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Western Clarion Apr 29, 1911

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Array I). 629.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Saturday, April 29, 1911.
subscription Pries  ***>• ISA
ta Tut       •■•HS
Tfhe First
Of May
The first day of May Is now accepted by the slaves of capital as an occasion upon which they can demonstrate
the growing solidarity of labor.
This season of the year has in all
ages, been an occasion for general rejoicing. Our savage ancestors, assured that the snn was on Its return
journey and would not leave them yet
awhile, indulged ln festivities, the details of which had, perhaps, be better not recorded here.
Our less remote and (so 'tis told),
less savage forebears celebrated this
auspicious occasion by harmlessly
dancing around a pole decked with tbe
floral gifts of mother earth.
Our immediate progenitors voted
this a dull proceeding and May-Day
was in danger of becoming but a memory and a name until the revolutionary portion of the working class decided to use the time honored festive
season in their own peculiar way.
Though the awakening powers of
nature; the milder weather; lengthened day; buds and flowers springing
forth; lambkins at play; hares run
mad, and other manifestations of
earth's prodigality may not arouse ln
the wage-slave any excessive pleasure,
there ls net lacking signs and Bounds
assuring him that not entirely tn vatn
has he survived the rigors ot the Ice
True enough, the melodies of the
lark and linnet charm him but little,
and quite disinterested Is he ln the
"Primrose by the river prim." But in
the hum of the concrete grinders and
band-saws, he taketh abiding delight;
while the re-distribution of real-estate
fllleth his heart with joy, ay, cellars
and sewers are to him "A thing of
beauty and a joy forever."
The mind capable of appreciating
the beauties of these harmonious and
symmetrical proportions, however, does
not lmpell its owner to sacrifice
blood offering, or dance upon the village green. It is propelled in a direction while less stern than the former
and not so pleasing as the latter, may
yet possess the merit of affecting the
purpose it aims at.
Modern May-Day celebrations are
not to the liking of the powers that
be. Their exclusive class character,
the monster gatherings, the time of
the year when the months of Idleness
for so many have scarcely ceased, the
sentiment of the speeches make a combination which is little to the liking of
those whose only hope of continued
mastership lies in the division and ignorance of their slaves. When crowds
of men bordering in numbers upon six
figures, assemble in one place, animated by a class motive, and imbued
with a class spirit, some glimmering of
their possible power cannot fall to
penetrate the minds ot even the dullest and least imaginative. This fact
alone Justifies the effort to make May-
Day a working class celebration. The
confidence which comes from the
knowledge ot power, added to the education Imparted by written and spoken
words, will Immensely benefit the
working class movement. The aim of
those who gather In these meetings is
not hidden nor even obscured. Various differences as to means may be
heard, but the end Is the abolition of
slavery, total and complete. Authority
stands helpless. Attempts have been
made to stamp out May-Day by force
as ln France, by persuasion ln offering
a Labor-day ln September as on this
continent, but the flrst of May is becoming the day upon which labor is
pleased to march, not displaying the
productive power of their brain and
brawn, not to advertise the wares of
their masters, but to display their vast
numbers, their class interests, their
power In rebellion, and to advertise
their willingness to do the job.
Let May-Day continue, further it by
every means possible, we need it in
our business. In the great struggle
which is yet to be waged for freedom,
when the workers capture the powers
of State, May-Day will have Its uses,
May-Day will assist ln consummating
that end. Then Labor-days, Labor-
Bureaus, Labor-ministers, Labor-wars,
and Labor questions of all character
will  become   anachronisms;    cellars,
The accompanying photograph is of
an institution peculiar to the capitalist
mode of production. We have termed
it the Slave Market, but this term ls
not strictly correct, although it most
aptly expresses the Socialist contempt
for wagedom, which ls here apparent
in its most bald and glaring aspect.
There is a fundamental difference
between an employment agency and
the slave merchant's auction mart, although the results of both are practically the same. In the case of the latter, a white, black or brown piece of
human merchandise was brought to the
auction block and disposed of to the
highest bidder. That done, a master
had a new slave, a Blave a new master,
and the transaction was ended.
With the gentlemen ln the picture
it is decidedly different. In this case,
each slave, or "honest wage-earner,"
is hts own auctioneer. But, strange
to say, although he must possess the
qualifications advertised for on the bulletin boards, and present all the characteristics of a good, willing and able
slave, he does not sell—he buys! Buys
a job, which, being interpreted, means
that he purchases the happy privilege
of selling himself to a master later on.
And he does not always succeed in
finding a master even then, for, as
quite frequently happens, he merely
contributes to the upkeep of the employment office. How many of these
unhappy creatures pay their little toll
to be Sent on a pilgrimage after jobs
that existed only on a blackboard?
Employment agents are human and
"not in business for their health," and
must be expected to get all they can
out of the traffic. Which, however,
makes the business none the less unlovely.
Let its apologists rave and roar as
they may, the very existence of capital
and, with it, those who profit by it,
depends upon there being a constantly
renewed supply of labor-power in the
market As workingmen are "free"
under capital's benlficient reign, they
are sometimes so ill-mannered as to
crowd to annoyance one section of the
globe, leaving another quarter un-
supplied with a super-abundance, causing wages there to rise, much to the
loudly-expressed disgust of the employers there situated. Here, then. Is a
necessity of a more equitable distribution of labor-power. Of course, under
capitalism, where there is a necessity
come those who profit by it. Hence,
employment bureaus, which, in the
last analysts, are slave-procuring
agencies of the capitalist class.
But the little offices shown In the
picture are not the only methods to
this purpose at the service of the capitalist class. Not by any meanB. They
are, however, the best expression of
the nefarious trade, being unglossed by
any cheap sentiments of religion, pat-
Other and greater modes of gathering
ln wage-victims are many. These vary
from local charities boards, police
courts, etc., to Mother Britain's labor
exchanges and the great, international,
government-endowed, collective slave-
distributor, the Salvation Army.
In common with the double-dealing,
fraud and deceit made necessary by
the very construction of modern society, these institutions one and all
claim to be interested In the moral, religious, spiritual and temporal welfare
of "the masses." (With the possible
exception of job-selling joints where
business is only business, without any tambourine, blood or
fire.)      In     spite     of     their     pro-
possessions in his left-hand vest pocket
he is still afraid of losing something
by adopting Socialist principles.
Fortunately, however, his type are
growing fewer. Each May Day sees
the old slave Ideas a little weaker and
tbe desire for revolution keener and
more insistent. Perhaps never before
in the history of the world has the
social cauldron been so near to boiling
over as in this year ot grace, nineteen
hundred and eleven. Everywhere the
spirit of unrest among the toilers Is
rampant This brings much dismay to
onr rulers, and from them many warnings. But heed them not you workers!
The world ls yours for the taking with
all Its manifold comforts and delights.
testations, however, their   operations ' Now ls the time to join your revolu-
are conducted solely and exclusively
in the MATERIAL Interest of the master class. Let their advocates be ever
bo sincere. Let them pray, shout and
rant In all the exuberance of deepest
conviction, their. ctlvities work out inevitably to the '   Jieflt of capital.
Knowing as we do that wealth of
every description is produced in sufficient quantities to satisfy abundantly
the needs of every man, woman and
child in the world, it Bhould not be
hard to convince every toiler for wages
that a new system iB in order. Yet in
that little knot of men you see in the
picture, a slave ls holding forth, arguing earnestly in support of "things
riotism or "the good of the people." < as they are."   With all   his   worldly
tionary fellows and   strike
ending of your slavery.
for   the
The reason Socialists are opposed
to religion is because they are opposed
to the whole profit system root and
branch, and as Socialism is more educational than practical at the present
stage, Socialists aim to remove any
obstacles from the minds of the workers so that they can see the light
clearly. And—religion being the chief
branch of the profit tree, and Is very
dense and 'eafy we lop it off and lay
the trunk tt that tree bare, and behold the workers recognize that the
trunk of tho tree today is capitalism.
Capitalism ii their worst enemy. Socialism wlll be their best friend.
Once again I approach the subject
of work. It has been said that the one
whose "nom de plume" ls affixed to
this has no "respect" for work. I deny
this. I regard work as a sacred thing
—to be regarded with reverence, to be
viewed "from afar, off." I am consumed with a feeling of my own unworthi-
ness to join ln worship dally ln the
appointed place with the holy ones, or
the brotherhood of mine or mill. I feel
that I am not fit to become one ot the
Saintly order of the muckstlck. It ls
not "meet" that I should handle the
sacred pick nor pump the sacrificial
hand-car. I am not good enough even
to look upon work. I am afraid. Is
not work God?   And ls it not written
sewers, concrete, piles of gravel and
brick, or other abominations will no
longer excite questionable joys ln tbe
mindB of a regenerated race; the Dignity of Labor will be laid aside with
sweaty socks, dirty overalls, and hobnailed boots, consumed ln a special
Incinerator, built for the purpose, and
the word Labor Itself will become improper and unseemly, unmentionable
in polite society.
J. H.
that "he who meets God shall die?"
And this Is Indeed true!   I know it!
Years ago, before I realized my own
"unworthiness," I did dare, ln my presumption, to worship the great one,
even to the donning of tbe oily overalls and the carrying of the mysterious
(there Is a joke here) dinner pall. I
did "draw near" to the "great one" ln
his saored mountain. (They called It
a "mountain of copper" In the prospectus; flrst chapter and third paragraph), and I remember I went home
the first day so tired I wished I was
dead, and the third and fourth also.
And behold—to use the appointed lingo
—on the morning of the eighth day
ln that shift which Is known as the
"grave yard," in the seventh hour of
the shift, the God was angry and the
mountain trembled and part of lt—
about seven pounds in the language of
the heathen—did smite the worshipper on the head so that for seven suns
it was in the hands of the gods—and an
Irish nurse called Kitty O'Shea and a
Scotch saw-bones, yclept Mcintosh—
whether the unworthy one lived or
not. And by the way, it seems that
there are many of the worshippers of
the great one, Toil, who are punished Improved machinery cuts down ex-
and die. Some die quickly and some penses for the capitalist class, cuts
by inches. And there are others who j some workers off from the means of
are found unworthy and are cast forth ufe and cuts others np in them.
by the chief priests—even the Btraw-
bosses—and such are at the gates of
the temple vainly praying to get in. Is
lt not written that "many shall be called and few chosen," and does not a
two-line advertisement cause the assembling of an exceeding multitude?
ling of an exceeding multitude?
But as for me, I tempt not the great
one by my unworthiness. I pass by
on the other side consorting with the
sinful ones who eat the stolen chicken of hobodom and ride the rods of
abomination in the silent watch of
the night And when the servants of
the great one reason with me that I
turn from my evil ways, I say unto
them "Go-ter-Hades," and also "Not-
fer Muh."
All values are the result of labor.
But the laborious manner in which
business men and real estate dealers
endeavor to fleece one another has
nothing to do with their production.
I met the man who owns the mill,
joy riding with a coachful, and stopped his motor on the hill, and said to
him, reproachful: "A hundred damsels weave and spin for you, for paltry
wages; and wlll they all be fastened
ln wben fire around them rages?" "I
guesB," he said, in accents hurt, "I
guess they will be, sonny; for human
lives are cheap as dirt, but fire escapes
cost money. The people do not realize the burden rich men carry; the way
my hard-earned money flies would paralyse Old Harry. Mr auto always
needs repairs, my yacht is always
yawning for coats of paint or easy
chairs or miles of silken awning. To
talk of fire escapes for mills is really
rather funny, for human lives are
cheap as pills, but fire escapes cost
money. My bill for wines alone, my
friend, would scare you into trances,
and there are suppers without end, and
forty kinds of dances. A trip to Europe
every year requires a lot of boodle,
and gemB I bring to loved ones here
all cost like Yankee Doodle. I cannot throw my scads away on mill
equipment sonny; for human lives
are cheap as hay, but fire escapes cost
Walt Mason.
The Workers
For centuries the workers of the
world have bowed tbelr necks to the
yoke of slavery ln one form or another.
They have plodded wearily along tha
pathway of existence bearing the burdens of civilization upon their slavish
backs and always subject to the masters' lash if, perchance, they faltered
in the task. Usually their submission
has been of the stupid, sullen kind
that will not allow of its victim rising
above the level of the horse or ass
that balks in harness when the burden becomes unbearable, instead of
dumping the load and kicking the
driver to smithereens. Evidence, however, is by no means lacking to show
that a change is coming over the
spirit of the workingman's dream. He
Is evidently awakening to at least
some sort of a comprehension of tha
wrongs perpetrated upon him by
those who have set themselves, In
authority to rule over him. He Is
beyond question cultivating a healthy
determination to do something more
drastic than merely to balk ln harness and patiently submit to the lash
being applied to his quivering flesh.
It Is particularly noticeable that in
the event of a strike, at least of any
proportions, there is an ever-increasing sentiment finding expression for
something entirely outside ot and
away from tbe mere matter of an Increase In wages or m.re tolerable
conditions of slavery in general. The
determination to end the wage system
by the complete overthrow of the rule
of capital each day finds a more clear
expression. Even the careless observer of passing events can scarce
fail to notice it.
Time was, and not many years
since, when it was almost as much as
one's life was worth to apply the term
slaves to a buncb of workingmen. It
is now quite the common thing for
them so to designate themselves. Thla
realization of their status under capitalist civilization is one of the most
cheering signs of the times, It affords most convincing evidence of an
awakening of labor that portends no
end of trouble for the sleek, well-fed
pirates and swashbucklers that constitute the present ruling class. At
least no end of trouble until the sceptre of power has been stripped from
their bloody bands and the reign of
capital brought to an inglorious finish.
Everywhere the workers are turning
their attention more and more to the
conquest of the capitalist state. They
are recognizing the state to be the
sole bulwark of capitalist property.
They see ln it, and correctly, too, the
instrument by means of which the
capitalists maintain their title of ownership ln the means of production and
their consequent power to rule and
rob the working class.
The determination of the workers
to conquer the state and use its organized powers for the purpose of
striking the fetters of wage slavery
from their limbs by the abolition of
capitalist property, marks the awakening of labor. Fully aroused to the
necessity ot action in its own behalf
the working class will speedily solve
tbe problem of what to do with the
resources of the earth and the instruments of production so as to admit of human society moving forward
to a saner and more decent civilization.
Capitalist civilization is today rotten to the core. Tbe chronicle ot
dally events is but a disgusting story
of vice, crime, corruption, graft, chicanery, pollution and fraud unspeakable. A slave civilization, it cannot
rise above the level of that from which
lt springs. It is up to tbe slave to
break his chains and by so doing rele-
and vulgar ruling class that has ever
cursed tbe earth with its presence.
gate to oblivion the most hypocritical
The proletarian battalions are marshalling for the fray. I jibor is awakening to the task in hand. In the
conquest of the state by the proletariat and the use of its powers to abolish capital and tho wage slavery from
which It sucks Its sustenance, lies the
hope of the future.
And tbe proletariat Is awakening.
Speed the day of ItB triumph.
K. -Two
SATURDAY, APRIL 29th, 1911.
"Published every Saturday br the
•oelallst Party of Canada, at the Offlce
ef the Western Clarion, Flack Block
Basement, 165 Hastings Street, Vancouver,  B. C.
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your subscription expires the
next iBBue.
SATURDAY, APRIL 29th, 1911.
The Vjlsta opened out by the patient
research of the archaeologist, the ethnologist and the biologist in the attempt to unravel the unwritten history
of man is one which the most exuberant fancy can revel endlessly.
Gradualy there has been unfolded to
us picture after picture until we see,
far in the past, beyond even the
earliest tradition, man flrst emerging
■from the forest gloom of primeval
•days. Low of brow, long of arm,
-short legged, huge muscled, grim of
■ aspect, the direct forbear of the human race, yet lacking all vestige of
aught we are accustomed to associate
with humanity. Dwelling as the
beasts of the forest, wandering
' through the day in search of food,
.grubbing for roots, climbing for fruit
or nuts, crouching at night in a cave
-or onvthe limb of a tree; mating as
'the beasts; a beast in all things,
naked and unashamed. Where do we
flnd in him any of that human nature
we speak of so glibly? Where any
conception of good or evil, of decency,
of morality, or faith, hope and charity? , Where is the soul which has
been the source of so much anxiety
•to his posterity? Where the habits
and customs, where the laws, human
and "divine?"
As says our Haji:
"What reck'd he, say, of Good or 111,
Who in the hill hole made his lair;
The blood-fed rav'ning beast of prey,
Wilder than wildest wolf or bear?
"How long in man's pre-Adamite days
To feed and swill, to sleep and breed,
Were the Brute-biped's only life,
A perfect life sans Code or Creed?"
"Yet, this is a man, blood    of   our
Wood, and bone of our bone.   Our relationship to him is undeniable, and
Its closeness a mere matter of a few
hundred thousand years. A longtime?
Not it   A mere turn of the glass compared to the ages  between' that ancestor of ours and his  faraway  forbear, the slimy, formless amoeba.
Tliat man, urged onward by the same
mute, irresistible forceB that have
"brought him to the threshold of man-
• hood, passes over that threshold, and,
■generation by generation, approaches
us of today, just ss we are pressed
• onward to the tomorrow we know not.
At the stern mandate of necessity he
• adapts himself to new conditions, devises new means of gaining his live-
llbood, creates tools and weapons, and
• ever Improves upon them.
~"Yet, as long ages rolled he learnt
"From beaver, ape and ant lo build
Shelter for sire and dam and brood,
From blast and blaze that hurt and
Age by age, we can trace the march
of our fathers towards us, ever, as
they come, .profiting painfully and
slowly by the accumulated experience
of past generations; growing in knowledge, growing greater in brain and
less brutish In body. Ever impelled
by the stern necessity of obtaining a
better hold upon the means of life.
Improving their dwellings, their boats,
their clothing, their toolB and weapons'.
Discarding the rough stone weapon
for the polished, that for the flint,
thence to copper, to bronze, to iron.
Free, wandering, warring, hunting,
lawless, propertyless, "ignorant" savages. Living thus for nigh three hundred thousand years before the
flrst dawn of barbarism even.
Then, finding a new source
of food supply in the cultivation of the soil, swinging open the
gates of Eden and passing out on the
way that led to labor and to slavery,
to progress and to civilization.
That ancient forbear of ours, the
child of the man-ape, the sclentlts
call "homo stupldus"—stupid man. Us
they call "homo sapiens" wise man.
Oh, fond conceit. Wise Man!-. We,
who revere the antiquity of a civilization barely ten thousand years old,
and that with lapses. Who invest
-j-ith a halo of heaven-born sanctity
a mushroom system of property of
little better than a century'B growth.
Who bow before the altars of "eternal"
deities discovered but yesterday. Who
crystallize our miserable modern characteristics aB "human nature" as it
was in the beginning and always shall
be. Who elevate to the ludicrous dignity of divine law an upstart moral
code co-eval with shop-keeping. Who
conceitedly plume ourselves upon the
possessions of a higher ethical sense
than our rude forbears, and daily and
habitually stoop to practices which
the most untutored savage would
abhor. Who lie, and cheat, and thieve,
and prey upon one another. Who rob,
ravish and oppress the weak and
cringe before the strong; who pander
to lust and prostitute for a pittance;
who traffic, traffic, traffic in all things
—ln manly "honor," ln womanly "virtue," in childish defenceleBsness, in
the flesh and blood of kith and kin,
In the holiest of holies or in the abomination of abominations; and who
crown our achievements by pouring
over the festering heap of our iniquities the leprous, foetid slime of hypocrisy.
Wise Man. Wonderful creature.
Lord of creation. Hub of the universe.
For whose uses all things, the quick
and the dead, were especially created;
the stars and the planets, the sun by
day and the moon by night to light
him; the earth, the seasons the winds,
the rain, the waters, the lightning, the
metals, the mountains, the plains, the
valleys, the foreBts, the fruits, the
beasts, the fishes, the birds, the bees,
the fleas and the flieB and the corned
beef and the cabbage.
Dear Comrade:—
We have here a very radical Single-
Taxer, who iB continually speaking of
how the single-tax worksin your town.
He makes the statement that everything is booming there; that therS is
plenty of work for every man that
wants it, etc. Now, Comrade,, what
we want to get at is this—has the
Single-Tax been a great boon to the
working man, that is, has it solved
the unemployed problem, has it raised
wages, cut the cost of living, or what
has it done. For myself I cannot believe all that this man claims and us
boys of the local here have decided to
write you. Just give us a true, unbiased report and greatly oblige,
Yours for Socialism,
Wenatchee, Wn.
It is beginning to dawn on us that
Vancouver's Single-Taxation is occasioning a good deal of discussion everywhere—excepting in Vancouver. Here
ls Is quite frequently not mentioned.
So much so that it would be a safe
bet that numbers of residents of the
city could be found who are quite unaware that they have been residing
a couple of years under the beniflcent
reign of single-tax. And, curiously
enough, there is not a militant single-
taxer in Vancouver.
In fact the matter would altogether
escape public notice were it not for
the fact that this "single-tax" here was
ushered in under the patronage ot a
Mayor who happens also to be proprietor of the "World" newspaper. Owing to this lt is but natural that everything good, or supposed to be good,
that happens within the forty-odd mile
radius over which the city is expected to grow, the "World" promptly attributes to the benign influence of
the system of taxation introduced by
His Worship," its proprietor. It is
also natural that the subject is, therefore, never mentioned in the two rival
Aside from this, the claims which
have been put forward, outside Vancouver, as to tbe benefits here derived
from Single-Tax, are utterly preposterous. Moreover, not a single fact
can be cited ln their support that could
not have been cited in support of the
syBtem of taxation which formerly
prevailed. Vancouver's chief Industries, like those of any other new Western town, are real estate and building.
There are alBO a number of saw-mills,
but these may be eliminated from consideration, as they have been here
since time immemorial and are manned almost exclusively by Orientals.
Then there is the sugar refinery which
occasionally gives evidence of its existence by piteous appeals to tbe patriotism of the public to patronize
home Industry by buying its sugar.
Some day it may attain to celebrity
if ItB dealings with the Customs are
ever investigated. It also was here
before the Single-Tax. Beyond these
Vancouver's industries are regllglble
lt we except the shipping and a couple
of iron-works of no gigantic proportions, where, by the way, the machinists have been on strike for about a
year. This, however ls not mentioned
as one ot the results of   single-tax.)
Taken altogether, the city's industries, outside of building and real estate, don't amount to very much anyhow. And If their number and extent has been appreciably increased
since the Inauguration of this single-
tax, we have still to hear about it Of
course we admit that various steel
mills, etc., are being contemplated, but
where, ln a western real estate imagination, is this not the case?    Some
of these have been most palpably conceived for no other than real eBtate
purposes. Others may have some actual foundation in fact. But, even at
the very best, it is rather difficult to
see how any credit can be claimed
thereby for Single-Tax, as their locations, real or alleged, are miles outside the single-taxed area.
This leaves us only real estate and
building for consideration. As to the
former, there was quite a boom a year
ago last winter. We never heard it
attributed to single-tax, but If it were,
the subsequent quiescence that has
lasted ever since might, with equal
justification be traced to the same
source. Also, there were booms under
the old system of taxation.
It Is to the building industry, however, that the single-taxers point with
especial pride, and that that bas expanded is undeniable. But lt was going at a pretty fair clip before, is quite
as active, propcrtionately, in the ordinary-taxed suburbs, and is what
would be expected in the face ot the
demand that exists. Such a demand
that it is extremely difficult to get
a house or a flat and that these are
frequently let before they are erected and occupied before they are finished. Such being the case, it would be
a matter for remark if the building
Industry did not boom, under any system of taxation, particularly as population continues to pour into the city,
as fast as the boosting agencies can
bring it here. To attribute the building boom to the hypothetical inducement held out to property-owners by
the few dollarB of difference between
levying municipal taxes on land and
improvements and on land alone, and
to ignore the factor of demand and
increase bf population, appears to us
to be an exhibition of childishness
eminently ln accord with the entire
theory of Single-Tax.
On the other hand signs are not
wanting that the reaction is not so far
distant. A population cannot go on
for an indefinite period living by building one another's houses and improving one another's streets. (We apologize for having overlooked) this important industry). And the moment
the building industry slacks up Vancouver will be right up against the
real thing in hard times. If the Single
Taxers claim credit for the building
boom, how will they dodge the responsibility for the resultant slump.
Here let us point out that we have
been following above the line of the
Slngle-Taxers themselves, without
looking at it -from a proletarian's
or even a "wage-earner's" viewpoint.
As for wages, they are no higher,
generally, than before the panic of
1907, and particularly is this the case
in the building industry itself. While
rents are higher and commodities dearer. That wages are slightly better than
in many other localities is due to the
fact, that in common with rapidly
growing towns, the over-supply of
workers is not so acute. That it wlH
become acute may be premised from
the rate of immigration and the
paucity of permanent industries. Then
look out for your wages, Single-Tax or
no Single-Tax.
From the proletarian view-point,
Single-Tax is an absurd piece ot inconsequence. Taking it at its own
valuation, what does it hold for us?
Chains and slavery. More industries?
That means more exploitation. More
work? More slavery. What do we
care if it does trim the landlord to a
fare-you-well? Does it signify to the
sheep whether his mutton Ib eaten
by a cat or a king? While wage-
slavery endures all we wage-mules will
get, If we are lucky, is our stall and
fodder. It Is all tbat is coming to us.
What becomes of the rest ot the
wealth we grind out is no funeral ot
ours. All that affects us ls that we
have to pass it up to the owners of
the means of life—be they land-lords,
money-barons, or captains of Industry, and that the only salvation for us
ls to take possession of those means
of life ourselves.
Ottawa, April 24.—L. Froolever For-
tugn, managing director of the Netherlands Transatlantic Mortgage Co.,
who arrived ln Ottawa Saturday, had
an Interview with Sir Wilfred Laurier,
Hon. W. S. Fielding, Hon. Sidney
Fisher and F. C. T. O'Hara, deputy
minister of trade and commerce, relative to millions of dollars of Hollander
money which he proposes to Invest ln
Western Canada Farm land mortgages.
All promised him every assistance and
gave him assurances that he would be
able to do a nice business in Western
Canada, stated Mr. Fortugn when seen
after the interview.—News Item.
Now tell us all about your happy
Western Canadian farmer who owns
banks, motor cars and things. This Independent gent who is so intensely
loyal to his beloved Britain. His flrst
of July, or somebody's Birthday holler
will take on a dull and hollow sound
when he has paid interest on Mr. L.
Froolever Fortugn's millions for a year
or two.
"England expects each man this day
to do bis duty." Therefore, Mr. J.
Bull Wlndstacker, It will be in order
for you to work like blazes for this
Dutchman. Just to assist him in doing a "nice business," you know.
This is not a Dutch Invasion. They
don't have to invade, they simply buy
the right to stay home and live in luxury off your toll, my friend sod-shirter
ot the prairie. That is, they get a lease
of your perspiring back, while your
clammy brain can see nothing bui u
Union Jack and Work. Do you realize
that wealth, prosperity, comfort, happiness, never exist anywhere around
where work is going on?
Your guardian angel Laurier knows
it. So do the rest of his bunch, except perhaps, your local member whom
you voted for because he was a nice
fellow, and he doesn't know anything
but what the Inner Circle tells him.
Laurier ls well aware that you are
poverty stricken and eager to mortgage every blasted thing near you. He
knows that all you are waiting for is
to be able to convince some money
outfit that you and your family are
husky enough to pay Interest Else
why would he so blandly assure Herr
Fortugn that he could "do a nice bust
ness" In Western Canada farm mortgages?
The gang are on to you alright, they
know you are easy. You aren't on to
anything, except scratching the
ground. Don't you think its about time
you hired a small boy to stick pins
in your feet? Otherwise you might
never become aware of what Is going
on around you.
Socialist Directory
J. Mahlon Barnes, the National Secretary of the Socialist Party, supplieB
us with the following circular, which
was published for exclusive circulation
among bankers in Bankers' Magazine,
March, 1892. G. G. Severance, of Ever-
son, Wash., had ln his possession a
copy of this magazine. The article
was copied in the Chicago daily press
of March 21, 1892, one year preceding
the panic of 1893.
Present conditions  will  show  that
the plan of "dividing the workers" over
the "tariff question," a question "of no
Importance," has been accomplished.
The circular reads as follows:
"We must proceed with caution and
guard well every move made, for
the Lower Orders of the people
are already showing signs of restless  commotion.     Prudence   will,
hterefore, dictate a policy of apparently  yielding to the  popular
will until all our plans are so far
consummated that we can declare
our designs  without fear of any
organized resistance.
"The Farmers' Alliance and Knights
of Labor in   the   United   States
should be carefully watched by our
trusted  men, and  we must  take
immediate steps to either control
these organizations in our interest or disrupt them.
"At the coming Omaha convention to
be held July 4th, our men must attend and direct its movements or
else there will be set on foot such
antagonism to our designs as may
require force to overcome.
"This at the present time would be
premature.   We are not yet ready
for such  a  crisis.    Capital  must
protect   itself   in   every   possible
manner through combination and
"The Courts must be called to our
aid, debts must be collected, bonds
and mortgages foreclosed as rapidly as possible.
"When, through a process of law the
Common   People  have  lost  their
homes,  they  will be more tractable and easily governed through
the influence of the strong arm ot
government applied by a central
power of  imperial  wealth  under
the control of leading financiers.
A people without homes will not
quarrel with their rulers.
"History.repeats   itself  in   regular
cycles;  this truth is well known
among our principal men now engaged in forming an imperialism ot
capital to govern the world, while
t they are   doing   this  the   people
must be kept ln a condition of political antagonism.
"The question of Tariff Reform must
be  urged  through  the  organization known   as   the   Democratic
Party, and the question of Protection with Reciprocity must be forced to view through the Republican
"By thus dividing the voters we can
get them to expend their energies
ln fighting over questions of no importance to us except as tetheri
to lead the common herd.   Thus
by discreet action we can secure
all tbat has been so generously
planned and thus far successfully
accomplished."—Chicago Dally Socialist.
We have one immediate demand.
We believe ln advocating a tired feeling under capitalism. Why go fast?
Take a rest Workers of the world,
slow up; you have nothing, to lose but
your speed, and that isn't yours.
Haeckel BayB that if the period of
time during which life has existed on
this planet were likened to a day, the
Christian era would amount to Just
fifty-three seconds, and the whole historic period to two minutes. Next
time you hear a workingman say:
"There have always* been capital and
wages," tell him that what he's talking about is not quite born yet.
Every local of the Socialist Party of
Canudu should run a card under thi-*
head. $1.00 per month. Secretaries
plea-e note.
Socluli.-t Party of Canada. .Meet i
every alternate Monday. D. G. McKenzie. Secretary, llox 1 OSS, Vancou-
ver, B. C,	
Executive Committee. Socialist Party
of Canada. Meets every alternate
Mondav. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary.
Box 1088, Vancouver. B. C.
headquarters and public reading room,
Show Building, Hamilton Street. Business meetings every Saturday night at
8 p.m. Kell McLean, Secretary; John
Mclnnls, Organizer. Comrades contemplating coming to Fort George are
earnestly requested to write for reliable Information.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada.
Meets everv alternate Mondav In Labor
Hall, Eighth Ave. East, opposite post-
office. Secretary wlll be wease.1 lo
answer nny communications regarding
the movement in the province. F.
Danby.   Secretary,   Box   047,   Calgary,
LOCAL  VANCOUVEB,  B.   C,  NO.  1,  8
P. of C. Business meetings every
Tuesday evening at headquarters 2237
Main Street.    F. Perry, Secretary, Box
-"JS*1? ▼AwoowvBm; b.  o,  no.~4b;
I'tnnish. Meets every second and
fourth Thursdays ln the month at 2237
Main Street.    Secretary, Wm. Mynttl.
Committee: Notice—This card is Inserted for the purpose of getting
"YOU" Interested ln the Socialist
movement. SOCIALISTS are always
members of the Party; so if you are
desirous of becoming a member, or
wish to get any Information, write the
secretury. W. H. Stebblngs. Address,
310 Good  Street,   Winnipeg.
VERNON,   B.   O.,  NO.  38,  S.  P.
Meets every Tuesday, 8:00 p.m.
of C.
at L.  O.  L.  Hall.  Tronson  St.
W. H.
Gitmore. Secretary.
■LOCAL VICTORIA,  B.  C,  NO. a,  B. T.
of c. Heading room and headquarters,
1319 Government St., Room 2, over
Oollister's Gun Store. Business meetings every Tuesday, 8 p.m. propaganda meetings every Sunday at Crys-
tal  Theatre.    T.   Gray,  Secretary.
SASKATCHEWAN PBOVINCIAL Executive Committee, Socialist Party ot
Canadu. Meets every first and third
Saturday In tbe month, 8:00 p.m., at
headquarters. Main Street, North Battleford. Secretary will answer any
communications regarding the movement In this Province. A. Gildemees-
ter, Secretary, Box 201, North Battleford, Sask.
of C. Meetings every Sunday at 8
p.m. tntthe Labor Hall, Barber Block,
Eighth Ave. E. (near iioslofflcc). Club
and reading room, Labor Hull. Geo.
Hossiter. Secretary, Box 047; A. Maedonald.  Organizer,   Box  047.
Committee, Socialist Party of Canada,
meets every second and fourth Sundays in the Cape Breton office of the
Partv, Commercial Street. Glace nay,
N. S*. Dan Cochrane, Secretary, Box
491, Glace Bay, N. S.	
LOCAL     COLEMAN,     ALTA.,     NO.     9.
Miners' Hall and Opera Houje. Propaganda meetings at 8 p.m. on the tlrst
and third Sundays of the month. Business meetings on Thursday evenings
following propngandu meetings at 8.
Orgunlzer, T. Steele, Coleman, Alta.;
Secretary, Jas. Glendenning, Box 03,
Coleman, Alta. Visitors may receive
information any day at Miners' Hall
from Com. W. Graham, Secretary of
U. M. W. of A.
LOCAL   PERNIE,   S.   P.  of   C,   HOLDS
educational meetings in the Miners
Union Hall, Victoria Ave.. Fernle,
every Sunday evening at 7:45. Business meeting first Sunday in each
month, same place, at 2:30 p.m. David
Paton, Secretary,   Box  101,
LOCAL   GREENWOOD,   B.   C,    NO.    9,
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday evening at Miners' Union Hall, Greenwood.
Visiting comrades invited to call. C.
G. Johnson,  Secretary.
LOOAL  LADYSMITH  NO.  10,  S.   P.   Ot
C. Business meetings every Saturday,
7 p.m., In headquarters on First Ave.
J. H. Burrough, Box 31, Ladysmlth,
B. C.
P. of C. Headquarters 622 First St.
Business and propaganda meetings
every Thursday at 7:30 p.m. sharp.
Our reading room Is open to the public free, from 10 a.m. to 11 p.m. daily.
Secretary, A. Farmilo, 622 First St.;
Organizer,  W.   Steptienson.
8. P. of C. Meets first and third Sundays in the month, at 4 p.m., ■ in
Miners' Hall. Secretary, Chas. Peacock,  Box  1983.
every Sunday at 7:30 p.m. in Trades
Hall, Scarth Street. Business meetings second and fourth Fridays at 8
p.m.. Trades Hall. Secretary, B. Simmons, Box 1046.
LOOAL  MICHEL,  B.   C,  NO.   IS,   S.   P.
of C, holds propaganda meetings
every Sunday afternoon at 2:30 p.m. in
Crahan's Hall. A hearty Invitation is
extended to all wage slaves within
reach of us to attend our meetings.
Business meetings are held the first
and third Sundays of each month at
10:30 a.m. In the same hall. Party
organizers take notice. A. S. Julian,
LOOAL MABA, B. C, NO. 34, S. P. of C,
meets flrst Sunday ln every month In
Socialist Hall, Mara, 2:30 p.m. Cyril
Itosoinan,   Recording  Secretary.
LOCAL MOYIE,  B.  ft, NO.  30,  MEETS
second Sunday, T.M p.m.. ln McGregor
Hull (Miners' Hall). Thos. Roberts.
LOCAL  NANAIMO,  NO.  8,   S.  P.  of   C,
meets every alternate Sunday evening
in Foresters' Hall. Business meeting
at 7:00 o'clock sharp. Propaganda
meeting commences at S:00 o'clock.
A. Jordan, Secretary, Box 410.    	
LOCAL  NELSON,   S.  P.  of  C,   MEETS
everv Friday evening at 8 p.m„ in
Miners' Hall. Nelson, B. C. I. A. Austin, Secretary.
of C. Headquarters, No. 10 Nation
Block, Rossar Ave. Propaganda meeting, Sunday at 8 p.m.; business meeting, second and fourth Mondays at 8
p.m.; economic class, Sundays at 3
p.m.; speakers' class, Wednesday at
8 p.m.; algebra class, Friday at 8
p.m.; debating class, flrst and third
Mondays at 8 p.m. D. France, Organizer,  1126 Victoria Ave.
of C. Headquarters, 52S 1/2 Main St.,
Room 2, next Dreamland Theatre.
Business meeting every alternate
Monday evening at 8 p.m.; propaganda
meeting every Wednesday at 8 p.m.;
economic class every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m. Organizer, Hugh Lald-
low, Room 2. 528 1/2 Main St. Secretary,  J,   W.   Hillings.   270  Young  St.
S. P. of C, meets every Sunday tn
hull in Empress Theatre Block, at 2:00
p.m.    L. H. Gorham, Secretary.
LOOAL   REVELBTOXE,   B.   C,    NO.    7,
S. P. of C.    Business meetings at Socialist headquarters fourth Thursdays
of each month.    B. F. Gayman. Secre-
lzer; B. F. Gayman, Secretary,
Headquarters, 10 and 12 Alice Street
(near Yonge). Business meetings
every second and fourth Wednesdays;
propaganda meetings every Sunduy at
3 and 8 p.m. By arrangement with
Toronli; University, popular scientific
lectures every Monday at 8 p.m. during the winter. Address all communl-
. cations to Secretary, No. 10 and 12
Alice St.	
LOCAL  BBANTFORD,  NO. 18, B. P.  of
C. Meets at headquarters, 13 George
St., every Thursday and Sunday nights.
Business and speakers' class on Thursdays; economic class on Sundays.
Wage workers Invited. S. Kemp, Secretury, 9 George St. W. Davenport,
Organizer,  31  Charlotte St.
meets In Miners' Hall every Sunday at
7:30 p.m. E. Campbell, Secretary, P.O.
Box 674. Rossland Finnish Branch
meets in Flnlanders' Hull, Sundays at
7:30 p.m. A. Sebblc, Secretary, P.O.
Box 64, Rossland.
C. Meets every Tuesday ut 7:30 p.m.
In the Sandon Miners' -Union Hall.
Communications to be addressed
Drawer K, Sandon, B. C.
LOCAL   OTTAWA,   NO.  8,   8.  P.   OP  O.
Business meeting first Sunday in
, month, and propaganda meetings following Sundays at 8 p.m. in Robert-
Allan Hall, 78 Rldeau St, John Lyons,
Secretary,  44 Chamherlin  Ave,
LOCAL  GLACE BAY,  NO.   1,  OP  N.  8.
Business and propaganda meeting
every Tliursduy at 8 p.m. ln Macdon-
uld's Hull, Union Street. All are welcome. Alfred Nash, Corresponding
Secretary, Glace Bay: Wm. Sutherland,
Organizer, New Aberdeen; H. G. Ross,
Financial Secretary, office in D. N.
Brodie Printing Co. Building, Union
834 Pender St.      Vancouver
To Canadian Socialists
On account of Increased postal
rates we are obliged to make the
subscription price of the International Socialist Review In Canada
11.20 a year instead of $1.00. Ws
can, however, make the following
special offers:
For $3.00 we will mall three
copies of the Review to one Canadian address for one year.
For 70 cents we will mall tan
copies of any one Issue.
For $3.00 we will mall the Review  one   year  and  the  Chicago
Dally Socialist for one year.
184 West Klnile St., Chicago.
Xf* solicu toe Business or Manufacturers,
Eugtaeeru and others who realize the advisability of ha viae their Patent business transacted
byGxpctts. Prelimlnaryadvice free. Charges
moderate. Our Inventor's Adviser sent upon
request Marion ft Marion, New York tlfe Bldg,
Montreal: and Washington. n.,C, V.8JU
305  Cambie Street
The beBt of everything properly
Chas. Malcahey, Prop.
Riddle of the  Universe, by
Haeckel     25c
Life of Jesus, Renan  25c
Age of Reason, Faine  25c
Merrie England    20c
God and My Neighbor,
Blatchford     25c
Origin of Species, Darwin.. 25c
Ingersoll's Lectures, each.. 25c
Evolution of the Idea of God,
Grant Allen   25c
Postage prepaid on books.
The People's Bookstore
152 Cordova St. W.
Room 501
Dominion Trust Bldg.
Waw Westminster Land District, Slstrio
of Nsw Westminster.
Take notice that William Mcintosh, o
Vancouver, occupation real estate agenl
Intends to apply for permission to pur
chase the following described lands
Commencing at a post planted about'47
feet ln a westerly direction from th
southeast corner of Block lt, Dlstrlc
Lot 196, City of Vancouver; thenc
northerly 120 feet; thence easterly 12
feet to old high water mark; thenc
south 120 feet along old high wate
mark; thence west to point of commence
William Mcintosh.
Dated Feb. 24th, 1911 (630
®®®*®®#i**®#***®***##**W*##®**®i SATURDAY, APRIL 29th, 1911.
This Page Is Devoted to Reports of Executive Committees, Locals
and General Party Matters—Address All Communications to
D. G. McKenzie, Sec., Box  1688, Vancouver, B. C.
Workers, it is not worth your while
bothering with reforms, as you never
did and never will benefit by them. Go
[ in for the. social revolution, called So-
: cialism, if you ever want to Improve
. yourselves as a class and as individ-
Dear Comrade.—Last night   I    re-
Iceived  a  telephone  mesage,  "Nation
llDlock on Are,   Socialist  headquarters
J burnt out, library all  up in  smoke."
Idee! but my heart, stood still; our lib-
Irary burnt up.   I could not believe it.
[it could    not be true.     However,   I
Igrabbed my hat and ran for all I was
■worth  to  the headquarters.   Imagine
Tif you can, my thoughts while I was
punning.    Our library, built up with
nonths of patient effort, and now composing books worth $250, gone;   fur-
piture, pictures and other truck   all
gone, and no Insurance.
I reviewed in my mind the struggles
that we have had, the tremendous puritanical, petty burgols opposition we
(lave gone through, and the Bterling
fighting qualities that that opposition
liad brought out; the big free-speech
pcrap that we now have on, and I"
wondered if he had got a knockout
blow. •
Breathless, I reached the headquarters. There 1 found a blackened
building, gutted by tha fire, firemen
(still busy drenching it with water, and
group of excited Socialists chattering like magpies, wondering what
*.'ould be done.
The resourceful Bastable soon took
the lead, and with the help of a lan-
Itern and followed by a band of heroes,
[they tackled the job of saving what
Ithey could.
We found the room in a pitiable
Istate. Charred and blackened all over,
[plaster off, pictures all burnt, charter
Igone with not even a relic left, Karl
[Morse smiling from a charred, glass-
[lesB frame. Files of "Clarions,"
"Standards," "Weekly People," etc., all
Iburned; blackboard, notice boards,
[files of receipts and records, Clarion
[subscription list, reference library, etc.
[all burned; chairs, trunks, tables,book-
lease, all burned to greater or less ex-
Itent, but, joy of joyB, our splendid
llending library of 225 books was intact.
}The case was ruined, but the books
|.were safe. We risked our lives and
[secured them all, and we were mighty
[thankful that things were no worse.
Once more we are homeless and very
•nearly propertyless. The ups and
[downs of Brandon Local would surely
[make a good book. By irony of fate
Iwe had Just had a spring cleaning and
| fixed everything up fine.
Our loss is about $75 and a lot of
['hard work and a bunch of stuff that
| can't well be replaced by money. We
[must start right away to refurnish
[new headquarters and push ahead, all
[the more determined in spite of our
.hard luck. We won't ask for any
fhelp, but we are broke and homeless,
Land' If any comrades with a dollar to
[spare send lt to our organizer, D.
Prance, 1126 Victoria avenue, we
Twon't refuse it, and we will ensure our
I stuff next time.
make the baby grow. You cannot get
too many subs, for the Clarion, and
you can adopt any means you like to
get them.
We have got a hard task before us
and we must all go to it with a will.
We have made good progress during
the last three months. Keep at it, and
by the end of the year you will see a
difference in the outlook from the
slave's standpoint. The one thing
about all organization ls this—keep
the end in view, and help and encourage every willing comrade to move
in the same direction,        LEri'i OR
The coal diggers of the Crow's Nest
PaBS are out on strike to all intents
and purposes. They are asking for
certain small concessions, including a
slight increase ln the rate of pay—not,
as many, and ln fact, the most of them
realize—to increase' the real wage, but
simply as an endeavor to keep pace
with the increased cost of living. As
one of the officials put it to me,
"Every other commodity has increased in price and to keep the present standard of living we must get
more wages (a higher price) for our
labor powers."
As a matter of strikes, the present
one is a model ln its way. The Socialist propaganda of the past is apparent
even in the conduct of the commodity
struggle. The men know the limitations of their organization. They are
under no delusions. They expect nothing in the way of a "square deal"
from the operators. Their respect or
confidence in the "good offices" of the
government ls nil. They have sized
up the "impartiality" of "coalition
boardB" and are wise to them. In the
meantime, we reds are pushing the revolutionary propaganda. I expect to
speak on tbe street every evening this
week, and will report later.
A Handsome Donation.
Comrades of Sask.—You and I have
[to organize this province; that ls to
I say, we have to work together to
[spread the gospel of economic salva-
| tion.
Let the organizers of every local see
[to it that every member in their do-
I main has something to do. Do not at-
J tend the meetings of the orthodox poll-
f Ucal parties. Leave them alone. To
] notice them is to dignify them.
Never flnd fault with a speaker publicly. Bring all complaints before the
comrades in a businesslike manner,
It is not good policy for members of
the party to ask questions at propaganda meetings. On the whole, it
does not pay.
Never speak In the language of
Marx, but use plain, wage-slave English. Your Marxian phraseology is apt
to silence but not enlighten.
Let every local organizer send reports at least twice a month to the
provincial headquarters. Isolated members and unattached friends cannot
write too often, providing they send
useful information re the movement ln
the province.
Never mind one bit what is going on
ln other parts of the Dominion. Each
man's work is under his nose. If you
work yourself, you are at liberty to
kick eery lazy member of the party.
If you won't help In the work, get out
of the movement—you are not worth
honso room.
We have plenty ol good speakers in
the province, but the expense of travel
demands that each local must breed
its own for the present. Each speaker
can work near the place where he
happens to have the loan ot a job.
Sell as much of the party literature
as you can.   This is the pap that will
Socialism is growing like young corn
when the darkies say you can hear it
grow at night. The capitalists are
alarmed; the clergy are filled with
foreboding. The reserve army of the
unemployed wander about like ghouls
haunted by the ghosts, uncertainty and
Their ferocity Is Increasing and will
some day burst into revolutionary
flame. Hell will be let loose and the
dogs of war will be unleashed. Changes
in the modes of production are silently taking place, forcing the workers to consider their economic condition. They are dissatisfied and discontented. T'i<* strong men bow them-
selveB ln fear and trembling. Away
with this robbery they cry. Away
with this anarchy In production. The
British navy may be all powerful, the
Union Jack may float to the breeze on
every shore. What is that to us, when
we wander around like ghosts and
starve in the midst of plenty? What
is that to us, when we are bought and
sold, robbed and exploited. The capitalists take the young men to grind,
and the children they exploit from the
cradle to the grave. Women replace
men; their neck is under the yoke,
they labor and have no rest.
The pious wage slave can no longer
say, "I have ben young, and now am
old, yet never have I seen the
righteous man forsaken or his seed
begging bread."
The wage Blave can say with the
prophet, "I am the man that hath seen
affliction." The poor miserable wretch
goes through life rull of trouble,
scratching and scraping all bis days
for the privilege of eating pork and
beans and pork and rabbit. The visions
of his head, they .trouble him. He
thinks he wlll not always strive and
struggle; that after his travail in this
vale of tears he wlll forever and forever enjoy the sweets of everlasting
bliss. Whatever rewards he may hereinafter enjoy, these visions indicate
that he is dissatisfied with his earthly
lot. Earth to him is a city of destruction, a slough of despond, a hill of
difficulty, a valley of death, haunted by
goblins and devils. He has not time to
wonder, he has not time to think, he
has no time to appreciate the beauties
of nature. Toiling in factories and
mills, Bhut up in stores and offices,
starving when unemployed, he is insensible tb the great, wide, wonderful
world with the wonderful waters
round it curled. Earth Is a dungeon;
the air resounds with his groaning; he
sheds bitter tears, he casts not one
lingering look behind and shuffles off
this mortal coil.
With his dying breath he exclaims
"Pork and beans! Pork and rabbit,
farewell, farewell"! "0 dam'd vacillating state!" sayB Tennyson; and well
he might; the wage slave walls In
black despair, "I have had pork, I have
had beans, and now I die, unwept, tin-
honored and unsung. Farewell, farewell, farewell!CLIFFORD BUTLER.
58 and 60 Victoria Street,
Westminster, S. W., 24th March.
Sir.—In response to the appeal of
the Anti-Socialist Union, to which you
gave generous prominence in lyour
paper, I have received a letter from
Sir Charles Morrison Bell, offering to
contribute one thousand pounds to the
funds of the union, provided nine other
persons will contribute the same
amount   before the end of April.
I feel sure that the ten thousand
pounds required would be maay times
subscribed if the big landlords and
captains of industry would examine
for themselves the facts and figures in
our possession, which show the dangerous advance that Socialism is making
in every part of the country where we
have not been able to attack it.
The Socialist party in the House
are playing a gigantic game of bluff.
By advancing measures of social reform with the principles of which every humanitarian is in sympathy, they
have gained for themselves the support of thousands of right-thinking
men, who are thus unconsciously helping them towards the real goal of their
ambition—the confiscation by the
State of every means of production,
distribution, and exchange, and the
taxation of all property to the extent
of twenty shillings in the pound. The
only way to destroy Socialism is to
expose it as a huge and hideous sham
whenever and wherever it ls preached.
Hundreds of students have passed
through our schools, where they have
acquired the necessary knowledge to
deal with the specious arguments of
the Socialist orator. If we had the
necessary funds to keep four hundred speakers constantly employed in
different parts ot the country, we
should in a very few years eliminate
Socialism from the sphere of practical
politics, and relegate it to the dreamland of demented visionaries. We have
all the component parts of a great
fighting machine. I appeal to those
who have most to lose to set It going.
—I am, etc.—Claude Lowther, In Glasgow Evening Times.
Now is the real object of the Socialists discovered and their ambitious
programme to be consigned to the oblivion merited by all such hideous and
outrageous programmes of confiscation, fbr has not Claude Lowther, Esq.,
uncovered its baseness and deception,
as per the above letter published in a
recent issue of the Glasgow Evening
That the ten thousand pounds re-
iening of the purchasing capacity of
quested will be forthcoming from the
big landlords and captains of industry mentioned there is no doubt, neither is there any doubt that from the
point of view of the said big landlords and captains of industry Socialism is making dangerous advances all
over the United Kingdom. But that
the movement has made less headway In the regions where it has been
attacked by the students from the
schools of the Anti-Socialist Union of
Great Britain than in those places
where lt has not been so attacked is
open to question, ln fact if the truth
were known these so-called students
have undoubtedly contributed a stimulus to the revolutionary socialist movement that would cause those who are
putting up the funds to have a lengthy
attack of Insomnia did they only realise it.
With the real aims of the so-called
Socialists in the British House of Commons, or how far their knowledge of
the economic basis of society and the
consequent position of the proletarian
goes, the writer is not very well acquainted ; but that there is following ln
the Immediate wake of the social reforms put forward by theBe members
a proletariat imbued with revolutionary ideas and very nearly ripe for a
change in our social system is a fact
in which we are very well versed owing to the highly developed system of
capitalist Industry and wage slavery
which they have in that land of churches and society charity bazaars. May
the gods blesB the efforts of the Union
in that they may be able to let loose
on the unsophisticated masses these
four hundred orators who will proceed to grapple with the task of proving to the poverty stricken mob that
they are not slaves to the present system of capitalist property ln the means
of wealth production. Methinks the
arguments of the Socialist orator who
Is posted on the economic position of
the workers will require more relegating to the dreamland of demented visionaries than Claude Lowther and all
the orators and political satraps his
Union can buy.
It can not be otherwise than that
Socialism is making immense advances ln England, notwithstanding the
confusion and political mistakes of the
so-called Socialists, for economic conditions, such as all highly developed
Don't Swear I
at yocf DallSaw
take it to Elliott,
the specialist
Industrial countries now have, breed
the revolutionary spirit as certainly as
hunger breeds discontent.
Great Britain for the last one hundred years has been a manufacturing
and industrial country, exporting all
over the world commodities which its
own market was unable to consume,
partly on account of a certain amount
of the go-ahead spirit of the Anglo-
Saxon but principally on account of Its
cheap labor, docile slaves and new
machinery. That the Anglo-Saxon's
boasted supremacy should have been
very largely contributed to by his
capacity for robbery and bloody conquest never seems to upset his self-
complacency, he will even go bo far as
to ascribe it to Divine Providence, a
line of specious, soporific cant that until recent years has done valiant service for the ruling classes of this aristocrat and priest-ridden country. But
a change of conditions in accordance
with the evolution of human society
and industry has presented to Great
Britain a problem that defies solution
and with which tariffs, reforms or
government ownership are powerless
to grapple; that problem is that they
a*re able to employ fewer and fewer
of the wage slaves every year on account of their being unable to flnd a
market for the commodities which by
the aid of machinery they are producing, and no saviour has as yet arisen
and never will arise, to show them
how to employ the slaves while production takes place simply and solely
for the purpose of making profit.
Britain has no longer the monopoly
of manufacturing, practically every
country on the globe has already got
its commodity producing industries
under way or is desperately striving to
establish them. Countries that a few
years ago were considered markets
of practically unlimited extent have,
thanks to the grasping and international methods of modern capital, erected
huge steel plants, cotton mills and industrial enterprises of all descriptions
which spell the death sentence of Britain's manufacturing supremacy. The
problem ls simple—very simple—and
does not require any elaborate presentation or scientific discovery. From
the earlier forms of slavery we have
evolved to a system generally known
as wage-Blavery (owing- to its being
more economical to the master class
than chattel slavery), the wage slaves
as a class receiving in wages just about
sufficient to keep them going which is
but a small fraction of the exchange
values which they create, and here
we have the crux, of Britain's problem.
These values over and above the wages
of the workers must he disposed of in
some manner and the slaves by the aid
of modern machinery produce such
enormous quantities of these commodities that the problem of disposing of
them is choking industrial society.
What to do with all these things is
past the ability of capitalist production to answer; an aristocratic class
is kept in luxury, a capitalist section
has all it can consume, the navy and
army are maintained; police, lawyers,
bankers and a host of other useless
adjuncts to a parasite class are kept
by the workers and still the warehouses and shops are jammed full with
products the market cannot consume,
which products, owing to the ever increasing efficiency of modern machinery, are being produced every day in
larger quantities and piling up in hopeless masses. What can Britain do
about it? The immediate effect of
this state of affairs is that the master
class have to shut down the mills and
factories which means a further less-
the home market to the extent of the
loss of wages by the slaves. Do you
say export these products? Where to,
may we ask? It must be borne in
mind that Britain is not alone in this
dilemma for Germany, Austria, France,
the United States and other countries
are in exactly the same position and,
as pointed out before, even those countries that were until a few years ago
looked upon as able to consume these
surplus products are producing them
for themselves and we find Capitalism
strangled with ItB own products the
world over.
What is the Anti-Socialist Union go
ing to do about it? The class-conscious
Socialist simply points out these facts
to his fellow workers calling their attention to the fact that as long as
the machinery of production remains
the property of the capitalist class,
the workers must he the slaves of this
class for they must have access to the
means of life or die; the only solution
being that the workers shall take
possession of these things and produce
not for profit but for use. This point
ing out the fact of the only means
whereby the workers can continue to
live, and whereby they can and must
achieve liberty constitutes the sole
and only charge against the revolution
ary Socialist, and we must either admire the forlorn-hope courage of the
Anti-SoclallBt Union of Great Britain
or contemplate with serenity such a
demonstration of Ignorance and lack of
perception that permits a number of
people to think they can exterminate
W. W. L.
It is contended that labor-saving machinery caiiBOB labor to be more widely employed. What's labor-saving
about it, In that rase?
Socialist Patty of Canada
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, in convention assembled, affirm
our allegiance to and support of the principles and programme M tbe
revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to the producers it should belong.
The present economic system ls based upon capitalist ownership of tbe
means of production, coaaequently all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class.   The capitalist ls therefore master; the worker a
So long as the capitalist class remains ln possession of the reins et
government all the powers of the State will be used to protect ui
defend their property rights In the means of wealth production aa*
their control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream ef profits, and to the worker an ever-Increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in the direction of setting
Itself free frem capitalist exploitation by the abolition ef the wise
system, under which is cloaked the robbery of the working class at the
point of production. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property ln the means of wealth production into collective or working-class property.
The Irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and
the worker is rapidly culminating In a struggle for possession of the
reins of government—the capitalist to hold, the worker to secure lt by
political action.   This ls the class struggle. *
Therefore, we call upon all workers to organize under the banner
of the Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the
public powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the meaas of wealth production (natural resources, factories,
mills, railroads, etc.) into the collective property of the working clam.
2. The democratic organization and management of industry by
the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily as possible, of production for
use Instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party when ln offlce shall always and everywhere
until the present system Is abolished, make the answer to this question
its guiding rule of conduct: Will this legislation advance the Interest!
of the working class and aid the workers in their class struggle against
capitalism? If It will, the Socialist Party Is for it; if lt will not, the
Socialist Party ls absolutely opposed to It
In accordance with this principle the Socialist Party pledges itself
to conduct all the public affairs placed ln its hands In such a manner
as to promote the Interests of the working class alone.
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SATURDAY, APRIL 29th,  1011.
We who in these latitudes continue
Our existence around the industrial
centres acquire in time other means
of sensing the approach of spring time
than that indicated by the growth of
vegetation or the presence of certain
physical ailments that afflict.
Poets and literary people generally
have often written of the season as
being full of hope and promise. This
le true enough, only, applied to the
Working class, it is as well to note that
these promises and hopes are doomed
to remain of a sort they could do better without
Soon after the frog chorus has well
started, the capitalist press Joins ln
with the usual clap-trap of abounding
prosperity and tbe certain prospect of
Increased Industrial activity. This reechoed by slick politicians is expected
to so enthuse the workers as to cause
them to forget the experiences of a
lean winter in the uplifting ideal of
more work In the near future, since
we have lt on the authority of a Vancouver M. L. A. that more work Is
the working class' natural desire.
Nevertheless, there ls an Increasing
number who, with a glimmering of
common-sense, realize that a lower
gauge of prosperity from a working
class viewpoint would not be a prospect of more work but a certainty of
However, the topsy-turvy philosophy
of capitalism still sways the majority
and the uninformed worker remains
the Juicy prey of the host of grafters
and schemers who comprise the business element and capitalist class of all
countries. Long before we get time to
notice the fresh growth on the trees
there ls "spring," that hardy annual,
the discovery of a new gold field, or
sensational developments in old ones.
Now, it is proverbial that distance
lends enchantment to the view, and
certain it ls that during the last fifteen
years ln nearly every Instance the locations of the gold fields were in some
far an Inaccessible region. This might
at first appear to be a serious drawback, but in these days a successful
mining venture depends not so much
on the quantity of precious metal
found as In furnishing a meanB of exploitation to transportation companies
and trading concerns. By this means
certain nearby cities have built up
quite a flourishing trade with the
frozen north, which beats carrying
passengers to view the midnight sun.
This season of 1911 finds the discovery
so close that It Is somewhat doubtful
It the necessary epidemic of gold
fever can be spread around to make
the mountains above the Skagit river
attractive enough to cause a stampede.
Still success in some degree will be
guaranteed, but it is a foregone conclusion that the workers whose labor
will make it so will get none of their
product, being satisfied as usual with
all the work, whilst the railroads will
this time get the bulk of the gold instead of the steamship companies as
Another sure harbinger of spring is
the frequency with which we meet
these fellows who have a solution to
the high cost of living in following a
course of the simple life. They are
going to make a "stake," let you know
once more that It can't be done in
town, a fact of which you have been
well aware since you struck it. Bound
for the woods, desert or mountains,
they will suffer all sorts of hardships
and privations, their standard of comfort be lowered to the limit of endurance (the surest way we know of to
reduce the high cost of living) all for
the coveted "stake," a pitiful amount
that finds them the following spring,
as' like as not, where they were the
year before.
And there are others with like
schemes to Interest you; they Infer
that they hold good for an unlimited
number, besides the petty grafters
among whom are some whose business
It is to ship as many as possible to
some distant point, for the usual fee,
where lt seems there is steady and
pleasant employment at surprisingly
high wages, which piece of fiction seldom falls to bring along the requisite
number of victims. Once In a while
It Is a fact that some of these propositions turn out good to those that get
ln on them, but their relative goodness
ls ln Inverse ratio to the number that
rejects them. Like all other schemes,
whether put forward as the study of
the most zealous reformers or just as
undisguised business opportunities, the
any measure only because the majority
effect is alike and success can come ln
kept out of them.
It Is blcih time the working class
realized that within this system of
capitalist exploitation no methods can
be devised that can benefit all of them.
No scheme has yet been proposed that
carries nn atom of proof that general
application of tho same to society as a
whole would not show Its utter absurdity. Moreover, bo long as the
wages system lasts, with ItB consequent division of the world's population In the two great classes—masters
and slaves—just so long will every attempt to formulate an equitable division of the product of social labor be
written a failure.
Think it over, workingmen, and yov
will see how little interest you have
in any re-arrangement that merely
changes the personality of the "haves
and the have-nots." Flucuatlons of
this nature are of daily occurrence and
have been a part of the system since
it began; yet your class position has
in no way been changed, except In
that as your numbers Increased your
economic power gradually vanished.
You are more than ever at the mercy
of the capitalist class, whose every
move to extend and broaden their sys.
tem can only mean still harder conditions for you to bear. You do not know
this, and the aim of the Socialist movement is to impart a knowledge of the
working of this system that your class
may apply the only action that can be
applied to the means of life and the
machinery of production that will Insure a truer, fuller life—not for some,
but for all.
The farmers position occupies a
prominent place in the Clarion at present This ls as lt should be because,
compared with the farming community,
the industrial workers are a mere flea-
bite. The contributions of Budden,
"Hibernlcus," and others have cleared
the ground somewhat The Socialist
speaker who has carefully read these
articles will speak with more confidence and with more knowledge to the
slaves of the farms than he did before. We are advancing steadily towards a solution of the problem, i.e.,
"How to make the Farmer understand
that in Socialism lies his only salvation." A propagandist who is able
clearly to explain the law of value wlll
always do good work amongst this
section of the community because the
farmer engaged in pursuing a shadow
all his life will by this teaching understand how he has missed the substance.
Some of the contributors seem to indicate that in saying the farmer on
the whole gets the value of what he
produces we who maintain this are
only thinking of the producers of
wheat Nothing can be further from
the truth. I was at Prince Albert's
short time agp and saw a team of horses sold for $700. I judged this pair
were sold above their value. On inquiry I found that horses, on the whole,
are today fetching above their value,
ln this part of the world at any rate.
The farmers themselves will support
me in this, especially those who have
them to buy. Perhaps upon investigation we Bhould flnd other commodities produced on the farm that sometimes sell and are selling temporarily
above their value. On the whole the
farmer gets value for necessary labor
time. Unnecessary labor time is not
paid for. As time goes on the farmer
will, in proportion to his poverty, have
to give more and more of his human
energy in addition to more and more
of the human energy of his wife and
kids for nothing. Show him how that
must be and you have got him. Imagine a farmer with that ln his mind
driving a pair ot oxen, bought on time,
becaMse he is too poor to purchase
even a team of horses. He sees and
feels that he ls a back number for
ever more. As greater and greater
machinery appears, further and further
beyond his reach, he knows that he
has to work harder and harder for less
and less. That man is a keener fighter for Socialism than the industrial
worker because he feels the system
every day of his life.
Some of the comradeB say the farmer does not get the value of what he
creates. I maintain that on the whole
be does. I would not call myself a Socialist and state that the law of value
was not universal. Every farmer in
this and every other country ls in competition with every other farmer and
taking the commodities produced as a
whole they exchange at their value In
the world's market If the capitalist
class can put the law of value out of
gear by owning the means of production, the reformer has a justification
for his existence. The farmer gets the
market price for what he produces
whatever the price may be, and no
class can permanently fix that price.
It Is true that the farmer Is still under
free competition, a state ot things that
other branches of the capitalist system
have outgrown. This causes him to
frequently have to sell things below
their value, because he produces blindly and cannot gauge the demand. But
again, although lt ruins many of them,
the survlvers reap the benefit In lucky
years. And, on the whole, they balance
at their value.
The English farmer will tell you the
rent Is nothing In comparison with
American competition. He is undersold by others who produce thousands
of miles from him with better tools. In
Denmark the farmers produce upon a
to operative plan. In Belgium the railways assist the farmers all they can.
Taking the thing over a period of say,
five years, the law of value works as
true here as elsewhere ln the system.
Anyhow, I'll build on that foundation.
It Is not only machinery that causes
unnecessary labor, ramshackle buildings, out of date methods of feeding
and housing stock and a hundred and
one other things play their part. You
give a farmer an up-to-date farm with
the latest Implements, the best of
buildings, everything O.K. and he is
not robbed any more than any other
business under this system. Capitalism fastens its grip on the farmer in
proportion to his poverty.
I was looking at 20 beautiful colts
the other day and I said to the farmer who looked after them "Why you
are going to have a nice draw shortly."
He petted some of them a little while
and then said, slowly and sadly:
"There is a plaster on every one of
them, so damned big that not a leg
belongs to me." Ninety per cent, of
the farmers in this province are in that
fix with everything they think they
own. They are slaves and lt ls the
law of value that will enable us to
prove it to them.
I am one who looks at the subject internationally. The farmers in England were ruined by the working of
the law of value, not by excessive rents
as the farmers there at one time
thought Hyndman says, "Rent of
land ls that portion of the total net
revenue which is paid to the landlord
for the use of plots of land after the
average profit on the capital embarked in developing such land has been
deducted." The rent of land, of course,
wlll always be in proportion to the
poverty of the tenant. The poorer he
is the more he wlll have to pay. The
Irish cotter originally tipped up everything but just enough to exist on. He
was bound to do it because he couldn't
get out of it. If the farmer possesses
anything he can bargain with the landlord. But if he doesn't, he takes whatever terms are offered.
Some of the comrades argue that
when a homesteader gets hie patent
he doesn't own his land. I maintain
he does, but what value has land anyhow? What is it that the capitalist
class capitalize? Is it machinery. Is
it the rolling stock of a railway? Not
on your life! It is the hides and carcasses of the slaves who operate theBe
tools. They, the slaves, are the only
things worth owning. The capitalist
class controlling the state here vote
themselves Into possession of millions
of acres of land. This land is not worth
a cent until slaves get on it They
offer some of this free in 160 acre lots
to wage slaves in search of liberty. The
moment the wage slaves get on it they
are re-enslaved, working six months
for the capitalist where they can get
a job and making for him the other
six the wherewithal to enslave others.
Machinery on time, mortgages and
the miseries of a pioneer life piled on
top of the miseries of poverty, shut
out from civilization and contact with
their fellows Is the price the slaves
of the farm pay to enable the land adjoining theirs to enslave their fellow
slaves, for the capitalists' benefit. I am
speaking of this province particularly
now—speaking of what I have seen.
Vote for capitalism If you like it you
farmers, watting for that stroke of luck
that never comes. Work at your steady
job, speed up you sons of guns and
when tyou have done your sixteen
hours a day and the chores besides,
you shall have the pleasure of creating
that that will compel you to work
harder than ever and thankfully accept less for lt. There is only one
way out of hell and that is to seize the
devil and take from him the keys that
lock the doors of liberty.
Forward! all workers to the conquest of political power, but remember
when on the march that political power can only be conquered by the education of our class. Otherwise we have
no political power even when we get
It. We are enslaved because we are
Ignorant. We are free when we understand. If every worker knew what
we of the Socialist party know the
job would be done. Let us all do our
little bit to spread the light and push
things along. The Clarion is the barometer of the movement. The farmers position ls not yet clearly defined.
It never has been, but the Socialist
Party of Canada has made the best attempt ever yet made ln this direction.
We'll keep at lt till we manage it, however long lt takes. In the meantime
Old Capitalism ls doing the biggest
share of the work. Let the comrades
of Saskatchewan keep the Provincial
Executive Informed regarding the
work and we'll grow the best ln the
Dominion and the smallest amount of
funds on the continent to keep the
thing going on. A hint to a mule is
enough to make it kick. If there is a
mule that is a kicker that's got more
hay and oats than he can consume,
don't let him rob the capitalist any
loui.er but send it along. We'll use
lt to spread the light. Whether the
funds come or not, we are going to
keep the Job going. We have put our
hands to the moving plough and some
hands to the moving plough and come
If a moon calf saw our earthly laborers paying handsomely for the use of
things they make themselves, it would
crack a mighty Bmile. We can't
laugh.   It'B on us.
We are admonished to save our
money—by the same people who advertise copiously to entice us to spend lt.
Fellow Workers:
Being a union man myself and recognizing the necessity of political action in the struggle against capitalism,
I hope that this short letter will fall
to the notice of some of my class outside the revolutionary ranks.
We unite because we must. It is
for our material interest. In all hu
man actions material interests rule,
therefore the master claas can only be
concerned in upholding wage-slavery
and increasing their power over the
workers. On the other hand, the working class ls driven to struggle for the
possession of the means of life.
It is true that in the past the working class has been put down ln its
struggle on the industrial field, when
It has been out for a little more of the
product of its toil or a little better
conditions to work under.
All the powers of government stand
ready to put down workingmen whenever lt may be deemed necessary ln
the Interests of the capitalist class
All great strikes prove that the Gov
eminent ls under the control of the
masters. Their politicians are as servile to that class as are the workers
who are depending upon them for employment ln order to live.
All political parties are but the expression of class interest. For this rea.
son the working class party cannot ally
itself with any of the capitalist parties, any bargain between them can
only serve the interests of the ruling
Trade unions being a necessity under capitalism, any action of theirs on
sound lines should be heartily supported. Their basis ot action must be a
clear recognition of the workers position under this present system and the
class struggle resulting therefrom.
Defeated on the Industrial field the
worker must use his only weapon left
the political weapon. They must adopt
the Socialist Party of Canada's position to justify their existence. Social-
Ism alone can free the worker from
the necessity of selling himself for the
profit of a master. Socialism alone
can free the worker of his commodity
The emancipation of the working
class can only be accomplished by that
class organized in a political party
recognizing the class struggle as the
Yours in revolt,
At the last meeting of Vancouver
Trades and Labor Council the subject
of taxation came in for a good deal of
discussion, following the receipt of a
letter from the secretary to the mayor.
Here is the reply:
Vancouver, B. C, April 13, 1911.
Walter A. Hilllam,
Secretary to the Mayor,
Vancouver, B. C.
Dear Sir.—I am ln receipt of your
favor of March 22 seeking information
and an expression ot opinion as to the
attitude of organized labor in this city
towards the present Vancouver system
of taxation.
At the last regular meeting of Vancouver Trades and Labor Council, the
questions were taken up for sonsldera-
tlon at some length. After a thorough
discussion, I, ln conjunction with Geo.
W. Williams, of the Building Trades
Council, were instructed to reply.
1. Whether In the opinion of the
Building Trades and other union officials, Vancouver's system of taxation is
beneficial to workingmen.
Ans.—I believe it is the general consensus of opinion among well Informed
trade unionists that the question of
taxation is of little or no concern to
wage-workers as such. It can oly affect them ln the event that they are
property owners, and the ratio of
property owners among the workers Is
relatively small. As wage-workers, we
realize that whether taxes be high or
low, single or double, the fact remains
that the condition of the labor market
determines the working conditions,
and to a great extent the wage of those
who have nothing to sell but their
labor power, their ability to work.
While lt is quite true that in the last
analysis wage-workers pay for taxation
and everything else, so far as that ls
concerned, there Is no evidence to
show that these conditions are affected
one way or the other by the system of
taxation. Our experience, after careful
observation, has been that the average
cost of keeping wage-workers ls the
average wage; that Is to say, for Instance, in Mexico, where men can live
for 90 cents per day, the average wage
Is about 90 cents a day; or In Alaska,
where the average cost of keeping a
man Is around $4 a day, the average
wage is about $4 per day. Another illustration: Vancouver today has a
bonded debt of some $8,000,000. The
provincial government is some $9,000,-
000 ln debt. I submit that If this taxation was by some hocuc-pocus process system wiped out, the condition of
the labor market, and hence the wage-
worker, would remain the same. Or
if, on the other hand, this taxation
were to be suddenly doubled, our
wages would continue to be determined by the same factor, namely,
the number of men seeking jobs.  I am
thoroughly convinced that the value of
all the wealth, including land values,
is wrapped up in the hides of the
working class; it is a case of no work-
ers, no value. If the workers were to
all go and no more come to take their
place, there would be no value left in
the city. Title deeds to shops, factories, land.etc, are but the title deeds
to slaves, enabling the owners to command services of a propertyless, working class.
2. Whether the number of unemployed has decreased.
3. Whether workingmen have been
attracted to Vancouver by the exemption of buildings from taxation.
Ans.—Owing to the favorable geographical position of Vancouver; the
fact that three or four transcontinental
railways are heading this way; that
capitalists all over the world seeking
profitable Investment, are headed this
way, and particularly In view of the
wonderful natural resources of this
province, combined with the well organized methods of wealth production
In other parts of the commercial world,
it is only natural that huge corporations should be seeking reinvestments
for their surplus values around the
gateway to the Orient. For this and
many other reasons capitalists have
been attracted to Vancouver. Then, as
a logical sequence, large numbers of
jobless wage workers follow ln their
train. The result is that while there
has been a tremendous development,
the ratio of men looking for jobs, aB
compared with the number of jobs
available, has even been Increased as
against years gone by. Knowing this,
"the powers that be," encouraged by
such labor-skinning agencies as tho
Salvation Army and others, are busy
in the glutted labor markets of Europe,
pouring in the unemployed from those
sections of the globe. Thus it is evident that while there has been Increased industrial activity and development throughout this province and especially in Vancouver, the problems of
other localities are merely being trans,
ferred to this section. The labor question here, therefore, is no better or no
worse than the labor question anywhere under the flag of international
capitalism.   It is the same.
Through the folly of the workers
having elected lawmakers * who, by legal enactment, have handed over to
the corporations all the natural resources of this and every other province, we now flnd ourselves confronted with this great problem: The
corporations own the earth, and, therefore, the wage-workers' jobs. Through
organization and the elimination of
competition these gigantic monopolies
are able to control the output of their
respective commodities, and thus exact a higher price. The very contrary
Is the case with the working class.
They are endeavoring to organize, but
they cannot eliminate competition
among themselves for the ever-lessening number of jobs. The introduction
and installation of huge machines of
wealth production has displaced workers by the million; as it should. The
forces of nature have been harnessed
to do the world's work, but all these
wonderful machines, propelled by nature, have been transferred into the
hands of corporations—hence all the
benefit accruing from the same goes
into the hands of the owners. Under
such circumstances, so far its the
working class Is concerned, it is no
longer a question of taxation, single or
otherwise. It is a question of those
who do the work and make civilization
possible securing control of the lawmaking powers and restoring to themselves the things their labor has made
possible. This done, the production of
wealth must be carried on for the use
and satisfaction of human needs
rather than for profit, as at present.
This is the mission of the working
class,- not only in Vancouver, but of
the whole world. In other words, "the
unity of labor Is the hope of the
hope of the world."
Therefore, I am of the opinion that
the huge Influx Into Vancouver at this
time ts not necessarily because of jthe
exemption of buildings from taxation,
but rather for the reasons stated.
Trusting that the above will be considered as an answer to your Inquiry,
I remain, Yours,
The arrest of McNamara, of the
Structural Iron Workers, and his confreres again brings into prominence
that highest expression of character
in connection with the capitalist class
—the deteotlves. Although we recognize that a detective ls a product of
the conditions that surround him, we
apply the same to a grave-robbing
Capitalists, as a class, were evolved
in an atmosphere of cunning. As individuals, they are trained specifically
to defraud each other. At the same
time, never did there exist a class
which bawled so loud and loathesome-
ly about honesty, truth and justice.
And their cowardice Ib proportionate
to their chicanery. Small wonder that
to maintain their position in society
they employ such social vampires as
Even granting that these union men
are guilty of the crimes charged against them, mighty little credit is due to
the United States machinery of law.
To allow over three million dollars J
worth of property and many lives to |
be destroyed without apprehending I
anyone—until a large reward is offered j
is no very creditable record.
That the men are guilty ls of course, 1
absurd. The affair iB merely a replica I
of the Idaho occurrence. Remarkable [
that capital's minions could not concoct something new to spring on us.
But then, nobody with inventive brains I
would do such a dirty work. This at-J
tempt may bring on a row between]
capital and Labor long to be remcm-J
bered.   We await developments.
April 17, 1911.
Comrade   Editor. — Brandon   local!
headquarters was destroyed by fire on|
Monday evening, April 17.  a spectator
In the crowd Informed me the cause
of the blaze was a gasoline explosion
In the stove below.   The charter, plc-J
lures and pamphlets on the walls wentj
up ln smoke.   The portrait of Carl Mar
(that mighty prophet, seer and serenl
lty blest!) alone withstood the flamesi
He looked out upon the desolation of
the room with his usual serenity, wittf
that same serenity he viewed the deso|
lation wrought by capitalism.
Surely the people is grass, and cap)]
talism is the fire that consumes then
The material productive forces, UkJ
Are, are bad masterB. Society has losl
control of these forces and the wagi
slaves are being frizzled to a frazzle!
Like fire, these forces are good serj
vants but bad masters.
Arouse, ye wage slaves, and gel
control. No longer view the desolal
tion and destruction. No longer weeif
and wail. Put a stop to this anarchjj
ln production.
The bookcase was badly charred bud
the books were not much damaged]
In the room that has resounded to the
voices of Gribble, O'Brien, FulcherJ
Butler, France, Malllen and others, in]
eluding Comrade Legge and our old]
friend Higgins, there Ib water, water
everywhere and not a drop to drink.!
For God's Bake, a pot of small ale.]
Yours ln haste,
April 1th, 1911.
Dear Mac—Kingsley often said that|
the condition of tbe worker would eve
be getting worse. That the standardl
of living would reduce Itself to its]
lowest level, viz., rice and rats of the
Orientals. But according to today'sl
New York Times, even the Chinese!
are complaining of the bill of fare]
under the capitalist system, for "thir-f
teen Chinese sailors deserted yester-1
day from the British steamship 'Ser-f
geant Fels' at the Standard Oil docksl
in Bayonne. They went to police!
headquarters and declared they had]
been Ill-treated and poorly fed and!
asked that the British consul send!
them back to China. Chief of Policel
John Yore returned them to the ship]
and notified the consul," and so
Yours for the revolt,
London, April 19.—Alarmed by re-J
ports of the spread of Socialism ln the
English navy, Conservative members!
of the House of Commons declared to-1
day that the matter would soon be J
formally brought, up In parliament!
Unless First Lord of the Admiralty I
McKenna is able to declare tbat the]
reports are grossly exaggerated, ef-j
forts will be urged to suppress thej
spread of the doctrine. The present I
determination of tho Conservatives is]
largely due to a recent article ln a
Socialistic newspaper, "JuBtice," in J
which it was stated that the paper ls j
sending Its correspondents ln the navy'
"occasional parcels of leaflets for free |
Continuing, the paper says:
"It ls perhaps needless to say that
because the men are becoming more
Intelligent through more initiative
and intelligence being demanded of
them, they flnd the feudalism of the
service all the more revolting."
In a service journal recently there
appeared an article referring to the
spread of Socialism under the title,
"The Canker of the 8ervlce." This
article helped to fan the flame which
may result in parliamentary action.—
News Item.
This week's sub-list:
C. Q. Johnston, Oreenwood, B. C...17
Bert Savage, Steelton, Ont 7
'Smith," city  4
J. Watson, Winnipeg  *
A. Budden, Sask  1
Jim Thomson, Medicine Hat  2
D. A. McLean, Calgary  t
C. Steen, city  *
Local Oreenwood   Bdle.
Wm. Faulkner, Staveley, Eng.; John
Pollock, Victor, Alta.; W. O. McClus-
key, Calgary, Alta.; J. C. Turpel, Chinook, Alta.; Ed. Hutchison, Soo, Ont.;
A. Taylor, Toronto, Ont; F. E. Boss-
ley, Sicamous, B. O; P. Gosden, SPa-
mous, B. C; T. A. Austin, Nelson, H.
0.1 R. tt Taylor, Chase, B. C; J. C.
Burgess, Fitz; D. M. Coutts, J. A. Mc-
Kechnle, city.


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