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Western Clarion May 13, 1911

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Array NO* -31.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, May 13, 1911.
Subscription PrlM SKI mm
mr-ii       SI.OV
WHERE HE STANDS
An Exhaustive Examination of the Farmer's Position in
Society.
It is my intention to give, in the cows when they become unproductive,
plainest language at my command, my If he can do this, the storekeeper "has
conception  of the farmer's economic  his man" every time.   The competition
position in society. But, before starting, I would like to give a few quotations from the first volume of "Capital," Carl Marx (Kerr's Edition):
(1) "The calculations given in the
text are intended merely as illustrations. We have in fact assumed that
prices equal values. We shall see,
however, in volume iii. that even in
tbe case of AVERAGE prices the assumption cannot be made ln this very
simple manner (The italics are mine)
(Foot note, p. 244)."
(2) "Despite the important part
which this method" (the buying of
labor power below its value) "plays In
actual practice, we are excluded from
considering it in this place, by our assumption tbat all commodities,* including labor power, are bought and sold
at their full value (p. 344)."
(3) "A part of tbe price of the commodity consists of the price of labor.
THE UNPAID PART OF THE LABOR
PRICE NEED NOT BE RECKONED
IN THE PRICE OF THE CAM-
MODITY. IT MAY BE PRESENTED
TO THE BUYER. This Ib the first
step to which competition leads. The
second step to which it drives, is to
exclude also from the selling price of
the commodity, at least a part of the
abnormal surplus value, created by the
extension of the working day. IN
THIS WAY, AN ABNORMALLY LOW
SELLING PRICE OF THE COMMODITY BECOMES FIXED BY DEGREES (Italics mine) (p. 601). " The
last quotation. In my estimation, contains the key to the farmer's position.
We see that Marx saw and pointed
out the fact that prices do not necessarily equal values at all times, not
even In the case of AVERAGE prices.
It must not be inferred from this that
all profits are the result of selling
commodities above their value, or that
there can be any exploitation of any
between him and his brother farmers
between him and his brother farmers
brings him down to the wage level.
To sell his eggs he decides on a dlf
ferent plan. He will peddle them
round the town and sell to the consumers; surely he will be able to get
more than WAGES for his work now
(since commodities sell at their value).
The first house he visits he asks,
what? Fifty cents, sixty cents? Oh,
no! The stores are buying them at
16c and selling at 20c, bo he thinks
he will do well if he gets 20c, and this
is what he asks. The good lady of
the house says she had a man there
only yesterday wanting to sell eggs at
17 He, and she thought it was too
much. So he goes to the next, and
eventually sells a dozen or two at 20c
and a few more at 17%c. When he
has disposed of his eggs he decides
that he will take the next lot to the
stores, as "the game is not worth the
candle."
With wheat and the rest of farm
produce the same rule applies. The
buyer bids a price that the farmer can
make wages for himself and replace
his machinery and stock when it is
worn out, and also pay his taxes, meet
interest on mortgages, etc., they knowing full well from experience that the
farmer will sell and continue to produce so long as he can get wages. But
why does he do so? What is the
force that compels him to sell his produce below its value. Competition is
the force. He is in competition not
only directly with his fellow farmers
but also indirectly with the wage
workers, since any duffer can start
farming on a few hundred dollars.
Surely the farmer produces   surplus
value—value not    necessary    to   his
maintenance.   We will dig into this a
little deeper.
The value of a commodity is deter-
INTO Till- POCKETS OF THE OWNERS OF THESE THINGS.
if our farmer sold to one of the cap.
ltalist class, he was of course, enabled
to keep the surplus value, as he did
not have to deliver up his labor power,
and .c simply reduced the amount of
money he had to spend to keep up
his establishment, allowing more to be
invested.
To flnd the destination of the surplus value contained in wheat is not
so simple. A lengthy investigation
would be necessary to find what part
of the aforementioned surplus value
found its way to the continental miller,
through him, the baker, tbe consumer
of bread, and so to the employer of
the bread consumer, and what part
found a stopping place on the way.
Whether railway companies are enabled by lack of competition to charge
a little above value for the carrying of
wheat What part grade mixing and
other trickeries play. For such an Investigation, I have neither tbe time
nor inclination. IT IS SUFFICIENT
THAT NO MATTER WHO IS THE
BUYER, THE FARMERS AS SELLERS ARE FORCED BY A COMPETITION THAT IS CHRONIC AND CANNOT BE REMEDIED (OWING TO
THE IMPASSABLE DIFFICULTY OF
ORGANIZATION, THE PRESENCE
OF CREDITORS AND THE EASE
WITH WHICH THE SURPLUS WAGE
WORKER8 CAN FLOOD THE FIELD
OF PRODUCTION) TO SELL AT A
PRICE WHICH PROVIDES FOR
HIM A LIVING ONLY. In short, the
farmer is dominated by the mighty
wage system. To all practical purposes he is a wage slave, because he
Bald Discrimination Against Third-Class Passengers on
Zealandia.
We publish below the full text of working class we  declare our deter-
1s in competition with   wage   slaves, ! fm^ _        .     f^   f^   ._   —^ »     msmm.        mm^   ■■—^     »
competition made possible because of j f        I       IX    ^«k   ^s»>    U    ^*k /\       1 ^*k    U     BL
the ease with which the wage slave j V *-* **> **^  **•***'  *-* ****       **•    *"■* +***  emmt exVem
may become farm slave. ( _____-_^_ ___^^_
We have up to now considered the
farmer who is really only a tenant,
though maybe he is the nominal owner
of the land, so the nominal tenant
comes under the same category. Now,
we will go to the farmer who Ib clear
of debt, and who deals on a cash basis.
Since he is in the minority, the tendency is for him to be a little better
off. The tenant, being in the vast majority, sets the minimum price ot the
commodities the farmer has to sell,
and consequently the farmer who does
not pay rent, interest on notes, etc.,
may retain this in his pocket. On the
other hand, the man who is in this
position frequently suffers from lack
of necessary machinery, horses, etc.,
putting more labor into the commodity
he "produces" than the average
farmer, and so losing the advantage
he gains—or even more—by his abstin.
ence from debt.
There is another kind of farmer we
will have to consider at greater length,
viz., he who has been called the "capitalist" farmer.; he who employs two
or more men the year round. He is a
branch from one of the two preceding
kinds. He is a step in the evolution of
the farming industry, from peasant or
slave farming, to capitalist farming
proper. He it was whs took advantage of every time saver, who drove
bi? first hired man the hardest, in
order, perhaps, to free himself from
the clutches -of the money lender nnd
the Implement man. He it is who now
(Continued on Page 4)
The Earl's Wisdom
one, as a consumer.   The only thing a  mined by the amount of'socially ne-
person can give to society is his labor.
If he is exploited, therefore, it must
be of some of the PRODUCT of his
labor, so he must be exploited as a
producer only.
Value is the basis of exchange of the
whole mass of commodities, one with
another, but that. does not prevent
certain commodities and even masses
of commodities from selling above or
below value for long periods. Where
such transactions take place, someone
is the gainer and someone the loser.
There is nothing economically impossible tn certain old coins and postage
stamps, for instance, selling at prices
greatly above value. Unless we are
clear on this point a true understanding of tbe farmer's position is impossible.
Let us get to the analysis of the
farmer's position. We will take, flrst,
the farmer whose kind ls ln the majority—he who ls simply the nominal
owner of "his" farm—he whose farm
ls mortgaged and who continually owes
money to implement dealers, etc., on
which he pays interest
Let us assume that he expends no
more labor ln his part of the production of tbe commodity he has to sell
than the average farmer.
Now, tbe selling price of a commodity ls determined by the relative
strength of the buyer and seller. An
over-supply adds to tbe strength of the
buyer; an under-supply adds to the
strength of the seller. A change in
the value of a commodity as determined
by the amount of socially necessary
labor contained in lt, has no effect on
the selling price, except aB it alters
the relative strength of buyer and
seller. For Instance, the price of a
commodity never comes down ln the
face of a shortage of that commodity.
But to get back to our farmer. We
will follow him to town with a basket
ot butter and eggs. When the storekeeper offers him a price for his butter, say 20c, does be consider what the
value of his butter ls? Why, no!
What be considers (consciously or unconsciously) is whether he can make
WAGES for himself and replace his
churn when lt is worn out, and his
cessary and average labor that it takes
to produce it. A commodity is produced when it reaches the consumer,
not before. The consumer of wheat
is the miller, since he it is who
changes its form. In a strict sense
nothing ls consumed at all. When we
eat our dinners we change the food
into energy, etc. When a straw stack
is burnt lt ts changed into smoke, heat,
etc. It ls not lost. Nothing is lost
Its form ls simply changed. Thit
changing of form we call consumption. So the miller Ib the consumer ot
wheat.
To produce the whole mass of wheat
used in the world, it takes a certain
mass of labor time, for by time is the
only way to measure labor. If we divide this mass of time by the number
of bushels of wheat we have the time
necessary to produce one bushel—its
value In time. Now, lt is obvious that
the wheat produced farthest from the
market will cost more time to produce
than the average, and that nearest the
market will cost less than the average,
providing the same methods are used,
we go.
The average farmer (taken from an
international standpoint) produces a
surplus value equal to the average of
the rest of the workers of the world.
As we come to the question, "Where
does this surplus value go; who gets
it?" Marx says in the last quotation
given that surplus value may be presented to the buyer. Let us see whether
the buyer can keep what he has been
presented with.
When our farmer sold hiB eggs to
the consumer, he probably sold to a
worker, one who was engaged in producing the all-important surplus value
for a railway company, factory or mine
owner. If he did, he made the nominal, or money cost of that man's production lesB, and his wages less in
consequence. So you see we come to
the conclusion: When farm produce
is sold to the consumer by the producer, or wben the producer MAY sell
to the consumer, the surplus value
contained in lt goes to make cheap
wage workers for factory, mine or railway,   and   CONSEQUENTLY   GOES
As a student of Socialism, I thought
it only proper that I should read both
sides of the question, so lately I purchased some literature published by
tho "Liberty and Property Defense
League." One of the pamphlets en
titled "The Socialist Spectre" was
particularly enlightening. It was a
speech delivered ln the House of
Lords by the Right Honorable, the Earl
of Wemyss before an audience of
Peers.
On the Inside of the cover Was a list
of representatives of different bodies,
forming the council of the Property
Defense League. There were twenty
names in all, only five of them had no
handle to their names, beyond a common mister. The remaining fifteen
were made up of everything in the
way of handles from Baronet to Duke,
Including the author.of the pamphlet.
Looking over this list lt struck me that
these men evidently recognize the
class struggle that is going on between
the working class and the capitalist
class. That Is, the capitalist to hold,
and the worker to secure. These men
are organized to defend their property
and they know that sooner or later
the workers will organize too.
I hardly cared to read the pamphlet, thinking that my "faith" might
be shaken, but I plucked up courage
enough and started in. I was greatly
surprised after reading tt to find that
the Earl was not so much concerned
about knocking socialism, as he was
with knocking the two old political parties tor Introducing bo many "Socialistic" reforms in their election platforms. These are a few of the reforms
which Mr. H. Bryon Reed, conservative member tor East Bradford, had in
his platform. "Pensions for honest
and industrious workers in their old
age," "An eight hour system for those
engaged in dangerous work," Laborers' wages (minimum increase to 6d.
per hour)," etc., etc. He said that Mr.
Chamberlain's program contained seven distinct "Socialistic proposals,"
namely, (1) "Old Age Pensions;" (2)
"Workmen's Compensation;" (3)
Workingmen's Dwelling-house Bill
(poor-law reform);" "Better housing
of the Poor;" "Prevention of Pauper
Immigration;" and "Shorter Hours for
Shop Assistants."
Our brother companion, the Earl,
finishes up the paragraph thus, "And
what, my Lords, is all this kind of
would-be legislation, but an attempt
at vote-catching, and governing men
by help of Social Legislative Lollipops?"
a remarkable petition which is being
forwarded to the Labor Premier of the
Australian Commonwealth and to
which is attached the signatures of
every third class passenger who sailed from Australia by the S.S. "Zealandla," which arrived last week in Vancouver. The Honolulu papers referred to the incident as an Impending
"mutiny" and, we understand, it
it was'only by the exercise of considerable bluff that the ship's officers
prevented the indignant workers—men
and women—from marching ashore ln
a body and sweeping "authority" and
"officialdom" before them as a hurricane does chaff.
The petition is addressed to the
Hon. Andrew Fisher, Premier of Australia and reads as follows:
"Sir:
"We, the undersigned third class
passengers of 'S.S. Zealandla,' which
sailed from Sydney for Vancouver on
April tenth, beg to draw your attention to the Invidious and discriminative treatment accorded us at Honolulu, where from 7:30 p.m. on April
25th, 1911 to 4 p.m. on April 26th we
were forcibly confined to our congested quarters on the boat while all first
and second-class passengers were permitted freely to visit the town.
We. have good reason to believe
that this iniquitous treatment was inflicted upon us because we belong
almost entirely to the working class
and therefore— in the minds of ship's
officers and port authority—to a sec-
Vote-catching Lollipops."   Oh. my!   tion of the commuIlity whlch lg un(ie.
Tle^^°"Bt^U/!lyJe*.-T^t,0n>lMW*'  0°t of  the  mine,  factory or
farm where they toil to produce the
ary Socialist. We have often been accused of being revolutionary when we
have said much the same thing. Now
we have the Earl to back us up, we
Burely shall flourish.
The Earl has got this Old Age Pension Reform down pat. He says,
"Now, my Lords, Old Age is to be
pensioned because it is said or supposed that old age objects to be pauperized, aB the expression goes, and
to receive relief either in the workhouse or in out door relief under the
Poor law. All I have to Bay upon this
Is, that it passes my reasoning powers to draw a distinction between a
man of sixty-flve receiving half a
crown out of the exchequer, and a
man of sixty-four receiving half a
crown out of the rates under the poor
law."
Further on he says: "I would ask
any sane politician whether he does
not believe that. If the Conservative
government gives half a crown at
sixty-five, the Liberals would promise
five shillings at sixty."
Fellow workers, stop chasing that
will o' the wisp. As our friend the
Earl pointed out above, reforms are
useless. It makes no difference what
platform you find them in, Liberal,
Tory or Labor, they work out the same
all the time.
Study the policy laid down by the Socialist Party of Canada, and you will
find that a social revolution is the only
remedy. When you get as wise as
the Rt. Hon. The Earl of Wemyss and
his associates, and organize together
on class lines, then there will be no
need for these vote-catching lollipops.
A. T. HIGGENS.
"There's no money to be ma(y)dc
at any brawnch of fawrmlng." says
an old-country yellow-leg: "I bred
a lot of fancy fowl and fed them seyen
tons of wheat and other grain and
got 25 eggs from the bunch during
the winter." No, even fancy animated
feathers are now a drug on the market
and people are becoming wise to the
fact that it is not feathers that produce value, it is the work the hens do
—laying eggs, rearing young, and making themselves into table meat—that
is where the real value lies, just the
same as working people; their value
lies in their product (now owned by
the parasite class.)
Wages sounds a nice name to some
folks but lt is only a polite name for
fodder and stabling.
P. ROSOMAN.
good things of life that their 'betters
might enjoy.
"In the minds of our 'superiors'
there seemed to have existed a danger
of tbe 'cattle' ln the forcastle rushing
off to the nearest plague-stricken slum
and transporting a load of cholera
germs back to the ship. The port authorities seem to class the workers
who travel between Australia and
Canada with the hundred thousand
odd Japanese, Chinese and Hawaiian
laborers who compose the working
class of Honolulu and who are not
paid a sufficient wage to enable them
to develop bodies impregnable to disease.
"We have the assurance of passengers who joined the "Zealandia" at
Honolulu (a doctor amongst them)
that the cholera is confined almost
entirely to Hawaiian natives, who-live
in disreputable hovels, consume the
worst foods and drink a filthy concoction to represent beer. No healthy
person is susceptible to the disease
germ and certainly the latter could
have no preference for the third-class
passengers of the 'Zealandia,' who
claim to be as healthy—physically,
mentally and morally—as the other
passengers on board.
"Needless to say, we protested in
the strongest possible manner against
Buch treatment. The captain referred
ub to the port authorities but forcibly
prevented us from putting a foot on
the gangway with the object of interviewing these. Until after the port
authorities had left tbe ship, no intimation was made that we should not
be permitted to exercise the customary
privilege of visiting the town of Honolulu—a privilege which induced more
than one of us to travel this particular
route.
On the contrary there was every indication that we could go ashore. For
Instance a notice was posted In our
saloon that the pinner would exchange
British for American money prior to
our arrival at Honolulu at a discount
a trifle over the ordinary. In fact
many indications prove conclusively
that our confinement to the ship had
been subtly engineered to the detriment, insult and Injury of the signatories to this statement.
"As working men we appeal to Australia's labor Government to have ob-
noxioiiB class discrimination abolished
on vessels using Australian ports. We
should hasten to obey all 'health' and
other laws Intended to protect the entire community but as members of the
mination to resist and call upon our
fellow workers to likewise resist all
measures, laws, rules and regulations
which discriminate against working
men, their wives and children—not Because they are unhealthy or dangerous to the community, but merely because they belong to a 'lower' class
which is Buch because it carries the
whole structure ef human society upon
its back, toiling endlessly for the. profit of those 'above' them.
"Had it happened that one of the
'privileged' passengers had become affected with contagious disease, an additional wrong and injur; would have
been perpetrated upon us inasmuch as
we should have been put to the annoyance and expense of quarantine in
a Canadian port. We are informed
that first and second class passengers
were allowed ashore as a concession
to the business people of Honolulu,
and would point out the extreme danger of such an immoral principle. It
it is a health matter health and net
cash should be tbe basis of discriminative treatment.
"In conclusion, we hope to learn at
an early date that our protest haa.
been appreciated by your Government
and that shipping companies using-
Australian ports will be given to understand that whatever rules and regulations might be applied to ship's passengers absolutely none of a class nature will In future be tolerated.
"We are, sir.
Yours respectfully,
(Signed by all 3rd class passengers.).
...
Comrade   A.   Crawford,   editor   of
"Voice of Labor" Johannesburg, travelled with the Zealandia and inform us
that the above incident had a remarkable educative effect on the workers
at the third-class end.   After leaving
Honolulu, Socialism was eagerly discussed, and, of course, more willingly
listened to, and better understood because of the experience.
The feeling was so strong even at
Vancouver that when the Harbor officials came into the thlrd-clasB saloon
to inspect the immigrants, they were
met by a chorus of "Haa" and "Moo".
A girl was born just before arrival at
Honolulu, but the father was not permitted ashore to buy the absolute necessaries of the unexpected (till later)
event. Of what value is the child of,
a worker anyhow?
The petition wlll be sent to Mrs.
Dora B. Montefiore, the well-known
correspondent to "Justice," and the
"New York Call" and until recently an
executive member of the British S. D.
P. Mrs. Montefiore who Is at present
in Sydney, Is a thorough "Red," and is
aiding the revolutionary cause to no
inconsiderable extent in Australia.
NOW   READY.
"Manifesto of the 8. P. of C."
Price—10 centB per copy or 75 cents
per doz.   (to  subscribers  to  Publishing Fund, 6 cents).
"The State and Government."
Price five cents per copy or 25 cents
per doz.    (To  subscribers,  $1.00 per
hundred.).
O'BRIEN'S TOUR.
The ball bas been set rolling fer
the Eastern Tour Fund. Charlie ls
hammering away at those formidable
fortresses of capitalism—Ottawa and
Montreal. Money is urgently needed
to keep this virile proletarian moving.
"What yon contribute to the fund is
for your own Bake. The East must be
bombarded with unceaBlng persistence.   The list to date:
W. W. L jio.00
H. Norman      l.oo
$11.00
Sir Thomas Shnughnessy is referred to as'a "nation-builder." lloth the
book of Genesis nnd the theOry of evolution are thereby shelved. Or perhaps this is the "Second Coming!"
Folks in this section will look anxiously for Thomas to do an aviation stunt
off Shaughnessy Heights. Two
THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCQgVEJc. BRITISH COLUMBIA
8ATURDAY, MAY 13, 1911
IHE WM WN
Published every Saturday kr the
■sslnlist Party of Canada, at the OfBoe
•t the Western Clarion, Flaok Black
Basement, 16S Hastings Street, Vanceu-
ver, B. C.
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next issue.
SATURDAY,  MAY  13,  1911
STEPPING-STONES.
In peace and war, since work began,
the workers have been stepping-stones
climbed to affluence, fame and so-
.for others. On the wealth heaped up
by their labors, their masters have
cial position. On the revolt bred of
their discontent, class after class has
won place and power. In either case
the workers have gained nothing and
won nothing for themselves except
continued enslavement or callous butchery. ■
It begins to show that the Mexican revolt Is likely to be a case in
point. The severity of their enslavement having passed the endurance level, the workers are in revolt. The bourgeois element, hostile
to the Diaz regime has seized the occasion to forward its own ambitions
and to that end has, for the time being, made common cause with the
workers, with a view to climbing upon their shoulders.
That the Diaz regime had reached
its senility, and that its apparent
strength, once so real, had become
a hollow sham, was shown by the
very feeble resistance it was able to
offer to a revolt by no meanB formidable, either in point of numbers or
of warlike vigor.
Now we learn from the press that
Diaz will resign "when peace ls restored." In some quarters this declaration is not taken in good faith
but it does not appear to us that there
is much room for doubting, whatever
may be his private intentions, that
Diaz will be unable to repudiate his
declaration.
' What is, however, ominously significant to us ia the phrase—"when
peace is restored." It means, if we
mistake not that the revolt has
achieved "its purpose so far as the
bourgeois insurrectos are concerned,
and that the revolting workers may
now go back to work. If not, if the
latter remain in the field with a view
to gaining something for themselves,
then the two bourgeois factions will
join in restoring peace in the tlme-
honored manner, and, should it appear
that their abilities are unequal to the
restoration of "law and order" with
sufficient despatch, the army and navy
of the United States stand ready upon
tbe border to participate in the pacification of the country at the behest of
capital.
And bo will lt be to the end. Until
the workers realize their enslaved
position and their potential strength,
and, fortified with the resolution to
brook no opposition and tolerate no
alliances, rise to seize for themselves
the reins of government and to strip
avowed enemy and fancied friend
alike of tho last shred of property in
the meanB of life.
KINGS.
There was a time, not bo long ago,
when kings were extremely important persons. In fact, they were considered nearly as important as they
thought they were. Whatever the
king said went. It was very dangerous for persons who were not kings
to ubb private conversation about
those who were without the latter's
permission. Kings quite often surrounded themselves with chosen advisors in order to show that they
didn't have to take anybody's advice.
The affairs of a country moved according as the monarch saw things, which
depended a good deal upon his bringing up and his attitude on the temperance question.
Nowadays things are different. The
principal functions of a king are to
bave his picture on cigar bands and
bave hotelB named after him. He ls
also useful ln the celebration of birthdays, coronations and royal funerals.
The power of a king to boss the
whole show is somewhat gone. The
people now have great freedom. Anyone can Bay anything he pleases about
the king with perfect impunity—un
less he tells the truth, of course, in
which case he is liable to be put in
Jail. This is not called lese majeste,
but libel. Nothing could be more just
than this, for we can conceive of nothing more calculated to injure a monarch's feelings than to have the trutn
told about him.
It costs a good deal to support a
king these days, but no good business
man should object to this, as the
splendor of a royal household reflects
in some degree the commercial prosperity of a country. Just as the three
balls of a pawnbrokerage should be
kept brightly polished.
ACTIVE   INDOLENCE.
An unoccupied person stood in the
park gazing pensively at the distant
hills. He looked lonesome and thus
fell an" easy Victim to the Prowling
Socialist who pounced upon him and
proceeded to tell him all about it.
He took it quietly for a time, but suddenly decided to be original, and by a
brilliant stroke cause the Socialist to
slink away glancing furtively over his
shoulder. This is the conversation
he hatched:
Vic—But what will you do with the
lazy man, eh?   Answer that n-;w!
p. S.—To whom do you refer?
Vic—Why, the man who won't
work.
P. S.—My friend, the lazy man is
the highest expression of the human
race. All progress and all the
achievements of civilization are due
to the efforts of lazy men to escape
work. Were it not for the natural
human tendency to laziness you would
now be down on the beach rustling
clams for your life. All that we have
or are likely to have we owe to laziness. It is the desire to avoid work
that has given us our present gigantic
mechanical system of wealth production and has now rendered it necessary to bring about a transformation
of the ownership of that machinery
from the capitalist to the working
class. As you well know, every invention of value to the race is of a
labor-saving device; what iB that but
an expression of inherent laziness?
At present every such invention
throws many workmen out of employment and thus increases the miseries-
Vic—Hold on. I didn't ask you for
a sermon. What are you driving at?
Stick to the point.
P. S.—I am leading up to my point.
Vic—Well, what is it?
P. S.—That instead of going around
bothering about what we are going to
do with the lazy man, you should
concern yourself as to what the lazy
man is going to do with us.
NOT  FOR  YOU.
You, tillers of the soli. Rejoice and
sing. Spring has come. The trees and
fields are doning their summer garb.
The birds are singing sweetly in the
trees and up in the blue skies, and the
spring poet waxes eloquent, but for
the majority of you horny-handed sons
of toll, you see looming ahead of you
nothing but work—work—work.
The capitalist press is full of glowing reports of prosperity. Prosperity
for whom, not for the majority of the
tillers of the soil, but for those who
toil not.neither do they spin. Prosperity for those who live off the proceeds' of the labor of yourself, wife
and children in the shape of mortgaged farms, machinery, interest, etc. You
have been misled too long by scheming politicians.
Did your trip to Ottawa last year get
you any satisfaction? Did it benefit
you any materially? No, you know
it did not, and you will not benefit
your position generally, until you join
hands with the wage-earners in the
city for the complete overthrow of this
rotten capitalist syBtem. This can be
done not by petty reformers such as
slngletaxers, etc., but by your knowing
how to measure value, then you wtll
send clear-cut revolutionary Socialists
to parliament, and when you do that
you wlll put some fear Into those who
live off your labors, and those much
needed reforms will then come fast
enough, but not before.
With the march of progress the
small farmer ls finding it harder and
harder to live, and with the advent of
modern machinery will find himself
unable to stand the pace, and will
have to give way to the large modern
up-to-date farms, with the great tracts
of lands, sooner or later. So get wise
you farm slaves, slaves to the present
system (though you may know it not),
put ln a kick against this rotten system. Read the literature Issued by
the Socialist Party of Canada, learn
how to measure value, and then join
the party, and help to bring about the
time, as Robbie Burns, the Scotch poet
puts it:
When "Man tae man the world o'er,
shall brltbers be an' a' that."
J. S
HE KNEW IT ALL.
He looked gross and groggy, and he
seemed anxious to impress us all with
the depth of his knowledge. He had
travelled (capital 'T')—and discoursed
largely to us about the peoples of
India and what "hateful people" certain caBtes were. He assured us that
many times he had struck a native
and knocked him down, for not being
sufficiently slavish. "You see," he
said, "they are not obedient enough, if
you don't."
And he is an exponent of the "Gospel of Love." "You are a Presbyterian, I presume?" he asked. "No," 1
hastened to assure him, "I do not belong to any church, nor do I Intend to
belong." "Oh," said he, unctuously,
"That's a pity—why have you quit?"
"Well, you see, in the first place I am
a member of the S. P. of C. and cannot
consistently belong to a church too!"
" 'Socialist' is a hateful word," he
answered, "It ought to be 'The Universal Brotherhood of .Man,' and if that
is what you mean by 'Socialism' then
I am a Socialist. We are all Socialists for that matter—Jesus Christ was
a socialist." "Ah!" I said, "he did not
preach socialism as I understand lt,
and, if I remember rightly he said
'Servants obey your masters.' Indignation stood out of every pore of the
Holy Man as he loudly replied "for
goodness sake don't try to tell ME
anything about Socialism. I know
ALL about It, and you needn't try to
teach your grandmother to suck eggs.
Why," he said, swelling up like a pouter pigeon, "I am an author (capital
'A') and have half a dozen letters after
my name, and I've been around the
world." (I believe he had called ln at
Bombay and Sydney) "and I am surprised that you have the audacity to
speak to MB as you do. It is not wise
to discuss such matters, nor to Bay all
you think. I never do—my clerical
collar prevents me—besides I never
talk politics."
And so saying, he edged quickly towards the door, leaving me with a decidedly tired feeling, and a resolve
just to let him and his ilk in future,
serenely paddle their way to—er—
Paradise, in their orthodox old canoe.
MARY H| T. ALEXANDER.
PAYING THE BILL.
19 Herkmer St., Brooklyn, N. Y.
Say Mac.—
Side by side of pictures of the King
and Queen of England and all about
the coronation stands the following in
the English Daily "Mirror," of April 3,
1911:
Baby Worker.
A baby aged two and a half years,
who "workB" for his living by hooking eyes on a card for his poor, working mother, bas been discovered in
London.
This little victim of sweated child
labor—Burely the youngest In the
country—is mentioned by a writer
in the Empire Review for April, just
published, on "The Problem of the
Child."
"I have seen a baby of two and a
half years hooking eyes," says the
writer, "so unchildllke at thirty
months that he had not the curiosity
to look up from his work as we talked
with the mother.
"Gravely and Industriously this baby
toiler placed "hook after hook in its
place on the card, saving a few minutes every hour to the mother who
earns 3s. a week at the most monotonous, weary, treadmill type of
woman's work' that exists. There
are twelve hooks and eyes on each
card, and the worker is paid lOd. for
every gross of cards. First she sews
the hooks on to tiie cards and the
child links each hook with an eye.
Then the eyes are stitched in place.
'In Great Britain there are 200,000
school children ln full attendance who
work out of school hours for wages.
There are between 80,000 and 90,000
half-timers who do a half-day in the
factory and a half-day ln the school,
whilst the full-time workers between
thirteen and fourteen years of age
probably number 300,0(10.
"From these statistics alone It can
be seen tbat over half a million children under fourteen years of age are
breadwinners. There are 120,000 factory children under fourteen and nearly 400,000 children and young persons
under eighteen years of age working
in the factories."
Some striking facts regarding the
work and wages of child home workers are given as follows:
A mother and child earn 4s. 6d a
week at hooks and eyes, working all
day until 11 p.m.
A girl of ten years works all evening with her mother, who cards pens.
They earn about 4d. ln one night.
A boy of twelve chops and sells
wood. By working all day he makes
5s. a week.
A report on the continuation schools
prepared by the Board of Education
states that there are 1,500,000 children
ln England and Wales between fourteen and seventeen years ot age who
are under no sort of educational care.
Say, Mac, are the people ot England
bughouse?
C. McM. SMITH:
•   *
The following, taken from the same
paper, may afford some idea as to
what this tot works for:
£11,000,000 Jewels at Coronation.
Taking Into account the value of the
robes, coronets, Jewels and uniforms
of the whole resplendent throng in the
Abbey, the following estimate would
be a reasonable one:
Royal regalia  £ 6,000,900
Peeresses' jewels        4,000,000
Peers' and peeresses' robes
and coronets    95,000
Royal   persons'   jewellery,
dresses and robes      1,000,000
Uniforms"            215,000
Lady    spectators'    jewels
and dresses  500,000
£10,810,000
Nearly £11,000,000 is thus the value
of the apparel  and   ornaments   that
will be worn  in the   Abbey   at   the
coronation.
O'BRIEN AT OTTAWA.
"Yes, I inn one ol' the men who
helped to make J. R. Booth's boasted
fortune of $93,000,000."
These were the words of II r. C. M.
O'Brien, member of the local legislature for the Rocky .Mountain district
in Alberta, who is now in .Ottawa, Mr.
O'Brien claims that J, R. Booth, aB
well as other capitalists, have no right
to their millions. He was elected to
the Alberta legislature on a Socialist
ticket.
Mr. O'Brien has a romantic story.
For many years he worked as a lumber Jack for J. R. Booth up on the
Madawaska river for $6 a month. At
an early age, he went west and was
engaged in the building of the railroad over the Crow'B Nest Pass, later
he worked in mining camps where the
socialistic principles were thoroughly
instilled Into him Last election he
ran for and obtained a seat in the local legislature on a Socialist ticket.
Mr. O'Brien has been brought here
under the auspices of the local socialists and is conducting a busy cam
paign. Last night he addressed an
open-air meeting at the corner of McKenzie avenue and Rldeau street, tonight he will speak at another meeting
at the Bame place and tomorrow afternoon and evening he will speak on
Socialistic themes in the Family Theatre. From here he will go on to Eastern provinces.
Rival Attractions.
The meeting last evening was held
by the light of the great white way
at the corner of McKenzie avenue and
Rideau  street.
At flrst there was a large crowd at
a stand where a man was selling collar buttons at the corner and there
were only five staunch supporters at
the socialist meeting. But gradually
the crowd began to drift over to the
rival attraction of the socialist meeting and the salesman was left deserted. By the time the meeting was finished 200 were present.
Mr. O'Brien pointed out that in spite
of the great power of the working
man to produce wealth, he never received the results of his labors, but
this went to a few.
"We peddle ourselves and sell ourselves into slavery to the owners of
the earth for a mere pittance, enough
to enable us to live in hovels," remarked the speaker. "They buy our life
force, it is ours no longer. These
capitalists rule; they are really our
masters and we their slaves."
Mr. W. Wayman sang a socialist
song to the tune of "La Marseillaise,"
while Mr. L. Leckie, another of the
local socialists acted as chairman.
The speakers stood on a soap-box platform.—"Citizen" (Ottawa).
Every locul of the Socialist Party of
Cana-'a should run a card under this
head. $1.00 per month. Secretaries
piea-e note.
DOMINION  EXECUTIVE   COMMITTEE
Social 1st l'urty of Canada. Meets
every alternate Monday. L>. G. McKenzie, .Secretary. Hox 1US8, Vancouver, B. C.
BRITISH
COLUMBIA.
PROVINCIAL
Executive
(?
uinm.ttep.
Soeii
lUt   Party
of   Canada.
Meets
every
alternate
Monday.
1)
O.   Mt-K
•msle,
Secretary,
Box   1GSS.
Vancouver,
li. c.
ALBEBTA   PBOVINCIAL   EXECUTIVE
Committee, Sociallsl Party of Cunada.
Meets every alternate .Monday In Labor
Hall, Eighth Ave. Ea-st, opposite post-
office. Secretury will S*a pleased to
answer any communications regurdlng
the movement ln the province. 1*\
Danby,   Secretary,   Box   647,   Calgary,
LOCAL SOUTH FORT QEOBQE, NO 61,
headquarters and public reading room,
Show Building, Hamilton Street. Busi-
ai S*JneiTlnF8*?->r*' Saturday night ut
8 P.m. Isell McLeun, Secretary: John
-Mclnnls Organizer. Comrades contemplating coming to Fort George are
fAhK'HS ■'e**u.?'"-"'<l to write for reliable information.
1<?PAL, y^WOOWyil**. 8.  C,  HO.  1,  S.
P. or l. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters. 2237
Main street.    F. Perry, Secretary, Box
1088.
■COCAI,  VANCOUVEB,   B.    O.,    NO.    48,
i'"".',shi, Ml;ets evei'>* second and
fourth Thursdays In the month ut 2237
Main Street.    Secretary, Wm, Mynttl.
MANITOBA PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee: Xottce—This card is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested In the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so If you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
secretary. W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
316 Good Street, Winnipeg.
■LOCAI,  VEBNON,   B.   C,  NO.  38,  8.  T.
of C.    Meets every Tuesday,  8:00 p.m.
?.•!■"*?• .??, L- °- L- Hb». Tronson St.
W. H. Ollmore. Secretary.
LOCAL VICTORIA,  B.  C.,  NO.  3,  8.  F.
?L9- Reading room and headquarters,
1319 Government St., Kooin 2, over
Coll!ster's Gun Store. Business meetings every Tuesday, s p.m. Propaganda meetings everv Sunday at Crys-
tnl  Theatre.    T.  Gray,  Secretary.
SASKATCHEWAN PBOVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party of
Cunada. Meets every first and third
Suturday in tbe month, 8:06 p.m., at
headquarters. Main Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement in this Province. A. Gildemees-
ter. Secretary, Box 201, North Battleford, Sask.
MAEITIME PBOVINCIAL EXECUTIVE
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
insets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton offlce of the
Party, Commercial Street, Gluce ttay,
N. S. Dan Cochrane. Secretary, Box
491, Glace Bay. N. S.
LOCAL CALOABY, ALTA., NO. 4, 8. P.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. ln the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and reading room, Labor Hall. Geo.
Hossiter, Secretary, Box 647
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9.
Miners' Hall and Opera House. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the flrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propaganda meetings at 8.
Organizer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Qlendenning, Box 63,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors mav receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
LOOAL   IXBHIE,   8.   P.   of   O.,   HOLDS
educational meetings ln the Miners'
Union Hall, Victoria Ave.. Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting flrst Sunday in eucii
month, same place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Paton, Secretary,  Box  101.
LOCAL   OBEENWOOD,   B.   C,    NO.    9,
S. P. of C.. meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G. Johnson, Secretary.
 1~
LOCAL  LADYSMITH  NO.   10,   8.  T.  ot
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 p.m., ln headquarters on First Ave.
j. II. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmith.
B. C.
LOCAL'EDMONTON,  ALTA.,  NO.  1,  8.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer,  \V.   Stephenson.
LOOAL LETHBBIDOE, ALTA., NO.  13,
S. P. of C. Meets flrst and third Sundays In the month, at 4 p.m., ln
Miners' Hall. Secretury. Chus. Peacock. Box 1983.
LOCAL BEOINA, SASK., NO. 6.   MEETS
every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. ln Trades
Hull. Scarth Street. Business meetings second and fourth Fridays st 8
p.m., Trades Hall. Secretary, B. Simmons, Box  1046.
I.OOAL  MICHEL,  B.   O.,  NO.   16,  8.   F.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. In
Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the flrst
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a.m. in the sume hall. Party
organizers tuke notice. A. S. Jullun,
Secretury.
LOCAL MABA, B. C, NO. 34, 8. F. ot 0„
meets flrst Sunduy ln every month in
Sociullst Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman,   Recording  Secretury.
LOCAL MOYIE,  B.  0., NO.  30,  MEETS
second Sunduy, 7;30 p.m., in McGregor
Hall I Miners' Hull). Thos. Roberts,
Secretury.
LOCAL  NANAIMO,  NO.  8,   8.  F. of  C,
meets every ultcrnute Sunday evening
in Foresters' Hull. Business meeting
ut 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at S:00 o'clock.
A. Jordan, Secretary. Box 410.
LOCAL  NELSON,   S.   F.   of  0.,  MEETS
everv Friday evening at 8 p.m., in
•Miners' Hall, Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
LOOAL BBANDON, MAN., NO. 7, S. F.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block. Rossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, ljunduy ut 8 p.m.; business meeting, second nnd fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.: economic class. Sundays at 3
p.m.; speakers' class, Wednesday at
8 p.m.; algebra class, Friday at 8
p.m.; debuting class, flrst und third
Mondays at 8 Din. D. France, Organizer, 1126 Victoria Ave.
LOCAL WINNXPEO, KAN., NO. 1, 8. F.
of C. Headquarters, 528 1/2 Main St.,
Room 2, next Dreamland Theatre.
Business meeting every alternate
Monday evening at 8 p.m.: propaganda
meeting every Wednesduy ut 8 p.m.;
economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Orgunlzer. Hugh Lald-
low. Room 2. 528 1/2 Muln St. .Secretary. J.  W.   Hillings.  270  Young St.
LOOAL PBINCE BUFEBT, B. C, No. S3,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday In
hall in Empress Theatre Block at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
8TOP IT!
Dear Reader.—
As I was reading my last week's
Clarion my usually placid temper
was suddenly severely ruffled by coming across in its columns one of the
most disgraceful slurs that ever could
disgrace a paper or its subscribers.
We may disagree on what should or
should not be our "attitudes," "tactics"
and all the different parts that go to
make a whole; we may be an optimistic bunch of hypocrites, we Socialists, but lt is certainly up to ub to
put down our foot at once and put it
down hard on any further publication
of such an unnecessary and disgusting
quotation.
Don't cuss the Editor; he ls "not
guilty." 'Tis his business to print what
we want or what we can at least tolerate, but ln this case all reason ls
thrown to the winds, so It is up to the
"rank and file" to forward at once to
the Editor, IN PROPER FORM and
AS OFTEN AS NECESSARY, a protest that will forever bar from the
columns of the Clarion such a dirty
communication.
It would not be so very rotten if
such brutal information merely reflected on the capacity of Borne obscure individual, but ln this case
every last one of us Socialists is hit
and hit hard, and my faith in my fellows will receive a rude jolt if the
Editor Ib allowed ever again to inflict
us with such aB I will In charity call
"news." If he does, we wlll have
demonstrated to our own satisfaction
and to the satisfaction of the workers
of Canada that we cannot own and
run decently a peanut stand let alone
a paper. Patience, gentle reader, you
will find the finger of scorn pointed
at YOU on page 3 of the Western
Clarion of May 6th. The words are
ln the fourth column, Just twenty-six
lines from the bottom, and they read
thus: "DEFICIT »48.30." Yours in
disgrace,
W. A. S.
CLARION   MAINTENANCE   FUND.
The following items were overlooked in last lsBue:
B. L. J 11.00
per Byatt  BO
LOCAL   BEVELBTOKE,   B.   C,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C.    Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month.    B. F. Gayman, Secre-
Izer; B. F. Gayman, Secretary,
tary.
LOCAL BOSSLAND, NO. 25, 8. F. of C,
meets In Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secretary, P.O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets tn Flnlanders' Hall, Sundays ut
7:30 p.m. A. Sebble, Secretary, P.O.
Box 54, Rossland.
LOOAL SANSON, B. ft, NO. 38, 8. F. OF
C. Meets every Tuesday at 7:30 p.m.
in the Sandon Miners' Union Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C.
LOOAL   NO.  34,   TORONTO,   ONTABIO.
Headquarters, 10 and 12 Alice Street
(near Yonge). Business meetings
every second nnd fourth Wednesdays;
propugundu meetings every Sunday at
3 and 8 p.m. By arrangement with
Toronto university, popular scientific
lectures every Monday at 8 p.m. during the winter. Address all communications to Secretary, No. 10 and 12
Alice St.	
LOCAL BBANTTOBD, NO.  16, 8. F.  of
C. Meets at headquarters, 13 George
St., every Thursday and Sunday nights.
Business nnd speakers' class on Thursdays; economic cluss on Sundays.
Wage workers Invited. S. Kemp. Secretury. 9 George St. W. Davenport,
Organizer.  31  Charlotte St.
LOCAL  OTTAWA,  NO.  8,   8.   F.   OF  ft
Business meeting flrst Sunday ln
month, and propugunda meetings following Sundays Ht 8 p.m. tn Robert-
Allun Hull, 78 ltideuu St. John Lyons,
Secretury, 44 Chamberlln Ave.
LOCAL  OLACE  BAY, NO.   1,  OF  N.  8.
Business und propaganda meeting
every Tliursduy at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
ald's Hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred N'ash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Buy; Wm. Sutherland,
Orgunlzer, New Aberdeen; H, G. Ross,
Flnunclul Secretary, office in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
Street.
599
F. PERRY
TAILOR
834 Pender St.      Vancouver
To Canadian Socialists
On account of Inoreased postal
rates we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review In Canada
11.20 a year Instead of 11.00. We
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For 13.00 we will mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall ten
copies of any one Issue,
For (3.00 we will mall the Review   one   year  and   the   Chicago
Dally Socialist for que year.
CBABLEB M. XEBB ft COKPANT
134 West Klnzle St., Chicago.
IATENTS
         ___       Untlll
We solid-, the business of Manufacturers,
Rngineeru and others who realize the advisability of having their Patent business transacted
byBxpetts. Preliminary advice free. Charges
modeiaU. Onr lav-tttor's Adviser sent upon
request Marion & Marion, New York JUfe Bldg,
Montreal: and Washington, IY.C, U.SJk.
THE CAFETERIA
A good
place to est
305  Cambie Street
The beBt of everything properly
cooked.
Chas. Malcahey, Prop.
«M ,	
GREAT BOOKS BY
GREAT MEN
Riddle of the Universe, by
Haeckel     25c
Life of Jesus, Renan  25c
Age of Reason, Paine 25c
Merrie England    20c
God and My Neighbor,
Blatchford    25c
Origin of Species, Darwin.. 25c
Ingersoll's Lectures, each.. 25c
Evolution of the Idea of Ood,
Grant Allen   25c
Postage prepaid on books.
The People's Bookstore
152 Cordova St. W.
DENTIST
W. J. CURRY
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
LAND AOT.
New Wsstmlnstsr Land Dlitriot, District
of N*w Westminster.
Take notice that William Mcintosh, of
Vancouver, occupation real estate agest,
intends to apply for permission to pui>
chase the following described lands:
Commencing; at a post planted about 471
feet In a westerly direction from ths
southeast corner of Block 18, District
Lot 19«, City of Vancouver; thence
northerly 120 feet; thence easterly lit
feet to old high water mark: thence
south 120 feet along old high water
mark; thence west to point of commencement.
WILLIAM McINTOSH.
Dated Feb. 24th, 1911 <es«)
m®®®®®®r*®**®®®mm®®®®®®®®®®®mmm
:sowN.;o^t^s"
*)|rST )N B.C.
CIO/
\Y\$ SATURDAY, MAY 13, 1911
THE WESTERN CLARION. VANCQUV ER. 1R1TPH COLUMBIA.
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
REGINA, 8ASK.
Comrade.—
Our interests have received a refresher this week by a vlBit from
Comrade I^estor. We had an outside
meeting In Stanley Park on Sunday,
April 30, and a large crowd listened
to our message for an hour and then
came for some more in the Trades
Hall at night, when we had Value expounded in Lester's finest style.
We had a May Day meeting at 8
p. m. on Monday night and had a big
bunch of slaves listening to a spiel
on evolution. Several came up after
he was finished and wanted to know
what he had in- his grip in the way of
pamphlets. His visit boosted up the
circulation of the wage slaves' shoot
by several suds., and as he is coming
jack in a week or so to repeat the
dose, we expect an Increase ln membership.
There wnl certainly be a working
:lass candidate in the field at the next
-lection here, and , we keep up the
pace we have set there wni be a pro-
etarlan in pontics for ....a province
aext trip, ""tours for the whole cheese,
B. SIMMONS,
Regina Local, No. 6.
HE PARTY AND THE MOVEMENT.
The propagandist who travels in the
Dominion needs to be a man possessed
jf iron nerves, leather lungs and a
happy-go-lucky, devil-may-care dlsposi-
;ion. When Alf. Budden drifted back
from Alberta and told his tales of joys
and woes I chuckled to myself for a
week afterwards. I was sorry that he
had been knocked on the head by an
indignant opponent, sorry for the hardships he was compelled to endure, but
delighted to see he saw through the
joke of it. "I wouldn't have missed
that trip for the wealth of Alaska'
was the conclusion he arrived at. He
is haptlzed and received into the fold.
He has learned what I would all the
members of the party knew—that the
party and the movement are two entirely different things.
Sometimes we see in the Clarion an
article by a comrade on keeping the
movement straight, and most of the
readers are in agreement with the
writer that the S. P. of C. must keep
to its.revolutionary attitude. It will
always do that so long as we are
particular in the choice of our membership. It is better that they should
understand the proposition before they
join than have to be taught afterwards.
Otherwise they will UBe their influence
to prevent the straight dope from being peddled. If the Utopians in a
local can outvote the reds there is
danger. Every* member of the party
therefore should watch the applicants,
The movement springs into existence as a result of economic causes,
and as it grows the party will be compelled to keep a more watchful eye
than ever upon its development. The
party is the result of the same causes
as the movement, but lt must be composed of men whose experience and
imowledge enable them to understand
and interpret the laws inherent and
at work in the capitalist system. There
one question I should like to aBk
here and I hope the members of the
party will consider it. "Are the members in the British Columbia and Alberta Legislatures sent by the party
or by the movement? And in either
case, whoBe aspirations do they reflect? Are they bound or are they
not to work according to the wishes
of those who sent them there?" Upon
investigation we shall flnd that they
are sent by the movement and not by
the party. Their work in the gaB
houses shows conclusively that the
movement as a whole is in a healthy
condition because, taking a look at the
performances of Hawthornthwaite,
Williams and O'Brien, their propaganda generally, both inside and outside
the houses of legislation, has Been as
\ good as could be expected or desired.
' In the places, then, from which these
representatives were sent there is a
good, strong body of men who are
working for the destruction of the
present system and the working class
ownership of the means of production.
Thore are signs on every hand that
our class is growing, restless and there
is considerable danger of the locals
being flooded with emotional freaks
with more enthusiasm than knowledge. It behooves us then to be wary.
We must hew to the line and then we
are safe.
PRICE LI8T OF SUPPLIES
(Te Locals.)
Charter    (with    necessary    supplies to start Local) 15.00
Membership Cards, each    .01
Duee Stamps, each 10
Platform and   application   blank
per 100  25
Ditto In Finnish, per 100 50
Dltte In Ukranlan, per 100 50
Constltut   ns, per dozen, 60c.
Ditto, Finnish, per dozen....,..-    50
Many publications in the states and
ln the Dominion of a so-called Socialist nature reflect the mental development of the movement. And although
much of the matter they distribute the
party,must without hesitation condemn, still they are indications of
the state of mind of that section of
the struggling proletariat that lies outside the really class-conscious element. Whatever faults the party may
possess, we of the party are responsible for. If we make of the party
what the platform dictates it should
be, we can trust the movement to develop eventually along the same lines.
We cannot go too far in the right
direction—the direction of the conquest of political power, every branch
of it. We cannot conquer political
power except by the education of our
class.
The movement is growing fast. We
have to educate and guide those who
do not yet understand. It ls the duty
of the Socialist Party to so discipline
its rankB that its members can move
as one man ln the direction of annihilating the ignorance of the wage
slaves. This is what we exist for.
Keep the movement clear? Yes,
that's all right. We have no control
over the movement, however. The
want of clearness in the movement is
in exact proportion to the laziness
and Ignorance of the party. See that
the party is right. Spread the party
organ, spread the party dope, and
above all let us see that we ourselves
are useful members of that organization to which we have the honor to
belong.
LESTOR.
Local Vancouver No. 1 starts its
open-air campaign for the summer
next Saturday. Street corner meetings will be held regularly, weather
permitting. The first meeting will be
addressed by Comrade J. Harrington.
The corner of Carrall and Cordova
streets will likely be the scene of activities, subject to change, of course. In
that vicinity at any rate.
•   •   •
"Make hay while the sun shines."
This is a nasty insinuation that the
workers don't know enough to come
In out of the rain.
FALLEN   FROM   GRACE
Western Clarion,
Dear Editor—In your issue of April
22, Mr. W. Green hastened to inform
the Clarion readers of the awful fart
that he was never more surprised in
all his life to hear Hector Maedonald,
'Our Champion of Economics," speak
on Fabianism in the Forum Hall in
Toronto, and who is actually a member of the Fabian Society. This terrible information will greatly shock
the Clarion readers and forever bring
into disgrace "Our" champion of Economics.. It is hoped that the Clarion
readers will bear the sad news as well
as they can, and perhaps will assure
Friend Green that they are quite able
to champion Marxian economics without the assistance of Hector Macdonal.
But since my title as champion ls now
gone, I had better let myself down as
easy as possible by making note of
Friend Green's criticism of my talk
on  Fabianism.
The object of the lecture was to
explain the working policy of the Fa-
bians; the audience being principally
non-Socialists. I also explained the
working policy of the S. P. of C. and
S. D. P., so that the Fabian policy
would thereby stand out the clearer,
I neither justified the Fabian policy
nor condemned the others, but simply
let the audience judge for themselves.
But In doing bo Friend Green says I
"denied all the conclusions that the
Marxian Doctrine Implies." I can't
see anything in Friend Green's letter
or in the lecture that has any connection with the conclusions of Marxian
economics.
I am quoted as saying that "the Fabian Society is not a socialist society
or party," and further on quoted correctly that "the Fabian Society consists of Socialists." What I did say
was that the Fabian Society was not
a Socialist Party or a Socialist 'Organization. Evidently Friend Green don't
see the distinction between a Society
and a Party, organized for a definite
purpose. Much is made over the fact
that the Fabians give no cut-and-dried
definition to the term "Socialists" or
"Socialism." Don't blame the Fabians
for that Friend Green. They may be
allowed to leave the definition an
open question until the S. P. of C. and
the S. D. and the "Christian" parties
settle upon the proper definition between themselves. Anyway, Socialists are begining to realize that Socialism is something else besides mere
Interpretations of natural laws.
"When asked what it (Fabianism)
has accomplished, the speaker could
flnd no words to reply." Suppose the
same question was put to Friend Green
regarding the S. P. of C, what would
be his reply? The Lloyd-George Budget was quoted as an example of what
Fabianism has accomplished. But
there is one thing which Friend Green
has overlooked, and that is that the Fabians do not contend that the English
Budget, or any other so-called economic reform will be of any direct benefit to the working class, while many
"Socialists" contend that it will. From
the Fabian point of view that was not
the purpose of the Budget, but is used
as a club to loosen the landlord's grasp
of the land, and to spur on the downfall of capitalism.
There are, however, other real reforms besides tbe economic. Does not
the S. P: of C. work for political reforms? And wlll not Friend Green vote
for Hygienic reforms? Whether the
English Budget will do any good or
not, we will leave to the logic of
events, anyway, we have no business
to question the intelligence of those
who voted for it.
"That only in the principles of the
Fabians was sex-citizenship spoken of,
which shows that the speaker has yet
some very elementary knowledge to
learn." Will Friend Green please
read over again the Platform of the
S. P. of C, and the Principles of the
S. P. of G. B.
But the greatest blow of all is the
following:
"However Mr. Maedonald can reconcile his position with Marxian economics is more, I imagine than any member of the S. P. of C, can do." I am
not asking any member of the S. P. of
C. to reconcile my position with Marxian economics, and I hope that Friend
Green will not insist that they make
the attempt.
However, I had better explain my
position in economic theory,,and perhaps Friend Green will tell me what
it has to do with Fabian tactics. Perhaps it wlll greatly shock Friend Green
and the members of the S. P. of C.
that "Our Champion" can accept the
Marxian economics down to its conclusions, and at the same time be a
member of the Fabian society, and can
even champion the philosophy of the
S. P. of C. and be a member of the
Fabian Society. But when I see a
host of so-called Marxian Socialists
trying to explain away the economic
theories of Karl Marx in order to make
room for economic reforms, then inconsistency is not always with the Fabians. When men like Spargo are
practically overthrowing Marxian economics and accepting the current
"Marginal Utility" theory of the professors because it seems to be truer
to facts, then I see men who know
practically nothing about economics.
Uy accepting the "Utility" theory they
are not really rejecting the Marxian
theory. They are accepting something
which appears to be more learned because fuzzy, for the simpler and clearer, and therefore more common (?) exposition of Karl Marx.
As interpretations of economic society, both theories are in the final instance equally true. And all the controversy between the Utility school
and the Marxian School from Boehm-
Bawerk and Hyndman down, to an occasional writer fn the Western Clarion are simply of their own making.
The utility theory does not contradict the labor-time theory, but actually
corroborates lt. The surplus-value
theory of Karl Marx can be equally as
well explained from the view-point
of utility or use-value, as it is from
the view-point of cost in labor-time.
The economic theories of the Professors simply corroborates the Marxian
theory of surplus value. This may
shock the Untermanns' tbe Spargos'
and the professors and perhaps Friend
Green, and the members of the S. P.
of C„ and particularly those who hold
to the theory that the laboring class
is exploited at the point of consumption. But then, these are days of
shocks and surprises, and I hope that
Friend Green and the members of the
S. P. of C. wlll survive for some days
yet, coming as It does from a member
of the Fabian Society.
When there Is so much poverty ln
the knowledge of economics among
the leaders of the organized Socialist movement from the top-notchers
down to the little band around the
stove of Local No. 24, there Is certainly need of champions of Marxian
economics, but, according to Friend
Green I have fallen from grace, so I
beg of you to hand the title of "Our
Champion" to someone else.
HECTOR N.  MACDONALD.
Toronto.
MAYOR AND RED FLAG.
Lese  Majeste  in   Montreal.
"So long as I am ln the chair, the
red flag shall not be flaunted in Montreal," said Mayor Guerln to' a Witness reporter this morning.
The capture of two red flags by the
police at the Socialist parade last
night was the subject of the inquiry.
Chief of police Campeau had refused
to give any reason for the seizure, and
Inspector Grandchamp, who was ln
charge of the police when the flags
were captured, also refused to speak,
but there was no such reticence displayed on the part of His Worship the
mayor.
"The red flag," he said, "Is the symbol of revolt and disorder. It stands
for defiance of all constituted law and
as a menace to society; it ls the sign
of riot and bloodshed, and wherever
it is shown it Ib the signal for disturbance and revolution against all
peace and security to the community
at large.
"I am surprised," he continued, "at
being asked any questions about its
seizure last night. Does the 'Witness'
support these Socialists, who on the
Champ de Mars on Sunday night were
declaiming against our King?
"Does the 'Witness' know that they
were saying King George is not the
King of tho people, but ot the aristocrats and millionaires?
"The red flag was confiscated because it is the forerunner of Anarchy
and sedition, and bo long as I am ln
this chair it shall not be flaunted in
Montreal."
"But," said the reporter, "four years
ago was lt not decided by the Finance
Committee that the Socialists had a
right to parade and show their flag?
The following year they made a demonstration to establish a precedent
and were not lnterferred with, and last
year they carried lt without disturbance. Was there any special reason
for them being stopped this year?"
His Worship said he was surprised
at the 'Witness' asking such questions, and so long as he had anything
to do with lt, the red flag would be
Interdicted tn Montreal.
Mr. Albert St. Martin expressed h,s
surprise at the flag being taken, but
said he did not blame the police, who
were only acting under orders, which
they carried out without unnecessary
force. "There is one thing I should
like to correct," he said. "Considerable
prominence is being given to a statement that the Socialist party of Montreal ls composed almost exclusively of
foreigners. This is not the case; there
are, of course, more Socialists, outside
the party than in it, but of those who
belong to our movement and belong
to the association, numbering In all
less than four hundred, over 300 are
British subjects, and 200 of them can
only speak French or English; those
who speak French were born under
the British flag, and to the best ot my
knowledge the English-speaking ones
were also in any case they could not
speak any other language than Eng
llsh If they tried."
*   *
What the "Witness" says  About  It:
The only trouble with the Socialist
procession was caused by the police,
who interfered to the extent of
despoiling the marchers of their big
red flag. The lltle flags and other
red decorations they did not interfere
with. All sorts or Hags are flown ln
Montreal; only mis one is forbidden.
In some way it acts like a red rag to
a bull. The question Is where ls the
bull. Who gave the police orders to
take It away, and why? The proceeding gave the demonstration a significance that it would not otherwise
have had, and gave the agitators the
grievance which gives life to agitation.
Socialism represents the indefinable
dreams of masses emerging from the
lethargy of ages of oppression. These
dreams sometimes take the form of
enmity to all government—a very
natural enmity in some lands. Sometimes they look to a far more pervasive system of government than
exists, or has ever existed, under
which all industries and all the affairs of a man's life will be regulated
by government. To cure this later
imagining all that will be necessary
will probably be to give the people a
taste of it. We are already seeing ln
many forms a strong popular reaction
from the political results of extreme
democracy. For the tendency to
anarchism resulting from abhorrence
of old world police methods, the best
cure is to give them as little to remind
them of those oppressive ways as is
possible. The specific treason quoted
by the mayor for giving the socialists
the prominence and the grievance
which his order has forced upon them,
is that a colored man said at a meeting on Sunday evening that King
George waB not the King of the people but of the aristocrats and millionaires. Here ls lese majeste with
a vengeance. That comrade was badly mistaken, as far as the King is
concerned, but all that his words
amounted to was that in his view
government in these days ls a good
deal controlled by money. Freedom of
speech has for centuries been the
British specific for discontent.—Witness.
The following subs, arrived this
week:
C. M. O'Brien, Ottawa, Ont 16
Lestor, Regina, Sask  8
"Smith," Vancouver  7
J. H. B., Ladysmith, B. C  4
Roscoe A. FUlmore, Amherst, N. S... 3
Singlet,
A. Stewart, South Hill, Sask.; L. R.
Mclnnis, Sandon, B. O.J L. Elliott,
Battle Creek, Mich.; Mrs. J. N. Hintsa,
Gibson's Landing, B. C.; Ct W. Spring-
ford, Marwayne, Alta.; T. E. Day,
Dundurn, Sask.; Hugh Dool, Grande
Prairie, Alta.; Jas. S. Johnston, Athal-
mer, B. C; Jos. Tralnor, Montreal,
Que.; W. J. Moore, Toronto, Ont.;
John Smart, Winnipeg, Man.; Jos,
Effler, Grandvlew, Man.; R. Lestor,
North Battleford, Sask.; J. Rolls, New
Westminster, B. C; Desmond, Nelson,
B. 0.; J. McMillan, City; Robert
Thomas, Merritt, B. O.
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and te the producers It should belong.
The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong te
the capitalist class. The capitalist is therefore master; the worker a
slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect aad
defend their property rights ln the means of wealth production aad
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream ef profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
The Interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
system, nnder which is cloaked the robbery ot the working class at ths
point ef preductlen. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property la the means of wealth production into collective er working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist aad
the worker Is rapidly culminating In a struggle tor possession of tho
reins of government—the capitalist to bold, the worker to secure It by
political action.   This Is the class straggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering ths
public powers tor the purpose ot setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working class.
2. The democratic organization and management of Industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when In office shall always and everywhere
until the present system is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interests
of the working class and aid the workers In their class struggle against
capitalism? If it will, the Socialist Party Is for It; lt It wtll not, ths
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges Itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands ln such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
SS VCARS'
EXPERIENCE
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MEETING
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SPEAKER
Empress
Theatre
Sunday, May
14
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LOCAL VANCOUVER  NO. 1
PRICE LI8T OF LITERATURE.
Capital, Vol. I, II, III, Karl Marx,
per vol $2.00
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TO HOUSEKEEPERS
Qlf you would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure,' look into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone your address to onr office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and give you an estimate ot cost of
Installing the gas pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited. THE WESTERN OARION, VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA.
8ATURDAY, MAY 13, 1911
REVOLUTION IN THE COKE INDUSTRY
By THOMAS F. KENNEDY.
Coking drives off the gases in coal
without burning up the carbon. During the last three years a revolution
bas been under way in the coke industry. It is not the work of pestiferous labor agitators nor of wicked
trust promoters, but of machines.
Up until the advent of the byproduct coking process and the machine, coke ovens were built about
the shape of a beehive, hence the
name, beehive oven. At first they
were very small, and as late as
twenty years ago ovens were built
eight feet in diameter. But the size
was gradually increased until nearly
all of the lately built beehive ovens
are over twelve feet in diameter,
twelve and one-half being a common
size.
Coke ovens are built In rows, the
spaces being filled so that the front
presents the appearance of a solid
wall of masonry with arched doors
about every sixteen feet. Excepting
for the small, round charging hole in
each oven the top is level and carries
a track upon which runs the charging
car from the coal tipple.
In nearly all old-time coke plants
the ovens were built against a hill or
rise in the ground. This was to economize heat and give solidity to the
ovens. But modern practice is to
build two rows back to back. This
gives solidity and conserves heat even
better than by tbe old plan.
When a batch of cold ovens, new
or old, are to be started, or "fired,"
as they say around the coke works,
fire ls kept burning ln them for several days, until the walls of the
ovens are hot enough to Ignite coal.
After being charged the first thing is
.Jo "level," This leveling is dons by
hand with a big heavy scraper, and
the "leveler" Just pushes and pulls
until the coal Is level in the oven.
The hot walls of the oven ignite the
coal, and often within an hour, especially if the oven is charged soon
after being drawn, smoke will begin
to come out of the charging hole, and
in seven or eight hours a big flame.
A never-to-be-forgotten sight is three
or four hundred ovens on a dark
night, each one vomiting a column ot
name, while over them hovers a canopy of smoke like a great black pall.
v When the coking ls complete the
coal has become a solid, nearly white-
hot cake, about sixteen inches thick
and the diameter of the oven. The
first stsp is to water the oven until
the hot cake is black on top and only
a very dark, cherry red toward the
bottom. The chief reason for cooling
the coke is to prevent lt from burning
to ashes, which it would do if drawji
out in the air while hot; but incidehs?
ally the cooling makes it easier for
the drawer to stand up in front of
the oven and causes cracks in the
cake, making It possible to tear it
asunder.
This still red hot cake of coke sitx-
teen inches or more thick and twelve
feet or more in diameter is attacked
by the drawer with bar, hook and
scraper as he stands In front of the
oven. His hook iB Mb chief reliance,
and he has several of varying length,
the shortest for near the door and
the longest for the back end of the
oven. The handle of the hook Ib of
round steel with a link-shaped ring
at the end. The business end of the
hook is of rectangular steel five-
eighths of an inch thick, one and a
quarter inches wide, about eight
inches long, perfectly straight, turned
at a right angle to the handle and
sharp at the end.
He bounces his hook seeking a
hold, and when he gets a "bite" he
Jerks with all his might until he tears
the piece loose and draws lt into the
big, heavy iron wheelbarrow which
stands directly under the oven door.
When the barrow Is full lt must be
wheeled to the railroad car across
the yard or on to the stock pile, if for
any reason there should be stocking.
The bed of coke must be quarried,
but the quarryman works at a terrible disadvantage. He must keep at
a distance from his red-hot quarry,
the distance increasing until at the
last he ls fourteen or fifteen feet away.
Yet he can not keep far enough from
the oven to escape the heat, dust,
steam and sulphurous fumes, pouring
out of the oven Into his face.
Three to four hours, according to
his strength and his luck, hard tugging in front of the oven will finish
the Job, for which he receives about
one dollar. Two ovens are a hard
day's work, though two one day and
three the next—fifteen a week—Is a
regular thing. There have been ex>
ceptional cases where strong, two-
legged mules pulled four a day—for
a while. As might be expected, they
are terrible drinkers.
Company doctorB point to the good
health enjoyed by the coke drawers.
The fact Is that unless one has the
strength of a horse and a constitution
like iron he would never get the first
oven pulled. No physical examination that could be devised could select the strongest and toughest as
surely as they are selected by the
coke-puller's book.
Three types of coke drawing machines are developing. Two of these
are designed to draw coke out of the
standard beehive oven. Because of
the large volume of flame and heat
retained and the thorough combustion of the gases the beehive shape is
by many coke men considered the
best coker, hence the efforts to adapt
machines to it. Another reason is that
these machines can be used at existing beehive plants with no alteration
in the ovens.
One of these beehive machines consists of a steel spade fixed to the
end of a piston moved back and forth
by gears. Near the end of the spade
is a knuckle on the same principle as
the barb of a fish hook. The spade
is forced between the coke and the
bottom of the oven for some distance
and then withdrawn, bringing with it
all coke which got over the knuckle.
This machine has been declared a success, and is in use every day at several big works.
The other beehive machine works
on Tne same principle as the man with
the hook, tearing and clawing the coke
from the top the Bame as the hand-
drawer.
For the hitherto laborious work of
leveling beehive ovens there has been
devised a machine that looks something like a big steel umbrella. It is
mounted on a car running on the
same track that carries the charging
larry. As soon as an oven is charged
it is run up and the folued umbrella
let down into the oven through the
small charging hole on top. As soon
as it ls down the umbrella is opened
and made to revolve by means of an
electric motor, and the ribs of the umbrella acting as sweeps, quickly and
perfectly level the oven. The umbrella is refolded, withdrawn and the
car run out of the way until another
oven ls charged.
But the machine which ls revolutionizing the coke industry cannot be used
■with a beehive oven. It must have a
specially constructed rectangular oven.
Plants of this type are known as "push
ovens," because the distinguishing
characteristic of this type ls that lt
pushes the coke out of the oven, and
the same machine levels the oven.
At the best "push" plant I visited,
the ovens were five feet wide and
thirty-two feet long, giving about
twenty per cent, more floor area than
the largest practicable beehive oven.
These rectangular ovens for the
"push" machine are open their full
width at both ends and provided with
double doors lined with Are brick.
The beehive door is always built by
hand '.'cer each "draw."
The coking process Is essentially a
roasting process and goes on in very
much the same manner that a Joint of
meat roasts ln your stove oven. The
object of coking Is to drive off the
gases without fpnsuming the carbon.
The beehive shape gives the space for
the thorough combustion of the gases
and the accumulation of a large body
of flame and heat. So the rectangular
oven imitates as nearly as possible the
shape of the beehive, and iDStead of a
straight arch like a tunnel or sewer,
it rises from each door toward the
center at an angle of about forty degrees, which gives ample room for
combustion and the accumulation of
heat.
At one side of a row of these rectangular ovens is a wide track along
which rolls a heavy steel carriage upon which ls mounted the ram
which pushes the coke out of the
oven. On the other side of the row
and between the ovens and the railroad track is another track carrying
combined screen and conveyor.
All the water man has to do is
start the watering apparatus and it
automatically, by the action of the
water itself, moves back and forth.
At all old plants a man must stand and
hold the watering pipe, moving it
about.
When an oven Ib ready to draw, the
carriage carrying the ram Is moved
Into position in front of the oven,
moving with its own power. The machine is nothing more than a big ram
with a rectangular head. The thick
stem of the ram telescopes on Itself
and the unltiated seeing lt reach the
length of a thirty-two foot oven wonders where it is coming from.
While the machine is being "spotted"
a couple of other men are placing the
screen and conveyor in position at the
opposite side of the oven. As soon as
the signal is given that lhe conveyor
is ready, the man on the machine
gives the' controller handle a Jerk, the
motor starts and ln one minute the
five ton of coke is not only out of the
oven, but screened and in the railroad
car. As soon as the oven is charged,
the ram is started again, this time
raised up, and one trip tn and one out
levels the oven as smooth as a cement
sidewalk, the ram and conveyor pass
on to another oven. Given enough
ovenB and changes of men, this machine will draw coke every hour of
the twenty-four. Working single turn,
twelve men will operate 100 ovens on
forty-eight hours coke. To pull the
coke alone by hand would take twenty,
live men, to say nothing of leveling,
bricking up, wheeling it to the cars
and forking.
This Is a real labor-saving machine,
doing the slavish, exhausting work
and actually lightening the burden of
the workers that remain   at the coke I TAIN    CIRCUMSTANCES    wlll    be
plants where such machines have
been installed. At its best, coke
works are dirty, smoky, smelly places,
but at a machine plant, such as I have
described, the work is wholesome,
pleasant child's play compared to a
hand operated yard. There is no
doubt in my mind that the men required to run a machine coke plant
will be of a higher, economic and intellectual status than those that furnish the labor power at an old style
hand plant. Here is a case where
slightly skilled workers have displaced
or are displacing the roughest of unskilled labor and their status is an
Improvement over those they have displaced. On the other hand, we saw
that the semi-skilled or slightly
skilled laborers that displaced skilled
molders lost, status as compared with
those they displaced. Thus the leveling goes on, the leveling which will
soon make industrial organization as
easy aB craft organization ls now.—
International Socialist Review.
THE AFFAIRS OF THE CRIMINAL,
The press has given no little attention to the Government's changes ln
the methods of handling released convicts. Has the Socialist anything to
say on the matter? Yes. He, like the
rest of the workers, is called upon to
support the administration that thus
deals with the suppression of "crime"
and "criminals," and, since he would
influence the workers in another direction, he must give reasons why he
refuses to support that which, for
him, is a detail of capitalist defence.
The occasion, then, calls for some
discussion of the new arrangements
and, necessarily, as the Socialist view
is quite distinct from, and in violent
contrast with, every other view, a
general statement of the nature of
crime" and "criminals."
Today men speak of actions as
criminal which are commonly held to
be very immoral—actions in violation
of the law ot the land, or of what ls
considered to be correct living. But
ln the narrow sense those are criminals whose actions bring them within
the cognizance of the LAW OF THE
DAY, and render them liable to Imprisonment or death.
It is useful to point out In the flrst
place the important fact that there is
nothing fixed or absolute in "crime."
Actions that are "criminal" at one
time or in one country, are not so at
another time or in another country.
In Borneo and New Guinea, to thlB
day among the natives, man-eating
is quite correct, while in most other
lands lt is criminal. Today, in England, someone sticks a knife Into a
fellow human and gets hung for it,
while another pushes his knife, on
the end of a Lee-Enfield, into a man
whom he never saw before, and is a
"hero." Often in the past the usurer
and he who "cornered" stuffs was hoist
on the gallows or Imprisoned, but
now such a person has but to succeed
to be acknowledged a smart fellow,
worthy of every honor. One might
continue Indefinitely to multiply examples showing the changes ln men's
attitude towards certain conduct, but
it is more interesting to enquire why
these changes take place.
Take our examples. Those who
have studied savage life tell us that
behind custom and ritual cannibalism
has its roots in famine—in human
necessity. And men "make virtue of
necessity." With peoples in a higher
stage of development, the necessity
has passed away, and with that the
virtue. Here "order" of a different
kind is required; industry must proceed with a minimum of waste and
disturbance, and the stranger within
the camp may be more useful to the
ruling interest alive than dead; human
sympathy comes through in queer
ways, for men who may starve one
another may no longer eat one another.
Likewise your fellow with the knife
—he has become a general nuisance.
The rich have other tools, and no
longer have need of the bravo; there's
no virtue in him, and he Is suspended.
The soldier, on the other hand, is a
handy fellow. In orderly fashion he
will proceed to wipe out the Inconvenient Kaffir or the troublesome workman. The more he kills the finer fellow he ls.
Clearly here the change of. attitude
Is due to the change of interestsr-
lnterests, of course, of men in a position to enforce their desires—ruling
Interests. Such are only the common
Interest or that of the great majority,
while society is in its primitive stages.
But since classes evolved, men have
been branded as criminal and punished for actions that conflict with the
class Interest dominant at the moment.
Unlike the Christian and capitalist
hack, the Socialist may not approach
this question through the mysteries of
God given conscience, and the assumed absolute "right" and "wrong," but
must view it from the basis of human
experience. He perceives that crime
is a question of circumstances, preeminent among which is clasB-interest.
Class-Interest decides that the satisfaction of men's hunger by taking and
eating bread ls in certain circumstances criminal. The principle of
property—the basis of class rule—may
not be violated with impunity.   The
found to be ultimately on the same
basis of class-interest, just as sanitation was undertaken when the gay
clothing made in fever-infested slums
was found to kill aristocrats.
Criminality, then, depends upon circumstances, and your criminal is a
victim of such.
Let men but consider the criminal's
case and ask HOW came he in such
a. position. They will find that such
are made of very much the same flesh
and blood as themselves, that while
UNASKED-FOR inherited chasacteris-
tics count for something, It is essentially the difference of circumstances,
of child-training, companionship, opportunity, and requirements, that accounts for the difference between the
criminal and the man in the street.
Our opponents are fond of bragging
of the "individual" who makes his
mark and imposes his wlll upon the
world, as though he were some Olympic deity. But the slightest examination of the individual career will
show that he is but a fly upon the
wheel, and makes little difference.
Rather than he imposing his will up-
or the world he will be found to derive
that will, ln its specific form, from
the world about him, the social organization or system of which he is but
an atom. That system today is one
wherein the means of livelihood, of
joyous and comfortable existence, are
greedily monopolized by a small class
—the ruling, capitalist class. The
great bulk of mankind are kept poor
and hungry and anxious and miserable, and as such are treated with
contempt until, taking instruction
from the masters, they come to hold
one another in disdain. When some
seek to satisfy their needs—seek to
get out of their wretched position—
in ways inconvenient to the ruling
class, the latter, with its Instrument
the machinery ot State to hand, lands
them ln gaol:
Latterly the ruling class has taken
to improving its prison arrangements
all ln the Interest of the prisoners,
of course. Some of the revelations of
police persecution and "criminal"
breeding under the "tlcket-of-leave"
system have made somewhat ot a
scandal, while the more up-to-date and
cheaper prison-elevator schemes of
the Salvation Army and other bodies
seem to offer a better way.
The latest scheme is to hand the
supervision of released convicts over
to a new organization composed of
the Salvation Army, the Church Army,
and other bodies concerned to clear
the streets of the human wreckage
produced by capitalism.
Here Is no real Improvement on the
old conditions, for these organizations
can only do as ln the past, namely,
force the men to work for next to
nothing and destroy outside firms, as
in the notorious case of the firewood
industry. It means that badly paid
workers will be discharged and replaced by worse paid ones. Others
will go to gaol instead of these—that
iB your reform.
The Socialist cannot stand for any
such hoHow sham, and must needs
denounce It. He knows that while the
criminal withholders of the people's
bread are allowed to keep on the even
tenor of their way, and millionaires
are produced at one end of the social
scale, gaols will be filled at the other.
He knows that millions of sons and
daughters of men shall rot and die in
the brothels and gaols, secular and
religious and industrial, of capitalism
ere lt shall be ended. Let Tories and
Liberals and Labor men continue their
shams and futilities. For us the
cleansing touch of Revolution!
—H. B. in "Socialist Standard."
citizens from the mere comon worker
up to the perfect flower of plutocracy.
Here it is, and we will call it:
Oilygarchlc Measures.
Ten  laborers  equal    one
man.
Two salaried men equal one Congressman.
Two and one-sixth Congressmen
equal one general or admiral.
Four generals or admirals equal one
President.
Ten Presidents equal one magnate.
Ten magnates equal one multi-millionaire.
Ten multi-millionaires equal one
high financier.
Three and one-seventh high financiers equal one kerosene king.
Just think! We could have 1,000
presidents, 4,000 assorted generals and
admirals, 8,666 2-3 Congressmen, 17,-
333 1-3 government clerks, 170,000 plus
hewers of wood and drawers of water
trade (wished to take light, heat and
lubricant from Nature's storehouse
and distribute the oil among his
eighty-odd million nieces and nephews,
whose heritage it originally was, and
who still have an equity in the property) he would have to pay for a
strictly first-class, god-fearing, philanthropic, self-made, oily Christian "gentleman" to manage the oleaginous
trade about a billion dolars every
thirty years. The modern Dives is a
luxury! By the way, let us make a
table of equivalents, to the end that
we may be able to tell at a glance the
relative values (or "worth") of the
various kinds  (we have no "classes"
tity of farm produce is produced by
methpds as primitive, or more primitive, than those employed by the bulk
of Canadian farmers, who use horses
for motive power; in short, that Canadian farmers use no more than the
average amount of labor in the production of the commodities they have to
sell. I cannot do this because of lack
of time, of being under the necessity
of grubbing my own living from the
soil. We know, however, that the
traction engine waB, until this last
few years, merely an experiment.
It can be quite clearly seen that tbe
farmer's slave position is not due especially to the   competition    of    the
in this country—God be praised!)  of large farmer and the traction engine.
If that were the case, his position
would have been one of affluence
before the arrival of these things. But,
as far as I can learn, the farmer's po-
salaried ! sitlon has rather been worse than
better In the past than it is at present.
Assuredly, taken as a whole, the
farmer "class" has always been
slave "class."
It may be said that the farmer has
capital invested ln his business Just
as other capitalists, and why does he
not get the average rate of profit? In
the first place, the small farmer has
no capital. He owns wealth in machinery of production, buildings, etc.,
but that wealth is not capital. To be
capital it would be necessary for it
to be used to exploit labor for its
owner'B benefit. Instead of that, it
functions as the means by which its
owner is exploited. Why, then, does
not the farmer withdraw his wealth
I and put it where it would function as
and  about  a  million  and  a  halt  of, capital.    The   reasons   are    various..
soldiers for what our one billionaire
costs us; for (it may seem odd, but
it is true) we pay him bis little income, and the trifling sum would do
away with the national disgrace of
child labor and feed, clothe and educate a quarter of a million children
every year. And wben Presidents,
politicians and fighting men were less
expensive we could have had twice
or three times as many public servants
—or no national debt. It does seem
odd (almost sacrilegious in fact) that,
measured by the gold standard, or the
plutocratic yardstick, several thousand Llncolns, Jeffersons or Washing-
tons would hardly equal in market
value one johndrockefeller; but "figures never lie." And it seems odd,
and almost wrong, that patriots,
statesmen, scientists, poets, playwrights, artists, composers and the
rest of the big-hearted, big-brained women and men that are working to help
uplift mankind, Bhould be plentiful
and cheap, and money-grubbers, promoters, railroad wreckers, franchise
stealers, usurers, speculators, monopolists and founders of trusts, pools and
similar charitable institutions so
scarce and dear.
It seems odd that most of us are
not drowned when it rains.—Machinists' Journal.
COLLECTIVE   OWNERSHIP.
(By W. E. P. French.)
It seems odd that Uncle Sam could
hire Abraham Lincoln as chief executive, Admiral Farragut to command
his men-of-war, and General Grant to
lead his men-at-arms in the greatest
war the world has ever seen for a few
thousand dollars a year; but that if he
wanted to run an Insurance company,
a steel plant or a bank, he would have
to pay from forty to eighty times as
much for a competent "business man"
or "captain of Industry" to manage
one of these industries. The Inference
is, that these financial and commercial
giants of gray matter are worth forty
times as much as the great commoner,
eighty times as much as famous leaders, and heaven only knows how many
times as much as a plain citizen. Verily, "it is to laugh."
It seems odd that the officers,
soldiers and sailors of the United
States army have laid deep-sea cables,
built and run railroads and telegraph
lines, managed both passenger and
war vesselB, and taken a hand ln almost every profession, trade and business under the sun; but the oddest
part of it is that they have done these
things honestly, faithfuly and well,
without one cent of extra pay—and
they can do them again, on the same
terms, whenever the nation is tired of
being buncoed. Incidentally, everybody knows, of course, that our government manages the greatest business enterprise in the world with rationally paid civil servants.
It seems monstrously odd, ln this
same connoctlon, that If our revered
Harmonious chorus by the Grand
Choir of the Stewed Order of Wise
OneB:
We are poor because:
We are too extravagant.
Trade is bad (we don't buy enough).
The tariff is too high.
The tariff is too low.
God has willed it so.
We go contrary to the will of God.
Of our evil ways.
It is a sign of virtue.
W9 are too arrogant and demand too
much.
We are too submissive and not aggressive as we should be.
The Liberals are in power.
The  Conservatives  were in power.
Tomorrow night the choir will render: "Shall we gather at the river?"
The debate ls expected to last for some
years.
WHERE   HE  87AND8.
(Continued from Page 1)
uses the traction engine and employs
the most up-to-date and scientific methods of cultivation. He it is who
seems to contradict the theory explained ln the preceding sections of
this article. But appearances are often
deceptive when viewed superficially,
and -so it is with the "capitalist"
farmer.
It ls not owing to the working
farmer being behind the times and
employing more labor in production
than the average that he is a slave.
IT IS OWING TO THE "CAPITALIST"
FARMER EMPLOYING LESS LABOR
THAN THE AVERAGE THAT HE IS
ABLE TO LIVE IN VARIOUS
STAGES OF LUXURY. The advantage enjoyed by the large farmer over
his smaller, less advanced competitors
is also enjoyed by the large capitalist
over his small, less advanced competitors (see Concept of relative surplus value," "Capital," vol. i., p. 347-8).
The flrst to employ improved methods
in the production of any commodity
reaps the whole, or nearly the whole,
of the labor thus Baved, in the form
Of added profits. This advantage, however, gradually decreases and finally
vanishes as the new methods become
universal. Simple centralization—the
collecting of large tracts of land under
one management—also accounts for a
very great saving.
Firstly, he would be under the necessity of looking for the elusive job.
Secondly, there are few jobs on farms
where steady PAY can be obtained
the year round, and fewer where encumbrances can be tolerated, so he
would have to enter a new field of
production for which he would not be
suited. Thirdly, he has the alluring
"capitalist" farmer ever on the horizon; a pinnacle to which he may attain—with thrift. Regarding the "capitalist" farmer, there are many grades
of him, and many reasons which make
the smaller content with a smaller i
rate of profit than the average. The
largest, doubtless, have cheapened
their Individual production to such an
extent that THEY reap the average
rate of profit
We have one more point to discuss j
before concluding, viz., the part supply
and demand play In determining the
price the farmer shall receive for his
produce. He sees the law of supply
and demand operating in the capitalist's market and he sees the same
law operating in his own market, and
he thinks—if he thinks at all—that in
both cases the central point to which
prices gravitate is the same, viz.,
value. As we have seen, the central
point around which fluctuate the
prices of the farmer's produce is not
value, but what might be termed the
wage price or value of the farmer's '
labor power. So we may deduce this
conclusion. The prices of all commodities produced by "independent"
slave labor (farm produce, etc.)
fluctuate according to supply and demand around their "wage price"; the
fluctuations compensating each other,
just as in a normal capitalist market,
prices fluctuate around value.
We have seen that the farmer does
not, and cannot, get the value of his
produce. This state of things, how-1
ever is but a phase of the development of the farming industry, and in
the ordinary course of things will pass.
It needs but a chronic over-supply of
farm produce—and indications point
to its speedy arrival—to swing the
prices so low that lt is impossible for'
the farmer to meet his notes and pay.
his Interest on mortgages. When this
time comes, the real owners of the
farms must foreclose. The farmer will
then have shown his inability to regulate production and must give way
before the next forward step—capitalist "operation."
Simultaneously with this movement
towards over-supply and In a great
measure the cause of It, is the development and extensive use of the traction
engine and its appendages. As these
machines become more and more perfect, they reduce the average labor
time necessary to the production of
farm produce, and consequently tbe
VALUE of farm produce. Over-production ls tbe necessary sequence of '
cheapened production. Lower price is
the necessary sequence of over-production. When, therefore, the capitalist class take over the "operation"
of the agricultural industry, we need
not expect to see the price of farm
produce rise to any great extent; it
may even fall. The laws which govern the prices of all other commodities
ln a normal capitalist market will
then govern farm produce, and the
decreased value may offset, or more
than offset, the rise of price which
would otherwise result from the
change from present production to '
capitalist production.
In conclusion, I say, I am no aspirant for literary honors; just a slave
with something to say to his fellow
slaves, and one who has neither the
time to say it or the knack of saying
lt to his own satisfaction.   That's alll
I cannot bring statistics to prove
punishment for man-sjaying IN CER- Uncle Sam wished to go Into tbe oil "my contention that the greatest quan-
H. F. SMITH.
Roecliffe P. O., Sask.

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