means ot life, to which
Eagerly they both grasped at the
offer of help, and today they are In a
local hospital training for a profession
in which they will have the opportun
lty to reduce the sum total of human
misery instead of increasing it.
During the Christmas rush these
girls worked in a local department
store. In the days of retrenchment
which followed they lost their' post-
A bill proposing to tax out of ex
lstence the use of poisonouB white
phosphorous in the manufacture of
matches has passed the American
House of Representatives. The Democrats voted against It, Including Henry
George, Jr., son of the famous single
• •   •
The Australian (Labor) government
are imposing a fine of $500 on every
father who refuses to let his son serve
in 'he army.
• *   *
The mayor and five city officials
were elected on the Socialist ticket
against a fusion ticket in Liberal Missouri,
* *   *
Socialists elected the mayor and
seven officials in FraBer, Iowa.
* • ■ •
Sir William Ramsay has suggested
the possibility of converting all coal
underground into gas and doing away
with coal smoke and mining.
Dedicated to Capitalism, you can
fool some of the people all the time.
You can fool all the people some of
the time, but you can't fool all the
people all the time.
A trial has just taken place in Russian Poland at which twenty-five people accused of being members of the
Polish Socialist party were condemned
to terms of hard labor varying from
two to eight years, and twenty-three to
exile in Siberia. Only two were acquitted.
we must have accesB In order to live, tlons.   Seeking work, they went from
We are not allowed to work and pro- one store to another, always without
duce those things necessary to our ex
lstence unless there ls a profit in so
doing for the capitalist class.
We are Blaves because we are compelled to work for thoBe who own the
means of life.
We are a miserable bunch of slaves
because we produce all the values in
the world and receive in return, providing we can find a job, only a bare
We are, as members of the working
class, treated as so many diseased
and useless cattle when we can get
no jobs (we deserve it, too). We are,
as members of the revolutionary Socialist party, out to educate our fellow workers to our true position in
We have, as our object, the possessing ourselves of the means of life and
the dethronement of capitalist ownership.
We intend to make the ownership
of these things social and then produce because we require the necessities of life and not for the profit of
the capitalist class. We are going to
take these things as soon as we have
the power.
We are going to take the whole
machinery of production and distribution.
Nothing more!    Nothing less!
This is revolution.
What have we to compromise about?
Shall we make compromise with our
W. W. L.
The money which the 'girl ln the
department store finds in her pay envelope at the end of the week leaves
little rainy day surplus.
Because they could not find work
they went hungry.
Because they were desperate they
were willing to try suicide.
Fear saved them from the bay and a
slip of paper saved them the worse
fate.—San Francisco Bulletin.
Not a move this week. The strugle for a place ls getting hot alright,
till there are lots of subscribers ex-
dring that could be renewed If the
.ocalR would see to it. I have a new
nailing list already to send away.
Vho wants one of their burg?
Vancouver,  B.   C  1
Victoria,   B.   C  2
lalgary,  Alta     3
Vinnlpeg, Man 4
•Idmonton, Alta 5
Toronto, Ont 6
lrandnn, Man 7
!*ernle, B. C  8
Moose Jaw, Sask 9
Montreal, Quebec   10
<ew Westminster, B. C  11
Cumberland, B. C  12
Nelson, B. C  13
South Fort George, B. C 14
btlverton, B. C 15
N. Battleford, Sask,  16
Ottawa, Ont 17
Regina, Sask 18
Glace Bay, N. S 19
South Hill, Sask 20
Send in for mailing list and rustle
up the expiring subs.
Proletarian in Politics is out of
Print, several new pamphlets are being made up, In the meantime cover
your town with leaflets.
* *   *
A working man who does not resist
his robbery by the capitalist class is
fitted for the condition of wage slavery in which capitalism places him.
a   .   .
Socialism to the workers spells
economic freedom. All reforms of
the capitalist system favor one section of workers at the expense of another section, leave the working class
in the same state of wage-slavery, the
victims of capitalist exploitation.
• *   •
"He who would be free must first
strike the blow." If the workers desire freedom and emancipation from
wage slavery, capitalism and robbery, they, as a class, must strike
tho blow for their own freedom.
I saw a funeral procession: I saw it
'from a mountain peak; I saw it crawling along and curving here and there,
serpent-like, through a level vast plain.
I seemed to see a hundred miles of the
procession, but neither the beginning
of it nor the end of it was within the
limits of my vision. The procession
was in ten divisions, each divlson
marked by a somber flag, and the
'whole represented ten years of our
railway activities ln the accident line;
each division was composed of 80,000
cripples, and was bearing its own
year's 10,000 mutilated corpses to the
grave; In the aggregate 800,000 cripples and 100,000 dead, drenched ln
blood.—Mark Twain.
The exit of the Liberal party from
the political field In British Columbia
which will bo followed by their exit
from all the other provinces of the
Dominion of Canada—with possibly
one exception—In a very short time,
brings before us as a party the old
question of compromise with the remnants of the aforesaid defunct party.
Other forces, too, are at work bringing into existence seml-Soclalistic parties such as the Social Democrats,
Christian Socialists and a variety of
other bunches of saviourB who have
each one of them the solution of so-
I ciety's ills.
The increasing economic pressure
and struggle for existence Is now becoming felt by the petit bourgeoisie
and the small traders who are as a
direct consequence being forced to
take up a defensive and fighting position. A few—a very few—will study
the situation carefully and will arrive
at the correct solution of the social
problem. These few will take their
stand with the revolutionary proletariat and join the ranks of the class-
conscious revolutionary Socialists;
possibly by virtue of their training
and experience they may be of no
small assistance ln spreading the
propaganda of Socialism. If a bitter
and resentful feeling ls.of any assistance in a protest movement, it Ib
quite Jikejy that (these few, being
forced into the ranks of the wage-slave
(By BeBBie Beatty.)
Upon so small a thtng as a slip of
Were you ever hungry?
I don't mean hungry with the hunger that comes half an hour before
dinner, or hungry even as one who has
been in the country away from the
haunts of the cafe for a day. I don't
mean hungry even as the convalescent
ls hungry after a long siege of illness.
I mean HUNGRY—hungry with the
hunger of a healthy body crying aloud
for food, a body that pleads and begs,
protests, demands, grows weak and
angry with pleading and protesting,
but pleads on!
Tho girls about whom I am going to
talk were hungry. Before they were
hungry they were tired and friendless
and homeless.
If jou were tired and friendless and
homeless, you might do one thing, and
If I were tired and friendless and
homeless I might do another.
There came a night when these girls
dlscttBsed what they should do as a
last resort. There were but two
courses left, bo they thought—the bay
and tho street.
It had been nearly tbree days since
either of them had had enough to eat.
They chose the bay.
When lt was dark they walked toward  the  water front and out onto
the pier.
It was too dark! The water was too
cold! They shuddered and turned
away—turned from the dark, unfriendly end they contemplated toward the
more friendly beckoning lights or the
street above.
There was a welcome there. There
is always a welcome there when you
are young. The inevitable man met
and engaged them in conversation. He
promised much money, a good time,
pretty clothes, a life of ease, if they
would go with him.
They went.
In San Francisco no woman can enter a house of prostitution and offer
herself for sale unless she possesses
a certificate from the municipal clinic.
Upon bo small a thing as a bit of
paper have the lives and happiness
of countless thousands depended
through many centuries.
So small a thing as a bit of paper
saved the two girls of whom I write
from the end that is so much less
merciful than the cold, uncompromising bay.
Because they had not this certificate the woman to whom these girls
were taken, fearful of the results of
We have often said that capitalism
has no conscience and that it is utterly without ethics. In fact that the
whole system is baaed upon the exploitation of the workers and ls a
game of gouge from start to finish is
a sufficient explanation of Its lack of
moral nature.
This fact was brought out forcibly
when the Associated Press spread the
lie broadcast that the Appeal to Reason was about to give up the ghost.
From New York to California, from
Minnesota to Texas, this malicious report was given to the people through
thousands of capitalist newspapers,
and although we have furnished the
proof of the falsehood up to this date
not one of them except the Kansas
City Star, ln which it originated, has
had the decency to make a retraction.
These great capitalistic newspapers
that are constantly moralizing ub have
themselves no moral scruple whatsoever. They know that they have published a deliberate and malicious falsehood about this paper; they know tbat
they did this paper an irreparable injury and yet they have not the common honesty to even hint at a desire
to make restitution.
There is honor among thieves, and
there is decency among the denizens
of the red light, but so far as the
capitalist press is concerned it is utterly destitute of both.
Tbe Appeal is a much despised Socialist paper, but if by some mischance
a false report should be made ln its
columns in regard to a capitalist newspaper lt would be promptly corrected
and all possible reparation made the
very moment lt was found we had
been in error.
The strange thing about It is that
these great capitalist newspapers
imagine that they are profiting by the
Appeal's temporary discomfiture. Oh,
the folly of these supposedly wise people There are thousands among their
own people who will despise them for
the low and disreputable advantage
they have taken of this paper. There
are thousands of others who will hear
of their falsehood and of their refusal
to correct It and who will never again
give credence to their reports.
In this episode, which appears more
and more like a conspiracy to crush
this paper, the Associated Press and
the capitalist newspapers have been
discounted and discredited as they
have never been before, and before
this matter ls over with they will have
paid dearly for the cowardly stab in
the dark they administered to this
paper.—Appeal to Reason.
Here it ls. Just what we have been
expecting. All workers before accepting the job loaned to them by our
good, kind capitalists, will ln future be
examined as to their physical condition. Of course, the idea ls to keep
the rest of the workers In their employ from contracting disease, I don't
think. ThlB is only one of the hundreds of methods being adopted by
our kind masters to enable us to turn
out a greater surplus value for them.
Just glance over this examination
paper and see If you are entitled to,
or have any show in getting a job
when your boss adopts the plan. It
ls being adopted by several big firms
in the States. Don't you think you are
a. nice bunch to be gulled this way?
Another side to the question is that,
flrst, you pay an employment shark a
dollar for the chance of a job; then
you pay a doctor another dollar for a
chance for a job; then you chance getting the job; you pay the foreman a
dollar or two for the chance of holding
the job; and the last chance you take
whilst on the job is that of getting
away every night with the whole of
your hide. You will soon get a chance
to vote for the continuation of this system. You also have the chance right
now to do something for the abolition
of this system.
Following is the complete list of
questions you will be expected to answer ln the near future:
"Never In modern times did a na>-
tlon of toilers longer or more loyallj*-
support a \^r than did the working;
clasB of Britain support the Britisbt
government in the Napoleonic wars—
a fifth of a century of continuous^
blood-letting. Never before or sinces
did the working class of a nation-
longer or more gladly give up ItBs
choicest men to butcher and be butchered.
After such service we might expect
the patriotic capitalists of Britain ta
be more thoughtfully kind to the toilers who supported the wars, and to
the veterans who fought the war.
But what happened? After tho Battle of Waterloo, leaving tens of thou-
sandB of their comrades on the skull-
strewn plains of the continent, the
hypuotised veterans, scarred, rugged,
and proud, returned home expecting
a JoyouB welcome by the masters who
had flattered, brutalized, ruled, and
used them. Never were masters more
cruel towards deluded veteran patriots. The landlords at once advanced,
the land rents so outrageously that
many thousands of feeble working
class veterans were forced Into tramp-
dom, and were then brutally used for
vagrancy. The huge and hungry army
of unemployed found that in some
ways peace was worse than war fot*
the working class.
J. R. Green, the English historian,,
says: "The war enriched the landlord, the farmer, the merchant, thee
manufacturer, but it impoverished the.
PANY, LIMITED. '    s- R- Gardner says:
"Towards tha
end of 1816 riots broke out in many-
places,  which  were  put  down.    The-
Manchester    massacre   .   .   a    vast-
Age ln years  Where born.„  .„... taeetlng ot at least 50,000   .   .   .   the
Nationality  S.M.W  Height, HuBBars charged       •   •   when at last
Name  Residence..
feet , inches  Weight lbs.
Eyesight.... Wear glasses.... Hearing...
Heart  Lungs  Blood vessels	
Nerve reflexes Chest expiration	
inches.  Inspiration  inches  (Rhom-
berg test). Glands  Hernia Wear
truss  Deformities  Remarks...
The medical examiner shall ask the
following questions, to each of which
the examined shall reply separately:
What, If any, accidents or operations
have you sustained?	
From what illness   or diseases   have
you suffered? 	
When did you last consult a physician?
(a)   (b). What for?	
Have you ever had or do you now have
rheumatism?  epilepsy?   fits?.
syphilis? brain trouble? mental
Infirmities?  vertigo?.... headache.
severe, protracted or frequent?	
Loss of weight?  diabetes?  nephritis?   paralysis?   fistula?	
tuberculosis in any form?  cough,
frequent, chronic or with bloody sputum? 	
Do you now use, or have you ever used
any intoxicating liquors to excess?	
Do you now use or have you ever used
habitually chlorld, morphine, cocaine
or any other narcotic?	
Are you temperate in all of your habits?	
Are you now in good health so far as
you know or believe?	
Do you understand all of the questions
you have herein answered?	
I, the undersigned, do hereby affirm
that I have answered all of the foregoing questions truthfully to the best
of my knowledge and belief,
Paris. — An ex-lieutenant of the
French army has presented Herve, the
Socialist who ls now serving a term in
prison for his anti-military speeches,
with the sum of $100,000, in order to
enable him better to carry on his anti-
military propaganda.
He writes to the president of the
republic: "Whether Herve is in prison or out of prison is a small matter;
men are not lacking in this movement.
Their need is for his Majesty King
Money, as indispensable for making
revolutions as for existent society.
Well, I will furnish them with money,
and you shall see which ls most dangerous—Herve at liberty without a
sou, or within the prison walls with
500,000 francs at his disposal. As I
have no family, my personal fortune allows me to make this experiment."
London.—The government was seriously alarmed over the reports of Infant mortality from every section, due
to the general tie-up of business as the
result of the coal strike. Unlcs steps
jnro immediately taken to check the
spread of disease by malnutrition, a
large part of the infant population will
be wiped out by death.
The health officer at Manchester reported that tho mortality thero is averaging between 84 to 135 ln every
1,000 children under the age of five.
Many mothers of nursing children, he
says, have had no proper food for more
than a fortnight, with the result that
they are unable properly to nourish
their offspring.
In Hanley, in the heart of the potteries district, reports say that there
are 8,000 babies under one year old
whose parents are absolutely without
Similar reports are received from
every congested district which trade
has been affected by the strike.
the ground was cleared many victims,
were piled one upon another."
Justin McCarthy says: "There was:
widespread distress. There were riots,
in many counties of England and London. The massacre of Peterloo took
place not long after. It was a vast
meeting—some 80,000 men and women. The Yeomanry dashed ln upon
them, spurring their horses, and flashing their sabres. Eleven persons were
killed and Beveral hundred were
The war was over.
The butchers had come back to their
dear country—and washed their hands-
Then—what then?
Then these cheap and stupid assassins of their class went to look for a
job, teased the lordly parasites of England for whom they were fighting,,
teased them for a job, whined like
spaniels at the foot of the industrial
masters of England, begged for a job-
And received insults.
"A nod from a lord is a breakfast.
—for a fool."   War, what for.
Comrade Miss Mushkat has addressed meetings in English and Polish
during the last two months In Alberta
and British Columbia, and reports that
the slaves arc getting wised up alright.
(Continued from Page Four)
Rubber stamps with locals name
and address on for stamping the leaflets can be obtained from this offlce
for $1.00.
An extraordinary situation has developed In Germany. The federal Socialistic trade unions, having a membership of over 2,000,000, have placed
it on record that they are opposed to
war with Franco or any other country,
while the Hirsch-Dunker organization,
a so-called Christian labor association,
claiming to have 100,000 members, haB
adopted resolutions pledging itself to
support the government's war policy.
Now many people are wondering who
are Christians and who are pagans.
Not "the right to work" but more
of the things their work creates, with
leisure to enjoy them—that is what
Intelligent wage workers demand,
have an interest in the work of the
thousands of employees who do the
work with us. We pay them, but between us and them the shareholders
and bondholders stand and collect the
wages for those men and keep thirty
per cent, for collecting. We pay
those men but only a fraction of what
we pay ever reaches them.
This fact hurts us though we cannot see It at first. We arc all co-workers ln this world and not one of us
makes anything by our own efforts,
but every one of us helps make everything In the world today. We help,
lhe railway men move the I rains and
the railway men help us plow mr
fields. In an article later I shall ex
plain this more fully. When the railway men do not get their full wages,
wo do not gel. ours ell her. The price
we pay for flour, and ihey pay also, Is
handed back to us In Ihe price we
pay for wages plus always the ono-
third added by the benevolent corporation who collects for Ihem. When we
pay freight rates we pay for those
men's food which Is computed on the
cost 40 per cent, higher than we got.
We also pay their wages plus the one-
third added for the benefit of the
shareholders. We pay out of our own
pockets both tho money wc did not
get for our wheat and the wages those
men did not get for their work. We
lose In two ways because the railway
employees did not get their wages.
The thing that we can see, however, ls this. Those men have not the
money to buy back the goods that we
together have produced. The price of
goods is $1.74, but all of us together
have only $1.23 with which to buy It
with and the only way we can buy
back our own product is to go ami borrow from those capitalists some ot
tho money we have already given
Our debit is Increasing every day
and sooner or later we will not be able
to buy back what wc have produced,
and then we shall be compelled to lake
over these railways, mills nnd elevators and operate them for the benefit of all the people Instead of for tho
profit of a few.—T. Edwin Smith. :—.:'.-■■    II   --«■.,-■  M -~".-   "-•■-•*-,■.■*.-■"
. B-aMsMi ■■•■ MM
8ATURDAY, APRIL 20, 1912.
(By T. Edwin Smith.)
That tlie farmers of Alberta are in from wages. He is as much a working
a bad way is patent to every one and man as we are and I consider he is
there are several reasons advanced for! entitled to all he gets,
this condition. We all know that we From this table we see that after
•can produce more in the same time the grain leaves our hands exactly one-
»nd with the same amount of labor half of the total charges added on to
than our fathers or our grandfathers its price goes to pay profits and not to
could, yet we are not much beeter off. any productive purpose. We see that
Forty  years ago  a  man  by  his  own non-productive parasites get 51 cents
efforts could farm about forty acres of
grain and as the result of his year's
work have, perhaps, live hundred bushels of grain. To-day one man with a
full complement of machinery and
horses can farm one hundred and sixty
-acres and as the result of his work
lave, perhaps, five thousand bushels
<of grain or ten times as much as the
■farmer of a generation ago.
Notwithstanding this great increase
3n the productive power of the farmer
of to-day, lt Is extremely doubtful if
the Alberta farmer is much better off
with his crop that his father was
forty years ago. His year's work today buys him a living and not much
more. H1b father with one-tenth of
the crop had as much. When we find
■out the reason for this condition, we
-shall find out the reason why one poor
crop makes such a depression in the
entire economic and commercial world
-at the present time.
The thing that bothers us to-day ls
■sot how much grain a farmer can raise
to the acre. It is not how much he
will have to pay for his land. It is
not how much he can sell his crop for.
We are chasing all of these phantoms
•without gaining any ground. The
great problem for the farmer of the
world today to solve is how much food
clothing and shelter and how much
^enjoyment will his year's work bring?
-Assuming we can raise the price we
get for our grain, how much better
off are we if the price we pay for flour
is raised in proportion? Suppose we
increase our wheat yield by three
times wherein are we benefitted If the
price per bushel goes down with the
Increase? What does it matter to us
how much money we get for our whols
year's work if it takes all of lt to keep
body and soul together during the
The reason we are hard up is that
some middleman takes such a large
proportion of our product without giving us any adequate return. We do
aot get the full product of our labor
We can see this more clearly If we
analyze the various steps in the production of a sack of flour.
According to a statement of a prominent miller one-bushel of wheat will
make 42 "pounds of flour and leave 18
pounds of bran and shorts. From
these figures we see that lt takes 2 1-3
. bushels of wheat to make a sack of
flour that weighs 98 pounds (though
we pay for 100). Most of the wheat
that we sell for Nos. 1, 2 and 3 will
make flrst grade flour. We wll receive
anywhere from 51 to 75 cents per
' bushel for lt. That we may be very
liberal ln our treatment of our oppressors let us assume that we get on
an average 72 cents per bushel for our
wheat. You will see that we get $1.68
for the wheat that the miller uses to
make a sack of flour.   Flour sells for
on every bushel of wheat that we
raise. (No wonder such men as Sir
Edmund Walker wants us to produce
more.) That in many cases ls as
much as the farmer gets.
From the table above we see that
the actual cost of making flour Is $1.23
per bushel of wheat. The farmer gets
the greater share of this so we may
assume that he produces the greater
share of the flour. If we take it that
a man's share of the work is measured
by the money he has received for his
work, we may divide up the proportions of works on that basis as follows:
Table No. 2.
Farmer  $0.72      58.5
Ry. Men  24      1?.5
Retail  21       17
Millers, elevator  men,
jobbers  05        5
Total  $1.23     100%
We see by this table that the farmer gets 58.5 per cent, of the actual cost
of producing a sack of flour. Therefore we may assume that he does 58.5
per cent, of the work necessary to Its
production. Now if there is such a
thing as justice in this world a man
should get what he produces. If a
man produces one-half of a sack of
flour he should get one-half of what he
pays for that flour. The farmer produces 58.5 per cent, of all the work
necessary to the production of flour,
so we hold that he should have that
58.5 per cent, of $1.74. That would
per cent, of what we have to pay, or
amount to $1.02 per bushel. At the
price we are paying at present fpr
our flour that is what the farmer ls
producing and that is what he ought
to have.
For every dollar the farmers got for
their grain last fall they ought to have
gotten $1.42, and nothing but the greed
of the non-producers who stand between the producer, and the consumer
kept them from getting it.
Let us look at this from our own
selfish point of view. If one of our
loads of wheat netted us $100 we should
have got $142. That extra $42 would
have paid half the year's interest on
the mortgage. It would have bought
groceries enough to 'have kept us half
the winter. It would have made a
payment on the binder. It would have
meant the difference between a good
crop and a poor one. It would have
meant the difference between an easy
winter and one spent in answering
creditor's letters and renewing notes
at the bank.
The reason we lost all this wealth
is because we have permitted the railways, elevators and mills to become
the personal property of a group of
private Individuals rather than the
common property of all the people who
$3.50 per hundred, and the average!use them and we will never secure reprice of bran and shorts is about $1.25 lease from such conditions until we
per 100 pounds.    At these prices we I make them so.    The elevators make
pay $4.05 for our own wheat after lt
ls ground up. Please note that we
only received $1.68 for It when we Bell
it, but buy it back for $4.05. We sell
our grain at 72 centB per bushel, but
we buy it back for $1.74 or at a spread
of $1.02 per bushel.
This spread represents a number
of items of production as well as the
toll extorted by the various parasites
through whose bauds it goes and the
profits made by the owners of the various machinery used to change it into
flour. Let us examine the different
Table No. 1.
Step. Charge. CoBt. Profit.
Parmer   $0.72   $0.10
Freight     to     Lake
Front  15
Elevator and Speculator  20
Miller  14
Freight back 21
Jobber  11
Retail  21
$0.51    $0.51
Total   $1.74
I have obtained these figures in various ways. For instance, the profit
made by the railway was computed
from the annual report of the C. P. R.
as follows: The gross revenue of the
year was $106,000,000 and the net
profit for the Bame period was $38,-
699,000. You see that the net profits
amounted to 35.6 per cent, of the revenue. In other words, out of every dollar taken in as freight, 35.6 cents went
into the pockets of the shareholders.
More than one-third of what we pay
for having our grain hauled goes to
pay dividends to non-producing parasites. The other figure I obtained in
much the same way from the published reports of the companies engaged in the various lines.
You will notice that I put down the
entire charge made by the retailer as
a cost. I do not consider that the retail merchant makes any profit aside
their profit because they have the machinery for storing and loading grain
that we must use In order to get our
grain to the men who grind it aud use
it. They hold us up because they have
the power to keep us and our grain
out of those bins. They use the building in the Bame manner that a highwayman uses his pistol, as a means of
robbery. When we bring our load of
wheat to them they tell us, "Here is
our price; pay It or dump your grain
on the ground." They have the drop
on us and we shell out to them just
as we would to a highwayman.
We must use the railways In order
to get our grain to the places where
.other men wlll grind it or use lt. We,
*0*05 ] have not the facilities here for grind-'
lng and it would not be commercially
profitable for us to have them here,
so we use men in other parts to do lt
for us. The railway ls absolutely necessary to our life to-day, and when
we go to the railway and ask to ship
our grain over Its cars, we are told,
"Here is our price. Take it or leave
it." And we come through, not because we want to or because we like
to, but because we must. They have
the drop on us again and we give up a
share of our summer's work to them
because we can not live without the
help of the railway men and the shareholders stand between us and take
one-third of all that we pay for their
It is the same with the mills, the
warehouses and the others.
There ls one thing that we often
miss in looking at this matter. That
is that we do not pay for the services
of the shareholders of that railway.
We pay for the services ot the wage-
Blave who actually does the work for
ub. It does not matter whether the
owners of the road, tho shareholders
and bond holders are ln England or
In China. They do nothing for us and
we have absolutely no object ln their
business, lives or conduct, but we do
(Continued on Page Three)
The Mission of Capitalism
Leaflet number Four.
The capitalist class had humble enough beginnings. Its
progenitors were the bourgeois, literally townsmen, of the
middle ages. A part of the feudal society, they were yet, in a
way, apart from it. They were neither nobles nor serfs, but a
species of lackeys to the nobility. From them the noble
obtained his clothing and the gay trappings of his horse. They
forged his weapons and his armour, built his castles, loaned
him money. He stood to them in the relation of a consumer
and as a consumer he legislated, defining their markets, prohibiting them from enhancing prices, enacting that wages
should not exceed certain figures, insisting that goods should
be of such a quality and texture and be sold at certain nied
Naturally these restrictions were little to the taste of the
bourgeoisie. As trade and commerce increased they found
these conditions less and less tolerable. As they grew in wealth
and influence they became less and less inclined to tolerate
them. In England they had joined with the nobles to weaken
the king and with the king to weaken the nobles. Finally they
broke the power of both. In the name of freedom they crushed
feudalism. But the freedom they sought was a freedom that
would permit them .to adulterate goods, that would allow the
workers to leave the land and move where the factories needed
them, their wives, and their children.
While in other lands the course of the bourgeois revolution
was somewhat different than in England, the .result was the
same. In France, for instance, the revolution was pent up for
so long a period that when it burst forth it deluged the land in
blood through which the people waded, bearing banners
inscribed "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," to a new order,
wherein Liberty, Equality and Fraternity were the last things
Once freed from the fetters of feudalism the onward march
of capitalism became a mad, headlong rush. Everywhere mills,
factories and furnaces sprang up. Their smoke and fumes
turned fields once fertile and populous into desolate, uninhabitable wastes. Their refuse poisoned and polluted the rivers
until they stank-to Heaven. Earth's bowels were riven for her
mineral hoards. Green, flourishing forests became mere acres
of charred and hideous stumps. Commerce pierced all mountains, fathomed all seas, explored all lands, disturbing the agelong sleep of hermit peoples that they might buy her wares.
Capital spread its tentacles over all the world. Everywhere its
voice was heard, crying "Work, work, work" to the workers,
"Buy, buy, buy," to all the peoples.
Ages of chattel slavery were necessary to break ground for
feudalism. Centuries of feudalism to prepare the way for
capitalism. In a dozen decades capitalism has brought us to the
threshold of Socialism. Capitalism has done a great work and
done it thoroughly.
It found the workers for the most part an ignorant, voiceless peasant horde. It leaves them an organized proletarian
army, industrially intelligent, and becoming politically intelligent. It found them working individually and with little
co-ordination. It has made them work collectively and scientifically. It has abolished their individuality and reduced their
labor to a social average, levelling their differences until today
the humble ploughman is a skilled laborer by comparison with
the mere human automata that weave cloths of intricate pattern
and forge steel of fine temper. In short it has unified the working class.
It found the means and methods of production crude, scattered and ill-ordered, the private property of indiviuals, very
often of individuals who themselves took a part in production.
It leaves them practically one gigantic machine of wealth production, orderly, highly productive, economical of labor, closely
inter-related, the collective property of a class, and of a class
wholly unnecessary to production. A class whose sudden
extinction would not affect the speed of one wheel or the heat
of one furnace.
It found the earth large, with communications difficult,
divided into nations knowing little or nothing of one another,
with prairies unpopulated, forests untrod, mountains unsealed.
It has brought the ends of the earth within speaking distance
of one another, has ploughed the prairies, hewed down the
forests, tunnelled the mountains, explored all regions, developed all resources. It has largely broken down all boundaries,
except on maps. It has given us an international capitalist
class with interests in all lands, on the one hand, on the other.
an international working class with a common interest the
world over.
Aristotle, with something akin to prophetic vision, laid
down the axiom that slavery was necessary until the forces of
Nature were harnessed to the uses of Mail. This has now been
accomplished and the necessity for slavery is past. Armed
with the modern machinery of production, with steam, electricity and water power at their command, the workers, a fraction
of society, can produce more than all society can use or waste.
So much more, that periodically the very wheels of production
are clogged with the superabundance of wealth and industrial
stagnation prevails.
In the throes of just such a period we now find ourselves,
nnd of one that promises to attain such proportions as to seal
the doom of capitalist society. At the very heyday of prosperity, industry suddenly became unjointed. The wheels of industry came to a standstill. The furnaces cooled off, smoke ceased
to belch forth to the skieR, the belts ceased their eternal round
over the pulleys. The workers, from being worked to the limit
of their endurance, found themselves unexpectedly without
work at all and soon without means of subsistence, Not here
and there alone, hut everywhere where capitalism rules. From
all quarters comes the same talc. Famine-stricken wheiv food
is plenty. Ill-clad where clothing lacks not. Shelterless among
empty houses. Shivering hy mountains of fuel. Tramping
where the car-wheels rust. And ever the tale grows. There
is no promise of alleviation, but rather portents of worse to
Society can no longer feed itself. When the societies of ■
old could no longer feed themselves they perished. And capitalist society is about to perish. A revolution is at hand. Another leap in the process of evolution. Society has grown too
big for its shell. It must burst that shell and step forth a new
society. ..
The means of wealth production arc the collective property
of the capitalist class. The operation of these means of wealth
production is the collective function of the working class. The
working class, working together, produce all wealth. The capitalists owning the means of production, own all the product.
They allow the working class, when working, sufficient, on the
average, for their subsistence. Just what the slave owner
allowed his slaves, what the feudal lord allowed his serfs. But
when the worker of today is not working he is allowed nothing
except freedom to starve.   He is the worst kind of a slave.
What stands between him and his emancipation is the collective ownership of the means of production by the capitalist
class. If the means of production were the collective property
of the working class that collectively operates them, the product would also be the collective property of that class and the
workers would be able to individually consume the wealth they
collectively produced. They would not need to be hungry,
homeless, ragged, shivering outcasts. The world is theirs for
the taking. Presently they will he compelled to take it. Man
cannot be equalled in endurance by any animal, but even his
endurance has a limit.   When that limit is reached, capitalism
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Tbe economic problem, which to solve slavery had arisen,
will have been solved. Labor shall step forth free at last from
its aeons of bondage. Man shall be master of his own destiny,
able with little effort to produce all that his heart desires, and
with ample leisure to enjoy the fruits of his handiwork and
the legacies of time. The earth shall be his and the fullness
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Lawless suffragettes, riotous Welsh
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proofs of the uneasy spirit of the
times. Crime during the past twelve
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The number of prisoners charged
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person Increased, while burglary,
housebreaking and robbery remained
Seventy per cent, of the offenders
had been under lock and key for previous offences, and between them they
committed 139,500 crimes. Drunkenness dropped materially. The juvenile courts dealt with 33,500 delinquents
It is not to reform the evils of the
day, but to abolish the social system
that produces them, that the Socialist party is organized. It ls the
party, not of reform, but of revolution, knowing that the capitalist Bystem has had its day and that a new
social order .issued upon a new system
of industry, must soon supplant the
fast decaying one we now have.
by  far the greater proportion being
At present there are nearly 4,000
known criminals under supervision ln
London, and the police estimate there
are about that number of incorrigibles
at large. Over three thousand suicides
were recorded ln the year—a marked
advance on previous years.


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