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Western Clarion Apr 30, 1910

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 V u,
e'mmm 677.
VtttCiaVer, British C***lurt*ia- Saturday, April 30,   1910.
-mar mm
How the Worker who Does not Know What he Wants
has Little Reason to Despise the Hobo, who Knows
What he Does not Want.
yourself, If you can't to others,  and
Who" Why, those fellows you see
riding round the country, on the cars,
between the bumpers, on the rods, and
like luxurious fixtures for working-
class tourists. Well, and what about
it, if they don't? If they can get their
living by other means than working,
what kick have you working plugs got
coming anyway? Supposing those fel.
lows were all starting, in to hustle after your jobs, or rather your master's
jobs, for you never owned one In your
life, what sort of a show do you think
you would have to hold down your
present slave's corner? Haven't you
got to keep mighty close with your
grievances, your sore feelings, now as
it Is?.,Wouldn't one word from you to
the Doss In contradiction to hla commands, put you on the road, too? Of
course It would. Why, then, do you
want these "won't works" to come In
on the hustle for the job too?
Isn't your standard of living quite
low enough now? Isn't it puzzling you
dally how you are going lo make ends
meet; get that new dress for your wife
or your child; pay the rent, and a hundred other things? You ought to be
mighty thankful these fellows let you
alone. Your job is a thin one anyway.
Yes, it ls true some of these despised
hoboes don't want work. Why should
they? What does the dear, honest
workingman (I like that) get for his.
work? Bent by years of toll, worn out
. before • his time, his average age 33
years. Is there anything attractive
about work? To be at the beck and
call of some driver, bent on skinning
your hide for all it Is worth, knowing
there are plenty more such suckers
where you came from, all eager to
jump in and show how they can work.
To have your pace set by the machines
if ln the factory; by the latest green-:
bora If en the extra gang; and kept at
lt till you sicken at the Bight of a
shovel or other such implement of
Why shouldn't the bum beg for
bread? Is he any worse than you, who
asked your boss to let you work to get
the money to buy your bread In order
to live yet another term of days. He
knows what he wants and asks for lt.
You—do you really know what you
want? Why, when your place closes
down, and you are compelled to seek
pastures new, does it never dawn on
yoa then, when you are clamoring In
the unemployed procession, or at the
factory gates for more ot what you
don't want, work, that the wealth you
have been creating would have been
anqple to have kept you and your family for a great length' of time while you
had a rest from work? But no. You
don't want rest, or think not, which
comes to the same thing. You want
more of what there is none of, and yet,
If you are gathered in for vagrancy.
ask yourself why you hate your work.
Why are you always poor In spite of
your work? And why does your boss
get rich who never did a tap for his
So, when I, at my daily raund, see
tbe hobo .passing on the train, I give
him my mental blessing. I know what
it is he don't like and I wish others were
like him in that. I admit he ls dirty,
often unintelligent and degraded. He
sometimes when confronted with a job
has fled. But Is he the only one who
shuns the job? Do your Vanderbllts,
Goulds, etc., relish the thought of a Job
any more than Mr. Hobo? Nay. Would
they shape as well on one? Guess not.
Did it ever strike you this way, too
slave: if you Were peddling tea and
the terms the buyer offered were not
suitable, would you sell? Don't you
think you would do as you liked with
what you were selling? And when Mr.
Parmer or others of that peculiar
brand of slave, with an abnormal passion for work, complains that the last
fejlow who asked for a job, and was
offered one, wouldn't take tt because
the terms were not agreeable, do they
ever think that, even as the tea-ped-
dlar, the hobo was peddling his labor-
power, and, falling to feet his terms,
refused to sell? What is there to
kick about?
But I am tired of this peddling bualness. Too many are at it, It is played
out, dop't you.think so? We can't do
much to remedy things singly, but
there are a powerful lot of us peddlers.
Put together, we would make a mighty
host. We have to sell to live. The
other "wont-WOrks" at the top of the
tree don't have to. They have power;
they control the governments of this
world and make the laws which keep
us where we are—struggling for a
foothold on the ladder of success, and
ever falling because we are too crowded. Let our numbers count somewhere
else. Let us capture by our votes
these governments, by the might they
enforce, place ourselves, the workers,
ih the seats of the mighty. And let us
have a rest, when we want to, from
this eternal work.
There Is a bunch of us now at it,
trying daily to do something to gain
what we all want at heart. Give us
your help, join our party, and When
joined, don't stop; don't be a dead
weight. Study, think, act. Not trying
to make conditions better for peddling
while we are so crowded, but to make
an end of the business, as being all in
(in place of buyers and sellers, let us
have a tree working clafes each strlv
Ing his best for the good ot the Whole,
and the whole of us striving to con
quer ■ our . erstwhile enemy, work, by
sharing out the labor better and get
jtlng it over sooner.   Then those who
aaaaaaaa^aaaaaaaa^Ba^^^^^^^^^ ■ ,: want. their fifteen hours' wOrk a day
and given thirty days' hard labor, you^,,, be regai:de4 & -j*^ realw are> aa
grumble. ^^^^^^■^^^^^■■bb
The truth is, my fellow slave, you
really don't want work. You don't
even like lt, or rather, the terms you
work under. Have I not seen you
slhck up on your, pick and shovel engineering when the back of the boss ia
to you? Have you not got the dull,
. monotonous look of one .who is In a set
groove and wonders why, when and
how he got to that stage?
Come, be honest, have you not felt
a thrill of pleasure when the* bbflB said:
"No, we are full up today," even though
you were down to your, last dollar? I
have. Yea, and I wasn't a Socialist,
either, but there was a something that-
made me glad, even though I was on
my uppers- Was It because I waa still
FREE? Yes, it was that, It were more
pleasant to wander under the green
trees, bathe In the blue sea ip the hot
snmmef* time than toll ten or twelve
hours beneath the searching gaze of a
boss. I hated that. I believe you do,
too, my fellow slave, but you won't say
so. You were like I was—brought up
to believe that worjt was our lot; that
te be lazy was a,crime. You Had pointed out to you the* laziest man in the
town as an example to shun. Your,
•resent Ideas were forced Into you and
%m oabvtal ttbontbta sUence*-., Be
true to your thoughts, speak them to
Every .now and again the "moralists"
of modern, bourgeois society start
out on a semi-hysterical purity crusade.
We have a certain number of women
in the community who make their living by "the oldest profession in tbe
world." These must be imprisoned or
fined. We have a red-light district. It
must be abolished. So every little
while a bunch of the "fair but frail"
ones are hauled up before tbe beak
and get their $50 or 60 days, and the
occupier of the "house of ill-fame"
pays his or her quota, by fine, to the
city's upkeep. And still the old trade
flourishes, and still the game goes merrily on. And still our moral reformers and our purity leagues hold many
meetings and talk loudly and learnedly;
and few If any of them know what they
are talking about, and not one in a
million think it worth while to study
the wherefore or the why.
Let us look into the thing a little:
A prostitute Is a female who sells sexual favors for a monetary consideration. In the act of sexual intercourse
on this basis there is, so far as the
female is concerned, no sentiment, no
set feeling, no "love." The act ls
merely a business transaction—a bargain. The woman sells, the man buys.
The transaction is conducted on the'
most up-to-date lines. The object and
endeavor of the buyer (male) is to buy
as cheaply as possible; tbat of the;
seller (female) to sell at the highest
price obtainable.
The price ls In reality, of course,;
fixed—like that of labor power—by
certain economic laws. On a close
analysis it will be found always to depend upon the cost ot living, i.e., subsistence, to the female. Supply and!*]
demand, of course, play a certain parti
The reason for prostitution will be
found to be in the vast majority of
cases economic necessity. The tend
ency of the normal member of the
genus homo is undoubtedly towards;
monogamy, not of necessity the Bort
iwit.   N..iNtw..^ —   -—,■"•'   *-~—--"j   -?•-»  —r
mentally diseased, and treated accord;
lngly.   Let us have at rest when we
want It, and work when we want it.
I   T;il .then count me a fHe*fia ot the fel-
ito****" Who'Won't wort F. S. F.
ot monogamy enforced by the existent
marriage, laws.
In society as, at present constituted,
however, the great mass of the people, being wage-workers, dependent
upon a small class, for access to the
means of lite, monogamy ls a practical
impossibility. The average man, for
Instance, finds it hard enough to
scratch for himself. Naturally enough
therefore he "shies off" the proposition of marriage, which entails the
keeping of someone else. But, ot
course, he has, as a normal healthy
animal, certain desires. Since society
—or the ruling class in society—prevent the satisfaction of those desires
in one way, the normal man satisfies
them In another.
On the other hand, the average
working woman, in department store
or elsewhere, finds herself practically
unable to live on the $4.00 or $5.00
a week wage and is forced "onto the
market." In nine cases out of ten,
as before stated, the propelling force
is that of economic pressure.
The tendency in all Industrial countries at the present time is towards a
lower real wage—as measured, \by
purchasing power—for the workers.
Towards chronic unemployment and a
more uncertain tenure of the job.
While this is so we can look for an
increase in the number of lights of
love and also an increasing number of
males who will prefer to dodge parental and marital responsibilities.
So it will continue to be while the
present system of working class production and capitalist class enjoyment continues. What is needed ls,
of course, a readjustment ot the economic foundations of society. Place
the tollers in a position ot economic
independence, and tne selling of sexual
favors for a monetary consideration
will cease. Until this is done we will
still have our damsels of the red-light,
and that in spite of tbe horrified ejaculation of spike-nosed purity spinsters
and the platitudes of professional
Wage Slaves Immolated .Upon the Altar qf frofil—Ctem
a Pleasing Incense to Tickle the Nostrils of thf W*
t    italist God.
(Comrades:— j
The money. Is still coining in but in
.order to get that prize ot $100, we will
[have to ask all of those who have not
already subscribed to do so as soon
as possible. Don't wait because you,
can't afford a big wad, anything IS
welcome, nd niatter how large or how
D. A. Heffner,   yours   for   the
cause  f>v
Harry Otto, Graysvllle, Man., just
!. ti\ a. starter, ■ • • v•   20'*r
Phoenix Lettish Branch.   Brings
that W0 'plunks', nearer  11.78,
J. Coxdm -Winnipeg, again 50
Nanaimo Finnish, no name on lt
b-itl'sjotto demon    »-0d
C. E. Kllby, Claxton, B. G, didn't
ask for. teanks.........	
A. Q. McOalluh*, Ottawa, one live
one \h Ottawa m —
George Armstrong, Winnipeg, just
ion, as he gets a job he
CobsJtFlnnlsh, Can go some t00-
' Workers: Another grey year of
strenuous conflict, of strikes and lockouts, of concessions and injunctions,
of great educational efforts, of fines
and imprisonment, is drawing to a
close, and slavery ls not yet endurable.
A dull grey year for the working
class. All our victories defeats, all our
defeats experience, a step at a time-
downwards. No sunshine illumines
the common labor level where the .lug-
garnaut wheel of capitalism has
crushed out the lives of thousands of
your class and mine. Yet the slave,
from his winter of discontent, would
fain, like nature, change the brown
rags of slavery and bursting bis. bonds,
with the opening buds, rise with his
class on May Day.
Shall we fdreVer bury our hopes, our
ideals, our aspirations, in the graves
with our Comrades who fell? Will we
always, like the mules that we are,
allow the harness to be cinched tighter, when the troublous month of May
ushers in another year of capitalistic
exploitation, more brutal and vicious
than before, until Chink-like we lose
the spirit of revolt?
Look back! In nature the year was
not all dull days, sunshine and shadow
about equalized in that domain of existence, with which the ruling class
could not meddle; but you will look in
vain on the field of Labor for one
gleam of sunshine for the working
class. Here the shadow of capitalism
rests now as a, year ago, blacker than
ever before. All the sunshine in pro-
eduction was for you, my masters, ypu
tbe dominant class, and your pets and
satelltes. Revel In lt while you. may,
and fear not for your security this May
Day, white the slave baa his eyes glued
ito an elusive Job.   It's hands off.
Yet, know that the breaking of
Nature's laws brings a terrible requital. Your doom is fixed when the
crushed workers rise, and the smouldering fires of revolt burst Into flame.
The past cannot guide you when you
Iknow.lt not Our fellow workers, on
tiiajafe «t>er>Mir Urdflta ^egfound
from too tfeaailM bodies it men, wo
men and children, will come out to
cheer each other on the day of revolution, bravely resolved, to abide the
shadow of capitalism through the
knowledge of the working of Nature's
laws, and that behind those clouds the
sun is shining. That sun is Socialism.
So we celebrate May Day, and may the
day speed when we'll celebrate victory.
When and how—
"Earth cannot answer, or the seas
that mourn."
The average workingman with his
already, small wages, and oftentimes
forced to accept still further reductions, is more than apt to attribute his
discomforts to the greediness of bis
employer. This Is frequently and persistently voiced by speakers and writers on his behalf, and he confirms it by
his actions.
Looking about him he notes that his
employer is living comfortably and
well and he hears from time to time
ot fabulous profits that he is reaping
from his business. Tbe thought at
once obtrudes itself upon blm that under such circumstances the boss could
well afford to pay higher wages. If the
employer refuses to do so tbe worker
quite naturally attributes such refusal
to his innate greed and cussedness.
Surely with a large volume of business
and high prices, thus insuring immense profits, he can well afford to
pay better wages, reasons tbe worker.
This would seem on the face of lt to
be sound logic, but upon investigation
It proves quite the contrary.
To discover the unsoundness of such
reasoning the workingman must flrst
understand the nature of the transaction which takes place when he works
for wages. He must learn that hla
labor-power is a commodity that Is,
bought and sold just like any other
commodity, subject to the same fluctu
atlons as to price, and which are determined by the same circumstances
or conditions of the market as effect
the price of all other commodities. If
a person has any given commodity, say
copper, for Instance', to sell he will
naturally look into the condition of tbe
copper market. There may be a large
or small quantity of copper on the market and this condition of the market
will determine whether he is to obtain
a high price for his copper or will be
compelled to accept a lower one. How
stupid it would be for such a person to
look into the condition of the wheat,
cattle, cloth or labor market, and, finding the price of one or more of such
articles high, arbitrarily determine
upon a high price for his copper when
the condition of the copper market
was, In capitalist parlance, overstocked. With the copper market in such a
condition the price of copper would
tend downward In spite of everything
he could do to the contrary. When the
workers are In a frame of mind promp
A Capitalist often pays for the upkeep of a large mansion, and employs a large retinue of servants In
the said palace, which he practically
does not use. Is our modern robber
bughouse, or a candidate for the dippy house? Certainly not. He charges
the expense to his advertising account
and let me tell you that advertising
in this fashion brings a generous re
turn for the outlay. A large mansion
and its various employees may be
suitably compared in a sense with a
large factory. Our friend tha Capitalist and his gilded slave know nothing
on the average about the many details
of keeping the internal machinery, in
perfect running order; he therefore
hires "brains" to run his mansion ln
just the same manner as he does to
run his factories.
A professional gambler hires a great
Ideal of help occasionally, and With tWS
increased force ls enabled to exploit
a community to a greater degree tbah
|ho could himself unaided; Mb slaves
must of necessity produce surplus
value or he would immediately dispense with their services.
•"tarmust admit that the capitalists
on the average do not "bUlld" mansions for advertising purposes, but the
above Illustration was used to, demonstrate one phase of the explpitatjoh of
the menial class. It tbe "friend and
Dedefactor of the wbrklng class waa
tore***   to   apply  to   a
agency for an equipment of hirelings,
complete, the robbery of the entire
bunch would be then apparent. Again,
can Comrade Hawthornthwaite show
us the difference between robbery and
non-robbery in the following cases: A
chauffeur is employed by one of our
masters to drive him about a city; on
the other hand, the master rents one
from the garage to assist him ln killing
time. In the final analysis, enjoyment
is the motive of the capitalist ln all
forms of exploitation.
In the latter case the chauffeur produces surplus value for garage owners. According to the law of wages,
his cost to the capitalist will be more
than that of his own chauffeur, tbe
labor of selecting him being added to
the master's bill. In this latter Instance the middleman IS doing business, and in the flrst he has been eliminated, but both chauffeurs on the
average would receive only their cost
of subsistence.
The function of the master class is
to enjoy the means of life, and the
task of the working class that of producing the means of enjoyment, which
are appropriated by the capitalist class.
To use Comrade Gribble's words, "The
working class plays Santa Claus and
always keeps the capitalist stocking
filled to the brim."
What difference ls there ln being
skinned ot unpaid productive labor ln
order to minister to the enjoyment of
the master class, than to directly furnish them enjoyment with unproductive labor.
Too many economists in the Socialist Party are literally trying to drill
and tap holes in the end of a hair.
ting them to demand better wages*,
that is, a higher price for their con*--.
modlty, labor-power, they should care-v
fully scrutinize the condition, of thai,
labor market and find out if tt*ere bean ample supply of labor available, o*j
otherwise.   The condition of the marv
ket in which the employer may be-,
selling his commodity need not con>
cern them.   It Ib the Condition of ths*
labor market alone that will decide alt
to their success or failure In their at*
tempt to force a raise of wages.'  The-,
productive power of labor has been tre-»
mendously Increased since tbe advent
of mechanical appliances into the pro-.
cesses of Industry.   It has long slnco
reached tbe point where it is no longer
posible to afford employment to all of
tbe labor forces.   A considerable surv
plus is always available for tbe em-,
ployers to draw upon In case their en*-*.
ployees see fit to rebel against toe>
onerous   conditions   of   employment
Taken as a whole the labor market Ift
chronically Overstocked and the cotMM-,
tlon becomes more emphasized »B Vb%,
tool of production becomes more big"*/
ly perfected.   This Implies   that   at*.
tempts to force wage increases are be*
coming les frequently succesftth     «V
knowledge ot the commodity    nature,.
Of labor-power and the market coua>.
tlons that have  a,bearing upon it%.
price, would tend to aave the workers,
many of the blttbr experiences they
will otherwise suffer In their attempta
to fly in the face of an Unfavorable la*,
bor market.
The Inexorable, merciless, though -ia*.
written laws of the market cannot In.
conjured away by interfering with the,
legal rights of others, A hole in thai
labor market caused, by a strike will bo
filled by a flowing iq of the surplus tabor elsewhere in the market. Suck bk>
bor has a legal right to flow ln and!
cannot be stopped by shouting "aeab,**
hurling bricks, or like displays ot
spleen and bile. As well try to ato*jt
the surrounding water from flowing
into a hole in the ocean, a feat that has
not been accomplished since Moaea
hocus-pocused tbe Red Sea.
The life-giving principle bf the capK
tallst system lies in purchasing labor,
power as cheaply as pbssible and selling its products at the highest price,
obtainable, thus realising the largaaX
margin of profit. It is by no means a
whim, caprice or sentiment. It Ib purely a matter of business. The capital'.
1st who allows any consideration tot
humanity to Influence him In his ao*
tloim soon finds himself outstripped by
those who play the game In strict ac->
cordance with its underlying principle^
of buying as cheap and Belling as deal
as possible.
■   "■  . .vi' ■    ' '
Capital necessitate)* the holding   of
labor-power in the marjket as a com*
modlty. Capital is in fine fettle only
when the market IS bountifully sup*,
plied with this toothsome delicacy from,
which all capitalist fatness comes. Bo
long as Capital rules the workers will
be forced to undergo BUch miseries ai
the condition of this labor market
deals out to them. Their miseries wlU
not come upon them because of the-
greed and avarice of,their respective;
employers, but because they are slaves,
the ruthlessly, ; brutally exploited1
slaves of the capitalist class.
When their, miseries become no,
longer bearable, and they are rapidly
becoming so, .the stoves wlll take tho.
necessary action to strike the fetters'
from their limbs. They are even now
marshalling millions strong for the
conquest of the capitalist state that
tbey may turn that instrument of repression Ino the means bf their ont
deliverance, by using its organised.
powers to sweep, the field of Industry
clear of the polluting influence of ma*.
ter and slave.
May every worker Speedily realise,
that capitalist Industry is but a sham-,
blea ln which labor 1$ slaughtered as a
sacrifice to the god Capital and the la,
bor market mereljl a slave mart rrotax
which victims are purchased for the,
a-**& m.
W. WnUra Quiob
Published every Saturday by the
"Socialist Party of Canada, at the Office
•f the Western Clarion, Flack Block
Basement, 165 Hastings Street, Vancouver, B. C.
j-«8T arrios address, box sse.
SB.r-0 Tn Year, SO esnts for Six Months,
48 esnts for Three Montha.
, Strictly ln Advance.
Bundles  of  5  or more  copies,   for
"ocriod of not less than three months, at
tifce rate of one cent per copy per issue.
Advertising rates on application.
it you receive  this  paper,  it ls paid
In making remittance by cheque, ex-
«la*uage must be added. Address all
communications and make all money
-avnaexs  payable to
-the wEtrrEsor cla-sio***.
tmtx 836 ▼saoonvar, B.
Watch the label on your pa-
•er. If lads number Is on it,
gout * atMhar riplloa expires the
'        ■     is I  II
"The mission of the Socialist Party
•**• not to further the efforts of the
'-eoanmodity labor power to obtain bet-
'Hesr prices for itself, but to realize the
■Jaajdrations of enslaved labor to break
"■she galling chains of wage servitude
'.and stand forth free."
. (From Charter of Socialist Party of
Every member of the Socialist Party
%*f Canada should have the above pasted In bis hat especially in these times
suid henceforth when men's minds are
ton a. state of flux and nostrums new
■'and nostrums old in new garb are
JJaunting their attractions on ail
'.hands. Let us not forget that we are
-S. P. of C. men and women and that to
the B. P. of ,C. we owe allegiance be-
atsre any other organization whatsoever, else we are no S. P. of C. men
'-and women.
■\Aj, members of the S. P. of C. we
"Aave no concern with the traffic in
'■taker power any more tban we have
"with the trade in turnips. Better or
"worse methods of bargaining or methods whereby the price of labor power
'nay be enhanced are no more, con-
-sera of ours than similar methods in
•"bartering for copra or coffee.
-Unionism in any form looks no bet-
*te*r and no worse, from our standpoint,
*Huu an employers' association, or a
atoei combine. Tbe ohe, as the others,
to an attempt to gain an advantage.
ts tfhe market and the affairs of the
•ash-feet are none of our affair:
(As individuals, apart from our mem.
!'*eiul)tp in the Party we may, and
"aunst, act as our immediate material
'"totenests dictate, belong to what or-
'-ganization we see fit, or to none if we
"to** tftt. But within the Part* ls no
**pltaoe for any such considerations.
'mere we are banded, together solely
'■Jar the one purpose of emancipating
elves from tbe system of barter
It we are to achieve any great suc-
"ttma to spreading our doctrines among
''•ur fellow-slaves, we must hew to the!
•line, hew to one line, and hew ever-'
-Jaatingly.   Which we may do better by
aaaklng manifest to thorn their utter
' toqwtence on the Industrial field and
their potential atreagth on the political Bf Id, than by aiding and abbetting
them in their vain efforts to overcome
'•oataomic laws, or br devising and ad-
' vocattDg new and, ttaaeible schemea
'Jar attempting the samp thing.
We, stand first, last and all the time
•jar the overthrow of claas rule; "to
*"Willi, the asplratkHas of enslaved la-
"tor to break the galling chains ot
"■"■rage servitude and staad forth free."
"ttoitli to the task, 'who will; aqd,
*"*Bho will not, let them go their way,
v'la-ey are none of as.
shop" agreement, felt disinclined to
work with a fellow-slave who bad done
duty as a "special" during a recent
strike. In this case the company was
willing, but the slave who happened to
know of his right to work, threatened
to sue the unlon,"jolntly and separate
ly, severally and Individually," for dam
ages If they got him fired. Last we
heard the union was still trying to
solve the conundrum, "When ls a clos
ed shop not a closed shop?"
However that may be, of one thing
we are quite sure, and tbat is that
Capital has rights. All the rights that
ever were and somo that It has invented, together with any that may in
future come into being.
Property rights, they are, and therefore sacred and beyond question or
It Is one of the cardinal principles of
all law, human or divine, that "a man
may do what he will with his own
(provided, of course, that some bigger
man ls not needing It just then).
As, to-day, all property worthy of
the name is owned by the Capitalist
class, It may not be amiss to see just
what it is that that class owns. Mines,
mills, factories, railways, steamships,
and the like? Well what are they
worth? We take it that it needs no
proof that a property that will yield
the average rate of profit on a million
dollars Is worth a million. Hence capitalist property is worth just the sum
on which it will yield the average rate
of profit. But to yield any profit
whatsoever, those factories, etc. must
be "manned." There must be workers
on the job or else the whole works ls
junk, absolutely valueless to the capitalists, ln fact, even perhaps an Incumbrance on account of the Importunities
of the tax-collector. So it would appear that the only valuable part of
the property, indeed, all that would
make it worth calling property, Ib
the working class.
Whence it looks as though what the
capitalist class actually owns Is just
us. If that is the case, and "a man
may do what he wills with his own,"
will some one explain where our
rights" come In?
'-Ooce we used to hear lt stated,' with
':* -reheminence that new seems comical, that "Labor has 'its rights as well
'-mm -Capital," just aa though It were
'qp-ito a "radical" utterance, which it
tsyrabatdy was—for the utterer.
Nowadays we occasionally hear some
.downtrodden     Parrylte     querulously
"pleading that "Capital' has rights as
'■anal as Labor." but aot very often.
JHor our part we believe neither of
In tbe first place we take strong
option to the "as well as" part of
tit. and further deny in toto that La-
"fear has any rights whatsoever. Though
-me may be wrong about that precious
'""Right to Work," aa wo hear of an en-
«ttas*-~-> not many miles from here who
Unpad out to a camp and-then de-
toed to work with a Chinese fireman;
-hereupon  the company's magistrate
"needed to enforce his right to work
■'f Hiving him six months for obtain-
'j-ej- bit Job or something under false
Also in another case the members
■a* a local union which has a "closed
Having been on the shelf last week
we had not the opportunity of taking
the measure of the Berlin resolution,
though it Is no great measure to take.
Our eastern comrades seem to have
a happy knack of evading the point.
They Insist that the Locals of a province have the choosing of the seat of
their Provincial Executive. As nobody
has ever denied this that we know of,
we rather fail to see the use of the
The point ln dispute is not as to
whether the Ontario Locals shall
choose the seat of their Provincial Executive or not, but whether there shall
be any Provincial Executive In Ontario
or not, and that is manifestly a Domin-
Ion affair. In view of the fact that a
Provincial Executive would just now
be, as Local Cobalt points out, a bone
of contention between the two elements in the Party ln Ontario, the Do-
minion Executive considers it inadvisable to have one. And the decision
stands unless the party as a whole sees
fit to over-rule lt.
Also the party ls the sole judge as
to whether the Dominion Executive has
"exceeded its powers," though, by the
way, lt Is news to us that it had any
"powers" to exceed. It has, to our
thinking, a function to perform, and it
performs lt as best it can, under the
circumstances. True, It once in a
while makes a ruling, when compelled
to (as many aa three times, that we
know of, during its existence) but, If
those rulings failed to be ln line with
the spirit of the party generally, they
would be utterly void.
Our comrades' statement that the Toronto comrades were not allowed an
opportunity of laying their case before
the party wlll hardly square with the!
facta, as they were repeatedly requested to submit their case to the membership, but without result. Whence we
may reasonable presume that they had
no case to submit
If we gauge the temper of the .party
rightly, we bave no hesitation in frankly stating that, if the Ontario Locals
wish to regain their Provincial Executive, they will do so soonest by .attempting to deserve lt, in which case
they might do worse than imitate the
example of the wicked Local 24 which
appears to be devoting its energies to
useful propaganda activity.
Commodity.—An external object that
satisfies some human want, has human
labor embodied ln it, and is not consumed by the producer but by some
one else; the unit of capitalist wealth;
a labor product produced for the pur
pose of realizing Its exchange value.
Value.—A social relationship existing between commodities; the socially
necessary labor embodied lu a commodity.
Use Value.—The utility of wealth to
man; the measure of the wants that
it will supply; the primary form ot
capitalist wealth; a thing which we appropriate for use. Use values are Intrinsic to and cannot exist apart from
wealth, are the basis of commerce and
are realized when commodities are
Exchange Value.—A use-value capable of being exchanged; the ratio In
Which use values exchange.
Equivalent Value.—A commodity
with which others are compared to determine their relative value.
Relative Value.—The relation in
which a commodity exchanges with
other commodities.
Surplus Value.—Value for which no
equivalent has been paid; the difference between the cost of production
and the value it creates; the measure
of exploitation.
Abstract Labor. — Undifferentiated
unskilled human labor, reckoned quantitatively.
Concrete Labor.—Labor related to
quality as that of a tailor, baker or
Labor.—The act of applying labor-
power to raw material in order to produce wealth; the expenditure of the
crystallized energy of the worker; the
embodiment of labor power In a product.
Labor-power.—The power to labor,
the energy stored up In the body of
the worker, which he sells to the capitalist for wages.
Labor Product.—Anything produced
by human labor.
Money.—A commodity functioning as
a universal equivalent; measure of
value; the monetary expression of exchange value; the monetary expression of the exchange value of a commodity.
Wages.—The  price  of  labor-power.
Real Wage.—The commodities that
the money wage will purchase.
Relative Wage.—What the laborer
secures in comparison with what he
Nominal Wage.—The price paid to
the worker by the capitalist.
Socially Necessary Labor. — The
amount of labor necessary under average conditions ln any given state of
society for the production of any commodity, f
Cost of Production.—The amount of
actual labor embodied ln a commodity,
socially necessary labor.
Price of Production.—The market
price which corresponds to the money
value of a commodity.
Profit.—Wealth appropriated by the
master class by virtue of their ownership of the means of production;
that part of the value of a commodity
ln which surplus or unpaid labor is realized.
Rent.—That part ot surplus value
that goes to the landlord.
Individual Production.—A system in
which production partakes of an individual nature.
Social Production.—A system wherein the production of wealth ls the result of collective or co-operative effort.
Proletariat.—That class that owns
no property ln the means of production ; that has nothing to sell but labor-
power;   the working class.
Bourgeoisie.—The class that owns
and controls tbe means of wealth production;   the capitalist  class.
doles. It Is on this force of sentiment
that the convinced Socialist draws for
Ihe advancement of his creed. By increasing the number ot persons depen-
dent upon public charinty it prepares
the way for the time when all will be
dependent upon the state."
That Socialism is thus made to stand
mi its head would be set down by many
uf us, as being due to the writer's
"ignorance" of "real" Socialism. Yet
ho has undoubtedly taken his Information from professed Socialists and
"Socialist*' parties. He is not the one
then who Is to be held responsible for
his own ignorance. Rather should we
blame those who, under the name of
Socialism, keep up an incessant prattle about "state maintenance of children," "state insurance against sickness," "state" this, that, and the other
tommy-rot, peculiar to the minds ot
a clumsy Bourgeoisie, vainly meddling
with social forces which they can
never hope to understand, much less
control. The term Bourgeoisie, here
includes those prominent in the Labor
world, whose talents have enabled
them to play the game of politics after
the manner of their masters, which
consists of a pitiful attempt to be on
both sides of a bitter class war, and
who have "favored" us by dragging
the term Socialism through their parliamentary mire.
The moral of all which is: If you
intend to work for Socialism, your student days are never over. No man
comes to the Socialist movement from
other fields of thought with a head
all ready to be tagged. He does not
do Socialism a favor by attaching "Socialism" to what he already has—but
he does himself a great favor by trying
to get what Socialism has for him.
This Party has been so far impervious to any such attacks as the above,
but it behooves every member to maintain unrelaxed vigilance that it shall
ever move toward the one definite goal,
i.e., working class ownership of what
the Capitalists now possess.
gngr-Every Local of tha Socialist Party ,1
Canada ihoul-1 run a card under thia seed
ll.t* per nwntk.     Secretaries pleaee note.
bomxwiob Bxaovrxra twuuRn,
Seclallat Party of Canada. Moats
•vary alternate Monday. D. O. llo-
Kensle, Secretary, Box Ml, Vanoouvsr.
B. C.
._-..-_    ooLVKBta   pmofnreiAii
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meeta every alternate
Monday. D. a. McKenslo. Secretary,
Box tie. Vancouver. B. C.
(SKnlttee. socialist Party «* Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Leber HaU. Eighth Ave. Bast, op-
posui -Jostofflco. Secretary will to
cleaned to answer any communications
reJaS-dini the movemsnt ln the prov-
lnCF. Oxtoby, Sec.. Box 647 Calgary, Alta.
MAWTTOBA       *BOTn»01A"t       BXBCt**-
tlvo Committee. Meets fli-stanil third
Tuesdays in the month at l-oj' Adelaide St.
Any reader of the Clarion derlrlng Information about the movement in Man.toba, or who
Sl6 Good St.  _^_^__
Political Economy—The science of
wealth production (Including distribution).
Wealth.—A commodity or labor product; anything of utility; the embodiment of labor performed; concrete expression of labor power.
Capital.—Wealth used in the production of more wealth, exploiting
labor in the process; a condition, not
a thing.
Constant Capital—Means of production; that part of capital which cannot
alter Its value when its form Ib
Variable Capital.—-Wages; that part
of capital which Increases. Its value
when embodied ln a commodity.'
The most dangerous element with
which the Socialist Party has to contend in its progress toward' success,
Is the avowed Socialist who knows all
abut Socialism and has no time to
waste over Marx or Engels. Of course,
it Is not to be expected that the revolution 'Will. be i fought and won by tbe
efforts of Marxian economists alone.
The average working man has neither
time, capacity,nor inclination for Marx,
but he, as in the past, will do tbe
fighting—purely In defense of his material interests, without waste of wind.
He has, however,, to be shown the proper place in which to plant his punches. It is to the person who, by virtue
of some "natural power" in tho way
of a loose tongue and ready pen, professes ability to do this showing, that
my opening sentence refers.
' Prominent as an example of the misconceptions resulting from the efforts
of such characters, ls an article in the
March "Nineteenth Century" by Harold
Cox on the BritlBh Political situation,
ln which he refers to Socialism as follows:
"That Party (Socialist) has a cut
and dried creed. They believe that
all the ills of humanity will suddenly
vanish If onjy ,the state undertakes the
control and direction of all the Industries ot the country."
Again, ln dealing with the question
of charity, Mr. Cox accuses Socialism
of this peculiar attitude:
"There is always available a large
force of sentiment ln favor of public
Editor Clarion,—It was my privilege
a month or so ago to meet the Socialists in Calgary, Alta., and be inspired
by the no uncertain sound of your
"Clarion." Whilst I have from childhood, moved by the "Sermon on the
Mount," as printed In my "primary
reader," been an advocate and student
of co-operative economy, as opposed
to the competitive and monopolistic
systems which prevail no less in the
Christian than in the Jewish and pagan world, 1 have hitherto not met
with any statements of the present
outlook and efforts of the Industrial
reformation so satisfactory to my
mind as are those I found in your little weekly gospel of Socialism. Particularly was I pleased with the showing of the principles and purposes of
the Socialist party in Canada, as being
neither a wedge driven as an introduction to either individual anarchy or to
universal copartnery of either or both
property and person; and, as I am
from tbe "States," where I found these
miserable doctrines largely masquerading under the name aqd disguise of
Socialism, giving a bad fame to the
genuine, true-blue article, I am glad to
find ln this land of the brave who
would be and will be free, an intelligent understanding, an honest declaration and a determined campaign for
justice to all by giving opportunity to
everyone to labor and live without
either slavery or robbery, and to acquire an education which shall truly
elevate and Inspire beyond and above
every superstition and bigotry, giving
jealousy aud prejudice no place ot
I was privileged also to speak with
and to hear speak, our mountain mentor and Alberta's sole Socialist member of the Provincial Parliament; and
I really believe he ls the right man in
the right place. Only we want more
such, many more; and we are bound to
have tbem ere long, If the. Clarion
keeps up its strenuous song.
Yours for the social revolution, ..
Chinook, Alberta.
t^JcoSimlttee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth* Sunday at Cotarad*^Wgn-
non's Cottage Lane. Dan Cocnrane,
Secretary. Box . Olace Bay, N. S.
F Perry, Secretary. Box Mf.
■LOOAS. ▼•«S»e•{7a"ver■•   «co?d' aft
MeetsI flrst Sunday In every month ln
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Rosoman, Recording Secretary.
-COOA-*. LABT8MITM V O. 18, 8. T. Of
C. Buaineaa meetlnse every Saturday
7 p.m. In headquarters on First Ave.
11) Ut, Williams. Sec., Ladysmith, B. C
X.OOAL Mora. a. <-., vo. —
•*Jr„ d,§i*nd,7 7:,° P'm- -n MoOrij-or
Hall (Miner's Hall), Mra. Thornley,
-trOOAX MmBBTUAmm. Ms. 88, a. T. OT O,
meets In Ulnars' Hall evary Sunday at
7:3» n in, K. Campbell, Secy., P. O.
Box (74. Roaeland Finnish Branoh
meets In Flnlanders' Hall, Sundays at
7:»vj). m. A. Sebble, Seoy.. P. O, Boa
7«t Rossland, B. C.
wmtow, 8. t. or a, nam
- --..   Friday  evening  at  I   p.m..  In
Miners'   Had,   Nelsoft*   B.   C.     C    A
Organiser; I. A. Auatln, Secy.
-LOOAZ. MOBM-OC, MO. 8. 1 I. » O,
meets every Sunday at «:30 p.m., la
Miners' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organizer.    H. K. Maclnnls, Secretary.
-COOA-b OALOABT, AtTA., MO. 4, B. T.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at I
P.m. ln the Labor Hall. Barber Blook,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and Reading Room,    Labor Hall, T. H
d Machln Box «47. Secretary, A. Mac
iiald, Organiser,    Box (47.
-bOCA*-, BBILBTT-B, ALTA., MO. 18, 8.
P of C, meets every first and third
Sunday evenings, Bellevue Town HaU
J. Oliphant, Secretary.
Meeta every Sunday night In ths
Miners' Hall and Opera House at I
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
-M-CAI. YIOTOMXA, MO. •*■**- g*0,*
geadquarter. g^Sj^BJ' Oov.rn:
Strt-st Eafu.ln.M    Sleeting    .very
Tu^-day^venlu.. ^P-fc
R.   Thoman,   Secretary.
M-OAX.   »*»"'.t!n-t.'-ln0fth-;   Mtn"s"
educational   n>ee{inJf,1.lnAve"   Fernle,
month,  same place at  t.av p «*
D»vid Pawn, Secy, Box 101
100AI.  •f»«rJv00SDJIM?y V MhW
f," .„me*Hall   If 7:30 J m-     Business
Union   Han   ai:   «•"! J^ndayS of each
meetings. 1st and 3rd sunoayer.
n^-^S'i. ^"""y-Box l24-
'^nmeu\Wetery SccSd IfflS ft&S
'•aVefSSthV'S... Chancy, S-cretary, Box
i>7, Vernon, B. C ^^^^^^^__
P. ot C.    Headquarters (ii First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. ahara.
Our Reading Room ls open to ths public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
F. Blake 64» Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Btssett, 321 Fourth
St., Organizer.
quarters, Kerr's Hall, lao i-a Adelaide Stree
opp. Robliu Hotel. Business meeting (vary
Sunday morning 11 a. m. PropCganUs
meeting Sunday evening S p.m.  Every
body welcome. Secretary, j, W. H illtng,
270 Young St; Orgaulxer, p. McDougall, 4S4
Jarvis St.
ot O.—Business meetings 2nd and 4th
Wednesdays ln the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at 3:$f o'clock st
the Labor Temple. Speakers' claas
every Thurs-Msat 8:00 o'clock at Labor
Temp'e. % gtewart,  Secretary,
62 Seaton SVS
LOCAL  OTTAWA,  MO.  8,   8.  T.   OJT  O.
Business meeting 1st Sunday la
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. ln Roberts-
Allan Hall, 78 Rldeau St. A G. Me
Collum, 68 Slater St., Secretary.
LOCAL MICHEL, B. O., MO. 18, 8. 9.vt
C meets every Sunday In Graham's
Ilall at 10:30 a m. Socialist speakers
are Invited to "all. V. Frodsham, Sec-
LOCAL  COBALT,  MO.  9,  8.  P.  0°T  a
Propaganda and business meetings
every Wednesday at 8 p.m. in Miners"
Hall. Everybody Invited to attead.
Arthur L. Botley, Seoy., Box. tit.
LOOAL  SBBLXM,   OMT.,   MO.   4,   8.   T.
ot C, meets every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., H
King St. E., opposite Market Hotel.
V. A. Hints, Sec, 9* West Lancaster Street.
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay: Wm. Sutherland, Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. Q.
Ross, Financial Secretary, offlce ln D.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Union
Dear Comrade,—Enclosed please
find t3 tor organizer fund. I would
like to see 100 comrades send ln the
like amount monthly so that we could
begin to have one steady organizer in
the field in each province continuously
working and organizing the wage
slaves into locals and drilling economic truths into their brains that might
tell to their own advantage and well-
being in the ballot boxes and parliaments, both Provincial and Dominion.
Of course it means self-denial week
every month in our porridge pot or In
something else equally necessary. At
any rate we are working as best we
may to that end.
Sincerely yours In the scrap,
Cloverdale, B. C.
To Canadian Socialists
On account of Increased postal
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For 70 cents we will mall ten
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*j--,te page is Devoted to Reports of Executive Coramittees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Coaimunications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Dear Comrade,—I have been requested to submit a report ot the work being done ln Winnipeg, bo here goes.
By dint of hard work on the part of
W. H. Stebblngs and G. Armstrong,
hundreds of appeals for funds have
been sent all over the Dominion. The
appeal has not been made in vain, as
the executive is now tn a position to do
some solid organizing work ln the province. Question slips with blank
spaces, tor answers have also been sent
out through Manitoba, the purpose being to ascertain the names and addresses of men we can rely on to help
organizers sent to strange districts
where there are no locals.
Comrade Gribble ls at present ln the
Peg, and we are making the utmost
use of him. However, Gribble will be
sending in a report, and a more coherent ope, so I will leave him to deal
with this phase of the matter. Comrade Desmond Ib also ln Winnipeg, and
the executive will put him in harness
at the earliest opportunity.
English Local No. 1 is carrying on a
sound educational propaganda, and
during the last five weeks large audiences have listened atentively ln the
Bijou and Pastime theatres to speeches
by Stebblngs, Houston, Pickup, Chew,
Cameron, Gribble, etc.
Joe. Watson and S. Armstrong are
making the literature end go some and
this part ot the Local is tn a flourishing
With Comrade Bertha Falrbalrn
looking after a scheme to get the Local
"out of the hole," we expect soon to be
free from the care and worry of the
The election committee have also
been busy, and, judging by the earnest
conclave held last night, trouble ls
brewing for a certain class.
Last Sunday the writer went to Brandon and, considering the cold weather,
had a fairly good audience. The
"plugs" seemed to take kindly to the
doctrine of selfishness, and looked as
though they "wanted more." There ls
excellent material In Brandon Local
and Indications seem to point tbat
Comrade Fulcher will not be the only
box artist this summer.   Eh, Higglns?
Yes, thank you, Manitoba is doing
fairly well.
As the readers of the Western Clarion are, no doubt, aware, the Dominion Executive Publishing Department
have, at the request of Local Vancouver, published in the Clarion the "Summary of Marx's Capital," by A. P.
The reason that Local Vancouver
made this request was that It was considered to be the best extract of Marx's
"Capital" yet published, and being In
simple and comprehensive language;
also that a copy could be produced at
a price within the reach of everyone.
We have long had a good demand for
this pamphlet in Vancouver, and will
be glad to satisfy it in the near future,
and I would strongly recommend all
the Locals ln B. C. to get in a good
stock of them.
It Is the duty of every Socialist to
understand the workings of the present system, and this small pamphlet
will give him a good Insight into lt.
As advertised: $1.00 per 100, post
paid, to subscribers to the Publishing
Twenty-five cents per dozen to
Single copy, 5 cents.
O. M.
I'm sore on the Winnipeg boys.
Have had no chance to get a sub for
the Clarion since I've been here. They
are on to the victims like hawks on
a dead Malay and don't give a fellow
a chance. Never mind, so long as
someone gets them.
Have been having open air meetings
in Winnipeg that reminded me ot old
times (not bo very old either) in Toronto. The boys here can serve out
the dope alright and lt has been a
pleasure to do some listening, being
everlastingly tired of hearing myself
speak. There are no Utopians or
freaks (scientific or otherwise) in Winnipeg English branch.
The Winnipeg boys are going strong.
Being a year away, I don't know whether the Toronto crowd is up to their
standard. It Is no wonder If they are
not with the factional fight that Is on,
but from all reports they are doing
well. My advice to the Toronto Reds
is to carry on their work which Is that
of 'stirring up Revolt, regardless of
anything else. Treat those humbugs
who are spending their time shrieking
"democracy" and "autonomy" as If
they didn't exist. They are not doing
and never did any propaganda work
anyway, for the simple reason that
they don't know how, and why should
we bother about them?
This is a Party matter and I have
no doubt'what will be the answer of
the Party. As for the Party members
in Ontario who have been carried
away by the cry of. local autonomy,
they have chosen to go with the crows
and must expect to be shot at.
I strongly suspect and also hope that
the Eastern Utopians will be forming
a Social Democratic Party before long,
I have known for some time that certain ones have been plotting to that
end and to capture a paper for that
Let who will go with them and those
who are really ln earnest will learn
their lesson ln time and the Socialist
Party of Canada will get them ln the
end and they will be the better for
•their experience. Experience ls a dear
school, but most will learn in no other.
Glad to see the Reds in the East are
carrying on the propaganda the same
as ever and have no doubt they wlll
continue to do so. Shall be back to
help them, before long.
~ It ls with Joy that I Inform you and
all the comrades that we are going to
put up a fight in Cumberland county,
N. S., with straight Socialist candidate,
Comrade Editor,—No question has
been more keenly debated in the columns of the Clarion than that of robbery. Some claim that the wealth producers are the only victims; others include consumers, at least ln an indirect
way. In last week's Issue Comrade
Moore carries the speculation further
still and invites independent opinions,
whether orthodox or not, as to whether
non-productive wage-earners such as
the servants of the rich are to be included in the same category as those
who directly handle.the tools of production.
For my part I am Inclined to think
that this notion of robbery is largely
a delusion and my belief seems to be
warranted by the amount of fog which
surrounds the subject. As to whether
any particular person or claBs Is robbed or not depends on one's ideas as
to the just basis of property rights.
Perhaps the most important formula
of the Socialist philosophy is this that
labor produces all wealth and to the
producer lt Bhould belong." In our
modern industrial system, labor ls helpless unless it Is in a position to use the
wonderful machinery and the vast
stores of technical and scientific knowledge which are the result of ages of
thought and labor. Labor is Indeed the
producer of all wealth, but living labor
can accomplish but very little without
the co-operation of the workers that
have gone before us.
All wealth today is the materialization of dead men as well as of the living workers and lt is a great question
whether the latter can justly lay claim
to the whole product. We know for
certain that the accumulations of
knowledge and skill have never at any
time been bequeathed to any particular class and obviously, the only just
method of disposing of them Ib to make
of them social property. In this sense,
every member of society today has an
equal property right ln the sum total
of treasures which have been handed
down by our forerunners and all those
unfortunates, of any class whatever,
who through a defective organization
ot society Itself, are unable to secure
their share of the benefits gained by
their utilization, are the victims of a
system which robs them of their birthright.
The capacity ot the modern wage-
earner to produce surplus value ia due
to the fact, that the .results of past labor are at his disposal, to the value of
which he adds that of his own, but
from the total produce he can justly
claim only the latter, the balance being
the' property of society on which the
outcast has . as good a claim as the
best paid aristocrat of labor. The prevalent Idea that the working class
alone ls entitled to the wealth produced by Itself, Is a product of modern
conditions and will give way in time to
a higher conception of justice.
It ls a convenient maxim for a working-class revolution and will serve a
useful purpose ln the evolution of society; but, strictly speaking, the working class is entitled only to the control
of industry and of the products of labor
by reason of its dominant position, and
not to their absolute ownership.
The fierce jealousy with which one
class watches another vainly trying to
guard against expected encroachments,
Ib the fruit of the nerve-racking struggle which all have to make to keep
their foothold. The coming of Socialism will sweep all this away and with
lt will go the mean suspicion ot trickery and robbery which has agitated us
into this discussion.
Tours for Socialism,
""Read Island, B. C.
Thanks for the bay leaves, Wilfred,
especially the "bay" part of It; but, for
the "love of the auld kirk" don't class
me along with Shl-er, and I'll give you
the leaves back again, "bay" and all.
And so "the real industrial union ls
that union of the workers in Industry
for the social production of wealth."
Never heard of it, but I'm afraid our
old friends, the capitalists, are running
that "union" at present i. e. their
"trusts," combines, etc., unless you
mean the co-operation of the workers
for the production of the finished articles; but that's a quibble Gribble, or a
Gribble quibble. What I call an "industrial union" is one along the same
lines as the I. W. W., which embraces
all wage workers ln whatever industry
they may be employed, laborers pr mechanics, male or female, and whose
present aim is the organization bf the
workers to meet the growing power of
the "trusts"; to educate them to a
knowledge of their true condition under capitalist production; with the ultimate aim of overthrowing lt and establishing socialist production. I believe
the C. G. T. ot France are also organized along the same lines.
There are many who hold that this
kind of organization ls quite capable of
overthrowing capitalism without the
aid of political action; while others,
like the S. P. C, believe that political
action alone can accomplish it. Personally, I believe if we have two weapons, by all tneans use them both. We
will need help from every quarter when
the time arrives.
About the "political reflex" business,
what I endeavored to convey to you
was this: Politics are a reflex of industrial conditions. The condition of the
workers on the industrial field ls a sadly disorganized one, being split up Into
crafts, confederations, etc., and it naturally follows tbat such disorganization can only produce a disordered political action a fact which even a superficial observation will verify. Until we
are organized solidly on the Industrial
field we can never be solid politically.
Sure, Mike! The only thing really
the matter ls ownership. But of what?
The "wind factory" at Victoria, or the
industries of the country? This "wind
factory" don't run the industries." Its
main function is to facilitate the "working of the workers," to harmonize the
interests of the various capitalists, one
with the other at "home," and with
those abroad. The word "politics"
Itself gives the whole show away. It
simply means "policing." We seldom
nowadays find the "captains of industry '. in parliament. They haven't time
for that sort of kindergarten. They
leave that to their lawyers, ward heelers and other political henchmen, who
give legal sanction to the thievery
which has already taken place on the
industrial field.
I'd like to go into this thing a little
deeper, but space forbids at present.
I'll try again In the near future when
I've found that master I'm hunting for.
As for the "Dreadnoughts." My opinion is still the same as of yore. I quite
realize that they are "paid for" from
the surplus-value exploited from the
workers. But can we stop at the money-relation? All wealth ls a product
ot human labor and the workers, In the
ultimate analysis, as a class, "pay for"
It in the energy which they deliver In
working the raw material Into the finished products. Once we look behind
the money-relation, tbe Idea of "compensation" can no longer creep in. The
debt is on the capitalists' side, a debt
which can never be paid.
As for belonging to the S. P. C. I
don't, although I help whenever possible. The reason is that I don't believe
that the emancipation of the workerB
can be accomplished by "pure and simple" political action, as the platform
states. The "Communist Manifesto" I
carry about in my pocket, which is
more than I can say about the bible.
The other things you mention don't
require an answer. You shouldn't eat
those prairie onions, Gribble. They
are bad for the digestive organs, which,
I believe, affects, the brain when out of
whack. Sorry you can't stay. I'd like
to hear more about this industrial ques.
tlon. GbUROCk.
"fn—i?;.,'. Ill
was entirely unreaaoa-
views;  uut It;	
able that his words should be. considered1 a having more cogency anil
weight tii in those of other men, simply
because he had written a readable
yarn or so, and had assured himself of
a place among the Immortals by composing the grand and pathetic "poem,"
"An Absent-minded Beggar."
Yet his lightest words, no matter
upon what question they were uttered,
were echoed across the continent. In
British Columbia the Asiatic problem
was engrossing the attention ot all
minds; and with this, Kipling was confronted. "You want to know what to
do with the Yellow Men?" said Mr.
Kipling, caressing his brow in the approved philosopher style. That's easy.
Pump In the whites."   Wonderful!
I do not say that Mr. Kipling's opinion is worth nothing. But I do say that
the opinions of a man of letters about
matters of a political or an economic
nature, are of no more value than the
opinions of any other not particularly
qualified individual.
Again, Professor Ernest Haeckel Ib
considered by many as the foremost
living biologist. He 1b ss great as Darwin, say those who know, and in his
special field we are justified ln placing
the utmost reliance upon his conclusions. But Professor Haeckel has several times aired his views upon Social
ism, a subbject he knows nothing
about. Ought we, then, to yield as
great a deference to him when he
treats of Socialism as we do when he
treats of biology? Yet this ls precisely
what has been done. Professor Haeck-
el's well-known "exposure" of the fallacy of Socialism is really of no value,
for it was written when he knew absolutely nothing of the theories of modern Socialists; yet it is held by many
to be the last word upon the subject.
And now here Is Edison. Undoubtedly Edison is a great man. He has Invented many wonderful appliances;
and he probably.knows as much about
electricity aB any man living. But we
are not justified ln assuming that because he is a great inventor he ls also
a profound economist. We need not
look to him for the solution of every
difficulty that besets us simply because
he has overcome many in his own particular line. Yet there is discovered a
writer in a recent issue of "Munsey"
who, with an excess of fulsome adulation, hails Edison as a "benefactor of'
humanity and economist."
Now Mr. Edison may very well be a
benefactor of humanity; at least I shall
not dispute the title. But assuredly he
ls not an economist also. Tbe article
I allude to Is the report of a quite
lengthy Interview. It begins: "Let the
poor take heart. .     Edison has a
message for them." Edison forecasts
the probable development of mechanical Invention, predicting a time, not
far hence, when most of the work now
dotte by hand, will be performed by
machinery. Skill, he says, is disappearing now; and the working class
will be reduced to the dead level of unskilled employment.
No Socialist will quarrel with Mr.
Edison's analysis so far; but wben he
goes op to say that the introduction of
machinery has always proved a benefit
to the poor, we begin to prick up our
ears and to murmur softly that our
home state is Missouri. We think that
history will show this ls not true. In
the years 1760-70, when machinery was
flrBt adopted in the textile trades, great
hardships, severe enough to cause the
Luddlte riots, resulted from this alone.
And since that time the unemployed
army has swelled wlh every new labor-
saving device.
Mr. Edison gives further proof of his
entire Ignorance of economics by saying that he will invent a cement, house
and place lt upon the market so cheaply that the condition of the working
class will immediately improve.
Cheap things have never dons the
workers any good because wages are
based upon the cost of subsistence. It
it costs little to live, then wages are;
low, and on the contrary, where living
Is high, there the price of labor-power
Is high also.
Mr. Edison ls not an economist, and
he cannot show us the way of escape
from our troubles. There Is no way of
escape under capitalism.—A. Percy
Chew, in The Voice.
When a famous man honors us with
his opinions concerning the particular
branch of learning in which he has
gained renoWn, we listen attentively
and With deference. And this ls right;
for lt is naturally to be supposed' that
he knows more about a subject to
which he has devoted a lifetime of
thought, than we, who have never
studied lt at all.
But when he ventures Into other and
strange fields we should challenge his
every word, for here, he Ib no more
than any ordinary man.
For instance, when Mr. Rudyard Kipling came to this country a few years
ago, he was eagerly beBeiged by the
newspaper men for his views upon all
conceivable questions. Upon sociology
and economics, as well as upon art and
letters; upon politics and state problems—subjects he had probably never
studied—Just as readily as upon those
matters one would naturally suppose
him to be familiar with. Now lt was
reasonable that he should be asked bis
Burns—that Is Robert Burns, the
Scottish poet, who must not be con
fuBed with Tommy BurnB, the noted
exponent of the noble art of self-defence—once replied to a correspondent
who pounced on him for some particular heresy, he having quite a large
stock In trade in the heresy line:
"What gars you now, you lousy bitch.
To seart my hack at sic a pitch?
Now, this was considered very rude
of Bob; and, although I feel somewhat
constrained to reply to George White-
field (Clarion, G73) in the same strain,
I have no wish to appear rude, especially as I have just been to the "kirk"
and had a lot of "brotherly love" and
"kiss your enemy" dope peddled to
me.   Therefore, we won't do it.
However, you might read that article
again, George, and never mind what
your tutors tell you. Think for yourself. I don't pretend to understand all
the "Inns and outs" of the I. L. P.
movement, since, seeing they have no
definite program, and glory in the tact
too, it ls an extremely hard mater to
foretell where they will ultimately end.
I spoke of "I. L. P. Socialism," of the
Socialist section within the I. L. P.
and ot which Phillip Snowden is the
acknowledged mouthpiece. They say
so themselves, and I take their word
for lt.
As is well known, the British workers went into politics under the form
of the I. L. P. with the idea of improving their condition by means of shorter working hours and other reform
measures; and through time the so-
called Socialist element formulated
the Idea of capturing the government,
compensating the capitalists for their
industries by means of "state bonds,"
and establishing a system of government ownership of public utilities.
' Now, I think it's pretty clear that
these "state bonds" must call for dividends to be paid on them; and the
workers are the only persons who can
produce these dividends. We then
have a parasitic non-producing class
living on profits, and who would undoubtedly see that the government was
run so as to ensure these profits. The
workers would then not be one whit
better off than at present, and if they
did possibly muster sufficient courage
to raise a kick they would be branded
as rebels—like the French civil servants recently—and that would tend to
hurt their patriotic feelings, of which
the British worker ls extremely proud.
Socialism, as I take it, stands for
social ownership of the meana of
wealth production, and this entails
abolition of "capital," or wealth used
for the production of profits; and the
abolition of the "state," as we at present know it.
Snowden and his following don't
stand for these things; the I. L. P.
don't stand tor anything in particular,
but in general for such things as a fair
day's wage for a fair day's work.
I therefore deny the assertion which
I have time and again heard in Canada
and ln the "old country," that the I. L.
P. are good Socialists and heading in
the right direction.
' I consider the sooner the I. L. P.
goes out of business the better it will
be for Socialism.
The unions have no business on the
political field; their scrapping ground
is the industrial field. Let the Socialist political organizations attend to
that end of the business, and the unions, while expresing no definite political faith, co-operate with them all In
their power as standing for working-
class interests, and that alone.
It is impossible otherwise to organ'
ize the workerB solidly industrially, as
there being so many Liberals and Conservatives among them they will natur.
aly howl at being compelled to subscribe towards the upkeep of an organization which is contending against
tfaelr own political faith—a fact which
the I. L. P. have discovered. There
dan be no solidarity in such an organization, and the canker of disaffection
Boon sets in.
i Let the workers organize along the
lines of industrial unionism on the industrial field and endeavor to build a
solid, cohesive organization there, and
teach at every oportunlty the Idea of
social ownership; let the Socialists
peg away on the political field and
organize as solidly as they can; and
let tbe two co-operate as much aa Ilea
in their power. This ls the double-
barrelled movement which calls forth
so many sneers from tbe S. P. C.
I am afraid, Whitelleld, that you are
laboring under the delusion tbe "government ownership" and "social ownership" are one and the same thing.
"Government ownership" is the most
violent form ot capitalism, and if you
look over at Australia you will have
this statement verified.
There is another little bone I've got
to pick with you. You endeavor to
make me say that "capital means
money and other things." That's a
new one on me, and on capital, too.
No Socialist could possibly hold such
an opinion. Even a capitalist would
deny It. You might look up that laat
article again, and for a good working
knowledge of what the "State" really
stands for, read Engel's "Origin of the
Family." It is the best groundwork for
the embryo Socialist I have yet encountered, and cannot be circulated
too much.
I plead guilty to the "familiar Clyde-
side Rothsay air," but trust you will
not use the confession too strongly to
my detriment.   Given a fair chance I.|
hope to live it down.
By "Smith."
Did you read well the remarks
you read well the remarks^of
Gribble last week. He made no appeal such as you may see almost any
day In some other sheets we might
mention, but what he said should go
a good way with you If you have tho
Interest of the Clarion and the Party
at heart, as it is only on the readers
that the boosting of the Clarion depends. "One tip ls all that is necessary to the hustlers." Our own sentl- '
ments exactly. We won't object to the
amount of mail matter. ■ -
• e   •
This looks good.   Fifteen of them   -
all in a bunch from E. J. Thompson,
North   Battleford,   Sask.     It- every
member of the Party did this, -what I
would happen?
G. Darts sends along two dollars to
put him in touch tor twenty-four
• •   e
Mrs. Bone puts the Clarion Maintenance Fund one dollar to the good.
a   a   a
Since July 1st, 1896, the cost ot llv-
the past year, 11 per cent.; and in the
past year, 11 per cent.;  and ln the '
last four months 7 1-2 per cent   How
about your Wages?
e   e   •
J. Watson lands two slaves in the
• •   •
Local Berlin pays up for bundle and
card for March, per V. A. Hints.      '
• •   •
Clarion Maintenance Fund gets another dollar.   This time from B. L. J.
a    e    e
From Fatrvlew, B. C, cornea the following: "My subscription has now expired. I will not renew lt at present
because I will be travelling this sum- .
mer quite steady. I wlll express my.
appreciation of this splendid paper and i
wlll promise you my renewal in the
fall. During my travels I will speak a
good word tor Socialism and the'
"J. B. P."
• e   •
D. McDougall captures four of them
in Winnipeg and promises some more.
next time.   More power to your arm,
• e •
Whatever you do, don't study Socialism. You might become discontented with your lot, lose your love
for work and deprive the capitalist of
the opportunity to exploit you all the
Charlie O'Brien is still sending them
down from the Rocky Mountains.   Five
this time.   Keep at it!
The only cure for tbe evils that beset society to-day lies in the collective
ownership of the machinery of production. All the people must own and
control all the factories, mills, mines,
shipyards, railroads, all the means ot
weath production.
a   a   a
W. H. Stebblngs keeps to IL Three
more came along this week.
e   e   •
Don't forget the May Day celebration
In Camble street grounds on Sunday,
1st. For further particulars consult
the adertisement on opposite page.
• •   »
Clarence Hoar parts from $2.50 and
becomes acquainted with one bound ,
volume of the  Western  Clarion for
1909.   We hope he will subject lt to
the scrutiny of the critics In Portland,
a   a   a
A century and a half ago labor was
done by hand, as it had been for hundreds of years before. The steam engine waa invented, machine after machine followed. Steam and electric
power bave made the development ot
machinery possible. More machinery
has been invented through the genius
of man than In all the preceding, agea .
before, As a result, the cobbler, the
baker, and other craftsmen of' those
days have vanished. Their places
have been taken by the machine tender. Boys and girls now turn out as
many boots and shoes-r-per day—as
the cobbler used to make in ■ several
months. Such has been the .change ia
production. What we want now la the
change ln ownership.
Singles.—Mrs. Geo. Mann, W. B„
Pete Garvle, R. MoLachlan, J. Helll-
well, all of Vancouver; W. S. Cumming, Winnipeg; F. S. Faulkner, Mason, 111.; E. Duhr, Nelson; J. A. Telt,
Spence's Bridge, B. C; R. I. Mathews,
Strathcona, Alta.
Don't forget May Day.
Trade Mama
^^^^^^^^_ CoPYBiOHva 4c
..„„, sending a sketch and description mar
- *"?"cerSin our o Ion Iree wteilie- an
8 . liitl'"tsprobabiri^ttW^SRSarViSf'
■ent frefc Oldest ssencr for loirurnis^aUnUu
' ritonu taaen tbroush Mum. * (Jo. reoelTS
n,ctai notla, wltbont ebarse. In the
Scientific American.
^ ——-*  "-.    [ATR-st dr-
,1.    Termi  tor
Laid.   Held by
New York
c\iKM™l5r"'Sfn?-',i^1- ,„
all nm-KleefctfS.
Charter   (with    necessary    supplies to start Local)  $5.01
Membership Cards, each       .11
Dues Stamps, each    JO
Platform  and  application  blank
per 100  K
Ditto ln Finnish, per 100 5t
Ditto ln Ukrainian, per 100 61
Ditto In Italian, per 100 M
Constitutions, each     M
Ditto. Finnish, per dosen     M FOUR
Bourgeois and  Socialist Theories
The proofs adduced by Marx in support of his contention that the origin
and rise of capital can be traced, distinctly and indisputably, to robbery,
fraud and violence, form only a small
part, and by no means the most Important one, .of his profound investigations into social wealth production.
The portions of his work describing
so lucidly the process of the reproduction and accumulation of capital are
for the: purposes of proletarian enlightenment ef even greater value.
Marx's evidence aa to the reproduction and accumulation of capital bears
out -completely his theories. of Value
and Surplus-Value. Acccording to
them only two factors exist in wealth
production—natural objects and
Social, Co-operative Human Labor.
Capital is .part of the social wealth,
of which the workers have been robbed and which ls invested by its owners for the purpose of further robbery i  .
Social, co-operative human labor applied to natural objects being alone necessary to produce wealth, lt follows
that the reproduction and accumulation of capital—a portion ot social
wealth—can exclusively be traced back
to the exploitation of human labor.
The development of capitalist pro-
' duction causes ever-extending co-operation and productivity of labor, resulting ln a gradual cheapening of
human labor-power Hence the proletariat, who alone produce all wealth
grow increasingly poorer, since their
sole source Of income ls the sale of
their labor-power; while the idle owners ot the means of production are accumulating more and more social
So soon as it is conceded that today
eocial labor applied to natural objects
is the only means of production—capital, ln present-day Society—by its
capitalist owners, can only be sustained-oh the ground of heredity or privilege.
Now, whenever ihe possessing class
find themselves in the dilemma of being faced by the irrefutable facts of
history or economics, they mostly succeed, by means of their-wealth, in
getting the services of the
Strongest and Moat Cunning
of economic and political prize-fighters.
But with the growing enlightenment
of the' toiling masses the attitude and
methods ot these "intellectual" pugilists undergo continual change.
Until a few years ago it sufficed for
the capitalist class to oppose to the
Marxian .theory or Value (that labor applied to natudal objects is the
source ot all Value) the utility theory
of Jevons—according to- which the
valine of an. article depends upon its
final utility, that is, upon how useful
to the community another article of
the same kind would be.
But as ibis final utility twaddle was
"      "   by  Marxian   writers    and.
speakers, the theory was superseded
by another utility theory—that of the
Austrian school—the theory of marginal utility, according to which "the
value of an article is fixed when one
is debating whether it Is worth while
to pbtaju It or not, the decision ar.
rived,** Indicating the utility of an
article on  „,.
Ths Margin of Production,
vis,, on the margin of doubt whether
it be worth while'to produce lt or not."
These two value theories of utility
have, however, with the aid of the
Fabian theory of 'the rent of ability,"
fully blossomed out Into tbe "directive ability" so crudely championed by
the. capitalist economist, Mr W. H.
Mallpck ("A Critical Examination of
Now, while Marx in his "Capital"
(p. 322) shows that 'directive ability"
is only a "special kind of wage-labor,"
the' Fabians agree with Mr. Mallock
that it is an entity apart from wage-
labor, possessed by a elass of "great
men." Mr. Mallock considers that
class to be the capitalist class. The
Fabians hold that this ability is possessed hy another, strange to say, a
third class ln society.
Mr. Bernard Shaw ln The Times
(Feb. 2, 1910) made an absurd on-,
slanght on Mr. Mallock because of the
latter's alleged distortion of the Fabian
"rent of ability theory." Shaw, ignorant of economics, cuts a comic figure
when he1 endeavors to instruct others
in the subject.' But this time be out-
Shawed Shaw. Here Is one of his
"Up-to-date Pearls of Wisdom,"
taken haphazard:
"This ls not a question of the difference between the Socialist and the
anti-Socialist: it Is a question between
the gentleman and the cad. Lord
Landsdowne has not asked for the
' hundred millions he saved Europe by
making our treaty with Japan, and
Lord Charles Beresford, If the German fleet attacked ours, would not refuse to conduct our naval defence unless the country were to be given to
him as- prize money when he had
saved it."
In order to flatten Mallock, Shaw
hashes up his old balderdash, "Social-,
ism and Superior Brains" in pamphlet i
form, and therein (p. 67) he gives the
following   definition   ot the Fabian
theory of the "rent of ability:"
"He (your skilled economist) does
not romance about capitalists inventing Atlantic steamers: he shows you
the capitalist and laborer running
helplessly, the one with his money the
other with his muscle, to the able man,
the actual organizer and employer,
who alone Is able to find a use for
mere manual deftness or for the brute
strength or heavy bank balance which
Any Fool May Po'ssess"
So ignorant Is Shaw that he does not
realize that his criticism of Mallock
amounts only to the pot calling the
kettle black, and therefore tends to
still further confuse the issues, between Socialist and anti-Socialist.
Now Mallock states his conception
bf the theory of "directive ability"
("A Critical Examination of Socialism," p. 40) as follows:.  .;
"Though labor is essential to the
production of wealth ■ even in the
smallest quantities, ithe distinguishing
productivity ot industry in the modern world depends not on tbe labor,
but on the ability with which the labor is directed, and in tbe modern
world the primary function ot capital
Is that of providing ability with its necessary instrument of direction"
All this confusion as to what are the
factors operating ln wealth production
and the functions of the capitalist, or
whether "directive ability" is an j
entity apart from the labor-power ot
the  working  class,  is  dispelled,  and
The Issues Cleared Up.
by Marx in "Capital," particularly in
those chapters dealing with "Co-operation, Manufacture and Modern Industry."
The main reason so many seekers
after Socialist knowledge remain re
formers is that they do not realize
that man is a social product and that
wealth production throughout human
history has been based on co-operation.
With a thorough grasp of these primary Socialist principles no proletarian
can remain In Ignorance of the meaning of social evolution and revolution.
In his efforts to trace the history of
man as a social product he will discover the fact that society is an organism with its own laws of development, and that the various stages of
such development are determined by
the evolution of the tools ot production. And in his endeavor to gather
evidence ot the existence of the cooperative principle in human society,
the worker will learn that the condition of the wealth producers depends
entirely upon the ownership, of these
tools of production, that Ib, upon
whether tbey are owned by the users,
or by another class, to whom such
ownership gives the power of exploitation and domination. He will also
come to realize that a change In the
ownership of the means ot production
cannot be brought about hy any evolutionary process, but, oh the contrary,
must be acomplished, by the propertyless class,
By a Political Revolution.
In order to be able to show that "directive ability" does not exist apart
from wage-labor it is necessary to
briefly summarize and illustrate here
what Marx has so minutely and exhaustively propounded in "Capital,"
particularly in the chapters on "Co-operation, Manufacture and Modern Industry"
In perusing classical writings, as
"Ancient Society"- by Lewis Morgan,
"The Origin of the Family" by Frederick Engels, 'The History of Politics"
by Jenks, and other works by avowed
bourgeois authors we learn that the
principle of co-operation has throughout history—under savagery, barbarism and civilization—prevailed in the
production ot human sustenance. Already ln primitive communist society
—among the red Indians who lived
mainly by the proceeds of the hunt,
in the Indian village community that
pursued principally agriculture for its
maintenance, and ln the patriarchal
peasant family which produced its own
means Of subsistence—labor was organized | on co-operative lines Under
chattel slavery, where the slave rendered personal service to his maater,
under feudalism, where the serf was
attached, tp the land and worked part
ot his time for the maintenance of his
master and the other part for himself,
and i under handicraft, when each
handicraftsman used a set of tools of
his own to produce an article right put,
Principle of Co-operation
was not obliterated but concealed
As each producer was only able, to
produce a particular article of wealth,
but required a variety of such articles
for bis sustenance, exchange of commodities was neceWry, and though
the principle of co-operation was hidden in the process of production, it, was
clearly brought to light in the process
•f exchange , After, all,. each-*,, commodity was the embodiment of one
man's activities, and therefore by the
exchange of one commodity for another the exchange ot men's activities was continually taking place.
A close examination into the history
of wealth production convinces us that
Mallock and his'supporters are speaking altogether contrary to fact when
tbey assert that with the development
ot modern Industry, the capitalists,
the owners of the means of,, production, have developed a new factor, possessed by them, namely, "directive
ability," to which can be traced the
Origin of the greater amount of wealth
produced.   The records of history
Prove Just the Contrary.
Whether we take the evidence supplied by Marx and Engels on the one
hand, or Adam Smith, Thorold Rogers
and De Gibbins on the other, we find
it all supports the contention that the
owner of the means of production is
only performing the function of BU
perintendent in production while the
same is in its Infancy, that is to say,
while it is in the stage of manufacture,
where production is carried on with
small primitive tools and by means of
ever growing division of manual labor.
And the aforementioned historians
and economists further agree that as
soon as machinery, steam and electricity are introduced into production, resulting in what we term "Modern .Industry," the capitalists engage their
superintendents of labor in the same
way that they purchase ordinary labor-
power In the modern factory, workshop or other place of production, the
average superintendent Is not a capitalist but a wage-worker, commonly
called a salaried official, who, having
as a rule no property, Is compelled
To Sell His Labor-power
to the capitalist It is true that the
salary paid to such official contains not
only the price ot his labor-power as
superintendent of production, but often
includes his pay as "hustler," of the
Marx, far from denying the need for
a directing authority In modern production, emphasizes the fact of its In-
dispensableness. He writes In "Capital" (p. 821) "All combined labor on
a large scate requires, more or less,
a directing authority ln order to secure the harmonious working of the individual activities, and to peform the
general functions that have their
origin ln the action of the combined
organism, as distinguished from the
action of its separate organs. A single
violin player ls his own conductor;
an orchestra requires a separate one."
But wisely Marx does not ascribe
the ever growing productivity of cooperatively used labor to the directing
authority, which, after all, is only a
single organ of the social organism,
and like all others, a social product,
Which society has nourished, clothed,
taught and trained for the position it
■ And on the other hand, Marx does
not ascribe, the increasing productivity
to manual labor alone, but proves
that all activities, physical and mental,
combined in one social co-operative
mass, contribute to the production of
wealth in society To single out Individuals—even the cleverest and most,
capable—amounts to an allegation that
a man can exist apart from and independent of society   These.points
Are Brilliantly Explained
in the following passages tn "Capital."
On page 311 we read:
"Capitalist production only then
really begins, as we have already seen,
when each Individual capital employs
simultaneously a comparatively large
number of laborers; when consequently the labor-process is carried, on on
an extensive scale and yields relatively large profits, , A greater number of
workers working together at the same
time, in one place (or it you will in
the same field of labor) in order, to
produce the same sort, ot commodity
under the mastership of one capitalist,
constitutes, both historically and logically, the starting point of capitalist
production." . .
On pages 315-316 we are told:
"Just as the offensive power ot a
squadron of cavalry or the defensive
power ot a regiment of infantry ls essentially different from the Bum of the
offensive or defensive powers of the
individual Infantry and cavalry
soldiers taken separately, so the sum
total of the mechanical forces exerted
by isolated workmen, differs from
... The Social. Force,
that is developed when, many take part
simultaneously in one and the same individual operation, such as raising a
heavy weight, turning a winch, or removing an. obstacle. In such cases the
effect of combined labor could either
not be produced at all by Isolated individual, labor, or it could only be
produced by a great expenditure of
time, or on a very dwarfed scale. Not
only have we here an. increase in the
productive power of the individual, by
means ot co-operation, but the creation ot a new power, namely, the collective power of masses"
And on page 319 Marx says:
"The combined working day produces, .relatively to an equal sum of
isolated working days, a greater quantity of i use-values, and consequently,
diminishes the labor time necessary
for the production of a given useful
effect," and further on:
"When the laborer co-operates systematically with others, he strips off
the fetters of his individualism, and
developes the
Capabilities of His Species."
A cursory glimpse at capitalist production in modern times' convinces us
that the capitalist—the receiver ot Interest, profit and rent—has, as far as
production ls concerned, long ceased
to fulfil any useful function whatsoever, and It Is no exaggeration te allege thst even the work of gathering
In the interest, profit and rent ls nowadays performed by paid menials-
clerks, collectors or private aecretar-'
lea. And if we occasionally find a capitalist seemingly engaged in work,
closer enquiry always shows that his
"work" amounts to nothing more or
less than scheming how to more successfully exploit the workers. We possess, apart from the statistics ol the
enemy, practically no figures to prove
how much surplus-value the capitalists
are wringing from the toilers. The
most recent census of production
(1907) was taken deliberately to ascertain only the values produced and
the number of workerB employed In
various trades. The Census Act particularly provided that salaries and
^vages were not to appear in the returns. But taking roughly the underestimated figures of capitalist statisticians for guidance, the surplus-value
wrung from the workers in this country approximates 75% ot the wealth
produced by them.
. Now, when we consider that the
capitalists are not only useless members of society, but the-worst of parasites on the social organism, with the
result that millions of workers are
either steeped in direct poverty or
are on the brink ot it, we see that the
time has arrived when the toilers, realizing . their tremendous collective
power both in the economic and political field, must consciously and revolutionary organize for the overthrow
of the parasite class and their own
emancipation from wage slavery.—H.
J. N. in Socialist Standard.
Comrades, a couple of weeks ago the
Clarion published an article inviting
those comrades who had experience in
public propaganda to volunteer as agitators. This is written especially for
the further Information of any who
may have been thinking of responding.
The opportunities far propaganda
are great and the consequent need for
propagandists is great. The means
for keeping a number ln the field are
assured. There are quite a number of
young men in the party well qualified
for the work, and lt only remains to be
seen If they will offer themselves. The
need of workers ln the prairie provinces is especially apparent. They
are being filled up-rapidly with immigrants from all countries, especially
from the States, workers who are coming to a new land with bright hopes,
and who, when they see things are not
as rosy as they expected, when tbey
see tbat the hand of exploitation ls
heavy even In the last great west, will
be ready for rebellion, and we must
have our recruiting sergeants on the
ground ready to enlist them.
Judging by those that have already
come there will be a good percentage,
of Socialists among those coming and
to come. We must be prepared to
give such a welcome, organize and
bind them to ourselves, and they in
their various localities will be carylng
on propaganda in an organized way
without los of time. Now is the time
for those who are fit and ready to
make the necessary "sacrifice" to
show they are ready; though the
writer denies there is sacrifice on the
whole in devoting oneself to Socialist
propaganda, and also denies that the
Socialist party owes, or can owe, anyone anything. The balance is likely to
be the other way. What little cash
you are out is more than made up in
other ways, too numerous to mention.
Speaking from experience, I feel assured that any earnest comrades who
may go into the field will never regret
lt, but will feel lt no sacrifice but a
privilege to be a skirmisher of the
Revolutionary army.
j There is every encouragement and
no real hardship in the work now, bar
a cold drive now and then.
O'Brien has done the hardest and
most discouraging work that will ever
have to be done in the west and whoever follows will have an easy path
compared to the one he has trod.
I do not mean to buy that lt Is exactly a sinecure even now. It Ib a bit of
a strain sometimes, but then, rebel
propagandists are not after what is
commonly called a snap. This Is a
snap though in reality, for those who
are in earnest but for no others.
Come oh, you young fellows, and
show your mettle. Some of you are
wanted now and more of you will be
wanted as time goes en. The more
speakers we have going, the less any
one Is likely to be pat on a pedestal,
and whon there 1b a good number going,, ipeyhaps. even "Gourock" will stop
talking about ''giants.", You .youngsters ot today, wlll be the veterans of
tomorrow and than someone may be
calling you giants.
Great results have been obtained,
but the opportunities are greater now,
and greater results wlll follow. Will
|"you be the one to help obtain them?
"The harvest is great, but the reapers
 "—it remains to be seen.
60c per year
Two for a dollar
Six months 26c.
Socialist Party of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme of the
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class.   The capitalist Is therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins of
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect and
defend their property rights in the means of wealth production and
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degradation. '
The Interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting,
itself free from capitalist exploitation by tbe abolition of the wage
system, under which Is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of Interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating in a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure it by
political action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows: '   .
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) Into the collective property of the working- class.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when in offlce Bhall always and. every where *
until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question
Its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the interests
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If It will, the Socialist Party Is for lt; if it will not, the
Socialist Party is absolutely opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed in its hands ln such a manner
as to promote the interests of the working class alone.
Big lots, 99 by 124, just at the end of Hastings Street Bast carllne
only fifteen minutes from tram office and four chains from car terminus, fronting oh Boundary Road (132 feet wide).
Or equal to $333 for 33 feet. Terms: One-fifth cash, balance 6, 12, 18
and 24 months. This Ib the third subdivision I have put on in the'
East End, and the ethers have increased in value, some as much as
100 per.cent, ln less than one year. As some ot our customers well
know, lots ln block 84, Hastings townsite were sold from $300 up,
one-quarter being put on at $300 per lot. To-day I will pay $600 for any
lot in that block. Our other subdivision put on later, has Increased
proportionately, and I feel sure thst this will do the same, as lt has
advantages that tbe others had not, being close to carllne and having
sidewalk from carllne. to and through the property on Barnard, and
Venables streets to the eastern boundary. Branch offlce on the ground
and men in charge.
41 Hasting St. E.      Phone 3391, f Vancouve*r,'B.C.
Room 501;
Dominion Trust Bldg.
if you HAVE
neighbors,  send for a bundle of
"Rofetrtchy*. Narod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
SO cents a year
135 St-phtn St.       V laolp-g, Man.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
Which Stands for st Living ."Watf**
Vancouver Local 867.
qii yon would like to spend less time in your kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure., look; into the question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to our office snd we will send a man
to measure yonr premises snd give you aa estimate ol cost of
Installing the gar. pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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