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Western Clarion Mar 5, 1910

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Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, March 5,   1910.
oabacriptinic rrlee
tat Ymaa
Final and Unsuccessful attempts by the Socialists to Amend
the Companies Act and the Public Schools Act in the
Interest of Wage-earners and their Dependents—Two
Important Labor 'Bills Introduced.
Companies Act.—P. W. moved to
strike out the words in Clause 131 (e)
which gave a mining company power
"to buy, sell, manufacture and deal ln
all kinds of goods, stores, Implements,
provisions, chattels and effects required by the company, Its workmen,
or servants," on the ground that it
gave the companies a more complete
hold over their employees. The prices
were often much higher than in stores
a few miles away; and an employee
who dealt elsewhere very often lost
bis job. Although he had no particular sympathy with the class, there
were thousands of small business men
struggling for a living, and lt was
not necessary for the companies to
take up this line of business.
After objections from Bowser and
McFhillips, Parker Williams said that
the companies had all the powers necessary. While at present the practice was not Illegal and was permitted,
the clause they were discussing gave
a legal sanction to it.
The amendment was lost
He also objected to clause 169,
which gives the Lleut.-GdVenior-Jn-
Couucil the power to remit penalties
for a company or agent carrying an
unlicensed or unregistered business.
The Attorney General' replied that
there might be case* where only a
technical fault was found, and the.
Lieut. Governor might see fit to remit
the fine.
William* replied that he could see a
very happy time for some people! He
sometimes thought that the Lieut.
uovernor-in-Councll and the Attorney
General were one and the same. If
the old man who died of hunger in
Vancouver recently had stolen something to keep himself alive, he would
not have received any remission of
sentence from the Attorney General.
The clause passed without amendment.
The discussion of the Bill wbb resumed on Tuesday and Parker Williams objected to clause 247 (which
states the debts which have to be
paid first when a company ls insolvent) as putting .wages and taxes on
the same level. He contended that
wages should have precedence over
all other claims.
Bowser characterized the proposal
as "class legislation." As a lawyer,
if he wbb selfish, he could, with equal
justice, demand that lawyers be paid
flrst. . v> .,      t.
Williams replied that the loss of
taxes would be spread over the municipality, but when the wages were
not forthcoming it was the worker and
his family who bore the burden. As
to lawyers, when a company wound up,
the lawyers took the workerB' wages
tor legal exepnses, so they got theirs
anyhow, as well as those of the workers.
The Act as lt stands provides that
an employee ot an insolvent company
cannot claim more than three months'
arrears ot wages, or, if he or his dependents have secured a verdict
against the company under the Workmen's Compensation Act, they can, in
thla case, only claim $500.
An Important Amendment.
Hawthornthwaite moved to amend
sub clause (b) by striking out "during
three months" and "not exceeding
$250," also to amend subsection (c)
by striking out "during three months,"
and subsection (d) by substituting a
new subsection as follows: "All
amounts due ln respect of compensation under the "Workman's Compensation Act, 1902' before the said date."
Speaking to his amendment the
member for Nanalmo said that the
section as it stood limited the amount
a worker who had obtained a judgment under the Compensation Act
against a company that was winding
up could claim as not to exceed $250.
Bis amendment would make the
amount unlimited. Tbe section applied to workmen and limited his
claim for wages due to three months
only.   Why  that distinction between
wage-earners in that manner? It was
the old game of divide and rule. The
government could then rely on one
section of the workers to fight the
others in the interests of their masters.
The member for the Islands could
not say that these people did not produce the wealth*. What corporation
could continue without human labor?
Last year the member for Alberni had
Introduced a Bill dealing with the
protection of quartz miners' wages.
The Attorney General had voted
against it. Parker Williams had endeavored to make the companies pay
their employees every fortnight, and
if that had become law, there would
have been no necessity for his present action. The workers had absolutely no protection as to their wages.
After having worked for a company
for many months and the company
failed, they received mfpay, and that
condition should be stopped. The Attorney General had voted against both
those bills. Now he raised' a wail
about the small grocery man. How
could the grocery man be paid If the
worker was not paid flrst?
Bowser replied that the House was
there to legislate for all classes, and
could not take into consideration the
needs of any special class. If the
Workers knew that they could only
claim three months' back wages, they
would not let trem run on. He had
voted against the Bill brought in by
the member for Alberni because lt
went to an extreme, and would not
work, and would have been a bad
precedent. So far as the Government
was concerned, they were going to
show before the session was over that
they were better friends of the workers than the member for Nanaimo.
Hawthornthwaite.—Any more muzzles for inspectors?
The Attorney General.—They would
bring down an amendment to the Act
to protect the workers in mines.
Would the member for Nanaimo give
credit then to the Government for introducing labor legislation? The workers knew that the Government was
their friend, always looking after their
interests, and that it was safer for
them to leave their interests in the
hands of the Government than In
those of the member for Nanaimo.
Hawthornthwaite replying said that
the Attorney General now found It ne
cessary to abandon the plea for the
groceryman. He now said that the
amendment was no good to the work
er. The amendment provided that the
amount of wages due to a worker
should not be limited, but should be
paid first before everything else. The
blundering of the Attorney General or
the misleading arguments of the member for the Islands would not delude
the workers of the Province. The
Conservative Government had voted
down every amendment introduced in
the Interests of labor. Tbe Attorney
General had characterized bis (Hawthornthwaite's) remarks as "claptrap," and then as "class legislation,"
Introduced for political purposes. He
would give the Government credit for
being absolutely conscientious in tbe
amendment* they were bringing down
to the Companies Act. They would
have taken an incorrect and insincere
stand it they had done any different.
All legislation was class legislation,
and the Government stood for capitalist production. The Socialist Party
was different. They were the representatives ot the revolutionary working class of the Province, ot tbe same
movement that polled nearly 4,000,000
votes ln Germany, and they looked
forward to the time, rapidly approaching, when this farce, would be at an
end, when the workers would not send
to Parliament men opposed to their
own Interests. All legislation was
class legislation, and the Socialist
Party would be dishonest and insincere if they denied it, or acted differently. ■ The Attorney General's charge
against him of using  "ciap-trap" was
false, but it could be applied to the
Attorney General's attack on the Dominion Government. That was "claptrap," with the purpose of attacking
the Liberal party.
The workers of the Province were
without protection, as the Attorney
General had admitted, and there could
be no misrepresentation.
They would be able to judge the
good Intentions of the Government by
their actions In the past, and that was
well known. The Attorney General
had said that they would protect the
quartz miners, but they were only a
small section of the workers. When
the Factory Act. was passed, the Attorney General proceeded to muzzle
the Inspectors. He (Hawthornthwaite)
had absolutely no faith in him. He
could not dangle that kind of bait
before the Socialist Party. Some legislation would have to be brought
down dealing with the protection of
workmen's wages.
McPhlllips, ln the course of his remarks, said that the clauses sought
tp be amended fully protected the
eights of all employees, clerks or
Hawthornthwaite pointed out that
the member for the Islands and the
Attorney General disagreed. The Attorney General should give his position to the member for the Islands.
Brewster said he would compliment
the Attorney General on"the coming
legislation for mine workers, He had
strangled bis (Brewster's) bill for pro
tecting mine workers, but that prin
ciple was now to be adopted in the
promised legislation, and he hoped it
would have some result. It was two
or three session since he (Brewster)
had brought the matter up, and unless
the Attorney General had more knowledge now than then, workmen who
had been grievously wronged would
have very little hope of redress from
that House.
Hawthornthwaite said that the
Workmen's Compensation Act gave
the injured $1,500, a small sum enough
for a widow and children. In Great
Britain they got £300, which was a
larger sum there than $1,500 was here,
It was the duty of the Government to
protect the workers' wages, but even
before that they should protect his
widow and orphans, there could be
no decent argument against that. The
Attorney General now sought to re-
tluce It to $500. This was the kindness and generosity so much lauded
by McPhlllips. The honourable member for the Islands had some truly
noble and grand conceptions. The Socialists demanded that the amounts
be paid in full, and first of all.
Brewster supported the amendment,
He considered that the worker should
have all that was coming to him, and
get the preference over ordinary creditors, when disabled.
McPhlllips, during his reply stated
that if a workman got a lump sum of
$1,500 he might lose it in bad investments,
(Continued on Pag* 4)
(Apologies to Robt. Ingersoll.)
"The mission of the Socialist Party
ts not to further the efforts of tbe
commodity labor power to obtain better prices for itself, but to realize the
aspirations of enslaved labor to break
the galling chains of wage servitude
and stand forth free."
(From Charter of Socialist Party of
Our lives are short at best, our day
Is swiftly flown;
We know but once we pass this way
And then we're gone
Back  to  the  Earth  from  which  we
We leave behind us but a name.
And life is sweet to us, for we
Full well employ
Our lives to strive for liberty.
And we enjoy,
We ln anticipation taste
The freedom that we strive to haste.
We have no time for useless grief
At social woe;
Too short our lives for vague belief
We aim to know;
And then we strive to boldly do,
Expose the false, uphold the true.
We venture not on prophesy,
To guess is vain;
Presumptiously predicting, we
No end attain;
It is by effort work is done,
It is by fighting victory's won.
We do not seek to right defects
In tyrants laws;
We do not dabble with effects,
We know the cause;
And so we   move   from   strength   to
To right the giant wrong at length.
We strive to rouse our suffering class
To right the wrong;
We look for slavery to pass,
And tbat ere long;
When workers realize their worth,
And use their power to own the earth.
Too long we've argued abstract right,
(An empty thing;)
We realize that concrete might
New rights must bring.
Reformers may of justice prate,
We will a justice new create.
We have no nation but the mass
Of those who toll;
Our only enemy the class
Of these who spoil.
We draw no lines of language, race,
No boundaries but those of space.
Too   long   we've   hoped   for   "better
From higher powers;
We've placed our faith in lords and
The work is ours,
No more to masters we appeal,
Their ears are deaf, their hearts are
Between us and our lords shall be
Nought else but strife;
And this the prize of victory—
The means of life;
For slavery's terms we'll not discuss
With those who own those means.and
Tis  not for us to cry, "Peace, peace,"
When there Is none;
We know the conflict cannot cease
Till it is won,
And slavery dealt the final blow
By the last   slave-class   earth   shall
We do not seek to patch a truce,
At truce we scoff;
We do not strive our chains to loose,
But strike them off;
For it shall ne'er of us be said,
We showed the white flag—our Is Red.
We strive our class' chains to break.
We do our best;
We try the most of life to make,
And, for the rest—
We hope that In our time we'll see
The perfect day of liberty,
Though that hope be not satisfied,
(Longs' teen the night.)
We see—lnmeasure satisfied—
A gleam of light.
We see the slowly redd'ning sky,
Which shows the night Is passing by.
We are Impatient for Its end,
But steadfast still;
Be that end near or far, we bend
With heart nnd will.
Our powers to our accepted task,
Applause, reward, we do not ask.
For "better terms'' we make no plea
Ab slaves, we spend
Our precious time and energy
To Just one end—
The mission of our lives shall be
To break our chains and stand forth
Address on the (Manner in Which Changing Environment
(Affects (Actions, Ideas, and "Truths," Delivered by.
Phillips Thomson at a Public (Meeting held by 7oty
onto Local chfy. 24.
On Sunday, February 13th, at the
regular propaganda meeting of Local
Toronto, No. 24 at the Labor Temple
In that city, Comrade J. Stewart presiding, an address was given by Comrade Phillips Thompson on "The Laws
of Social Evolution."
The speaker began by pointing out
how necessary lt was ln any undertaking to have a thorough understanding of the laws and principles relating
to that sphere of effort. What would
be thought of a farmer who should ignore the laws of the seasons and plant
his crops ln the winter or an architect
or engineer ignorant of the principles
of gravitation? Yet social reforms
were undertaken in a nap-hazard way
without reference to the laws of social
evolution, resulting "in disappointed
hopes and wasted efforts.
All progress and advancement was
due to the struggle in the first place
for existence, and secondly for better
economic conditions. The great outstanding fact that the strongest motive
governing men's actions was tbe economic motives embodied ln the common
proverbs of the language "Self-preservation is the first law of nature." Necessity is the mother ot Invention."
The popular histories and biographies were written on the theory that
social and political changes were
brought about by great men. This was
altogether false and misleading. Great
men were merely the products of their
environment, and the movements attributed to them were due to economic
In early days the struggle for existence took the form of migrations to
new lands, or to contests for supremacy with neighboring tribes and nations. Afterwards came the straggle
between classes, those who possessed
the largest share ot the good things
ot life striving to *eep and the others
striving to get. This war between
classes, intensified by modren conditions, was natural an inevitable. It
was, as Secretary Seward had said of
the struggle between the slave-holders
and the abolitionists of the United
States an
"Irrepressible Conflict."
And must go on until one side or
the other was utterly vanquished. The
advances which had taken place ln civilization and the changes wrought ln
the Social organization were the results of this struggle.
The rise and rapid spread of Christianity was due to economic conditions
and the class struggle. The early
teachers of Christianity appealed specially to the poor, to the downtrodden
and the oppressed. It was essentially
a class movement, recognizing tbe
slave and the outcast as brethren and
eslablishing a community of goods.
Xo wonder that ln an age of tyranny
and oppression lt spread rapidly
among the common people, whose condition it promised to Improve In this
world as well as the next. The old
Paganism was an aristocratic religion
and represented wealth and privilege.
As Christianity became popular the
ruling class saw in lt the means of supporting the empire and holding the
people in subjection, so they captured
it. When Constantine made It the
state religion the ruling class was
ronverted wholesale. Ot course their
conversion was nothing more than
skin-deep—and it has been nothing
more ever since. And orthodox Christianity has ever since been the ally and
the Instrument of despotic ruler* and
tha privileged class everywhere.
Development of Class Conscloun***.
The speaker briefly Indicated some
features ot modern industrial development which tended to Intensify claas
consciouness. The line between classes was more sharply drawn owing
to the concentration of capital and
the employment of wago earners ln
largo numbers. In the earlier days tbe
employer was personaly known to hi*
men, often worked side by side with
them and frequently waa not much better oil than they were. Nowaday* the,
tea; employer waa simply a dividend
drawer. He might be in London, Parle
or New York, while the work of management was done by a hired man.
There was a clear and wide distinction—an obvious antagonism of Inter- v
ests which even the dullest could not
fail to recognize.
The speaker recalled the story ot
a Yorkshire workingman who, though
very ignorant bo far as book-learning
went, took a keen interest In politics.
Somebody asked him how he knew
whom to vote for seeing he couldn't
read. "Oh, that's easy," he replied, "I"
just wait and see who tbe gaffer la
voting for and then 1 vote t'other way.
I knaw that what be good for him, be
bad for I."
Ignorant as he was, he knew a,
good deal more than Sam Gompers—
a good deal more than some learnedly-
Ignorant college profesors and journalists who talked about labor and capitalism having common Interests. He,
knew that it was no use to expect leg-,
lslation to benefit the worker from,
men elected to do the will of the capitalist and that Labor must capture.,
political power to be used in Its own
The Capitalist class bad always
been thoroughly class-conscious. Its,
object bad invariably been to retain
control of the powers of the government as well as of all those Instrument
talltles and agencies by which public
opinion is made .including tbe church,
college, press, etc. Hence all laws, institutions and habits of thought wer*».
simply expressions of the views and,
interests of the capitalist class. All,
social reforms were the result ol
Economic  Determinism.
That Is to say, they were occasioned
by tbe pressure of the most powerful
economic interests. Take the Protestant Reformation for instance. The
history books said that lt was a revolt
against the abuses of tbe Church of
Rome and credited Luther, Knox and
others with having stirred up the
people to demand reform. The real
fact was that the nobles and ruling
classes coveted the enormous wealth
amassed by the clergy, and were Jealous of the power and Influence of the.
hierarchy. The interests of the ruling
class were back of the agitation and
so it proved successful, and tbe aristocracy got possession of the property
that had formerly been owned by the
cardinals and the abbots. If the Lords
and barons hadn't seen a chance for
plunder ln the business, Luther, Calvin and Knox would have been burned
or hanged, and the Reformation
crushed out, as many previous attempts in the same direction were.
The abolition of chattel slavery
again was another instance in which a
great social reform was ncompllshed
simply because it coincided with the
Interests of the Capitalist class. Wendell Phillips and Lloyd Garrison devoted their lives to It with the purest
philanthropic motives, but they would
have preached to deaf ears but for the
fact that the shrewd Yankee capitalist
saw that slavery waa a huge economic
blunder, that It didn't pay, because it
was cheaper to buy labor of a wage-
slave than to own a chattel slave. Aa
a matter of fact, slavery existed at
one time In the Northen States and In
Canada, but it soon dletl out, without
any agitation or trouble, simply because It wasn't suited to the prevailing economic conditions.
The Prohibition Movement.
Just now a great movement for prohibiting the Liquor traffic is sweeping the country. From large areas ot
territory the bar-room had been banished and It appeared more than likely
that ln a few years prohibition would
become general.
Economic determinism agalu! Moral reformers had preached temperance
and prohibition for generations to little effect. The movement was necsi
sary now because of changed economic conditions.   Tbe buslne-s Inter!
(Continued on Page 2) 'TWO
Wi fiki Ckrios
Fnbllen.rt ovary Saturday by the
■eelellrt Terty tt CaneHs, at tha OSIM
et tha W.at.rn CJ.rloo. FlMk Block
■Casement, 166 Easting. Strut, Vsnccm-
tat, a o.
■140 Per Year, SO cent, for Six Month.,
88 mats for Three Month*.
Strlotly  In  Advano.
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Krlod of not leas than three months, at
e rate of one cent per oopy per Issue,
-advertising  rates  on  application.
If you receive thla paper, lt is paid
Ia making remittance by cheque, ex-
•tfiisnge must be added. Address all
4-ommunlcattons and make all money
-nrders payable to
*bV*E 83*. Vancouver, B. O.
ters. They have millions where the
peasants' masters had thousands. The
better the machinery the greater your
output and your master's wealth. The
better the transportation, the hardor
you have to rustle.
You and we are in the same boat.
Together we produce the world's
wealth for our common masters, the
owners of the mines and mills and
railways and steamers. All either of
us gets is our hay and oats while we
are needed, and when we are not, we
can go pasture on a slag-pile or a
Isn't it time we jarred loose and
got together?
Watch the label on your palter. If this number is on it,'
your subscription expires the
next Issue.
6ATURDAY,  MARCH  5th,  1910
Heavens, the term is quite obsolete,
.and the peasant himself must be as
•extinct as the Megantosaur, whatever
that might have been. Ti3 a pity,
too, for they were a fine jovial bunch,
the peasantry; they quaffed their ale
and played the pipe and tripped it merrily on the green. (See the "Deserted
■Village, Opera, grand and light, and
* -other eminent and veracious authorities.)
It ls surprising bow well they seemed to get along, considering the disadvantages they bad to contend with.
Despite the exactions of the landlords,
■tbey seemed to get a living out of cultivating the soil ami even had time to
Indulge ln a bit of horseplay once in
awhile,  which  is  astonishing,   since
they had no binders and threshers and
aeeders and sulky plows to do their
■work with.   Of course their fare'was
'very rude, consisting mainly of bread
'anil cheese' or porridge or potatoes.
Their dwellings, too, were mere cot-
' tages of brick or' stone,  their beds
-common  straw mattresses' and their
clothing homespun.   Nevertheless, re-
,  -considering  their  disadvantages,  the
lack of up-to-date machinery and the
absence of even passable transporta-
' tion  facilities,  it  is  surprising  that
*hey contrived to live at all.
tt really seems a pity that these fine
-people did not have our modern advantages but should have been compelled for generations to drag out
'their frugal existences In sucn an unsatisfactory manner.
<How much happier their lot would
'have been If they'had only been more
progressive like our western farmers,
' who have labor-saving machinery to
do their plowing and seeding nnd
•haying and harvesting for them, and
care thus enabled to raise the millions
■'Ot bushels of grain and millions of
dollars worth of beef and pork and
other produce, and have elevators and
transcontinental railways and transatlantic steamers to transport their
products to the markets. Why, they
'might have' been rolling in wealth;
wearing the latest fashions, joy riding
in automobiles, eating six-course dinners with caviare entrees and cream-
puff exits. They might have sent
their daughters to finishing schools
and married them to marquises and
""lived happily ever afterwards."
We love our wage-mule. His father
was an aas and he shows it. But, oh,
you farmers. They call you hard-
headed folk. Ouess you are, granite-headed. Don't you ever see anything wrong? Where is all that millions of dollars worth of wealth you
-dug out of the mud? Did you get II?
Or who got it.'   And why?
And then, wheu the politician ia
-particularly hard pressed for your
vote, he buys It—with a railroad. Is
it because you were put. on the straw
stack at an early age that you are so
fond of chaff? A railroad, of all things
to give you for candy. Is it because
you were raised among sheep that
you are muttonheaded? Don't you
fcnow what a railroad Is? It is a
•tentacle of the cuttlefish Capital and
every depot Ib a sticker. Its function
is to suck' tbe julrn out of everything
In sight mid to leave the dry rind to
ub, the wage mules nnd fniiii plugs.
What better are you off than the
pensnnt? You wllh your greasy old
near-fur enp pulled down over your
oars, your goat-skin coat and dingy
overalls, your frost-bitten nose, your
whiskers full of Icicles and your l-elly
•full of "Strong Bakers." Picturesque
and properouH, aren't you? They will
•urc write poetry and opera -.bout
you. How much above the peasants
have the transcontinental and transatlantics and McCOrmlcks and Mnssey-
Hnrrlses raised you? If there la anything to choose, It is ub for the peasantry.
Modern machinery and "facilities"
have made a big difference, but not to
yoa,   To whom?   Look at your mas-,
Maybe the nillllonaries the money
mad, but Ihey are not In the same
class with the cuss who has currency
on the brain. We had 'a severe widespread outbreak of this malady about
the'time the last comet blew along,
and perhaps that has something to do
with it, for it seems to be breaking
into print again, a few of the possessed having survived the perpetuate the
hoary delusion that "our" monetary
system Is rotten.
Before going further, we wish it
clearly understood that we bold no
brief for the banks. They do not see
fit to advertise in the Clarion despite
the fact that lt circulates mainly
among those properous proletarians
who, according to "Gourock," defray
the cost of the Dreadnoughts and who,
acordlng to Untermann, are the fat
prey of those who enhance prices to
the consumer.
Nevertheless we avow our unfaltering confidence in the monetary system, and will, without hesitation, take
paper money at Its face value. "Gold is
Catholic," says Marx, "and credit ls
Protestant." And we were raised in
the Protestant faith, whatever it was.
We don't care whether the currency
is inflated, contracted, elastic or prehensile. What bothers us is that It
Is cursed scarce. What If a five-spot
Is actually worth! only fifteen cents?
Provided the landlady will accept lt
as a modest contribution towards the
board bill.
The currency system is fine. It enables the banks to do business, and
that is what it Is intended tor. If reformers would devote their energies
to devising a currency system that
would enable the banks to do more
business, there might be some sense in
lt. But they will persist in wanting
to' fix lt bo that it will be better tor
the "common people" and worse for
the banks, which ls not only absurd but
Impracticable. The common people
don't care and the banks do, and that
comes pretty near settling it.
It I* asserted that tne currency system enables the banks to get more
than their fair share, but this we tin
conditionally deny. The banks' fair
share is all they can get. Can they
get more? Besides lt doesn't make
any difference to us wage mules who
gets It.    We wont'.
And that is our trouble. Until we
insist on getting it all, every last bit
of lt, we will continue to be compelled
to pasB up everything but bed and
board to somebody. And it might as
well be a bank among the rest.
A bank ls no worse than a saloon
Crown," could not even introduce the j
Bill, and at present the Bill is hung up|
in order to allow the Speaker to evolve!
some   method   of  lotting   Mr.   Miller
down without totally ruining his professional standing.
From all of which it will appear that
tho measure must have been one of
most intricate complexity and far-
reaching importance, and it certainly
was, for it proposed to do no less than
to change the name of the Great West
Permanent Loan & Savings Co., to the
Great West- Permanent Loan Co.
t'ome again, Grand Forks. The wisdom of your electorate is no less than
the legal knowledge of your representative.
(Continued from Page 1)
ests of the country realized that the
drinking habit was bad for them. The
capitalist saw that lie could gel more
work and bigger profits out of sober
than drunken wage-slaves, therefore
the bar must go.
There was a story to'.d of a Yankee
who was running to catch a steamer,
which left the wharf just us he arrived. He took a jump and fell on the
deck. Getting up slowly he looked
back, the steamer having by this time
got a hundred feel or so out, and
exclaimed in amazement,
"Jehosaphat, What a Jump!"
Temperance reformers who boast
of the progress made by their "great
moral reform" are just about as logical. The capitalist would see to it
that liquor was supressed if all the
temperance agitators retired from the
field. The same might be said concerning the agitation against book-
making on the races. That would
also be put down, not as the result of
a moral reform crusade, but because
the capitalist wanted honest instead of
dishonest wage-slaves.
The Imperialist Wave.
The speaker dealt at some length
with the wave of Imperialist sentiment, which found expression in' the
demand for Dreadnoughts and increas
ed military preparations. It was perfectly natural that the capitalist class
should favor militarism for several
reasons. The military forces were always at the command of capitalists in
case of labor troubles. The building
of. navies and forts afforded great opportunities for graft, and put money
in circulation, and the demand for
officers opened positions for the dissolute and worthless Sons of the plutocracy, who were fit for nothing else.
Nearly all wars were caused by the
Ihey represented. Judges gave harsh
de: isions In labor cases and were always biased in favor of employees.
Well why not? That was just exactly
what they were appointed to do—to
protect property rights and maintain
the rule of capitalism. If anyone was
blameworthy it was the workingman
who   supported   the   system   by   their
Socialist Directory
All "reform" movements based on
appeals to the class who profit Ly existing conditions were certain to fail.
No class ever voluntarily gave tip (ts
privileges. Socialists were called
"Utopian" and "visionaries," but they
were not Utopian enough to imagine as
did the single-taxers aud other Social reformers that the men in possession were going to be moved by appeals to their sense of justice or desire to do right. They were not sufficiently "visicnary" to suppose as some
pe iple did, that you could elect a capitalist or capitalist heeler to parliament
ami then expect him to vote contrary
tu liis own ii.'.eresls. Socialists were
not dreamers enough to expect to cure
the evil of a bud system by electing
"good" men.
Futility of Civic Reform.
Down in Montreal tbey had been
complaining of graft nnd were now rejoicing because they had elected a
new set of civic rulers—"good men" in
tho bourgeois sense of the word. Well
probably before the year was up the
complaints would be louder than ever.
The only difference between a "good"
man and a "bad" one In capitalist poll-
tics was that it cost considerably more
to buy ihe good man—if you need to
buy him. Generally, however, the good
man didn't have to be bought. He was
usually a wealthy and prominent clli- j
zen, closely associated In his business
with corporations, and would do their
work quite naturally and spontaneously without having to be bribed. If not,
he could generally be got at In Borne
roundabout fashion.
The only remedy was Socialism and
that could not come until the workers
were ready for it and could only be
won by themselves. To this end a'
thorough grasp of.the Socialist philos
ophy and a knowledge of the laws of
social eveolution was the first essen
g}Jgf Every Laca| „f the Socialist Party ot
Canada should run a card under this bead
$1.0(1 per month.     Secretaries please note.       j
Socialist   Party    of   Canada.      Meets,
every  alternate    Mondav.    D.  Q.  McKenzie, Secretary, Box 8"86, Vancouver.'
B. C. |
Propaganda and business meeting's at
8: n.m: everv  w-.>i,iay  evening  ln   the
Theatre..      Speakers
W. W. Lefeaux, Organizer.
.     ..        —    ...urns    (Heelings   aC
$■ p.m.' every Sunday evening ln the
Edison Parlor Theatre.. Speakers
pausing through Revelstoke are invited to attend. B: F. Gayman, Secre-
tarv    w  w   r.o^-»—  ^	
Executive Committee, Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Monday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 836. Vancouver, B. C.
H0**^^?™**™ »0
?*nSU8i'?ef" •?e*-t">8-* everi Saturday
1 ,P1^ {"„llea*»uarter» on First Ave
J.. 1 o. Wilii«m., .sec, -.adysmith. tt c
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets every alternate Monday in
Labor Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite postofflce!. Secretary will be
pleased to answer any communications
regarding the movement in the province.
H.    oxtoby,    See., Box      647      Calgary, Alta. ,
meets ln Miners' Halt every Sunday at
7:80 p. m. K Campbell, Secy., P. O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branoh
meets in Flnlandera' Hall, Sundays at
"•■"■ A. Sebble, Secy., P.       *"
" C.
7:80 p.     	
765 Rossland, B.
tlve Committee. Meets first and third
Mondays of every month, Jubilee Hall,
corner of King and Alexander. The
Secretary wlll be pleased to furnish
any information and answer any correspondence relative to the. movement.
S. Cutnmlllgs, Organizer; W. II stebblngs.
Sec , Suite 7 I.ytlia Court. Winnipeg , man
every   Friday   evening   at   it   p.m.,   ln
Miners'   Hall    Nelson,   B.   C.      c    a
Organizer; I. A. Austin, Secy
Committee. Meets In Labor Temple, 167
t'liureh St., Toronto, on 1st and 3rd
Wednesdays. Organizer, W. dribble, 1S4
Hogarth Ave, Toronto. P. C. Young,
Secretary, 940 Pape Ave.
tive Committee, Socialist Party of
Canada. Meets every second and
fourth Sunday at Comrade McKin-
non's, Cottage Lane. Dan Cochrane,
Secretary, Box 13, Olace Bay, N. S.
Canada. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters, over
Edgett's Store, 151 Hastings St. W.
F. Perry, Secretary, Box 836.
LOOAL  PHOENIX,  NO. 8. 8. P.  OP O.,
meets every Sunday at *f:30 p.m., Ib
Miners' Hall. Matt Hallday, Organ-
lz«r     H. K. Maclnnls, Secretary.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at I
p.m. In the Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near postofflce). Club
and  Reading  Room,    Labor Hail, D. A,
McLean,    Box 647.    Secretary,
donate!. Organizer,    Box 647.
P  of  C     —■»-  "*-"■   —--   — *   ■■■■
J. Oliph
C, meets every tirst and third
y evenings, Bellevue Town Hall
ihaut. Secretary.
LOOAL  VANCOUVER,  S.  O.,   NO.    48,
Finnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays tn the month at 161
Hastings St. W.   Secretary, Wm. Myntti
Headquarters    and    Reading
OP o.
Rooin'ir*Se«le Building, 111* Government. St     Business     "—    -«—-
Comrade: —
I have been visiting tbe land of my
birth (Devonshire) during the British
elections, and I must admit, whatever
else the English people might be slow
about lt is certainly not at election-
need of finding new markets to absorb leering.    In "Old Devon" lt has been
surplus products.   It was no wonder' simply terrific.
or a sawmill.
As we have pointed out before,
when there ls any law-making to be
done, the fit and proper person to do
lt Is a lawyer,
For instance, Grand Forks riding
was, in the last Legislature represented by a common miner, John Mclnnls. He brought down a number of
Bills and fought them through to the
bitter end commonly, and befittingly,
predestined to Labor measures by the
Gods of Capitalism. If any technical
flaws could have been discovered in
these Bills to furnish an excuse for
killing them they would certainly
have been made use of, but not even
the eagle eye of the Napoleonic Bowser could detect any such and the
Bills had to be killed on general principles.
Nevertheless, nt the last elections,
the collective Intelligence of the electorate of Grand Forks, assisted by
a lavish Conservative campaign fund,
saw fit to replace the miner by a lawyer, Mr, Miller, to wit, passing in
Grand Forks as a smart and able lawyer by virtue of his Intimate knowledge of the l.nw of Grand Forks, the
will of the Granby Company.
Arrived in the Legislature this legal
luminary, who, by common report aspires to succeed Bowser in tho Attorney-Generalship, brings forth his
maiden effort in the way of law-making. Immediately various members of
tho legislature proceed to display their
assinlne Ignorunco of Grand Forks
Law. Mr. Miller's Bill ls found to be
out of form and out of order In as
many ways as It very well could be.
It outrages all legislative niceties, violates all available precendents, and
trespasses on sundry sacred prerogatives. The chairman of the committee
allows even the notorious Hawthornthwaite's point of order that Mr. Miller not being   a   "Minister   to   the
therefore that capitalists were lmper-
alists to a man. But working men who
had everything to lose'and nothing td
gain by war suould let them do their
own fighting. They were apt to be
led away by appeals to their loyalty
and patriotism. The henchmen and
hirelings bf tbe capitalists were never tired of talking loyalty. It was assumed that everyone ought to be patriotic, and men were so much under
the Influence of a phrase that most of
them were ashamed to be otherwise, j
They were hypnotized by a word
When you hear a thing repeated over
and over again you are apt to accept
it as a truth.
The Virtue of Repetition.
Meunier, the French capitalist, built
up his fortune on the disposition of the
public to take a thing for granted on
the head of frequent re-iteratlon. He
was a chocolate-maker In a small way
and one day his foreman came and
told him that a batch of chocolate was
spoiled and unsaleable. It had all
turned white, whereupon Meunier inserted ads. In all the Paris papers.
"Buy Meunler's Chocolate—the only
chocolate that turns white in two
months." The fool public read and
bought and kept on buying until they
made Mons. Meunier a millionaire. It
never occurred to them to stop and
reflect as to why white chocolate
should be better than any other kind
They were simply hypnotized by repetition.
Just so, the fool Canadian public
had had the exhortation "Be loyal; be
patriotic; defend the Empire!" dinned
Into their ears so persistently that
they accepted it without ■ pausing to
enquire "Why?" The loyalty-spouters
and patriots for revenue would have
sonic trouble In giving a a satisfactory
answer. It was easy to understand
why Mackenzie & Mann should be loyal, why Senators Cox and Jaffiny
Bhould be patrlotB, why Sir Wilfred
Laurier, Sir James Whitney and the
whole crowd of grafters and tax-cm
ers should support the Empire—but.
why should the wage-earner? Whal |
had ho lo gain by lt, either Indlviduall'
or as a class?
Class Antagonism.
"cbss-liiUred," Bald the speaker,!
"while some might deplore lt, was tho|
natural and Inevitable result of class-
antagonism and the clashing of Inter .
ests. The capitalist was merely thi '
prAdiict of his environment. We do nol
blame him any more than we blame
a wolf or a tiger. Neither can help
being what he ls. All the same, ii
is necessary to fight blm to a finish.
Neither were his allies, and instruments, the politicians and judges, to
be blamed. In upholding capitalism
they simply did their duty to the class
The Liberals here are subjected to
every kind of abuse that the Social-
its Ot Canda are subjected to ; the
clergy of the established Church go
around acting as advocates for the
Tory landlords; Primrose Dames go into the homes of the farm laborers and
try and ferret out from their wives or
children how the men are going to
vote. Some of these Primrose Dames
are the most conscienceless, vindictive
specimens of humanity the world has
ever produced, it Is wonderful that the
agricultural districts have done so well
for the Liberals.
We Socialists of Western Canada
have a very easy time of it in comparison to the proletariat of the rural
districts or England. The intimidation, bribery and other abuses in vogue
here is something unknown in Western
Canada. Some landowners have as
high as twenty-five votes. The elections are held so that these men can
go around In motor cars and vote ln
the different constituencies all over
the United Kingdom. In the Tavistock Division of Devonshire, there are
over 1,000 out-voters, yet that constituency returned an uncompromising
Radical, a better man than Kier Hardie
in my opinion.
These fighting Liberals of Devon,
descendents of the old sea dogs, refuse
to be intimidated by the clergy, landlords, whiskey-sellers or brewers. The
men and women are here with strength
and stamina, fit for any ordeal, Oh, for
a Hawthornthwaite, a Kingsley, John
Harrington, Charlie O'Brien and the
rest of our B. C. giants to educate
these men and women in the cause of
International Socialism so as to remove from their minds the eternal
fear of war, poverty, murder and every
other crime that capitalism creates.
Old Booth is still acting as scavenger
for the exploiting classes and Canada
can look forward to a never falling supply of Booth's undesirables, as the
capitalists tire grinding down the workers to a lower level than ever before,
oven the Non-conformist preachers
seem lo have ceased to preach hope
for any betterment here but just
nreach n salvation to escape it worse
late In the world to come,
The landlords here have raised the
rents to such a pitch that the women
have got to work worse than chattel
slaves, also every child Just aB soon
us lt is old enough.
  meeting    every
Tuesday evening, I p.m. Propounds
meetings every Sunday et Or '
Theatre.     K.   Thomas,   Secretary.
LOOAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     8.
Meets every Sunday night ln tbe
Miners' Hall and Opera House at f
p.m. Everybody welcome. Socialist
speakers are Invited to call. H. J.
Smith, Secy.
P. of C. Headquarters 624 First St,
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our Reading Room ts open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. dally.
F. Blake 648 Athabasca Ave., Secretary-Treasurer, T. Blssett, 322 Fourth
St., Organizer.
quartera, Kerr's Hall, tao 1 -a Adelaide Stree
opp.Kobliu Hotel. Business meeting every
Sunday morning 11 a. m. Propaganda
meeting Sunday evening 8 p.m.  livery
LOOAL NANAIMO, »6. 8, 8. T. ot O,
meets every-alternate Sunday evening
In Foresters Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at 1:00 o'clockl
Jack Place. Rec. Seoy., Box Sit.
 ...  T.  et O, MOLDS
educational   meetings  ln  the
Union   Hall.    Victoria   Ave.,
».,.           St   '
month,  same place
David Paton, Secy, Box tot
LOOAL  PERNIE,  p.  T.  at O,
 J—*fngs  In   th*
  ctorla   Ave
every Sunday evening at 7:<
ness meeting flrst Sunday
month,  same  place at 1:10
looax, •maavwooa no. *, 8. p. op
C -meets 'every Sunday (n Miners'
Union Hall at 7:JO p.m. Business
meetings, let and 3rd Sundays of each
month    Geo  H-a'hertou, Organiser; R J
Campbell, Secretary, Box it..
LOOAL TMUTOM, *B. Oh NO. 88, «. T. OP
C, meets every second and lust Friday in
each month,   t'hns. Chauey. Secretary, Box
127, Vernon, B. C
body welcome. Secretary, j. W H tiling,
370 Young St; Organizer, D. McOougall, .a.
Jarvis St
LOOAL TOBONTO, ON*., WO. 84, ■. 9.
ot O.—Business meetings 2nd end 4th
Wednesdays in the month, at the Labor
Temple, Church St. Propaganda meetings every Sunday at S:|| o'clook at
the Labor Temple. Speakers' class
every Thursday at 8.00 o'clook at Labor
Tempe. J.  Stewart, Secretary,
62 Seaton St.
Business'-meeting let Sunday M
month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at I p.m. ln Roberts-
Allan-Halli 3* Rldeau Bt. A. G. Mc
Collum, *» Slater St., Secretary.    ,   (.
nday   and   bus'
ednesday at I
ft t. 0* a
S3, S. P. of O.—Meets every Sunday ln
hall In Empress Theatre Block at 8:00
p. m.    Angus  Mclver, Secretary.
LOCAL MARA, B. C, NO. 34, S. T. ot O.
Meets first Sunday In every month in
Socialist Hall. Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Hosoman, Recording Secretary.
Propaganda    and    business    meetings
ry Wednesday at 3 p.m. In Miners'
Everybody  Invited   to   attead.
every "Wednesday at 3 p.m. in Miner
Hall.     Everybody   Invited   to   aft.
Arthur U Botley, Seoy., Box. 443.
LOCAL BNBUV, ON*., NO. 4, ft T.
of c, meeta every second and fourth
Wednesday evenings, at 8 p.m., ti
King St  E.,  opposite Market  Hotel.
V. A. Itintz, Sec, 98 West Lancaster Street."
Business and Propaganda meeting
every Thursday at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
ald's hall, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay; Wm. Sutherland, Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. O.
Ross, Financial Secretary, .office In D.
N. Brodle Printing Co. building, Union
'fa>ST IN B.C
Bind Its two-cut lUmpI.   id dm,
Partes H. Kerr A Co, 134 Kbits St. CWca-o.
Teacher Wanted
Male or female. First or second class professional certificate,
for the Beaupre School District 850
Apply stating salary, experience,
references, etc. to
W. Mackay
Onoway, Alberta.
We Sonet, tne Dullness or jesauiaciurera,
RnghMers and others who rea 11m tbe adruatbil-
iiy of baring their Pstent business transacted
by Experts. Preliminary advice fr-«. Cbargca
moderate. Our pirMrtor'e Adviser seat upon
request. Marion £ Marion, New York UfeBfdg,
Montreal; and Washington. D.C, V.SA.
Land For Sale
100 acres in N. Enderby district, Okanagan Valley. Finest
agricultural land in the province.
The best to be obtained for fruit
hay and vegetables.
In blocks to suit at $40 per
acre, net. }i mile from new railway station,)( mile from school.
River frontage. Enough dry
wood on property to pay for clearing. Socialist neighbors. For
full particulars apply to
Bernard Rosoman
Enderby B. C.
A. F.   Cobb
Merchant Tailor
OKotoks,   Alberta
For every suit sold through
this advertisement I will give
$2.00 to the circulation ot the
Western Clarion.
1. Write me for samples ot
2; Mention the price you want
to pay tor suit
3. Compare my sample with
the price.
4, It suitable, send me deposit of $5.00.
6. I will guarantee to deliver
suit to fit within six weeks.
6. Clarion will acknowledge
receipt of $2.00 from me when
suit ls paid for.
Suite to measure from $16.00
to 130.00.
60   YEARS-
TitADC Marks
'   Designs
Anron. ..ndlcif a sketch and SMcrlatlon may
-..toklr ascrtaln our oplnlou fre. wlieth.r Sn
luT.iidtin I. pro.ablr p•l.n'jhM"    (,«n!mimlr«-
1 I. pro.a.lf patentable.   0c
tlotuatrtetlyioneiMiitlal. HlfDtWOtt <
..nt fr... Old.st Ba.iisr.for sscuriiisj>atants.
Patent, tak.n throuab Munn * Co. r.c.l».
Ilt«, without cciir... Intel. .
on Patents
epeeiot notice, without oh.ra., Intel.
Scientific tfnericai..
neat-ai-d wMUr   I
t&mW&ali^ijtt SATURDAY, MARCH  5th,  1910
TV* Page Is Devoted to Reports
and General Party Matters-
D. G. McKenzie, Sec, Box
of Executive Committees, Locals
—Address All Communications to
836, Vancouver, B. C.
It has been regularly moved by Local
Sydney Mines, N. S. No. 7, through the
Maritime Executive committee that a
referendum be taken on the advisability of affiliation with the International
Socialist Bureau. Locals favoring the
same should therefore so notify their
Provincial Executive Committees before March 23rd. Should a majority of
the Provincial Executives be Instructed to endorse the proposition, a general vote of the Party will be taken. In
accordance with Article IV, Section 1
Provincial Executive Committees
when so instructed by a majority of
the Locals wi'hln their jurisdiction
should notify the Dominion Eecutive
Committee before April 1st.
Meeting held February 28th, 1910.
Present, Comrades   Morgan    (chair
man),    Karme,    Mengel,    Mackenzie
Peterson, Stebblngs and the Secretary
Minutes of previous meeting approved
Correspondence dealt with from On.
tario. Alberta and Maritime Eecutlves;
Locals Toronto and Gait, Ont.; Dauphin, Man.; Innisfaii and Bellevue
(Finnish), Alta.; Fennel Hall and New
Finnland, Sask.; Organizers O'Brien,
Gribble and Tomashavsky.
Alberta Executive $25.00
Ontario    Executive    per    Local
.. Sault Ste. Marie *..    5.00
Local  Bellevue Finnish Branch
Charter '..'.....'..     1.00
Local New Finnland, Sask, Supplies     1.50
Total '!'.' ;..$32.50
Warrants authorized for Postage $3;
Secretary's February Salary, $15.00;
February Card in Clarion, $1.00.
Meeting,  February  28th,   1910.
Minutes of previous meeting approved.    ''■■'   '' \
Correspondence dealt with from Locals Victoria, South Wellington, Ladysmlth1 (Finnish) Nanalmo, Sointula,
Salmon Arm, Mara, Sandon, Phoenix,
and from Com. J. Staples, Cloverdale,
ft C. *	
E. W. Blackstone, Roger's Pass, B.
C. admitted a member at large.
Resolution from Local Vancouver re
Comrade *&a*thoVnthwalte'B position
in the Legislature referred to Local
Warants authorized for February
card In Clarion $1.00, Secretary's February Salary $15.00.
Local Prince Rupert, supplies..$ 5.50
Local Nanaimo, stamps    10.00
Local South Wellington, stamps     5.00
Local Salmon Arm, stamps....      5.00
Local Phoenix, stamps      5.00
Local      Phoenix      (Ukrainian),
stamps         5.00
Local     Ladysmith     (Finnish)
stamps      10.00
Local Sointula, stamps     5.00
Local Sandon, stamps and buttons 9.80
Local Mara, Due Cards     1.00
J. Staples, Organizing Fund     6.00
Blackstone, member at large, dues
2.00 '.    2.00
Total    $69.30
What ls the most important part of
propaganda activity? Is it speech-
making, discussiou, or ln a library. I
have no intention of belittling any
one of these methods of spreading the
light but I cannot help but think that
the library has the palm. Speech-
making presents difficulties which
some of us never overcome, Only a few
are good debaters, but all can buy
books. Books are great or little men's
minds condensed and bound between
board covers. They are tho voices of
the past and of the present. Marx,
Hying ln squalid misery in his Soho
tenement, sends out his message of
hope and enlightenment to the proletarians of all countries, crying,
Unite. Unite. Illatchford from his
Worship street offices spins his
thoughts on paper and lo! in a few
days they are being discussed from
pole lo pole. Here uml forever in
printed type, are these men's thoughts
encased, yours Is the opportunity, Oh
slaves, tin opportunity never open to
any other slave class ln history. For
a few cents you may revel ln knowledge, ln a few years you may walk
side by side with your Intellectual college professor and ln a year or so
more, If you study closely, your college professor will find himself outclassed by a filthy, dirty, beast In
overalls. All the speeches ln the world
cannot bring you to this pitch and you
must study'before you cad discuss;
hence, the case for the library 18 made
out and I think It really ls the most
important of all. Every 'Local In the
Dominion should have a small library
and a large one If you can afford it,
at any rate a library of some sort.
Now comes the rub,'one cannot be
too careful, of the books bought for
lending to outsiders, all sorts and conditions of books And their way to the
Comrades from the press of C. H. Kerr
and other publishers, whleh are not
and cannot begin to be considered by
library committees. In places where
young Locals are being formed there
Is considerable danger of good money
being thrown away on trash. Host
Comrades come to the movement In a
sentimental state of mind and hence
not being very clear upon the cold
and bitter class struggle are inclined
to purchase sloppy dope, works deficient in economics, unsound in logic,
almost devoid of reason, in a word
that may be termed, the novelettes of
Socialism. kSuch books are very largely advertised and catch many suckers.
I may say that ln its Infancy, Local
North Battleford was Induced by, seductive advertising to throw away a
small sum, but we have since grown
wiser. Beware of Solar Plexus combinations, look not upon "The Message
of Socialism to tbe Church" with kindly eyes; beware of "Socialism and
Smokers" or Jottings from Above" by
Marx Middleman, Esq.
Sound Comrades should read everything that conies along critically and
carefully and reject all that bear the
hal mark of reform. Make sure that
all books going out amongst the "nerd"
are hard and fast RED. Keep always
ln your mind the conditions of Britain
and the U.S.A., 'ware Blatchfords and
Kier Hardle's. Keep your eyes on
Stitt Wilson's and Vall's; fire all leaders and keep a close eye on your executives; make sure that you yourself
are fit to discuss and explain what Socialism really is. This can only be
done by reading and thinking. Our existence as a revolutionary party depends upon how much the rank and file
know, and you can never know enough.
Some Comrades having read one or
two standard works sit down and say
that they know all there is to know,
they do not and never can.
Again, don't patronize every paper
but the Party organ, I know that the
Western Clarion is disliked and its up
to us to keep it so, its up to us to
make it boom and not to buy any old
rag that comes along with the word
Socialism printed all over it and not
one ounce of real Socialism in its
pages. Let us make our paper strong
so that we may, in a short while establish a publishing house of our own,
where only revolutionary books may
be turned out and where reformism
shall wlthere and die like sheep in a
waterless desert.
And now for another word upon .another subject. Far be it from me to
dictate how this and that shall be done
or to assume superior airs because
the editor has sp'tujed" one or two of
screeds from the total oblivion of the
wast paper basket;.''It'Is. with a humanitarian aim then, that I venture
upon the following. A notion that the
editor might be spared Some unnecessary work possesses me',' if prospective
contributors will only follow out the
following instructions:
First, If your article is of an argumentative type begin by informing
your opponent that yeu are telling him
and not arguing with him, it will absolutely prove everything else you have
to say.
Next, if you cannot understand Marx,
say that he Is dead long ago and hurried under his own rubbish pile, or tbat
he was bughouse or dippy, which position will utterly destroy any remarks
he -may have made in his casual and
brief writings, tnen again, to clinch the
matter chuck in a few French words or
a little Latin, you will find heaps at the
end of any dictionary, which wlll show
your Intellectual standing to your
wage slave readers and is sure to convince them you are'right, more so if
they cannot understand them.
If you get the better of an opponent
thank heaven that he will not travel
in Canada on his reputation anymore.
If you are writing of a person, who in
all sincerity calls himself a Socialist
and is not, because he ls not class
conscious, call him a backslider,
scamp, villain, Judas or anything thai
comes handiest; it cannot fall to tell
upon him, more so if he ls none of
If you have any small troubles In
your Local try aud introduce them into
the Clarion, they will take up some
valuable space and will prove entertaining if you make them venomous
with personalities.
But the cream of article writing, the
real Jilgh water-murk which you can
only reach with much practice ls to
damn and swear like a Bargee. If
the editor in his baste lets a good
honest'damn escape into print, .improve upon It, variegate it, use the word
hellcracker as often as you can, It's
so convincing, you know, absolutely
proves everything you have to say. An
article interspersed with dam-rot, hell-
cracker—oh hell, and the like has been
known to do more good than all the
Socialist books ever printed. Besides
it shows you have an .original mind,
such sayings have never been heard
before and probably wil never be again
when you are dead, so make the most
of them while you can. It. makes the
Clarion look better, serves the same
purpose as a picture.
Once more, never try to cultivate n
clear style of writing, foam is what
is wanted and in a weak case, Invective is invaluable. Call everyoije who
washes his hands and sports a boiled
shirt, a useless parasite or a pink tea
Socialist, you might be right, certain
you can never be wrong.
As I have said before, these ideas
are only thrown out for beginners, I
fear if they cannot follow them they
will never find a place amongst the
galaxy of polished contributors of the
Clarion. A. BUDDEN.
Dear Comrades:—
Are you willing to help in the coming election in Manitoba, if so I ask
you to send a dollar to the Clarion
office and have a bundle sent to me
for three months, or send what you
can spare in cash to Comrade Steb-
blng, City Comptroller's office, Winnipeg, and all Comrades in Winnipeg to
come to our business meetings every
Sunday 3:30 and help us in our propaganda.
We are likely to put up two candidates in Winnipeg and we intend to
make things go some, I appeal to
every Socialist to have a bundle sent,
the more the merrier, we've got to
make a showing in Manitoba.
I might also draw attention to the
other towns ln Manitoba, such as
Brandon, Portage La Prairie, Dauphin, etc, I am sure the Comrades in
these towns would be only too pleased
to accept a bundle of Clarions.
Get busy Comrades and don't forget that by helping us you are helping yourselves. Send us that bundle
right away, we are eager to put a
Clarion in the hands of every resident
In Winlpeg.   I remain,
Yours of the revolution,
522 Bannatyne Ave, Winnipeg,
While the Liberal majority of 124 in
the new English parliament Ib said on
the one hand to be inadequate to deal
effectively with the Lords, on the
other hand It ls shown to be quite sufficient for that purpose. As H. W. Mas-
singham, a prominent Liberal journalist, states:
Only four times has this majority
been exceeded since 1832, the starting point of modern politics, tt is far
above the normal. It Is well-known
that Gladstone calculated that if he
had obtained such a majority in 1892
Home Rule would have been absolutely safe. Nor can there be any doubt
as to the main purpose for which this
majority exists, nor as to Its solid attachment to that purpose."
The Liberal government has, there-
fere, no excuse. Yet, although lt is
Impossible at the time of writing to
ay what procedure will be adopted,
it is evident, even to the bulk of the
Liberals, that an evasion is being prepared. Whatever the government
does, however, it is certain that the
House of Lords will not suffer; for
the proposals for "reform" of the upper chamber chamber put forward by
Liberals and Tories alike, are not directed against what are called "the
legitimate funotlons ot the second
chamber." "Anomalies" may, or may
not, be lopped off, but the net result
of any change made by the capitalist
party will only strengthen the House
of Lords.
There are purtubations among the
rank and file in the Liberal camp. It
is being pointed out by many Liberals
that "to pass the budget before settling matters with the Lords would be
to surrender the only weapon by which
the privileges of the Commons can be
maintained." And this is true.   More
over, ministers are solemnly and unequivocally pledged "to deal with the | indeed ln nearly
House ot Lords at once, and not to j Labor man was at the bottom of the
hold offlce, no not for an hour, unless j poll, and in ten cases where the Lib-
they can secure the safeguards which j erals stood down for them, Labor
experience shows us to be necessary." , men nevertheless lost. It Is, more-
Minister after Minister made a similar j over,- very significant thut In most
decloratlon. The Lord Chancellor | cases where the Labor Party have
made It at the outset of the debate on j put a lot of work Into a constituency
the budget ln the House of Lords; the It ls the Liberal who him reaped Ihe
Chancellor of the Exchequer made it j chief benefit in vies; iliis Is paitleii-
at the National Liberal Club; the larly noticeable In the "double-barrel-
Prime Minister made It at the Albert J led constituencies
Hall. But Mr. Asqulth also said in the I The Executive of the Labor Party,
House of Commons on December 2: | although Ihey have caused a number
We have advised the Crown to dis-jof candidates to bo withdrawn In fav-
solve. * * • If wo are fortunate, or of the Liberals, were not successful
enough to enjoy the confidence of the (n doing so In every case, and they
new House of Commons, then our first, are  using  this   wholesale  failure   to
It is suggested that they will send
the budget through first, and then put
forward a measure for "reforming"
the Lords, and, on this being rejected
by the upper chamber, dissolve parliament and appeal once more to Caesar
this time, of course, "definitely" upon
the question of the Lords'! It is considered certain that upon such a further appeal the Liberals wlll be defeated, and doubtless this is part of
the program. It seems probable that
this Is the precedure that will be adopted, for the leading London Liberal
organ,  "The Dally  Chronicle," says:
"Therefore what has to be regarded
"as a possible contingency is a further
"appeal to the constituencies before
"many months are past:, upon the one
"clear and sharp Issue of the House
"of Lords as submitted in a definite
"series of legislative proposals."
And so the game will go on. Surely the humbug of It must be plain to
Xo Socialist, and Indeed, few politicians, had any* doubt regarding the
vvorthlessness of the Liberal pledges.
But the Labor Party—and the Social
Democratic Party—have deliberately
traded on the Liberal humbug. The
S. D. P. frantically endeavored to come
to an arrangement with the Liberals
They wanted the Liberal candidates
withheld at Burnley, Haggerston, and
Northampton, so that the S. D. P. candidates should have what they call
"a straight fight," with the Tories, and
a chance of getting elected with the
aid of the Liberal vote. Repeated appeals were made in their official organs
for the "unity of the progressive forces" against the Tories. Even the Labor Party are laughing at them, and
C. A. Glyde of the I. L. P. gave
(in the Bradford "Socialist Vanguard")
a number of telling extracts from recent S. D. P. writings and speeches,
under the caption of "The Northampton Socialist Wriggle." He concludes
by saying: "All the extracts that
have been given are from the December Issue of the 'Pioneer" the official
organ of the Northampton Social-Democrats. Their appeal for the unity of
the progressive forces (sic); their
threats at the Liberal Party if they
refuse to combine with them, have
been Ignored by that party, who have
adopted a second candidate, and not
till then did the Social-Democrats adopt a second second candidate. What
a comedy, what a tangle, what a spectacle for those who think that the
National Labor Party have compromised with the Liberals. Those who live
in glass houses should not throw
When lt became obvious that the
capitalist Liberals were not going to
help them, their piteous whine fin
their organ "Justice"), for a united
front gave place to yells of rage and
abuse. Bnt the Liberals Ignored the
S. D. .P. because lt had no following
worth noting. Its political tricnery,
from Camborne downwards, had caused it to become discredited, and so it
had nothing to sell.
And from their point of view the
Liberals were justified by the events.
At Burnley, where the S. D. P. had
its largest vote, Hyndman( who had
a "strong navy," and a "citizen army
of the whole people," among the numerous items in his election address)
';ad only about the same number of
votes as last time In spite of a ini.c'i
increased electorate. Elsewhco, also,
on a bigf.er register, they had a smaller vote. At Haggerston, the vote for
Burrows dropped from 986 to
701. At Northampton the poll decreased by 1500, and at Bradford it also
fell enormously.
The Labor Party, on the other hand,
happens for the time being to have a
following, and consequently something
to sell; yet in spite of—or is it because of?—its alliance with the Liberals, its number is smaKer in the
present parliament than in the last.
Not counting the defeat at Colne Valley, seven of the seats formerly held
have been lost, while including Derby
as a gain (where a Labor man who
has signed the "constitution" replaced
one who had not), three seats were
gained. Thus the Labor M. P.s. including the Miners) now number but
In not one   of   the    constituencies
where   the  official   Liberals  opposed
them did  the Labor candidates win,
every such cose the
act will be to reinipose from this week
all the taxes and duties which were
embodied in the Finance Bill." This
ls facing both ways with a vengeance
in the Liberal way, and we are waiting with a cynical curiosity to see what
dodge the government will resort to ln
order to escape from their engagements.
point the old moral "I lold you so," to
the malcontents. It Is worth noting
that Ramsay Maedonald, the prince of
wire-pullers, says In Ihe "Labor Leader" of February 4th: "If from ten
to fifteen of tho three-cornered fights
had been cancelled, the Labor Party
in the House of Commons would have
had half-a-dozen seats which It has not
to-day." The simple-minded may wonder why! A determined stand is at
the same time being made to avoid
splitting the Liberal vote at the probably not-far-distant general election,
and Maedonald concludes by urging
that they "should contest only those
seats which they hold," and those
where victory is practically certain.
Indeed the complete failure of this
"independent" party where the Liberals has opposed them, demonstrated
that the Labor Party is entirely at
the mercy of the Liberals. Hence this
The Miners' M. Ps. who are now
included in the Labor Party, were for
the most part, avowedly Liberals before, and are so now, although they
have signed the pledge of "independence," and in the coming conference
of the Party, they will for the, first
time take part in its deliberations-
only to cement more firmly the Liberal-Labor coalition.
Some of the reasons given by successful candidates for their victories
make Instructive and interesting reading. They show how innocent the Labor Party is of any vestiges of Socialism or class-consciousness. In the
"Labor-Leader" for Jan 21, P. Snowden, M. P., speaks of Blackburn
(where, as ln nearly all cases where
they united with the Liberals in two-
member districts, the Liberals topped the poll). "There were 11,239
'splits' between myself and the Liberal. This is explained by the fact that
in view of the record of the two unionists, the Trades Council and Labor representation committee Issued appeals
to the electors to vote for the Liberal
as well as myslf. This course was
very generally followed."
J. Pointer, M. P. said, "The Liberal
Party, after deciding not to nominate
a candidate against me followed up
with a manifesto and declaration that
since, on three very important points
The Budget, the Lords and Tariff Reform—they and we were ln agreement,
It would serve the general Interest
best, If they supported me by work
and vote.  This they did most loyally."
A. H. GUI, M. P., said, "I won Bolton by keeping the House of Lords and
the Land taxes to the front." In the
"Labor-Leader," of Jan. 28th, llamsey
Maedonald, M. P., said, "The Issues
were mainly the' Budget and the House
bf Lords, but unemployment was not
forgotten. Both Liberal and Labor
electors used their second votes and
so Leicester was kept."
D. J, Shackleton, M. P. said, "The
CUtheroe victory was won on the three
question of the House of Lords, the
Budget, and Free Trade. We had also
the active support of many leading
Liberals, and lt may be said that the
Progressives all pulled together."
Will Thorne M. P. said: 'The Local
Free Church Council helped by passing a unanimous resolution of support,
and Free Church members spoke and
worked enthusiastically with other
friends in support of my candidature."
W. T. Wilson, M. P. said: "Our victory in Westboroughton was won by
the forces of organized labor and progression uniting with the object of resisting the attack of the Lords upon
the Rights and Liberties of the
H. Twist, M. P. said: "After forty
years of unbroken possession by the
Conservative Party, Wigan fell before
the attack of a combination of Progressive forces, such as the town I.ad not
witnessed In the whole of its previous
political history," And so on, nd
Arthur Peters, J. P., National Agent
of the Labor Party, unconsciously
gives the whole thing away when he
says in the official organ of the I. L. P.
February 4th, that "the writer agrees
heartily with the views expressed by
Mr. Phillip Snowden, M. P., when he
recently pointed out that the questions
of the Lords' veto and the Budget
were almost identical with those of
the Liberal Party; or to put the point
in another way, it was rather too
much to expect the ordinary man in
the street to pick out the distinction."
But what distinction is there? The
Labor Party has Indeed a separate organization—at least on paper—but no
distinct policy and no political independence, for its pretence of Independence Is too transparent to deceive any
but the wilfully blind. The present
"Labor" Representation movement.has
gone the way of the earlier movements
of some years back—and for the same
reason. It has been practically absorbed Into the Liberal Party. Already a Coalition Ministry Is being
spoken of by .Mitedonnld and the rest.
In so far as there was any aspiration
for Socialism behind ihe recent demand lor "Labor Representation," it
has been corralled by labor leaders and
carefully herded back to the capital
1st party,
That ts the service the Labor Party
has rendered the working class. It
has blighted the Immature beginning*-
of clnsseonsciousness, al least for a
time, nnd hns delayed by so much the
ultimate emancipation Of the workers.
Yet continental parties sometimes
hall the pro-capitalist English Labor
Party as a portion of the International
Socialist Movement, and commend It
for it "practical" politics!
London, Eng.
Is your local growing as it should?
Is the revolutionary spirit predominant in your local? Are your members
workers or merely dead weights? It
you are progressing as you should,
don't get grumpy—maybe it's your
own fault. Plan a campaign of sub.
rustling, push the circulation of the
Clarion, keep at It, to-day, tomorrow
and all the time, keep pounding away—
don't expect results too soon, don't
wait for things to come your wBy—
make them come your way. Push'the
circulation of the Clarion for all you
are worth and keep ever at It. The
results will amply repay you. The
best propaganda you can do, the best
and most lasting results will follow
an ever-increasing circulation of the
Clarion ln your midst.   Are you ready?
* *   .
Comrade F. D. Hardy, Trail, B. C,
sends in a list of 24 names to be put oh
the Clarion list for three months in
acordance with the action of the
Miners' Convention.
.   •   .
Grand Forks, per Comrade W. E.
Hadden, also sends its allotment of 20
names for three months' subs. Making
a Total of 44 names for the two places.
We ask all new readers to carefully
study the Clarion and trust tbey will
be interested enough to renew for
more information at the expiration ot
their subs.
e   e   •
Comrade Mrs. Thornley, Moyie, renews sub. and doubles up by sending a
new yearly in addition.
*   •   e
Two new subs, for Ottawa and one
for Westboro, Ont., the result of a
stunt by Comrade E. S. Oldlam, Westboro. That's the way to do lt Comrade.
Come again.
* •   •
Com. Mrs. Wm. Davidson, New Denver, B. C. helps along the revolution
with a list of five subs.
* *. *
Two yearlles from Com. Wm. Craig.
Rlondel, B. C, to hand.   Am expecting
more from the same spot soon.
.., •   e . e
We are always particularly pleased
to hear from the far eastern boys had
here comee Comrade M, Wayman, Hon-.
(real, Que., with two new readers and
a promise of more. Let them come
soon—they wlll bring more.
* •   *
Another bunch of five from Comrade
Gribble. He reports a new local formed at Erskine, Alta., with fourteen
members and another at Markerville,
with ten.   She's a hummln'!
* *   »
Another pair from Comrade James
Thompson, Winnipeg, Man. (Perhaps
you are right in reference to tbe poor
taxpayer, or maybe its a case of mistaken Identity. The further we are
away from such things you know, the
bigger tbey look.)
Comrade R. M. Webster, renews his
own for a year and doubles up with a
new one. Matters in Okotoks, Alta.,
look promising he says, and the boys
keep pegging away.  That's the stuff.
* •   •
The Comrades of, Strome, Alta., distributed 100 copies each of the Clarion and Cotton's, at Comrade Gribble's
meetings there on March 1st and 2nd.
The Alberta reds are certainly bitting
a pace.
Comrade A. Farmilo finds another
one ln Toronto who Is willing to Investigate the way of salvation for the
slave class, and also a renewal.
* .   •
Elkhorn Miners' Union, W. F. of M„
Elkhorn, Mont, orders    bundle of 50
Clarions every   week,   per   Comrade
Thos. Gorman, Fin. Sec.
•   *   •
The whack of the policeman's club
on your head ls the echo of your last
vote.—Euge V. Debs.
One at a time is good medicine it
you do it often. Here's the squad for
tills week:
W. F. Cook, Vernon. B. C.j F. Blake,
Edmonton, Alta.; C. M. O'Brien, M. P.
P„ Edmonton, Alta.; .las Mortlmor.
Airdrie. Scotland; Joe Thompson, Phoe
nix, B. (.'.; James Shaw. Cowlchan. B.
('.; Oluf Arnesoii. Eagle Hill, Alta.;
Emma .Mott, Fernle, B. ('.; J. D. Antler-
son, Xorth Vancouver. B.C.; T. Machln.
Calgary, Alta. Joseph Hubble. Vancouver, B. C.j William Allen, Sydney
Mines. X. S.   Ke.'idc, Adnms, and Smith
Vancouver, u. C„; John T-obay, chameleon Harbor, B. C.
* »    ->
Emperor William bus ordered Ills
thugs to keep their hands off the So-
oiatlsts.    'Tis about time he did.
If anyone should tread un your favorite corn, or in other words harshly
criticize your pot theories, just smile—
and  rustle  subs.    You'll  get  'em.
The seed ye sow, another reaps;
The wealth ye find, another keeps;
The robes ye weave, another wears;
The arms ye forge, another bears.
—Shelley. WWI
8ATURDAY, MARCH 5th, 1910.
(Continued from page 1)
Hawthornthwaite retorted that McPhlllips was probably right in thinking
the workingman a fool and the best
proof of it was the fact of the hon.
member's presence ln  the House.
McPhlllips was understood to say
that he had behind him the best
blood, boue and brawn ln the country.
Hawthornthwaite, continuing, said
it was unquestionably to the advantage of the widow to get the lump
sum, which was just enough to eke
out a miserable existence. McPhlllips
had appealed to the Opposition for
consideration and to give credit for
good intentions for having fought for
the Compensation Act. Well, he could
have the credit, for few had done
more. One reason might have been
that the Act had been a Godsend to
the lawyers. (Laughter.) The Government and McPhlllips now wanted
to cut the compensation iu this case
down to one-third, or $500. That was
the position. Judges had decided that
these people were Jentitled to the
$1,500, and McPhlllips tried to persuade them that $500 was enough.
From a humanitarian standpoint these
unfortunate people should receive all
that was due to them.
The amendment was defeated on the
following vote:
Yeas—Williams, Hawthornthwaite,
Brewster, Jardine.
Noes—Fraser, McKenzie, Tlsdall,
Callahan, Miller, Jackson, Cawley,
Bowser, Cotton, Ross, Shatford, McPhlllips, Schofield Hunter, MeGuire,
McKay, Davey. (Watson in the chair.)
Jardine moved to amend the Bill,
Section 27 (3), by providing that no
Chinese or Japanese be registered as
companies under the Ace.
Bowser objected on the ground that
it would cause the whole Act to be
disallowed at Ottawa. It would be
construed as an insult to Japan, an
ally of Great Britain, thus reflecting
on the Imperial authorities.
Parker Williams said it was not his
desire to insult these people, but they
were not wanted here. The Liberal
party had repeatedly proved false to
its promises and the same with ■ the
Conservative Party. Now the Conservative party had begun to preach
colonial interference. The B. C. government had no power to incorporate
any firms for transacting business outside the province, and the British government would not interfere with local companies.
i McBride supported Bowser's stand.
Parker Williams replied that though
the Attorney General said tbat the Ottawa government had been advised by
the Imperial government on this question, the Province now had Conservative representation at Ottawa, who
had access to the Dominion government. While the Conservatives In B.
C. had formerly made much noise
about the Natal Act, since they had
gained in representation at Ottawa, no
more had been heard of it here. He
would like to see the Natal Act passed
again to see If the Conservatives at
Ottawa were any better than the Liberals.
The amendment was lost on tbe
usual party vote.
The Liquor Aet was ln committee
again on Monday, February 21, and
Parker Williams kicked at the Latin
phrase "mutatis mytandis" in clause
62 and wanted to know why the lawyers could not use English or even
Welsh, for many more people ln B. C.
understood that than understood
Latin. The BUI was also criticised ln
minor details by Hawthornthwaite,
who objected to the custom of allowing grocers to sell llqtior, and also to
the difficulty travellers sometimes experienced ln getting meals at hotels
after the regular hours.
A Joker—Hawthornthwaite moved
to insert the word "bridge" between
"black Jack" and stud poker," in the
]Ut of prohibited games on licensed
premises. He had often read of th,"
demoralization caused in tbe ran'ts
of the "best people" by this game, of
the nature of which he was wholly
ignorant. The Attorney General had
often accused him of being biased in
the measures he introduced, and he
hoped that in view of this amendment the Attorney General would
alter his opinion. The game was said
to be making dangerous inroads and
undermining the morals of the friends
of the Attorney General. (Laughter.)
As the member for Nanalmo could
not explain the game, Bowser said the
House could not be expected to legislate on matters not explained to
them, and the amendment was voted
Bowser then proceed to amend the
Bill by Including "craps" and the
"shaking of dice" In the list, which
brought Hawthornthwaite to his feet
again. He was sorry to see the Attorney General following the example
of some famous pugilists, and drawing
the color line! Every one knew that
these games were the favorite pastimes of colored people. He had to
confess that he himself knew nothing
of these games either.   (Laughter.)
The Public Schools Act went
through the final stages on Thursday,
February 24, after debates on amendments submitted by the Socialists had
been defeated.
Parker Williams moved to strike out
section 6, which had been amended
with the consent of the government,
by Hayward of Cowichan, to allow the
residents lu any school district in the
E. & N. belt to assess themselves to
raise the school teacher' salaries.
Parker Williams said that his reasons tor striking out the clause were
the same as he had put forward In
the committee stages of the Bill in
favor of raising the teachers' salaries.
The amendment of Hayward's, accepted by the Government, and now,
a part of the Bill, amended section]
23 of the original Act, which provided
that the government pay the whole
of the teachers' salaries in tho E. &
N. belt, in districts not included in
municipalities, the people only paying
incidental expenses for the upkeep of
the buildings, etc. Great difficulty
had been experienced in the last few
years in getting teachers, owing to
the salary offered being below what
people of equal education received in
other occupations. After gaining six
months' experience at the cost of the
children, the teachers drifted into the
cities, where they could command
higher salaries, sometimes an increase
of $20 or $30 a month. The government should increase the salaries in
the E & N Belt to equal those in any
other portion of the province. The E.
& N. schools did not require any such
provision as Hayward had inserted,
the government being bound to pay
the salaries. Had the members of the
House ever come into contact with
a body of people who wished to tax
themselves? He had pointed out ln
committee that Hayward should have
acted on his own Initiative to put the
original Act Into force, and Induced
the government to raise the salaries,
but his (Hayward's) personal ambitions stood in the way and his action
had not been in the interests of the
people of his district. He (Parker
Williams) was speaking for both Newcastle and Cowichan districts, and the
people there had no more desire to
assess themselves than he (Parker
Williams) had. It might look all right
to some people in the Cowichan district to put on $10 a month, which had
a big assessment roll, but in Newcastle district the total valuation for
taxation purposes was only $28,000.
In addition it had been found necessary to cut the district In two, and
each district now had to pay the teachers' salaries on an assessment roll of
about $15,000. An increase of salary
would probably bring the salaries to
$60 a month. Taxes in rural districts
were never higher than now, and bore
heavily on his district, though it might
not be as heavy in Cowichan. That
was the sum of the matter. He appealed to the members for Comox
(Michael Manson) and Skeena (Wm.
Manson) as to what would be the
opinion of their districts on that form
ot  taxation.
Minister of Education Young replied that the department had had the
matter under consideration for some
months and knew all the facts. Hayward's amendment had been accepted
at the request of residents in the E.
& N. belt. The assessment would be
optional. The government was raising the teachers' salaries and hoped
to be able to do so from year to year.
He declined to accept the amendment.
Hawthornthwaite said fthe people
in the E. & N. belt had a Just claim
on the government. Young had stated
that the Island Develoument League
had been instrumental in bringing the
amendment of Hayward's before the
House. They should mind their own
business of booming real estate, or
they should be dealt with by legislation. While the conditions in the E.
& N. belt were unchanged, the political make-up of the House had changed. When the government had assumed the charge of the teachers' salaries
ln the E. & N. belt, they had a bare
majority of 3 or 4, now they had an
overwhelming majority of 88. They
had not passed the clause then because lt was right to do so, but because of the political situation. *• •
The government could find millions
for railways but nothing for education, • » » The government, with
Hayward's amendment in the BUI,
could now say to other districts, "Go
Propaganda Meeting
Sunday Evening, 8 o* Clock
City Hall
Vancouver B. C.
and do the sanies—assess yourselves,"
From a sense of fair play the House
should'pass the amendment.
McBride denied the truth of Hawthornthwaite's criticism of the government's motives in the past, and
claimed justification of their policy
been given in the recent elections.
The land values in the E. & N. belt
had Increased ten-fold—through the
wise legislation of the Conservative
government. The district was being
opened up rapidly by government
works and the E. & N. extension to
Alberni. All of the most discouraging
conditions had vanished. * * »
The charge of hardship being imposed
could not be justified. Some of the
finest agricultural land in Canada was
in that belt. There had been nothing
in the policy of the government inconsistent with the school laws dealing with the E. & N. belt.
Brewster supported the amendment
and Hayward, in the course of a few
brief remarks, accused Williams of
playing to the gallery, to which Parker Williams replied that if the suggestion he had made, that Hayward
get the opinion of his district on his
amendment, was playing to the gallery, he was guilty.
Manson (Comox) said he could see
nothing wrong in Hayward's action,
and would vote against the amendment.
The amendment to strike out clause
6 was put to the vote and defeated.
Ayes—Williams, Hawthornthwaite,
Brewster and Jardine.
Noes—All the Conservatives with
the exception of absentees Callanan,
Shatford, ThomBon, Taylor, McKay.
Orientals in the Schools.
Hawthornthwaite then moved the
following amendment to the Bame
11. Section 39 of chapter 44 of the
Statutes of 1905 is hereby amended by
adding the  following subsection:—
(2.) The Board of Trustees shall
have the power to exclude any child
or children from the school or schools
on the ground that owing to racial differences it is deemed to be inadvisable
ln the best Interests of the majority
of the children to admit them.
This is the same amendment that,
was debated in committee the previous week (See Clarion, Feb. 26) and
laid over until the Bill reached the report stage at the request of the Minister of Education. It is the same
amendment, with the words "or other"
left out as applied to "differences.")
Hawthornthwaite said it was an important amendment, and had been discussed fully when tbe Bill was in committee, from the Opposition side of
the House, but they had received no
reply or notification from the government as to their attitude. To-day
they were to hear the pronouncement
of the government, and he would express the merits of the case for the
Socialist   Party.
It resolved Itself purely Into a question of money, and would give considerable satisfaction to a large majority
in almost every section ot the province. They took as wide and broad
a stand as possible, and had no race
prejudice against Orientals as such
* but If lt could be shown that
any privileges they enjoyed Interfered
with the best Interests of the majority I
of the people, the House should pass a labor member,
legislation limiting those privileges.
He had previously pointed out the
troubles and dangers arising from the
forced association of white children
with Orientals in the public schools,
without reflecting on the Orientals.
The latter developed faster than the
Anglo-Saxon, and such close association was not advisable. It would be
sufficient to state than an Oriental
child was possessed of certain knowledge that a white child of the same
age had not. That was a fact that
should be recognized and dealt with
in prudent legislation.
The Chinese were an extraordinary
and unusual race. Thousands of years
ago they had reached a point of development from which tbey had not
advanced. Many reasons had been
given for that. John Stuart Mill ascribed it largely to economic reasons,
all progress in human society, depending, to a preponderating extent, on the
development of the means of production. The opinion of biologists was
worthy of consideration. They said
that a race advanced to a certain
point, and could advance no further
without an admixture ot blood. The
logical method should not alone be
used ln dealing with these matters,
but tbe dialectic method, which considered all the points on any question.
He did not think any exception could
be taken to the stand of the biologists.
It meant that they could not evolve
without admixture ot blood. He did
not say that the government saw those
facts or understood them, although
they should, but the people who dominated the government understood, and
It was they, in the last analysis, who
would guide and rule. Those people
desired cheap labor, but there were
laws against Oriental Immigration,
they therefore desired that the white
workers be brought Into as close contact as possible with these people,
ahd the government was acting in
those Interests ln forcing that association upon the white workers. The
mind of a child was not easily alarmed
and could be easily educated to accept much which men would certainly resist. * * * It was the plain
duty of the government, without giving offense, to provide the best education civilization could give for both
races. They could do so without allowing the question to become so vexed
that action might be taken that no
subsequent action could allay. * * *
He had stated that as far as his own
knowledge went, the people of Nanaimo would do something if the government did not act. The Chinese had now
come into the city limits and were
sending their children to the schools,
and many parents had withdrawn their
children from the, most important one,
and wisely. Others had sent them
elsewhere at considerable expense. |
* * The master class had now a
different working class to deal with.
They had learnt that In Germany, and
lt held true here, due only to education.
Those being the facts the government should carefully consider before
turning the amendment down. * * *
He would ask the government to look
at certain of the Southern States,
where they bad had to enact legislation to deal with matters he did not
care to discuss. * * • It would not
be disallowed at Ottawa, tbe Dominion
government had absolutely no power
In the matter. * * * He hoped the
government wouid frankly accept the
amendment, and he was satisfied that
if they did so, nothing but good would
result to th<- people of the province
Minister of Euucation Young stated
that the government could not accept
the amendment, as it would mean a
system of separate schools and double
expense for teachers, etc., with a loss
of the efficiency of united action. i
The amendment was then defeated
on the following division:
Ayes—Williams, Hawthornthwaite,
Brewster, Jardine.
Noes—All the Conservatives except
absentees, Cawley and Mackay.
On Friday, Feb. 26, Hawthornthwaite Introduced two Bills. An Act
to Amend the Labor Regulation Act,
1907, and an Act to Amend the Inspection of Metallfferous" Mines Act,
J. H. B.
The Labor Party has fallen never
to rise again. It is interred in a Liberal grave. It's epitaph is "The Party
of Humbug." There is no good achieved by flogging a dead horse, but we
feel justified in the position we have
always taken regarding this hybrid,
when we examine the conduct of its
leaders during the late elections.
The Labor Party professed to be an
Independent Party. They were supposed to be organized on the basis of
the class struggle (see the I. S. B.),
Let us look at a few of the Incidents
in the great "revolutionary" fight the
Labor Party put up against the Capitalist class.
Pickles, of Huddersfield, a revolutionary Socialist (he styles himself so
sometimes on the quiet), fought the
Holmfirth Division in the interests of
the Labor Party. The Hallamshlre
Division draws up to Holmfirth and
the member thereof (Wadsworth) was
Wadsworth, and Wilson, the Liberal candidate for Holmfirth, held a joint meeting together as
Liberals. Thus in the event of Pickles
being returned, Wadsworth and Pickles would have been "Comrades." At-
terciffe constituency is near Holmfirth.
Pointer won it for Labor. Pickles asked for help there. A speaker from the
Attercliffe fight went (a Socialist) and
spoke for the Liberal candidate.
Phillip Snowden fought Blackburn
and spoke from Liberal platforms and
allowed the Liberals to speak for him.
In one district they were roughly
treated, egged ln fact.. The Old Country papers don't distinguish between
Liberal and Labor but bracket them
together as one.
Russel Williams fought Spen Valley
In the Interests of Labor. Williams
is a sentimental Socialist and always
fights as one. His propaganda speech
es are something like R. J. Campbell's
sermons on the New Theology. During the fight, which was a three-cor
nered one, a curious incident took
place. When the Conservative Party
had run their votes to the poll they
took automobiles and placed them at
the disposal of the Labor candidate.
"Take our colors off and put yours
on. We don't care If we can only keep
the Liberal out."
Victor Grayson made a hard and
desperate effort to retain his seat.
He was backed by the S. D, P., Ernest
Hunter, of the S. D. P. was virtually
the election agent. Hyndman, Mark-
lew, Irving, Cunningham-Graham,
Cummings, the Countess of Warwick
and many other leading lights spoke at
his meetings, but the seat was lost,
Grayson deserves his fate. He has
had every opportunity during the last
three years to teach the people of the
Colne Valley the principles of Socialism, but Grayson never taught anybody anything. He would sooner give
amusing talks in different parts of the
country at seventy-five dollars each.
Tbe fight put up by William Gee was
as straight and uncompromising as
•be 6. P. of Can-.da could desire. Gee
Socialist Patty of Canada ~
We, the Socialist Party ot Canada, ln convention assembled,
affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme of the revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong. The present economic system la baaed upon capitalist ownership of tbe means ot production, consequently all tbe products ot
labor belong to tha capitalist class. Tha capitalist to therefore
master; th* worker a slave.
So long as tho capitalist claw remains ln possession of the
reins of government all tha powers ot the State will bo used to
protect and defend their property rights la the means of wealth
production and their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
atream of profits, and te tha worker an ever Increasing measure
ot misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies In the direction of setting
Itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wag* '
system, under which to cloaked the robbery of the working-class
at the point et production. To accomplish this necessitate* th*
transformation ot capitalist property In th* mean* ot wealth production Into collective or working-class property.
Th* lrrepreMlbl* conflict of Interest* between th* capitalist
and th* worker Is rapidly culminating In a struggle for possession
of th* power *f government—th* capitalist to hold, th* worker to
secure lt by political action. This to th* class struggle.
Therefor*, we call upon all worker* to organic* under th*
banner of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers for th* purpose of setting op and enforcing tb* economic programm* ot th* working class, as fellows:
1. The transformation, a* rapidly a* posslbl*, ot capitalist
property In th* mean* of wealth production (natural resources,
factories, mill*, railroad* etc.,) Into the collective property ot th*
working class.
2. Tb* democratic organisation and management ot Industry
hy the workers.
S. The establishment, as speedily a* possible, ot production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when In office, shall always and everywhere until the present system to abolished, make th* answer to
thl* question It* guiding rule ot conduct: Wlll thl* legislation advance th* Interests of the working class (nd aid the worker* In
their class struggle against capitalism? If it will the Socialist
Party to for lt; If lt wlll not, th* Soclaltot Party to absolutely
opposed to lt
Ia accordance with thl* principle th* Soclaltot Party pledge*
itoelt to conduct all th* public affair* placed In It* hand* In such
• manner as to promote the Interests of th* working claa* alone.
fought a lone hand. He had about
twelve workers for the whole borough
out of 15,000 votes, he polled 413 votes
but those 413 votes are worth more
to our class than all the votes cast
for the Labor Party, for every vote
was cast by a class conscious man.
They are trying to form a Labor
Party in the States according to the
Review. Simons and the A. F. of Hell.
Gompers will no doubt try to Imitate
the English grafters, Hardie, Clynes
and the English freaks are booming
the thing fdr ail lt is worth ln the
Labor Leader. "Birds of a feather,"
The same fate awaits the American
movement, if it ls floated, that has
befallen the British Labor Party. It
is to be hoped that our Comrades
across the line will strangle the thing
at its birth.
What all married people and
those contemplating marriage,
ought to know. • By W. K. C.
Larson, M. D.; and John Cowan,
M. D. $3.00 by mail. 'Dr.
Browne's True Marriage Guide,
$1.60 by mail.
The People's Book Store
142 Cordova St. W.
Ml C»Mi It. V-ecm-*
The Best of"Everything
Properly Cooked
neighbors, send for a bundle of
"Robcrtchy*} Nttod"
the organ of the Ukrainian comrades in Canada.
SO cents a year •
135 Stephen St.       Jfmniftf, Wan.
Phone 5331 413 Prior Street
Vancouver, B.C.
50c per year
Two for a dollar   .
Six months 25c.
Publlefced at CowMsville, P.O.
Demand Cigars Bearing this Label
"Which Stands for m letting Was**
Vancouver Local 867,
(J If yon would like to spend less time in yonr kitchen
and woodshed, and have much more time for outdoor
life, recreation and pleasure, look into tke question of
doing your cooking with a Gas Range.
Telephone yonr address to oar office and we will send a man
to measure your premises and giv* you an estimate oi coat of
installing the gac pipes,
Vancouver Gas Company, Limited.


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