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The Western Clarion Mar 9, 1907

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416.
Vancouver, British Columbia, Satuitlay, March 9, 1907
«****%>«*. %.M
NuTE AND COMMENT
BY JOHN T. MORTIMER
["her- aro 150006 seven day slave* in
Kev. J. B  Shearer.
The above quotation is (rom an ad-
Iclivered hy J  G. Shearer, teere*
e Lord's Day Alliance, in Wh>
Bitj-g recently,    ihe Ktatemetit is an ex-
m  of> dwapproval, hut    of   ..ii.it,
■   : die text nor context clearly inlt may lie the fact that there
ii * in ficc Canada; it may Ik- that
.  -.. ven-day slave-., or it -nudit lie
is (action with the number ol them.
. sayctli not."   it it notorious,
Sion-ver, tbat the organization to which
Mr   Suearer belong* never peddles it-.
ipntual     •lock-iit-trade     without     a
ng (rom materia) interest.   The
hat rre.JiKiied itself and its ethi-
liingi ior imm ycm with various
ol ilavery.   Mcnreover, it ha» jus-
•ih-iii even where tbey assumed the
: i a.i.1 repciiam aspects, There-
week tlie Clarion made the acquaintance
of a young Russian agitator, Comrade
II. V. Schaefer, a member of the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Russia.
Comrade Schaefer, acting under orders
(rom the headquarters of the Russian
Revolution in .«ew York, went to Victoria to meet three Russian refugees
from VTadivostock who were compelled
to flee because of participation in a
mutiny of soldicrt in that place. These
comrades Lieutenant Feodor Marcowich,
Captain Dimitri Nicolaew and Lieutenant Vladimir Dimitrov, were detained
at Victoria and an endeavor made to
ship them back to the tender mercies of
the Russian autocracy by agents of tbe
British government, apparently acting
under request from Russia. Comrade
Schaefer. however, -.tate* that he was
successful in helping them to break
away from this detention and they are
. it ha., exi-ciicnec.1 a cuange   now safe from pursuit.   Com. Schaefer
says that the Pinkcrton Detective
Agency is employed by tlie Russian government to shadow refugee's, lie says
he has been followed since he arrived in
... ilicre are more l.ideou*. tacts in our   the province,    lie has been commission
.1! wc msy astiiiiie ti-ai it IS not
t of slave.>• that prompt! its ac-
Neilhcr 1*. it tlie «a«t lhat the
ire overworked.     ki_i.l ui Can*
Mil hie titan Sunday aork.    The
lias the same opportunity to bc-
ogntatnt ol the (act that chil-
1 iciulcr naiS  are exploited  tor
ijit of Christian capitalists as
■tat work 1*. bong performed on
. ami it cju-t*. without protest.
U  wnc  material    gain  (or thc
in   forbidding     Sunday   work;
at present potOtng in preventing
j  <lcfetided it, taterting that  un
. children catnc under thc reiin-
m.. inttoapbere   ol the factory
iw-r .....ml became ;i pre) to thc evil 111-
1 f the ttreet.    Presumably these
;.!. ihe reasons any the children
I
ed to attend the Moyer-Haywood trial
and report proceedings to his headquarters.     He has made two attempts to
get   into  thc  United   States    for that
purpose, but  in each  case was turned
back by officials of thc U. S., once at
Seattle and once at Blaine.    However,
he says he will get there in spite of
them.    U. S. immigration officials are
hardly alert enough to cope successful-
ah >r.     It  is  notorious    that  in j ly with a Russian revolutionist.   From
where thi* latter evil   has l>ecii | information received from the refugees,
ridespread Christian clergymen pi • Vladivostock appears to be in a deplor-
nne stripe us Mr. Shearer have clo-   able condition.   The working class are*
literally starving and are only held in ;
check hy hanging and the free use of
tbe knout.    One hundred of Ihe soldiers j
: wetc hung in one day to overawe the j
rot     Ihey are being held in Vladivos- i
tock  for three years because    the au-'
he clergy and the Mi-K-nor dasses I Omtecs know they sympathise with the
m  ,ii<- earls candiflaWi for ad-j Revofubon a«d are afraid to let   them]
1 to cigar factories, dressmaking   go hack to Russia.    Acting under   in-1
mm  !*.. rejticM mills,    '*d tailor   ttructkias from the Revolutionary Coun-
ihoptl     Now, ilie fact (hat there   cil they mutinied and the mutiny   was
<• iVMUii staves who cannot on   led hy the officers referred to     How-;
DM lining lilt their luiu-fu! voices   ever, it proved unsuccessful and to es-
grand   old   anthem, "Onward ; cape death they were compelled to flee.
.11   Soldiers   Marching   for    the j However, they arc confident about the
•     it something awful to content-   final  success    of thc  Revolution.     In i
plate     There is another (act, however,   spite of all the hmtal coercion practised I
that awakens no ho*, (rom thc pulpit   <m the proletariat, each   day sees   thc
*• obvious as this    one, namely,    that   Revolution gaining in strength.    Com-
thcre were over 500,000 slaves killed and 1 rade Schaefer is not at all favorably, hn-
I in industrial operations on this ! pres-cd with the brand of freedom that
' hristian continent and in thc year  obtains in Canada and thc U. S.    His
of our Lord. 1807, for thc reason that \ experiences   in Victoria,   Seattle   and
human hfc is cheaper than safcty-appli- | Bains  have apparently convinced him
Of course the clergy cannot bc 1 thai  bourgeois  democracy    and   RUW
<»'-rci<-<! to interfere too much in ma- I autocracy arc different  names for the!
charged, 'lhe defence is fighting to
save him from this unnecessary trouble.
Contrast this mockery of a trial with
the tragedy that has enveloped thc lives
of Moyer, Haywood and Pettibone and
then say if you can that worker and
capitalist, rich and poor, stand equal
before the law.
No "unwritten law" could be invoked to save the life of a working plug
who might have had worse provocation than Thaw and revenged himself
in a similar manner. Thaw himself has
more than once given decenter men
cause to revenge themselves on him,
and at tlie hands of Stanford White
he only leaped what he had sow n.
What a commentary on our civilization is the institution of Anti-Suicide
Clubs in our midst! What joy there
must lie in life I A virtual confession
that present social arrangements are
driving people insane! Man claims to
stand on the apex of creation and yet
none of the lower animals have made
such a mess of thc conditions of existence as he has. Could anyone be
brought to lielieve that a community of
the silliest of monkeys would have the
means of producing material things necessary for their sustenance in such
abundance as man has and then consent
to the majority of them having such a
dirty scramble for a miserable existence
as we now have? Come to think about
it, however, if a genuinely wise man
were to strike his planet and were to
believe that this economic system had
always existed and forever would continue as it now is, hc would pretty soon
have to shed his wisdom or slit hit
jugular!
Maintenance of existence for he majority of thc race is (ast becoming compatible only with one of two mental
conditions. Either the human mind
must have a conception that the evolution of society leads to a rational mode
of life and that the present abnormal
state is transitory, or it must ta':e refuge in religious fanaticism. Tiic Salvation Army, under whose auspices
these anti suici fe bureaus are being
forme J lias aUnys played the role of
social scavenger to the capitalist system.
Its function is to dispose of the human flots.ni and jet-am which drift on
the ocean et capilali-,1 exploitation. T-e
maintain its hold on it- votaries it inculcates precepts that produce in the
hitman mind a s|*ecies of insanity that
differs from the form it seeks to cure
only that it induces a maintenance of
life while thc other kind tends to destroy it. In other words, insanity is to
cure insanity.
There has been much discussion as
to what the British Labor Party stands
for in the House of Commons. We may
have a fairly accurate idea of its" value
to the cause of the working class by
sizing up the attitude of one of its most
prominent members, Mr. Shackleton. At
the Belfast conference a resolution to
adopt the Trades Union Congress platform as a common ground of action
was introduced. Mr. Shackleton opposed the passage of this resolution because one of the planks called for thc
raising of the school age of children to
16. "It I am obliged to stand for this,"
said the revolutionary Shackleton, "I
will lose my seat, and I put it to the
delegates of this conference if it is not
better to have me in the House than
out of it. In our opinion Mr. Shack-
leton's presence there may be of some
benefit to Himself; he may also be some
benefit to the capitalists who wish to
exploit the children, but that he is a
working class representative in any
proper sense of the term we deny. He
is no use even to thbse venal parents
who would wish to perpetuate the sacrifice of their children to the capitalist
god, Profit. His value to them were
he a proper labor man would lie in
awakening them to a proper sense of
their venality, even if he lost his seat.
No wonder the capitalist press of England comments favorably on the moderation of the Labor Party if Mr, Shacjvle-
ton is a fair sample.
Because working-class girls prefer
the comparative independence of factory
life rather than do the chores for a
bourgeois household, "Bystander" discovers a reason for wife-desertion. 'Tt
is more often due," he says, "to the inability of the wife to cook a comfortable
meal than to lack of domestic virtue on
the part of the men." Our own opinion is that it is more often uue to the
inability of the proletarian wage-slave
to get enough wages to buy the ingredients for a* meal. It is part of "the
game, however, to cover up the real
cause for these evils.
ONE THING AND ANOTHER
AS SEEN BY SPARTACUS
LIBERALISM, LABOR,
AND SOCIALISM
same thing.
'Hi.* proceedings attending the Opening ..( the Russian Douma arc indicative of what is about to transpire in
that land In spite of wholesale persecution, disfranchisement of the work-
. r- tl .1   1 * Btal campaign of repressive
outrage, the Revolutionists were elected
imal affair*. Let's see, one hundred ami   1       tho-.-.-
lift)- thousand slaves present on Sunday morning at a minimum of 5 cents
■ -     j7.-.t»i.   besides   Mher   possibili-
il extraction, Quite a few shepherds
be employed on this sum and in
ilie present overcrowded condition of
''•<• preacher market would tend to rc-
congettion. Of course, in the eyes
"i many it is exceedingly reprehensible j hy a lar,,c majority.     At   the opening
cribe motives of material interests [session large crowds gathered outside
lo the spiritual fraternity. Wc come.
h"«c\cr. from Missouri, and you will
have in -how us a move made hy their
'nous, no matter how thick the
tthkal veneer was laid on, that was not
MCtatcd by interests at sordid as those
latt they ascribe to a dive-keeper or a
1 wr. I et it not bs thought,
H'unrr, that we are in favor o{ a
;'■'" day week. We who arc workers
tta*, or ought to know, that if we
*nrked only one dav ner week, Itkeouf
tin* ehamOer and were so unruly and
demonstrative against the government
that they were repeatedly driven hack
bv the military at thc point oi the bay-
onet. No members of the Imperial
family were present M. Gobuloff,
the pr.-idcnt of the council, after read
ing the official proclamation, called on 1
the iiu-iiilK-r- to renew their allegiance to |
Emperor Nicholas This announcement
wu received by feeble cheer- from the
few Comervahves present, the Const i-
Jpiritual guides, that the tame economic luminal Domooratt maintaining an
»« thai now keeps our wages on the j ominous MJence. After tin*- --lagc ot
trertge at the cost of subsistence, no
****** how- many day* or how many
WHW t>cr day vie worked, would keep
onr wanes at thc same point for one
''»> as they IU>\v are for seven. There*
[Wt, we arc in favor of anv legislation
hat would shorten thc week's work, but
"* Blooni of ihe Puritanical Sabbath is
""! exactly our idea of rest.    Would
!' aot lie possible to have two Sundays   tion:    tan  the »UK«»cy
'," "><* "cek?   Or even three or four? j itrangle-hold on the Rusl 81 peopfc bj
It would then lie possible for one set (meant  '«f  i'-   ""'
"' workert to rest and enjoy themselves
*Wl« the other, inmistercfl    to    their
1 know this would lie a little
the proceeding! the Social Democrats
entered the hall in a body, making a
demonstration. A Constitutional Democrat    was   elected   president     of   tho
chamber     me government smareatly
lias Mined nothing by the dissolution ol
the   former   Dninia.      It   was  tame  in
comparison with the present one.  ine
•ituBlion resolves itself into this ques*
inaintain  its
e by
its only
hard on the preachers if the one man
,;l<1 '" fill the bill on all the Sundays;
bul th-
thi
IK
mad
latioii
paw
cl:
class—a,,,- ,*,„. ^    ■„        e- a..pan*iuly   to share t
4 "-UR way off. ! prompt! Ih--  ">"•"*
lilt   till* **t III* IH   "'   ■    ' .- - ^
hope.  T&egood work of the U-rronsts
1- 1 riling ml of large numbers of_the
Cars cTnei defenders. The
■eemt to be an uncertain, prop
all account!
army
From
1'considerable number of
11 as a large
ml
It  is to b« hoped
:.,,„, ii-*!,. Father WiU slay long enough
T!i« *tt>t*t alli.ncea"e,i»t between the I lo make . fitting.dhnaa to the drtina
.'"'"g classes 01 every capitalitt country
■•n 1 ."lil,K evident. Until recently
. "gisnd and America have stoutly main-
now being enacted.
A conspiracy to save the life of the
fhaw between the
>«i fat their thoret would afford a ! useless ****«_** j ? deK |, .p.
g wfuge to those who for political ; state prose" '»" '".;',,.., [erome is
2«oni were forced to flee from their parent       ■<  >u Atu     >  .I .
It is well that we should only trying 1.> « d inf|ll.
r**V,Jst where the sympathies of our j house, when       tn   . 1 ^
' a»ed free government are in the  twee that « nm   .'   w ^
Cla" war now raging in Russia.   This  life, he can ipceaii) \
The Parliamentary Labor Party is to
lie congratulated. Almost daily it is
winning approbation from members of
that worst enemy of the political working class movement, the Liberal party.
We hear no more of crossing swords
wuh any memlier of the Labor Party
who may have the temerity to propose,
in thc House of Commons, to nationalise anything, no longer are challenges
to mortal combat hurled in savage defiance by the Whips of thc Liberal Party
at the heads o( thc Independent Labor
group. On thc contrary, there is nothing but eulogy, with an occasional note
Ot admonition to carefully continue on
thc road they have so eommendably followed, and to carefully eschew the seductive paths of Socialism.
Almost every day the leading London
organs of Liberalism contains some
eulogy of the 1-alior Group and its leaders. The other day Sir W. Brampton
Gordon, Hart, M. P., was telling the
Woodbridgt Liberals that "the I^ilior
Party in the House had been very quiet
and sensible. Its members had neither
spoken loo often nor repeated themselves. They were among the best
members they had in the House, and
hc wa< pit..... to see that thc Premier
had given one of them a place in the
Cabinet. He should like to see some
more of them there."
It will be seen that Sir Brampton
Gordon lumped them all together —
Liberal-Labor, Independent-Labor, and
the chief "Labor" man, the president of
the local government board—a perfectly excusable thing in the circumstances
for anyone in his position to do. It
would, indeed, he exceedingly difficult
for anyone to show in what particular
there is any difference between them.
Now it is the Attorney-General, Sir
John lawson Walton, who tells us that
he has "the greatest regard for Labor
men in tlie House of Commons, which
would be a poor place without them."
This regard, however, he made it clear
the Labor men can only retain so long
as they behave themselves as well as
they h.ive done in the past and co-operate with thc Liberals. "No one could
say the interests of Labor had not had a
fair sliare of parliamentary time and attention. Tlieir labor legislation had
b,en accepted by the House of Commons, and even adopted without protest by the House of Lords itself. That
had been a considerable achievement,
and had gone a long way to justify his
contention that the true instrument of
progress and reform in this country
was that Great Liberal Party which
coiild unite all sections of the community"
Nevertheless, "if tlie Labor Party   in
the House of Commons wished to advance the cause of reform in the future
sessions as in the past, there should be
an action of co-operation in the work
of progress. While it had a Socialist
ideal it was weakening its usefulness.
They had in the past had to deal with
a parliamentary Labor group which had
been practical aud had not talked Socialism on the floor of the House of
Commons. 'Ihat group had not abused
capital on the floor of the House of
Commons, but had sought to advance
the real interest of the cause of Labor."
That is evidently the opinion, not
only of the Parliamentary Group, but of
the Labor Party as a whole, with the
exception of a few malcontents and
"wreckers." When we are agreed our
unanimity is wonderful, and there appears to be general agreement on the
part of the Labor Party with the Liberal Attorney-General, that it should
have no ideal, and no object; no principles and no programme, apart from
those represented hy the great Liberal
Party. The warning, therefore, that
"while it had a Socialist ideal it was
weakening its usefulness" appears to
have been somewhat unnecessary. Sir
John Lawson Walton need not be
alarmed; the Labor Party is committed to nothing more Socialistic or revolutionary than Local Veto and Ladies'
Suffrage.—Justice.
We have been criticised for doubting
the efficacy of this much-vaunted Labor Party in forcing to the front any
measures or policy that might lie calculated to inspire hope in the hearts of
the workers and prompt them to move
forward upon lines that would in any
manner seriously threaten the rule of
capital. With evidently no clear-cut understanding of the task in hand and
consequently no revolutionary policy to
steer by, it seemed inevitable to us that
in spite of all bombast and pretense this
Labor Party must eventually mire in
the swamp of confusion and leave its
followers with shattered hopes to once
more wander in the political wilderness. The history of the Labor Party
since its appearance in the House of
Commons has justified our expectations.
Its policy has been a hatting one. Thc
only feature of it that has been at all
pronounced has been its lack of vigor.
With neither revolutionary conception
or programme it could not be otherwise. That it is palpably resolving itself into a cheap annex to the Liberals
is the most logical theory in the world
It is bound to happen to any so-called
"Labor Party" that launches itself upon thc political sea without economic
knowledge and the revolutionary spirit
which it engenders.
Collier's Weekly declares, and gives
figures to prove the truth of what it
says, that a man stands a greater
chance of beinsr wounded or killed in
working for a railroad corporation than
he does in the army or navy in time of
war. War is safer. Peace hath her
victories, says the poet, no less renowned than those of war. Had he lived in
these piping times of prosperity he
would have added that peace hath also
her casuality list, and, were he honest,
he would add that this fact is due to the
overweening desire for profit and yet
more profit.
»     »     *     *
Figures to show the slaughter on Canadian railroads are not available, but it
is safe to say that in proportion to the
number of employes and of passengers
carried, it will be equal to that iff the
U. S. A. In that land of tne free there
were in the three months ending September 30, 1906, 10,850 casualties to passengers and employees, an increase of
2,013 over the preceding three months.
This does not include accidents to so-
called "trespassers" and other outsiders
among whom the mortality is greater
than among all other classes combined.
In the three months under consideration
there were 1,891 collisions and 1,781 derailments. That is to say, two trains
crashed together on an average every
hour and fourteen minutes. Accidents
01 the former class were due largely to
thc practice of overworking employees,
which Senator La Follette's Hours of
Labor Bill is designed to stop; those of
the latter to cheap and defective equipment, as well as to undermanned inspecting forces.
* *     «     *
Danger    to life   and  limb is by no
means confined   to railroading.      The
workers in many industries know  not
what moment will be their Jast and in
the majority of cases this is' due to the
desire  to   increase   proms    by   cutting
down expenses.   After some terrible ex- j
plosion in a coal mine which has killed
or maimed scores of men, there is often
some  talk  that  something   should    lie
done   to   force   mine  owners    to   take:
proper  precautions  against   such   accidents.      Congressmen    00    not    work
in mines, but they do travel.    Ihey tra- j
vel in Pullman cars, which are seldom
smashed or ignited,   and so travel   at
less risk than the common herd in the
ordinary coaches, but they are liable to
dislocations if nothing worse, and so an
attempt in the way of reform is intro- j
duccd into congress in the shape of Sen- ■■
ator La Follette's bill which, of course, |
is bitterly opposed by the railroad lobby.     As the railroads are a very important part of that class which owns all
legislatures body and soul, the fight is
very apt to go against the bill.
♦ *     *     *
So well known is the fact that the big
corporations are the controlling force of
legislation in the United States that
there has been or is about to be formed
a People's Lobby to look aftr the interests of the "I'eople." Needless to say,
the "People" are the smaller capitalists
who have their hands full in maintaining their "right" to plunder the working class in face of the obstacles presented by the wicked trusts. ihe
working class is outside, which is as it
should be, for with unfailing regularity
at every election the workers declare by
their votes that this satisfies them. Anyone able to read and with brains sufficient to understand a tithe of what he
reads can see that the same force is in
control of legislation under the much
he-lauded and be-slobbered British constitution.
• * *
Nearly, if not quite all the reforms
which we "enjoy" are brought about by
thc triumph of the interests of one section of thc capitalist class over thos of
another. If it were really an humanitarian impulse dictating the reduction of
working hours in railroad occupations
it would include the reduction of working hours in many other occupations,
but capitalism is a stranger to humanity;
material interest is the only thing that
will wring reforms from the robber
class. History proves this to be the
case and such being so it is folly for the
working class to enter politics in order
to demand reforms Reforms are as
bitterly opposed as is the program of
Revolutionary Socialists. Sometimes
the indirect pressure brought to bear by
working class agitation has materially
assisted in producing some legislative
abortion such as the Alien Labor l.a\v.
As the power to enforce such laws rests
with the class injured by tlieir enforc-
nient, it does not nee. a Solon to prophecy the inevitable result, ln spite of
the experience gained, the majority of
the working class, including many honest but misguided Socialists, still think
that the panacea for social ills lies along
the path of reform. As the only way
to obtain anything from the capitalist is
along the line of his material interest, it
is easy to see that in the event of his
very existence being threatened he
would be only too pleased to hand out
eight hour laws, old age pensions, government ownership of railroads aud of
other "natural monopolies," etc., if thereby he saw a chance to lengthen his ride
on the backs of the workers, and any
such reforms would be enforced lest
the workers should clearly see that the
only way to salvation is~by taking and
operating the means of wealth production.
* *     *     *
The growth of the Socialist vote is
the only means we have of judging of
the strength of the movement and our
friends the enemy have just the same
means. At the present time the getting
of our candidates into the legislature is
not of great moment. A Socialist M. P.
or several of them can do little or nothing. The only advntage the cause has
in having M. P.'s is the advantage of the
opportunity for propaganda, for parliamentary speeches have a wide audience
The "Labor" M. P., when such exists,
loses this opportunity of advancing thc
interests of his class, for, by tome
strange aberation of intellect, he imagines he is representing and should
work for the interests of both employer
and employed—the wolf and the lamb.
Reforms will come when the Socialist
vote grows big enoueh to cause . the
capitalist class to fear for its existence,
and the vote will grow in proportion to
the amount of steady propaganda work
carried on.
* *     *     *
- Our reform' friends always and everywhere overlook the fact that almost all
the reforms they advocate are in force
in some country or another. Municipal gas and trams, in which some peculiar virtue is supposed to reside, are common enough in Eneland, fairly rampant,
in fact. "Cheap homes for the poor"
are to be found in that country, too,
built by the municipality. Yet we ali
know enr ugh of English conditions to
know that they could not be much
worse. In Germany there is a system
of old age pensions'and the government
owns the railroads, yet the Socialists
increased their vote at the recent elections by a quarter of a million. Evidently all is not bliss there yet. In New
Zealand reform is almost completely
victorious. Compulsory arbitration is in
full force there, but does not find the
une-npl'iyed man a job nor will the
prospect of a measly pension at the age
of nr. fill his stomach at the age of 40.
There is no hope in reform, absolutely
none. When the next period of trade
depression comes, as come it .surely will,
will some reformer kindly point out
■which of the measures he advocates will
find jobs for those lookinu for them,
aid how it will work out that way, and
oblige
SPARTACUS.
Chancellor Day of the (Methodist)
Syracuse university has again broken
out in eruption. Among the chunks of
wisdom belched from his interior we
find the following; "I know the poor.
I have been among them and have studied them. I know that they are the
chief support of upward of 10,000 saloons in this city; I know that they are
the chief cause of intemperance and
shiftlessness, and then the blame is put
on the hard-hearted corporations." We
also know the poor and have not the
slightest doubt that they support the
number of saloons in the city of New
York mentioned by the volcanic chancellor. But that is by no means all
they support. They support this entire capitalist civilization with all of
its vile, degrading and harmful institutions, not forgetting either the saloon
or the heavenly soporific joint. With
all of this paraphrenalia and its attendant horde of useless human trash from
saloon keeper to sky pilot upon their
backs, it is no wonder the "poor" are
poor.
 o———
'"LTIitmanite" reports serious discontent among the Garde Republicainr; in
Paris. In one of thc barracks recently
the men refused to perform certain
duties to which they were ordered and
sang the "Internationale." with special
emphasis on the lines calling on soldiers
to fraternize with the working class.
They hooted the officer who attempted
to enforce the order in the usual peremptory manner, and the disturbance
ceased only when he adopted a more
conciliatory tone. The capitalist papers
kept silence about the matter and the
soldiers were not punished.
When the Chicago Federation of Labor sent a delegation to the city council to protest against the passage of an
ordinance granting street railway privileges worth something like $11)0,000,000
to some gu.-o of capitalist thieves, a detachment of police was sent to the
meeting. Even the thickheaded workingman may in time «et wise as to the
purpose of the law and all of its machinery.
3
ii
I
L.L ■» ..!.
*mm*t*ammm»mmmmm****m^ TWO
TIB WMTXtK CLAIM,*,  VAtttttjm,   St-fttH OOtt?l-H-L
Ha tern Mon
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SATURDAY, MARCH 9, 1907.
MORALITY OF THIEVES.
Unless his fellow thieves in the Dominion House of Commons keep quiet
about some little peculations which he
says are his "private business," a Mr.
Fowler has promised to let in a little
Tight on the connection of the government with ''wine, women and graft,"
and particularly the reason why one
member of the government is so indisposed "that he cannot attend the sessions of the House. There is much
squawking amongst the bourgeois moralists in consequence of this and numerous similar revelations. No doubt
much of this apprehension is well-
founded. To maintain unity amongst
'themselves even thieves are obliged to
formulate an ethical code which, while
permitting them to steal from every one
else, denies them tlie privilege of robbing one another out 01 their rightful
snare of the common plunder. The
unify of the robber state would be seriously imperilled if the thieves were
not compelled by law to act honestly one
with the other.
Therefore, that section of the bourgeoisie who are pressing for a complete and thorough investigation in the
Fowler inciuent no doubt have this
highly moral end in view, 'liiere is
nothing, however, in all this turmoil
over the graft and chicanery that crops
out all over the capitalist world that
need excite the working class. In the
various house-cleaning proposals there
is absolutely no suggestion to wipe out
the original graft perpetrated on the
workers by the ...uustrial capitalists
which is the fountain from which
springs all the streams of pollution that
copiously flow all over the lands of
capitalist civilization.
This graft on the workers is accomplished on the field of industrial production. . .trough an evolutionary process
the instruments by which today society
produces the material things necessary
for human sustenance have passed from
the hands ^f those who use them into
the hands of a parasite class. Owning
no means of production of their own,
the workers must rally round those factories, mills, mines, railroads, etc., and
offer their capacity to work for sale.
Inasmuch as there is invariably a larger
number of those workers offering their
labor power for sale than the market
can absorb, their price—wages—bears
no comparison to the market value of
tneir product. This difference between
what the working class receives in
wages and what its product sells for, is
Profit. To get the largest slice of this
profit is the merry game called business by the capitalist. Certain rules are
laid down to regulate this game and woe
betide the unfortunate thief who breaks
them. Within the society of this band
of brigands there are various types of
thieves. There are industrial capitalists, landlords, politicians, real estate
speculators, lawyers, preachers, etc.
The original theft as we have shown
is the one committed on the working
class by the industrial capitalist. He
has to divide up thc plunder, however,
amongst the rest of the band according
to thc value of the functions they perform in the great scheme called society.
The landlord owns the land on which
the capitalist exploits his victim. He;
therefore, demands and receives a share.
Tne politician attends to the drawing
up and perfecting of the rules governing the game and supervises the police,
military and judicial forces that are
found necessary when the working class
victims get rebellious, or when some of
the brigands try to break the rules and
get more than their rightful share. He,
therefore, gett hit reward. The lawyers,
foo. are an "important body. They enable their clients to cheat up to the limit of the rules and even get beyond them
without hurt if they be especially skilful. A share, therefore, goes to them.
The preacher, too, performs a useful
function. All respectable bands of
thieves find need of this gentleman.
With well-oiled tongue he admonishes
the thieves when the lust for plunder
would impel them to go at each others
throats, and warns them of the danger
of breaking up tne colony by internecine
strife. Tie also peddTes spiritual soothing-syrup when the working class victims get restive under the skinning
process. Probably he is the most appreciated and valuable member of tlie
whole band and his reward is therefore
correspondingly high.
However, no matter how the plunder
is divided up, whether one of thc Kind
gets more or less, the amount taken
from the worker Ls not altered thereby.
He is skinned so completely when he
sells his labor power to the industrial
capitalist that there is not a particle of
his hide left. As we have already pointed out, the skinning is accomplished
through the capitalist owning the machinery of production and natural resources to wnich the worker must have
access in order to live at all. To protect his ownership the capitalist maintains the state with its repressive functions. The capitalist could not hold
possession of these tools and resources
for twenty-four hours if he did not
have this protection. At a former period
of the evolutionary process already referred to the thrives who now skin the
workers were in trouble with the feudal robbers. Never dreaming that their
victim wruld ever cast off his docility
ind object to being skinned, they entrusted him with the key of the state
called the ballot. The worker used this
key to lei the capitalist in and locked
the feudal robber out. Since then, however, he has been ruminating over the
possibility of doing a stunt with this key
in his own behalf. Should he stick to
this idea the quarrels of the thieves
over such little matters as the Fowler
case will have to be dropped. However,
the capitalist still has faith in the ability oi his henchmen to still further cajole the worker and keep him docile.
What will ultimately happen is yet in
the womb of time.
Now, to those who may think that the
most outrageous features of this Fowler
incident have not yet been touched on in
this review, that of the doubtful pleasures of wine and women to which it is
alleged our good thieves are addicted.
Their amusements must necessarily correspond to the manner by which they
make their living. Their habits are as
clean, or rather as dirty, as their profession. If they make their living by mental prostitution they may be reasonably
expected to gratify their physical senses
in the same way. Men who pursue occupations that are odious to their moral
sense often-times stifle the accusing
voice of conscience by intoxication.
While our civilization is based on robbery, chicanery and deceit, what can any
reasonable man expect other than that
the degrading effects of vice and crime
shall everywhere be exhibited? At
one extreme of society the parasite is
cursed with idleness and turns to degrading pursuits. Likewise at the other
end the overworked, hopeless toiler seeks
surcease of trouble in the cup that inebriates and stings.
Chattel slavery based on robbery ended in a saturnalia of vice and crime.
Likewise Feudal Serfdom. Capitalist
wage-slavery will end in like manner. A
ray of hope is seen only in the advance
of the Socialist movement, which, making for the abolition of thc robbery that
has cursed all previous civilizations,
will, when triumphant, show its fruits
in decent lives and consequent human
happiness.
ii     ■ J. T. M.
DIVIDING UP.
modern wage-slave has not even the
guarantee that he will be allowed to
work to provide for his necessities, even
although he were willing to surrender
the balance to hi*, master. The capitalist class are smothering in the wealth
produced by only a part of the working
t'orce oT thc world and will not employ
more laborers than are necessary to
their needs. All the machinery of
wealth-production, all the food, clothing and shelter that exists today were
produced by labor alone and owing to
thc "dividing up" process known as the
wage-system labor owns little or none
of it. But our capitalist-minded workingman sometimes is a mechanic who
has not as yet been reduced to the position of a common lalx.rer by thc advent of labor saving machinery. He
may have been fortunate enough to
have acquired a mortgaged home He
sees another member ot his class who
has been more closely skinned by the
wage system. I'tterly oblivious ef the
>\*.ici!i nf exploitation which robs thc
both of them, he fires up *\ the thought
that the Socialists intend 10 take his little mortgaged home and give the other
fellow a share in it. With this fantastic conception ever before him he cannot be made to see that the reason why
both have so little private property is
because their common exploiter gets so
much. To illustrate the method of Socialist ownership of the means of production one has only to look at the
mode adopted by the capitalists themselves. In a typical capitalist industry
like the C. P. R. where a number of
persons own it, no one of them can say
of any part of the property: "This is
mine." They say: "ihis is ours."
They do not at the end of a given period "divide up" the property and give
one a box-car, another a locomotive, another a Pullman, and so on, nor do they
give each the value of these expressed
in money. Thev hold the property in
common and divide up the earnings of
the men who operate the industry, ln
like manner do the Socialists propose to
hold the machinery of production—in
common—with this difference only that
the product shall be divided amongst the
workers with the idle capitalist left out.
There is no menace to private property
from the Socialist programme. All
our attack is on capitalist property.
V....ie it endures what the working class
may possess of private property will be
of infinitesimal proportions. Capitalism will skin them down to the minimum of these holdings. Socialism for
the first time will give the workers an
opportunity to acquire private projierty,
Their remuneration is measured
now by their necessities, their reward
then will be measured by the full exchange  value of their product.
J. T. M.
SIGNIFICANT FACTS
CONCERNING SOCIALISM
By Singular Coincioence Two  Parties
Were Defeated at Same Time.
Nothing makes a Socialist agitator so
much ashamed of thc stupidity of soinc
members of his class as to hear one of
them registering an objection to Socialism on* the ground that it proposes
to oivide up." He is generally some
poor devil who has never had more
property than he could conveniently
pack in his roll of blankets as he woefully trudged over the ties in search of
-» new master. Even if the Socialists
proposed to "divide up," what he had
to lose in the process would be hard to
guess. It never seems to occur to him
that he is the victim of just tuch a
scheme now, and that the whole history
<f civilization has been merely the record of various processes of "dividing
1 p" the wealth produced by his class,
mid that the laborer's share has been
on the average only enough for him to
subsist on. Thc chattel slave got only
his feed; the rest of his product went
to his master and on which his matter
lived a life of luxurious case. The
feudal serf tied to the land was allowed
to work only long enough to provide
his own necessities; the rest of the
time he worked for thc feudal lord. The
By a singular coincidence, says Engineering, just at the time when the Independent  Labor  Party and thc    pronounced   Socialist   labor   leaders   were
prudently surrendering at descretion to
the trade unionist party in the Belfast
conference—not,   however,   without   a
strong protest from the rank and file —
the German Socialists were being beaten at the polling booths in the German
constituencies.   The two incts and in-
cments taken together are significant.
It must not be understood   tha*.    the
German  Socialist  Party  and  the  proclaimed Socialism in Britain are identical; by no means.     British    Socialist
leaders  demand by  speech,  resolution,
manifesto and demonstration that    all
the  means  of  production,  distribution
and exchange _hall be taken over and be
appropriated by the state.    In Germany
this appears to be the ultimate aim, but
they expect  it to be accomplished by
evolution   in  instant  ages,   when    the
whole community agree and desire such
consummation.    This,  indeed,  was the
basis  of  Owenism,    preached    in   the
'thirties, 'forties and the early 'fifties,
lhe position is thus described  in the
Vorwarts  of January  4  of this  year,
thus:    "The Social Democracy, as Uie
party representing the working clatt, is
the natural guardian of their rights and
demands.     It does not  fight for new
class privileges, but for the abolition of
class  rule   and of  the  classes    themselves, and for equal rights and duties
for all, without distinction of sex and
race."     It adds:     "There will  be no
premature upheaval.    When the nation
has given them the majority, they will
demand   the   right  of   governing    the
country; and they appeal to the country
on  the strength  of tlie electoral  programme," set forth at the above-quoted
date.    In brief, the programme included   (1)   equal  suffrage  for men    and
women; (2) the right of public meeting and combination of all; (:t) a ten-
hour day, to be reduced to nine, and
then to eight hours; (4) limitation of
Sunday and night work; (5) separation
of church and state, and secular education; (fl) progressive income and property tax; (7- a citizen army; (8) protection of workers,  factory legislation,
and  ('.>)  an impartial judicial system.
There   is,   adds   Engineering,    nothing
very revolutionary    in    such   a    programme.    The manifesto auds:    "But
this aim cannot be suddenly attained;
it is only to be realized with the content of the great mast of the people interested in such a transformation, who
have become convinced of its necessity."
—The World, Thursday, Feb. 28th.
see*
In another column under caption,
"Bebel Turns Gum on Kaiser's Plant,"
will be found a significant statement by
Von Bttclow, the German chancellor, to
the effect that the decreate In the number of Socialist representative! in the
Reichstag as a result of the recent elections, by no means indicates a "defeat
of their economic doctrines," but rather
a revulsion against their "policy of terrorism."
To the ruling class there is nothing
dangerous in mere theorizing. Learned disquisitions upon economic theories
and doctrines arouse no fear in thc
hearts of rulers so long as the advocates
oi such theories and doctrines do not
attempt to apply than to thc life of
nations and thereby threaten ruling
class privileges, lhe moment, however,
a disposition is manifested to apply
them the cry of 'terrorism" is raised.
The heart oi every cowardly ruling
class skunk quakes with fear and the
entire machinery of repression is set
in motion to cripple the movement and
prolong as far as pOStibit the privilege
of rulers to suck thc blood of their victims.
The capitalist class scents little danger in the purely academic discussion
of social and economic theories. It is
noticeable from every quarter that a
Socialist movement that devotes itself
merely to a promulgation of broad
principles of morals and ethics causes
no commotion in thc capitalist camp,
even though such a movanent declares
its ultimate aim to be the inauguration
of a regime under which there should
be neither capitalist or wage-slave. This
sort of a Socialist movement is a "sane"
one from the capitalist standpoint, lt
can, therefore, not only be tolerated because of its non-threatening character,
but may evai lie encouraged as a safeguard against a more militant and consequently threatening movement, that
was disposed to do things rather than
lo spend time in grandiloquent)- talking
about them only.
That a revolutionary programme it
not at all to thc liking of the ruling
cla«.s is clearly evidenced in the above
which the World of this city gathers
from Engineering. A reform or patch-
work policy would be much more
palatable, without a doubt. However
much the brutal rulers of today may
whistle to keep their courage up, the
German capitalists are not seriously
misled by the apparently harmless nature of thc Social Democratic programme as expressed in its platform, as
quoted by Engineering. Von Buelow
clearly expresses this in his ronarks in
the Reichstag He knows, and so do
thc capitalists whose mouthpiece he
is, that the German Socialist* are only
awaiting the time when they have a
majority with them to institute a line
of action thc drastic nature of which is
not even suggested to the bourgeois
soul by the harmless little palliative and
patchwork measures set forth in their
platform. lhe size of it is that the
German ruling class will get its neck
swiftly cracked once the revolutionary
proletariat finds the opportunity at
hand to do the job. And the fate of
the German ruling class will be the fate
of its prototype in every capitalist
country* on earth.
CORRESPONDENCE.
Editor Western Clarion:
Dear comrade: With your permission I beg leave to use the columns of
your paper to express my viewt on the
tecent action of some of the Vancouver
comrades re Walter Thomas Mills' lectures.
It it my detire to treat thit matter
in a spirit of fair play, unbiased by any
leanings to either tide of the controver-
ty, to endeavor to tift the matter to the
bottom, and, in so doing, will view
things solely from the standpoint of the
good of the movement. Of course, it is
evident that of two parties to a conflict
one mutt of necessity be in error, unless, as is not beyond the bounds of pot-
tibility, there be a measure of misunderstanding on both tides.
Now to the analysis: During the
month of January rumors were current
among the membership of Vancouver
Local that Walter Thomas Mills delivered a "fution" addrett in Victoria. It
was said that he had in thit speech advocated the reform measures*^ which
the Labor platform was composed, and
further, that he hau urged the electors
of Victoria to endorse the said Labor (?) men with their ballots on election day, February 2nd. It was contended by a majority of this Local
(Vancouver) that any public speaker
who undertook to pose as a propagandist of the revolutionary doctrine and
would compromise to such an extent at
to condone fusion with a party whose
birth was a protest against the principles and programme of the Socialitt
Party of Canada, wat unworthy of the
confidence of Vancouver Local aid it
promptly turned down the recommendation of the programme committee to
engage Walter Thos. Mills for a series
of ten lectures, it wat urged by the
advocates of Mills' engagement that the
evidence wat insufficient to determine
Mills' guilt, notwithstanding the fact
that this gentleman admitted to the
Provincial Secrectary, Com. D. G. McKenzie, that he found on arriving in
Victoria that a elate ef fusion did et
ui there. On discovering this, It
teems to me, had he no other object In
view then the spread of Socialism, he
would positively have refuted to play
the role that he essayed. The courte he
purtued discredit! him in the minds of
honest men. The other course would
have placed him above suspicion.
Now, assuming that the evidence was
not of as direct a character as it turns
out to be, would the Local be justified
in withholding its sanction from the
proposal to» carry on the series of lectures under its auspices? I am one of
those who think it would, because those
rumors emanating from whatever source
enveloped Mr. Mills in a cloud of suspicion and introduced into the deliberations of the local organization an element of doubt that the mott rabid par-
tizan could not afford, consistently with
duty to the movement, to disregard. It
became urgent at this point to defer action on the subject 'until it was definitely settled whether Mr. Mills was guthy
of the action with which hc wat
charged or not. Thit did Mr. Mills no
injustice nor can hc honestly complain
against it. Mr. Mills has gotten himself into a bad mess for which Vancouver Local it in nowise responsible, nor
is the cleansing process aay of its business.
An informal meeting of members of thit Local held after Mills' last
lecture gave him an opportunity to
clear away the charges preferred against
him. For a time he proved himself
a matter of evasion, but the men who
were seeking truth would not be content with ambiguous replies and Mr.
Mills finally admitted that be 'did steak
for a fusion ticket and would do te
again under similar circumstances' At
the following business meeting the Local unmistakably voiced itt delermina-
tion toditpente with his tervkes, or
rather to protect itself from the dangers
attending Ihe utterancet of one who it
"all things to all men.*' By a vote of
20—6, the following resolution was
passec. "That wc publicly disavow all
connection with Walter .nomas Mills"
meetings."
The mission of the working class it
no elaborate programme. It meant
simply the abolition of thc wage tyttem,
and as tuch it is not (Mills to the contrary notwithstanding) all inclusive.
Its aim is not tlie establishment of a
heaven on earth, but to secure every
man in the meant of life, lt it not an
ideal but a material proposition While
the average plane of life will undoubtedly bc raised tn a higher level, ours
is but an endeavor 10 establish lhe
basis for it and leave the rearing of the
structure to some other 'ism.
The Mills controversy in our Local
meetings has been a bitter one, a struggle for the mastery between the Revo
luttonary and Opportunist clement* wilh
few non-combatants, and though it wat
disagreeable in the extreme, while it
lasted, I cannot help but think il hat
been of immense service to the movement. Things have been thc outcome
of it unforseen at the commencernent
that would, were persons only to be
considered, be regretable, but when
viewed from the standpoint of the
good of the movement, were inevitable
I refer to thc suspension of Com. E.
Burns. Com. Burnt has undoubtedly
been energetic as a member of the Local, but has been continuously opposed
to the programme and platform of thc
party, having, however, kept hit dis-
satisfaction within legitimate bounds
and obeyed the mandates of the party
even though they were opposed to hit
own beliefs. Latterly, however, he hat
been impatient under restraint and expressed his determination to have hit
own way even though tuch a courte entailed a defiance of the Local and in
consequence a violation of hit pledge of
membership. Against their personal regard for Com. Burns had to be contrasted the obligation to the party, and
when it was moved that hit name be
struck off ihe rolls, hit friends rallied
to tave him from expulsion and introduced an amendment only to suspend
him till he could conscientiously support the platform and program of the
Socialist Party of Canada. And thc
writer hopes that little time will elapse
till the Local will be able to extend a
welcome to Com. Burns and avail itself of his services, expended in harmony with thc party for thc furtherance
of itt aim and object.
Com. Burns mutt recognize that no
organization could permit itt memliers
to disregard itt expressed with or violate
its laws without visiting itt displeasure
on the offender, for without tome meant
of discipline, it ceases to be an organisation and becomes a mob of which
every unit will lie governed only by itt
«wn desires, and instead of concerted
action as a body wc shall have a lot of
conflicting individual effort, which, to
^ay. the least of it, would not be a desirable condition. A perton withing to
tetain his membership in any organization must abide by the majority, even
though it lie against his or her particular ideas; nay, even though the majority be in error. That it the principle of organization and the body mutt
intitt on its fulfilment or perish. The
perton  who would retain membership
JATtmDAV, MARCU §
and defy the wishes r„ .
body sttumet an untenable J!?****'
he mutt render obedu "'"
hi* pledge and failure
irnce
M!'on. For
M Itl
to do
'Mine*
the organization to take dtuu
11 ,m's' either
compel,
to preserve itself.    „ m^X**"
or suspend him. her **»*
Yours for the Revolution,
Vancouver. B  C, March i, {jf08
VAGARIES OF A SINGLE-TAXER
The reply of "Toronto Sing|, T,
or" published in Ihc iss„e Mote b„;f
lhe  Voice  ,s a  bay sample of it£
ment or wha, pasH-, (,,-a-Kumfllt ^
put forward by that school „, *
cripples known as single-uxers -fti
ing the article at a whole, th, wri,a
resembles a skater on thin ice -t,., ^
to travel fast and ever much untt ,n
order lo keep from filling ,h*.,ll(,h ,,t
no tooner takes a position than be k
forced to vacate it
Some weeks ago a singlt-u, write-
in The Voice ask.-d il n,trt. HJJ
thing Hut tlie Socialist, ,t_~i «w ^
tingle tax would not accoropbjJi Mr
Mortimer replied that there «-.., tni ,
very fundamental tlmig. too, -*_ ^
altering of the status ol •* age ub,.,,,
the removal of the »a«e w,,ikrr l,m
the category of cnmii-odhics. .Next -n
article appeared over ihe -igtiaiu-e 0|
"Toronto Single Taxer" who, .rihont
trying to argue or tnalyse, UlJij &.
dared this to be untrue, that n-.--*,**,
ists did not regard labor is a nimi-,.*)-
ily and further that the trcompfiiU
purpose of Sociali»ni mould nuke oi
labor a commodity
As Mr. Mortimer is m Britufc Columbia, we took up ihe a;dgds m lis
behalf and in order to obtain tome i^_
on the meaning of the word p-nam**.
ity** consulted Webster'* .JK-t-f-ntrj,
which defines it as wart*. meidm,-
disc;  something bought and wold"
'Toronto Single laxer*" is thn last
letter doe* not dispute the ivrrertwa
of Webster* definition, but *.*m*-*tm
lamely tay* that Webster due* m define labor-power as a con-uK-dti* N-iih-
er doet he define shoes, halt, *h;.k~
or bibles as commodities, kit nrierthe-
lest no one but a uou.lt tun soc-i
dispute that t< they v,rn oifr-red in the
market for sale and exchange each oi
these various ankles -».>u!d and coold
he truthfully described ** a oiBMaajsy.
Therefore it 1* onlj necctttrj \ *
that laboi-nower 1- loroething .hidi ii
bought and sold and no reawnaW sua
wu. dispute that it - 1 '
Thi*. Is admitted very 11
rottto Single*Taxer' hui-.ti. in in* Ut
letter th the following »im!i "IV
laborer touay d«r« not sell tr rxdaa|f
product, what he tell* bu 'ah-rtcae
—so much an h<*-ir therefor" A. tta
mere time of a lab»irr ••> u ■! he of st
valnr unless he had ;• 1 ■■■■'■ **•
gy with it. it 1* onlj 1 -.- '" « intend there is any di.'<	
telling   labor time   at!    -     *
power.
The rest of tbe letter act WJ
tangible or definite and
mental crmtottHin* tnd twisting. •'>*'■.
to follow out thr allegi ■ I '■■* **«
mt thin ire, were nerri ..-• bei n «
came back the way he »ent - .J l>y »e
sbove quoted -**mi**ion proved the retention of the 5ocialil thai
or labor-power i» wrm-i -c tra '
bought and sold and tbrrel It 1 0*
modity. ,     .
From  further  tomewhat    ■      '
assertions   in  thi*    ■■<•■••     'J1*™
gyrationt    we    gather    "'• *' 'T'"°*1
Singk-Taser'*   i*  firml>    cf *
ion lhat  "the    re.
himself, are nf the opim n that t^"":
ity. or as Marx puts it. the.******
a commodity 1* a detrrmmini! l*««\"
exchange value    It » obvi.    ^ "
c-omntoditv could in no ««• »"P
f man it ***« *
want or necessity
of wi value, but it b alto msnifartj*
possible to measure the rxditm ^
ot CYWitmnditie* by hot* a*tM « **
ful they sre. for if that ;-<-rr irw **«»
things at water, air and "W^
i„»   .I™!*....   nr.e-.-iti'..   would* ■
in? absolute  necetsiti
the  highct   value,  but   none
things possess value m txcuw
less   from   prculi, •»■« ™
man labor is expended   .* Oa*  *
fore they can lie utili"'' brt
In hit hunt aft-r ■ - ~;"'* «^
m.n human labor win -•;■' ' ^
cost of a commodity, 1 -■•■"'■■ ■ *«
Taxer" discover, rent K« '
Suppose a capitah-t owns .1 ^
whose output i* eomrnodi»« ' |h„
value of $10,000 monthly '
amount let us say he pay« ' *,,
cost nf maintenancr. raw nudtt*^ (
IS.OOO per month, which i«« |hJl
balance of  $5.»oo     Now,  nut 0    ^
( thn*
|J,W» he has to pay ';' »
ut say, $1,000 rent
that rent it paid In
labor?
of hit cinch on the
land Of
Is it n« *
bd
vsloet pnxherfj
,,„. cmiH n*»kf
the ownership of the I«"<j ,".',:. f.',,oon
him surrender $4,000 mil " l',.,,,,-^
profits, would thst m sny way ^
the valuet created by lab"'. m,r
appear in one pa«t of hi   ' " , „l
single-tax friend ea.igbt *Jg
tthe absurdly of h.so«"'<,;,st..,,,,l
he tried'To define „;'""',.,, r,,si ol
acknowledged lhat ""' /' ,' |,bot
production it ultimately pam " ^
Just who the economic • ,.„„»•
our friend refers to *'«*•" ,,v any
but certainlv Marx wj» " ^.--in.
meant the first to set forth rt J ^
that labor it the ««'"'; " , „„,) K^'
■people reeard Adam Smith R3V
"So nt economists and'Jvrj]l( (,riio.»l
.■riiff.
ire
im
1*
credence to the'theory .
characterises of •ingle-'*x (r„,
that no tooner are tin , ,,M
one untenable potition I ':',„,,..*
another, but at hevJ!™ wh,rfi
they always occupy g..<> < ' ^.iv,.„. U
they have been P«y»of1Ll(..ophy.. »
may have been a nm
some others we know
wat invented. , ,..•„;.,..,,
-Proletary, in Wm"M"K
philo*
(   he fore
Vim'*1- ■ ' "-'■I'" ■—-	
caTWPAV* kAftCtt t*. M.
.,
i0«ettee»eeeeee»eo«e»««sa«e»«a
| PARTY MATTERS f
J      AND ANNOUNCEMENTS 3
*0aa9eemmmmmeeeeee0eeee0e0000000
These columns have been placed at
m gggjjj dLAJt_owr _*________* umrt_ooi-uitB-^
,k   ,i «i..isal of ths Party.  Secretaries __   mmtmm
6uh''i. -'• '-*UMl^ to   ■«*• «d- T° 8TUD"»»T8 OF SOCIALISM.
esiitas* »' ,h,,n ,n' ••  ^terveln. rt- j 	
porting rondltlona In  their  respective ;    Jn  ordtt  ,0 ,ffor<1 d
kmim. Comii.unlcatlon»undfcr thi* |easy access to standard work. Sn
„..,. should be ""Wreas*! to the Do- JSocialism, tbe committee hst decided
ealulon or Provincial Nicretertea. Lo-1 to lay in a stock of literature. The
(,i s-.-retaries «r* further requsstsd to j following sre on hand and will be
iu,,k t" *»*•* columns for annuunee- [sent post-paid to sny address at
meiiis from the Executive c.jinii.;u.-*w ; prices quoted. Two-cent ttampa
Bv this means the business of the,will be accepted for sums not exceed-
,,,.;.- win be facilitated an. the lio-.wg 35 cents: ~
mi,nu„   «nd     Provincial    eeei star les j Ths Origin of tha Family   (*}.
H«..«,.! of a little of the Im-teaslug      Engels)   J^V    ^g]
Ths    HocUl   Revolution (Karl
burden of eorrsspondencs.
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LIST OP 8UPPUEH.
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h me of Chas. Ken a. Co., can pro-
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America
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MITTBE.
fin.
hn
M
W*
1 .
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The World's Rsvolutions (Ernest Untennann) ...
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and  what    they    stand for,
(John Spargo)  „ a
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•m uf previous meeting read and
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Collection at  Hank, II. & G.
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..la!
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D, G. McKKN/ll•".
Secretary,
-o-
DOMIMON EXECUTIVE COM
MITTtiE.
TIIK   STATE  AND  SOCIALISM.
From a Ijocturo Delivered by Gabriel
m-\llle. In Tarta, April 30, 1995,
Translated by Robert Rives La
Mont.
I Ijclirvc I have shown thc impotence
of the -.Hike ui general and of the lieii-
»ral strike in particular as a substitute
for political action for the emancipation
of the proletariat Considering it then
as proven that the first task and duty Ol
the tatter is thc conquest of thc public
i-o-Acrt, let us see what should l>e the attitude  of  the  Sooiali-t-.ui  the  various
elective bodies.
I hey iiuiNt always undertake thc defense .if the disinherited in our socia
ii.viroiiitu-iit. not only take a hand m all
reforms Of all kinds, but auitatc for and
bring into effect as soon as possible, oy
adapting themselves to circujnstsnces,
measure calculated to afford nn-
nieiliaie   rem .   ."   >>'*-   " •» .   .:    :     ,
■the wane slaics, to all the exploited of
T !  I e mpTUlist regime, by restricting their
*" I exploitation     VVe  have  never  been  o
, ^ ! the number ol those who say:     All or
nothing I" and still les
sav:      From bad to worse
of those  who
-'*'    We   at
j-y. 1        ■    •*"   ***   M***m**sm*m   *
uat so cms -icr 100.
L   o,,„.M from A w
om A. Wagenknecht, Na-
IJgjrt accept everything which leads us
fron bad t" iK-tier, merely insisting up
JH<rt%«,„ along the ^hutopon
continuing tO go forward from better   o
better slmlng at the well-being of all.
wgular  Dominion  Kxecutive    Com
«w meeting, ,\larch 5th,  1W»7   I'res
t-omradet Oalet, Stebbings, Pritcii- i
*•• Pettipiece,   McKenzie,   Mortimer,!
SS "l'1 \hc ^r?'*. (SSrtTSw to the working class ...
r'» <    lead  and adopted. SewSM tlaves, to all the exploited
"c lollowing    cories|*..iitkncc ""
" *h|t the Secretary    instructed
." ihertto;
'"'i Uawton and   Fredericton   l-o
hum (,,m   Herman Reich, Mon
Jj'J- »"d Com. A.  Wagenknecht, Se-
'''■' plat form  of thc  party  in . the
!*" language   was   reported   ready
"'« price to Lueals and individuals
conformably to the economic^ conditions
Which render its altainme.it final y l-os-
Sbie To do each moment everything
Sf this kind that is feasible without
.I.,./ oting light of our -.oal-ha I
what oniihi to be the rule of conduct of
Socialists elected to office.      ,
n addition to this general
tendency to have, as some maintain,   n
particular tendency  to .i.iv.m..
fl 'ht Finnish   Sociciy
""  I'rinting, $5.85,   " i„.irv-
* ,lu">      ■- ■     lhjs catcgort-
ami'car fashion, as one's opinion on the ad-
Total of $i5.vs5.; „„t«ge, ,.f incresting ihe niwb«  and
r p Receipts. i bnu, of the public tervicet >-. tin cart*
4ri'°V ''"-^-Com. $11.00   X environment must vary with H"-
"l"" LocbI, ,uinps      a.00 varying circumitanc.es, .
Ves. the conversion of wen or lucn
  e»| -in   branches of industry into publtt    ser-
'. O- UORQAX, 'm*tf      ' vi«*i direr.I,- dependent upon the State,
J* I "minute-man  for  Washingtoii,
I   ''''"iinaimii re advocacy of  fusion
"tiler Thomas  Mills    at  Victoria
** fccfived
In
Hn,
md the Secretary instruct
!jl'll,l a statement of the facts to
I'liii'.'i "llrB,•!',•  »,a,c  tccretary    of
W
(li-lilier-
uueiil Ihey i
'»"smt were ordered drawn as foi , „„,,.	
a eW toward the absorption by tlu-pre-
Publishing I ;„, state of the various bmncheli of|ln-
1 ■••' Western Clarion on account | ought not to be
rtokbi. $150.00
constitution
In my opinion   the question
asked in
lottl
may be a good thing in one case and a
bad thing in another. It all depends,
i" fact, among us, on thc character of
the majority that makes the law. An
additional public service being that
much additional power for the State, we
must strenRthen the positions which arc
more or less in our own hands and not
those which are in the hands of our
enemies. Let us first effect our entrance into the place; we will strengthen it afterward. You see, all roads lead
ns to the same inevitable conclusion:
the first thing to do is to effect our
entrance in larger and larger numbers
into the elective assemblies. For what
1 have said aliout the Stale is equally
applicable, though in a less degree, to
the departments and the municipalities—
in a less degree because not only is the
sphere of action smaller but especially
because the power is less, and it is this
winch gives lheir signal importance lo
legislative elections.
Though Socialism succeeds in extend-
UJg the public services when it is to its
advantage to do so, or in exacting various social reforms, this docs not constitute State Socialism, tt is simply a
more or less complete infiltration of Socialism into the State. Socialists, in
fact, do not expect to accomplish serious
reforms while thc Mate is wholly in the
hands of their opponents. They expect
to do this only after the State shall be
more or less fuily in tlieir own hands.
Pure Socialism tends to bring the s<-cial
means of production uiiucr the control
of society, which is not an organism
severed from the individuals composing
it anv more than the individuals are not
conceivable apart from it, and whose enlarged action, wholly intentional and
voluntary, is the very condition of a
more ample, a more real liberty of all
tbe individuals. Statism tends to turn
everything over to the State which is a
bodv atiart from individuals and above
them. The distinction has, it must be
confessed, no great practical interest in
1-ranee at present, because wc have universal suffrage and the Republic and
therefore the State is independent of
thc masses of thc nation only on account of the ignorance of those masses.
Let this ignorance be dissipated—and
this is thc tendency of the Socialist
propaganda—and the mass of the nation
«ill have a direct influence on the State,
which means that they will use the State
as a means of action, and it is for thit
that they must make the conquest of
thc State. To understand this is to
be able to do it.
This is not the case everywhere, be-
..uise everywhere the political evolution
has not progressed so far as it has in
France. In places where it is otherwise, for example in Germany, where
thc State is independent of the nation,
and where Socialism is powerful, there
has developed a certain doctrine under
the name of State Socialism and, there,
this distinction, which has no great interest among ns, is very important,
all lhe more because State Socialism
has I «cn conceived precisely in order to
supply the State with a means of combatting pure Socialism, which is the
onlv So ialism, and to arrest its expansion.
This "dike" has never been very effective, moreover, according to M. Leon
Say, who, making, as do all those conversant with the subject, the distinction I have just made, said in an address at Amiens: "The State Socialism
of Prince Bismarck and of the German
professors commonly known as the
economists (Socialists) of the chair,
has not impaired the force of the Socialist current; it has, on the contrary,
rendered it more formidable, and the
bureaucratic dike with which it was intended to block its progress may well
be iwept away some tine day, in spite
01 the pains taken and the scientific precautions used in building it.'' Therefore, let us not confound State Socialism with thc infiltration of Socialism
into the State, and let us endeavor to
increase this infiltration as much as possible until Socialism shall tie mistress
of the State. That day will be, not
tlie last dav oi the State, but the first
day of the last phase of its evolution.
The disappearance of the State, as I
have said, implies the disappearance of
classes, i. c , the previous modification
of social conditions. This modification
must bc brought about by law, and it is
this legislative task that the Socialist
State will have to accomplish. Between
the time when the class-conscious majority of the proletariat, the Socialist
party, shall take possession of the State
in order to give practical effect to its
programme, to realize thc suppression
of classes, and the time when that sup-
pressioii shall lie actually accomplished,
there will be an intervening period
which will be the Socialist nhasc of thc
State. Dunne this period, the State
will lie as always government by a class
bm it will be government by that class
by which classes, henceforth useless and
detrimental, will tie su'iprcssed.
In the hands of the Socialist party or
—what is the same thing—of the organized proletariat, the State will have
to regulate the situation of persons and
material wealth 00 the basis of the So-
ciaH/ation of capitalist property, and it
will control and adjust this situation
thromrh the instrumentality of the law.
It will act just as thc State acted in the
last century in thc case of the property
of the nobility and the clergy, just as
the present State acts, lt is a tradition
of tlie Revolution that what a law has
done a law can undo, and that there is
no possible appeal front the decision of
the legislative liody.
When the Socialization of capitalist
property shall have been effected, and
legally effected, there will no longer be
any economic subordination of some to
others, there will l>e no more classes,
and the State, made a necessity by the
existence of classes, can at last be suppressed or, rather, it will disappear of
ilseTT when it shall have accomplished
its task of transformation.
This is not equivalent to saying that
the Socialist society will have no organization. But the future social organization, when antagonistic classes no longer
exist, when constraint no longer has to
be exercised over some for the benefit
of others, will not be a State any more
than the means of production will be
capital alter they shall have lost the
power of exploiting the labors of others.
or than the future remuneration will be
what wc call wages when it shall no
longer presuppose surplus-labor. These
two latter changes will bc thc result of
the suppression of the character of capital which is today stamped upon the
principal means of production.
It it needless for me to talk of the
future organization, and I limit myself
to pointing om the general lines along
which it will develop. In the transition
period in which the transformation will
be accomplished through conscious
adaptation of measures to facts, there
will still be a State, but that State will
be a Socialist State. In the following
period, the political rule of the men
who constituted the State in the transition period, will have become a business administration of affairs. Instead
of government there will then be simply aTiusiness administration.
Freemen   and   equals,   the   producers
will decide in coinmon everything concerning production, and henceforth, instead of lieing the puppets of economic
forces beyond their control, they    will
rule  these   forces  in  accordance    with
their good  pleasure.     Far  from being
compelled to submit to a social organization which makes and modifies their
conditions  of  existence    without    any
regard to their wishes, as is the case at
present, they will have, for the first time,
the kind of social organization    which
they   shall   wish—a   wish    guided    by
knowgdgc of the causes and effects of
social^phenomena.    Men will at last bc
thefr own masters.   The unconscious development of humanity will be followed
by a conscious development.   Progress,
instead of bcin" as before    a frequent
source of sufferings, will be the source
of universal prosperity.   Inventions and
discoveries—the     parents   of   material
prosperity—when introduced into actual practice, will no longer be perverted
by social institutions and forced to have
effects wholly different from those justly foreseen, intended nd expected.   The
universalization of material comfort and
the general comprehension of the conception of social  solidarity  which  will
be brought home to the mind of the individual by the perception of the social
foundation of his prosperity, will be the
starting-point of an itense and vigorous
intellectual and ethical development inspired in the individual as in society by
the vision of the good, the welfare, the
greatest   possible   welfare   of   all,   and
having as its natural consequence   the
most   untrammelled  blossoming  of   individuality, and thc freest possible realization of the aspirations of each individual.
*    *     *    s
TO CLARION READERS.
The publishers of the Western Clarion
have orders upon the National Sewing
Machine Company (see advertisement
in another column) for three $65.00
sewing machines which are taken on advertising account. These orders will
be disposed of at an extremely reasonable figure. The machines will be
shipped direct to purchasers from the
company's factory. To any one living
in the United Stales an opportunity is
thus afforded to obtain an up to date
$65.0o sewing machine at reasonable
cost. To a Canadian purchaser, owing to that wise paternal blessing known
as the tariff, the duty would be added
to the cost.
Any one wishing to obtain a machine
will be furnished full particulars by addressing the publishers,
KINGSLEV & S I'OW,
Box 836,
Vancouver, B.T.
Lecal ot ths Socialist
Psrty of I'saad* should run m earl
under this bead. $1.00 ner month.
Secretaries please sots.
NOTICE.
Vancouver, B.C., Jan. 21, 1907.
Notice is hereby given that, 60
days a;ter date I intend to apply to
the Hon. Commissioner ol Lauds and
Works for permission to purchase
Section 25. Township 8, Range 5,
Coast District, Buckley Valley.
JOHN CORNYN.
British Columbia Provincial Executive
Committee, Socialiat Party of Canada. Me. t» eivfry alternate Tuesday. D. G. McKenzie, Secretary,
Box 836, Vancouver, B. C.
Dominion Executive Committee, Socialist Party of Canada. Meets
every alternate Tuesday. J. O.
Morgan, Secretary, 551 Barnard
Street, Vancouver, B. C.
-ocal Vancouver, So. 1, t, P. of Canada. bu8li.ej.-i meetings every
Monday evening at headquarters,
ioKitsiUe Block, 211 Cambie Street,
(room 1. second floor). Educational meetings every Sunday at I
p. m., iu Sullivan Hall, Cordova
Street Frederic Perry. Secretary,
Box m, Vancouver, B. C
notice-
To conclude, I am going to sum up
this lecture and the results that, I believe, have been correctly reached.
After defining the State by attributing to it a beginning and an end, I investigated the beginnings of the State;
1 pointed out to you its genesis and I
showed that the establishment of the
State was a step forward.
At this point, in order to avoid any
misapprehension and to reply at the
same time to a question raised in this
very place. I explained to you what it
was that from our point of view constituted this progress, what were its
constituent elements and what its consequences.
Bound tip, I have tried to demonstrate,
with the division of society into classes,
the State is a mode #f social organization which can persist only so long as
that division shall last, and the goal,
to attain which all Socialist efforts
should be directed, is the conquest of the
State, the capture of the public powers.
Discussing the objections brought
against this thesis, I was led to explain
my views on the general strike and to
reject it as a Socialist weapon.
Therefore, we nmst work without
ceasing to elect more and more Socialists to oiftce, to permeate and saturate
the State more and more with Socialist ideas, until, in the hands of the Socialist party or the class-conscious, organized proletariat, the State with all
its powers, and especially that of law-
matting, becomes the instrument, which
it is destined to be, of the economic
transformation to be accomplished.
When that transformation is completely accomplished, there will then be, instead of" persons to be constrained, only
things to be administered, and on thai
glorious day there will still be a social
organization, but it will no longer be a
State.
Vancouver, B.C., Jan. 21, 1907.
Notice is hereby given that, 60
days after date I intend to apply to
the Hon. Commissioner of Lands and
Works for permission to purchase
Section 5, Township 6, Range 5,
Coast District, Buckley Valley.
JAMES  ARTHUR GARDNER.
NOTICE.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that 30
days after date I inirnd to app.y io u.e Hull
Chief Commisiuoner of Land*, and Vvurlu for
a special license lo cut and cany a»ay umber iron, the following descriueJ lands in
Coast District:
1. Commencing at a post planted on the
west side of Rivera Inlet, at the north end oi
Schooner Pass, about a mile and a Halt trom
Beaver Cannery; thence west Sv chains,
thence north 80 chains, thence east si) chains,
thence south 80 chains, to place of commencement.
2. Commencing at a post planted on the
west side of No. 1, running west (*0 chains,
thence north 80 chains, thence east so chains,
tbence south 80 chains, to point of commencement.
W. M.  FEENEY.
Agent for Frank Vandall and H. II. i uhr.
Vancouver,  B. C, Feb. lib.  1U07.
THE SOCIALISTS' VIEW OF
THE GERMAN ELECTIONS.
That under present electoral apportionment the Socialists are not properly
represented in the Reichstag, was claim-
ed on the floor of the Reichstag V    '.'err j ^*m3Fh?*L corner po... ihence North
Bebel.  the  leader of the  Soctal'st?.  rnr^g  chain,   thence  West   «o  chains,   thenc*
NOTICE.
Notice is hereby given that sixty days after
date we intend to apply to the Chief Commissioner of Lands anil Works for special Ii
cense to cut and carry away timber oti lhe
following  described   lands   in   Rupert   District:
2. Commencing at tbe N. E. corner of section 29 marked Imperial 'limber and Tradini-
Company's Northwest corner, thence Si) chains
South, ihence 80 chains East, thence Sm
chains North, tbence 80 chains West to -joint
of commencement.
3. Commencing at a point one-half mile
East of tbe Northeast corner of section -J,
marked Southwest corner post, thence North
100 chains, thence East to chains, thence
South 100 chains, thence West SU cbains l<-
point of commencement.
4. Commencing at the same point as No.
S marked the Southeast corner post, ihence
North 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
tbence South ISO chains, thence East 40 cbains
to point of commencement.
5. Commencing < at a point about one-half
mils West from the Northeast corner of section 20, marked Southwest corner post, thence
North ISO cliains, tbence East 40 cbains,
thence South ISO chains, thence West 40
chains, to point of commencement.
t. Commencing at Uie same point as No.
5, marked Southeast corner post, thence North
160 chains, thence West 40 chains, tbence
South 160 chaina, thence East 40 chains to
point of commencement.
7. Ccmunencing at a post near tbe N. E.
corner of Section 23, marked the N. VV. corner post, thence South 80 chains, tbence East
80 chains, thence North 80 chains, thence
West 80 chains, to point of commencement.
9. Commencing at a point one-half mile
West of the N. W. corner of section 15,
marked Southwest corner post, thence North
160 chains, thence East 40 chains, tbence
South 160 chains, thence west 40 chains to
point of commencement
?0.    Commencing at the same point as No.
a  debate  on  the    26th.
Bebd
clared that if there were a proper distribution of seats the Social Democrats
would be in possession, not of 43, but
of 117 of them, tie asserted, moreover,
that the elections had.proved that every
third man in Germany over the age of
25, was a Social Democrat.
MILS' APOLOGIST
ADMITS FUSION
The following notice of motion was
ommited from Secretary's report
of last week. Note the essential
fact of fusion is conceded by his
supporter.
Notice of Motion by E. Burns.
Resolved, that Secretary of Local
Vancouver, S. P. of C, write Walter
Thomas Mills, in reply to his explanation of the events that took place in
Victoria on the occasion that Com.
Mills spoke from the platform of the
Labor Party of that city, that this Local considers his action in advocating
the election of a mixed Socialist and
Labor ticket as unwise and contrarj-^to
the best interests of our movement."
Considering, however, thc peculiar po-i
silion which Lorn. ..oils was unexpectedly called upon to face, conditions for
which Com. Mills was in no way responsible, Local Vancouver is willing
to sanction and to hold under its auspices the remainder of the course of
lectures proposed by Com. Mills, provided first that Coin. Mills gives his
assurance that in his future work in
this province he will only support politically the cano.uatcs of the Socialist
I'arty of Canada.
South   160  chains,   thence   East  40  chains
point of c-nunencemenL
11. Commencing at the same point as No.
10, marked the N. W. corner post, thence
South 160 chains, thence East 40 ciiaina,
thence North 110 chains, tbence West 40
chains to point of commencement
12. Commencing at the same  point as  No.
11, marked the N. E. comer post, thence
South 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence North 160 chains, thence East 40 chains
to point of commencement.
Local Toronto, S. P. of C—Meets every Sunday 3 p. m. at Davis Hall,
corner Queen and Spadina Avenues. F. Dale, SecreUry, 41
Henry Street. Finnish Branch
meets Sunday nights, same hall.
Jewish Branch, Sunday nights, at
185 1-2 Queen St, West.
Local Winnipeg, S. P. of C, meets
every Sunday, iu Trades Hail, at
2:30 p. m. J. Coxon, Secretary, 226
Princess St., Winnipeg, Man.
Local Nelson, S. P. of C—Meets every hriday evening at 8 p~n_ in
Miners' Union Hall, Nelson B. C
A. W. Harrod, Organizer.
25. Commencing at the N. E. corner of
Section z8, marked the S. E. corner post,
ihence West 160 chains, thence North 40
chains, thence Eaat 160 chains, thence South
40 chains to point of commencement.
26. Commencing at a point half a mile
East of the S. W. corner of Section 27,. Tp.
la, marked the S. E. corner poat, thence
.North ltiO chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence South 160 chains, thence East 40 chains
to point of commencement.
27. Commencing at a post about one
mile S. of the S. W. corner of Section
1&, T'p. 14, marked the N. W. corner post,
thence S. 80 chaina, thence E. 80 chains,
thence N. 80 chains, thence W. 80 chaina, to
point of commencement.
28. Commencing at the same point as No.
27, marked the N. E. corner post, thence S.
-0 chaina, thence W. 80 chains, thence N. 80
chains, tnence E. 80 chains, to point of com-
ihencement.
£9. Commencing at ■ point about two
mile* S. of the S. W. corner of Section 20.
marked the N. W. corner post, thence S. 160
chains, thence E. 40 chains, thence N. 160
chains, thence W. 40 chains, to point of com-
mencemeoi.
$0. Commencing at the same point as
No. 29, marked the N. East corner pust, tnence
S. leu chains, thence W. 40 chains, thence
X. ItiO cliains, thence E. 40 chains, to point
uf commencement.
31. Commencing at a post near tbe N. W.
coiner of Section la, marked the N. W. corner post, tbence South 160 chains, thence
East tu cliains, thence North 160 chains,
thence West 40 chains, to point of commencement
32. Commencing at tbe same point as  No.
31, maried tbe N. E. corner post, thence
South 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence North 160 chains, thence East 40
chains, to point of commencement.
33. Commencing at the same point as No.
32, marked ihe S. W.. corner post, thence
North 160 chains, thence East 40 chains,
thence South 160 chains, thence West 40
chains, to point of commencement.
34. Commencing at tbe same point as No.
33, marked the S. E. corner post, tbence
North 160 cbains, thence West 40 chains,
thence South 1..0 chains, tbence East 40
chains, to point of commencement
35. Commencing near tke S. W. corner
of Section 22, marked the S. W. corner post,
thence N. 80 chains, thence E. 80 chains,
thence S. 80 cbains. thence W. 80 chains, to
point of commencement
36. Commencing at the same point as No.
33, marked the S. E. corner post, thence
N. 160 chains, thence W. 40 chains, thence
S. 160 chains, thence E. 40 chains to point
of commencement
37. Commencing at a point about one mile
S. of the S. W. corner of Section 22. marked
the S. E. corner post, thence W. 80 chains,
thence N. 80 chains, thence E. 80 chains,
thence S. 80 chains to point of commencement
38. Commencing at the same point as No.
37, marked the N. W. corner post, thence S.
160 chains, thence E. 40 chains, thence N.
160 chains, thence W. 40 chains, to point of
commencement
39. Commencing at the same point as No,
88, marked the N. E. corner post, thence S.
160 chains, thence W. 40 cliains, thence N.
160 chains, ihence E. 40 chains to point of
commencement.
40. Commencing at a pr :nt near the S. W.
IS. Commencing at the Southeast corner of , corner of Section 21, marked the S. E. cor-
Sectoin 20, marked the N. E. corner post,; ner post tkence N. 80 chains, thence W. 80
tbence South 160 chains, thence West 40, chains, thence S. 80 chains, thence E. 80
chains,  tbence North  160 chains,  thence  East   chains, to point of co-ruuence.uenl.
40 chains to point of commencement.
14. Commencing at the same point as No.
IS, and marked the S. E. corner, thence North
160 chains, thence West 40 chains, thence
South 160 chains, thence East 40 chains to
point of commencement.
15. Commencing a half a mile West of the
S. E. corner of Section .80, marked the N. E.
corner post, thence South 160 chains, thence
West 40 chains, thence North 160 chains,
thence East 40 chains to point of commencement
16. Commencing at the same point as No.
15, marked the S. E. corner post, thence North
160 chains, thence West 40 chains, thence
South 160 chains, thence East 40 chains to
point of commencement
19. Commencing at the S.E. cor. of sec. 16.
marked the N. W. corner post, thence
South 80 chains, thence East 80 chains, thence
North 80 chains, thence West 80 chains to
point of oiiiiiieiicement.
20. Commencing «t a point one-half mile
West of lhe S. W. corner of Section 2i>,
narked the N. W. corner post, ihence South
160 chnins.thence East 40 chains, ihence North
160 chains, Ihence West 40 cliains to point of
commencement.
21. Commencing nt the same point a* in
No. 20, marked the N. E. corner post, thence
South 160 chains, thence West 40 chains,
thence North 160 chains, thence East 40 cliains
to point of commencement
22. Commencing at the same point as in
No. 11. marked tbe S. W. corner post, thence
North 160 chains, thenre Fast 40 chains,
thence South 160 chains, thence West 40
chains to point of commencement
28. Commencing at the same point as No.
22 marked the S. E. corner post thence North
160 chains, thence West 40 chains, thence
South 1G0 chains, thence East 40 chaina o
point of commencement.
24. Commencing at a point near the N. E.
corner of Section 81, marked the N. E. corner post, thence South 80 chains, thence West
so chains, thence North 80 chaina, thenc* East
SO chain* to point of commencement
41. Commencing about one mile N. from
the N. W. corner of Section 17, marked the
S. E. corner post, thence N. 80 chains, thence
W. 80 chains, thence S. 80 chains, thence E.
80 chains, to point of commencement.
42. Commencing at a point about one mite
S. of the S. E. corner ol Section 20, marked
the S. E. corner post thence W. 160 chains,
thence N. 40 chains, thence E. 160 chains,
thence S. 40 chains, to point of commence*
ment.
43. Commencing at a point about 2 miles
South of the S. E. corner of Section 19,
marked the S. W. corner post, thence North
80 chains, thence East 80 chains, thence
South 80 cliains, thence West 80 chains, lo
point of commencement.
44. Commencing at the same point as No.
43, marked the N. W. corner post, thence S.
160 chairs, Ihence E. 40 chains, thence N.
160 chains, theae*) W. 40 chains, to point
of commencement.
45. Commercing at a point about two and
a half miles S. of the S. E. corner of Section
SI, n-arked the N. K. corner post, thence
W. 160 chains, thence S. 40 chains, ihence
K. 1.111 chains, thence N. 40 chain*, to point
of coinnienceme.it.
4(1. Coinmencing at a point near the S. W,
corner of Sec:ion :'2, marked lhe N. W. corner post, Ihence S. 80 chains, thence E, tt
chains, thenc* N. 80 chains, Ihence W. M
chains,  to point of commencement.
47. Cnmmcneing nt a point near the S. W.
corner cf Section 18, T'p. 13, marked the It.
W. corner post, thence South 100 chains,
thence Kast 10 chains, thence North 1*0
chains, thence West 40 chains, t.i point *f
commencement
48. Commeiirinp at a point near the N. W.
corner of Section 18. marked Ihe S. E. corner post, thence North 80 chains, thence \V«*t
80 cliains. thence Sou'h 81) chains, Ihence East
80 chains, to point of commencement
Dated   at   Vancouver,   V.   C,   February   13th,
1907.
IMI'EKIAL   TIMBER   &   TR.\D1NG   COMPANY,  LIMITED.
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THI W1BTI11I OL-JtlON, VAKOOtnnSK,   BEM-SH COLUMBIA.
SATURDAY, Uknru
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J   AS GIVEN OR EXPRESSED BY SOCIALISTS THROUGHOUT THE DOMINION   •
NEWS AND VIEWS
9
9
Edited by R. P. P***rraPj'D*_CB. to whom all cnrrespondenoe tor thla department should be addreaaed.
•£»
"WE HAE 'OOR DOOTS."
A Socialist Party that docs not by its
actions make a vital distinction between
itself and the party of its opponents is
certainly a peculiar type. Nowhere in
the history of civilization ,do we find
the apologists for the current economic
syttem looking with approval on thc
standard-bearers of thc order that is
destined to overthrow it. What shall
we say of Wisconsin, where by the following despatch Capitalism and Socialism seem to bc reconciled ?
"It is stated that thc ability and sincerity of the Socialists in the Wisconsin
legislature is winning for them the confidence of many legislators and even
some of thc high officials in the state,
and that any proposed bill is discussed
relative to the stand the Socialists will
take upon it. Many Republicans good-
humoredlv announce themselves Socialists."
What wonderful persuasive powers
these Socialists must have in Wisconsin! No antagonism! No evidence
of the class struggle! Everything as
serene as the atmosphere of a Sunday
school. Speaking of Sunday schools,
we hear that Carl D. Thompson, the
leader of the Socialist Party in the absence of the regular sky-pilot, opened
the session of the legislature with
prayeri -ose of us with the memory
of Homestead, Coeur d/iiene, Color,
ado, the legal murder of Parsons, Spies
et. al., the attempted murder of Debs,
the persecution of Moyer, Haywood and
Pettibone, and the doings in our own
fair land of Canada, the shooting of
Frank Rogers and the legal justification
of his murderer, the frequent use of the
military, we must all have been mistaken
as to the nature of the Beast Capital.
We have made the mistake of antagonizing the animal. Just pat and soothe
him, wnisper a little sopoforic prayer to
his god, fall in line with his little
schemes and he will allow you to pass
opinions on his measures in his legislature an- good-humoredly announce
himself a Socialist. We think we can
see him sticking his tongue in his clTeek
and winking the other eye at the sapient
Socialists of Wisconsin. We learn
that these gentlemen besides fathering
a lot of state capitalist measures stood
sponsor for a bill re saving banks
which, in effect, was designed to remove poverty by the encouragement of
thrift! Poverty then amongst the
working class is not the result of the
robbery of the laborer by the capitalist
through the wage system. It is due
to the extravagance of the workers and
the lack of savings banks!
Here in this province we have assumed that the class which benefits from
the exploitation of labor will be true to
its record and fight to the last ditch for
every shred of privilege it possesses
'Iherefore, we have- wasted no time in
seeking to convert its members or gain
their approval. We have sought to
awaken the proletariat to a sense of the
position it occupies in human society.
We have uncovered the robbery practised upon it. We have fought for every little bit of vantage ground that
would enable it to fight better. - We
have not bothered to make capitalism
more workable for the benefit of the
capitalist. ;i>ve all, we have warned
the proletariat about the true nature of
capital, so that they could beware its
fangs. As a consequence we have drawn
down the wrath of the ruling class and
its henchmen in pulpit and press in a
manner never before witnessed. At the
same time the ruling class has been
forced to throw sops in the hope of
pacifying the aroused working class and
discuss favorably palliative programmes.
It may be that the methods of the Socialists of Wisconsin may better advance the can--*; of the Revolution, but
wc are Scotch and "we ha'e oor doots."
J. T. M.
 o	
Vancouver Local held its usual propaganda meeting last Sunday evening in
' Sullivan hall.    Com. Dubberley was in
the chair.    Com.    John    Mcinnes, the
newly-elected member for Grand Forks
riding, was present and made a short
address, reviewing conditions in the interior    Com. £. T. Kingsley was the
speaker of  the evening and  delivered
one   of   his   characteristic   addresses,
which was followed with close attention
by the audience.   He reviewed the evolution of human society from the time
of tribal    communism   down   through
chattel slavery,    feudal    serfdom    and
wage-slavery.   The driving force behind
this evolution was the development of
the tools of wealth production. As these
changed, the social organization underwent    a corresponding    change.     An
analysis of the workings of the wage-
system   showed  that  capitalism   means
the robbery of the wage-worker   and
working farmer.     1 ne    value  of    all
means   o.   production,   real-estate,   etc.,
was shown to rest in the bodies of   thc
working class.   Title-deeds to property
simply meant ownership of slaves. The
repressive functions of the state   were
clearly outlined.   Ine futility of reform
programmes that  left the  wage-system
ttrjtbucned was fully demonstrated. Before the working class could have the
guarantee of having any rights respected they must have the state under their
own hand.    To capture the class state
in their own interest is the mission of
the   /evolutionary    proletariat.     With
this accomplished slavery  is abolished
and the misery, crime and degradation
that is the inevitable fruit of slavery
is at an end and labor for the first time
since the dawn of civilization   stands
forth free. ^
It is with regret that we announce the
sudden death of Comrade John Neel-
ands on Friday, March 1st, at the age
of 65 years. Comrade Neelands was a
sufferer from asthma for many years.
On the evening preceding his demise he
retired to his cabin apparently in his
usual health and was found dead in the
morning by a neighbor.
The funeral took place last Monday
afternoon from r-.emp & Simpson's undertaking parlors. A number of Socialist comrades followed his remains lo
their last last resting place.
For many years Comrade Neelands
was actively identified v.ith »he Socialist movement and in spite of failing
health and other disabilities spread the
propaganda of Socialism with a vigor
that would have done credit to a
younger man. And now, like many
another apostle of the coming age, he
has been compelled to give up the fight.
Like them his reward was the consciousness of duty well done.
 o	
Vancouver Local No. 1, .!>. P. of C,
will commemorate the inauguration of
the Paris Commune of 1871 on Sunday,
March nth.
The Socialist members of the Legislature have been invited to attend.
Com. E. T. Kingsley, editor of the
Western Clarion, will portray the Rise
and Fall of the Commune. Other
speakers will also address the meeting.
Arrangements are being made to secure tlie Grand theatre for the occasion.
Look out for display advertisement in
next week's Clarion tor full particulars. A large attendance is desirable.
Interest your friends and bring them
along.
Don't forget the date, March nth, and
look for the announcement uf meeting
place in ...e next Clarion.
o	
CORRESPONDENCE.
Kamloops, B. C, March 4^ 1907.
Dear Sir: In your recent issue of
the Clarion I take notice that a writer
in your columns condemns the enactment of the "Lord's Day Act."
As a Socialist and a workingman, I
welcome this act, as I have worked
eleven hours a day during seven days a
week and know what it means to have
no day of rest. The act has not been
passed, in my belief, to compel men to
attend places of worship, but simply to
give that one day's freedom—rest to
mind and body—so necessary for the
maintenance of the physical strength
of our people. And as a Christian as
well as a Socialist I am not pleased to
read such letters in the columns of one
of the papers whicn we hope are published to benefit the readers. Taking
an attitude such as that re the letter referred to will, 1 think, tend to harm the
cause of Socialism rather than advance
the same. Every Socialist is looking
forward to the ushering in of the cooperative commonwealth, but let us in
the meantime welcome any law that
will make thc working slaves' life a little easier. Whether it be brought about
by Capitalist or Socialist, Etheist or
Christian, such as act as this, that will
give thc workers one day's rest in every
seven is certain to tend toward the
elevation of the class and lift them from
lives of slavery, giving them time to
think and enjoy life a little more.
W. G. L
*     m  ;*:*
The writer of the above may test the
motive behind  this  act by  seeking to
find out how many of the members of
the Lord's  Day  Alliance  will  support
jhe enactment of a six-day week law
that would leave it optional to adopt
another day for a rest day than Sunday.   Our comrade works eleven "hours
per day, seven days a week.    Are his
employers Christians?    Surelv not. We
are not at all particular about thc source
from   which    the  shortening,   of  thc
working time may come, but we have
been led to believe that only the class
concerned can make appreciable steps in
this  direction,   namely,    the    working
class.    Our knowledge of the history
and present attitude of the church does
not lead us to believe that it will do
other than protect its material interests.
These are served at the present time by
the liberation of thc slaves on Sunday,
the closing of every avenue of enjoyment  and  the  opening    wide  of  the
church door.     Our comrade  is afraid
that frank critiefsm of the church will
injure the Socialist cause.    If it is such
a tender plant it deserves to be hurt. In
our opinion it has everything to lose
and  nothing    to  gain  by  conciliating
either, economic or religious prejudice.
The Christian church is a pillar of capitalism and as such we are obliged to attack it.   It '•-- no hesitation in spitting
its sojritual venom over our movement.
.. nere it does look annrovingly on what
it calls Socialism, bc sure that Socialism is thc brand that meekly puts on
the yoke of the church's musty theology
and does not seriouslv threaten the system 0.       lcrty that is based on the exploitation of  labor.    Thc church,  like
every other institution that draws    its
sustenance from this  source,  will  defend it.    That section of the working
class that will accept a sop at thc price
of a further encroachment on the little
liberty it enjoys is a slave outfit and
can be of no help to the work of the
revolutionary proletariat.
J. T, M.
THE FIELD IS RIPE.
Fernie, B. C, Feb. 27, 1907.
Editor News and Views:
Dear Comrade p*. I am glad to hear
that the Executive has decided to place
an organizer in the "field" as soon as
possible.
Now, a few words regarding our sister province Alberta.
Comrade Ben F. Wilson has been doing pioneer work in Lttndhrek and l-cth-
bridge and had good mttitigs at both
places, and at Coleman the meeting was
a '"corker." Thc revolutionary spirit
was rampant.
I have been observing the trend of
things in Alberta and feel sure that an
organizer of the right stamp could do
wonders in the various coal camps along
the Crow's Nest ranway; also at Bank-
head, near Calgary.
ln following my occupation as lineman 1 am thrown in contact with "all
sorts and conditions of men" who arc
seeking fresher fields, etc., many of
whom arc American fanners and Socialists.
Around High River, Claresholm, Red
Deer, and Wetaskiwin there are many
Socialist farmers, but so far as I know
they have no organization. Good material is wasting and will be eventually
gathered in by the Liberals of Alberta
with their programme of palliatives.
When thc organizer comes to the
Crow's Nest country I would like to
hear of dates being booked for Albcna.
We of Fernie, Coal Creek and Michel
will -o our part and can guarantee the
meetings being successful from a financial point of view.
It is wonderful to see the interest
shown at our meetings; why the workers are simply hungering after knowledge.
I hope my suggestion re Alberta wili
lie considered and would remind you
of the revision of scats for Alberta
which might give us what I am longing
to see—a Socialist at Ottawa.
Yours in the fight,
W. SYMONDS,
Organizer Local Fernie, No. 17.
The following motion made in thc
National Committee of the S. P. of U.
S. is being submitted to referendum
vote, lt is a step in the right direction.
The principle ought to lie carried out
to the extent of providing a comprehensive selection of suitable literature. It
would tend to *g:t out a whole lot of
worse than useless truck that now
passes muster as Socialist literature
The Dominion Executive has now in
course, of preparation pamphlets that
will form the nucleus of a whole series
"That the National Secretary be instructed to communicate with all secretaries of Locals for the purpose of determining how many Locals would subscribe regularly for a defenite number
of propaganda leaflets monthly, and
pay for them in advance for three
months or more, with the view of establishing through the national headquar
ters a National Leaflet Service, and in
this way provide ways and means for
the regular distribution of propaganda
leaflets throughout the United States
and that if a sufficient number of Locals
so subscribe, that the National Secretary under the supervision of the National Executive Committee carry the
above into effect."
—i o	
Comrade I. G. Morgan will lecture
next Sunday evening, March Wth, at
H o'clock in Sullivan Hall, Cordova St
Subject:     "Property."
A musical entertainment consisting of
vocal und instrumental selections will he
provided. At the close of Ihe lecture
the meeting will be thrown open to free
discussion.
Everybody — especially workingmen—
interested in the subject of Socialism are
cordially invited to attend.
BEBEL TURNS GUNS
ON KAISER'S PLANS.
Bebel added: "The Prussian ministry
under Von Buelow is the incarnation
of the stagnation of culture."
The Imperial chancellor, who had
fled the house while Bebel was speaking, rose as the latter closed and addressed the house.
Chancellor      Replies.
The Chancellor confined himself to
accusing the Socialists of havng intimidated voters at thc last election, an accusation which met with derisive laughter hy thc Socialists, who recalled the
methods of the army and the clergy in
that same election.
Von Buelow admitted that the decrease in Socialist representatives in
the Reichstac in no way indicated a "defeat of their economic doctrines," but
was aimed at what he called their policy
of terrorism. By this he meant thc
strong discipline which has so often defeated the attempts of the government
to incite to violence, and which has held
the Socialist ranks intact in the face of
all maiiner of persecution.-—Chicago Socialist.
AN ISSUE NOT YET RAISED.
Berlin, Feb. 27—The Reichstag's first
session centered around the speech of
Bebel.
For two hours the Socialist speaker
grilled the government policy, once more
proving his right to the title of the most
powerful speaker in German parliamentary life.
ln spite of their hatred of him and
his philosophy, the gallery was filled
with members of tlie diplomatic corps
and the "400" of Berlin, who were anxious to hear Rebel's roasting of the
government.
His speech was confined to showing
the secret interference of thc government In the recent elections, where he
showed that government funds had
been used for campaign purposes.
Two Stories of Thefts.
The proof of this fact had been
brought out through some letters that
had been taken from the official documents. Von Buelow had pretended to
be greatly enraged at ths "theft" of the
letters, and had talked much of high
moral attitude,
Bebel replied by asking him:
"Why were the secret funds of the
empire recently increased from $125,000,-
000 to $150,000,000? Only to employ
spies. Gentlemen, when these indelicate
transactions enter politics, especially
foreign politics, I cannot refran from
laughng at the indignation of Prince
von Buelow. xIIad such letters been
stolen from the Socialist Party leaders
it would have caused him much pleasure."
Herr Bebel said thc recent Reichstag
elections were an official campaign
without parallel since thc regime of
Napoleon III. Officers had lieen ordered to make campaign speeches, and
money had been handed over from the
Imperial chancellery to the Naval
League for election   purposes.     Herr '
The local provincial elections are on
and the politicians arc having a regular monkey and parrot time of it. All
the bickering and petty personalities
along with thc copious amount of political slush which is dished up on all
sides in lieu of intelligent argument
should convince those who arc vainly
endeavoring to grasp and understand
thc issues at stake that in reality there
is no dividing line of policy between
the supposedly warring factions. True,
we often catch the words "graft" and
"job" thrown recklessly around, and to
a man up a tree it looks as if the mud-
spattered "honor' of all concerned will
have to be dried in the sun and scraped
with a stick before it is restored to its
customary brilliancy.
The .riends of labor blossom out on
every hand. Every candidate for office
is a friend of labor. In fact some of
them allege they have worked all day
themselves on occasions, and so are in
a position to understand-the needs of
the vvorkingtnan. The things they arc
prepared to do for labor are large and
many though indefinite. Ihey will
take more certain form after election
when they have more time to think out
the details. They arc all wholly disinterested and if* not seeking office for
au> advantage io themselves or friends,
but only in order that they may protect
the "interests of the province" and par-
lifularly the workiiigmcn from Ihe unscrupulous scoundrels who oppose them
tnd who represent certain special interests and corporations. Government ownership of thi*. that, and the other are
among the jumble of party cries which
arc used liccause deemed popular.
And so the game of capitalist politics
got; merrily cm, The game of capitalist growth and development goes on
even more merrily. Each day the workers yield up their labor and their lives
piecemeal in thc mills, the shop:., the
railways and markets of capital and the
stream of profits flow in an ever-swelling volume into the coffers of those who
own. And every day more of the two-
liv.*-* • commodity labor-power arrive-,
to compete in the market with that already here for the privilege of working
for a master—which ensure*, a continuation of .those lovely conditions.
In truth the politician and thc boss
ltoth love the workingman--like the
farmer loves his cows—as long as they
can Ik milked. After the politician
has presented him with atmospheric
coquets, his boss may preseat him with
a cut in wages or his landlord with an
increase in rent. But even with these
blessings in store for him the future of
Mr. F. Workingman is rosy compared
to what it might l>e if fie could get no
job at all. To even-contemplate this
possibility makes him shudder
It is hoped that the dav is not
far distant when the real needs and requirements of iaiior will be voiced in
the election contests in this province,
and that enough workingmen will have
awakened to an understanding of their
position under caoital to so clearly and
vigorously assault the entrenchments of
graft that the rit-ht ol labor to thc full
returns from its toil will be the one and
only issue permitted to occupy their at-
tcntion at elections, until that issue the
mightiest which has yet engaged the activities of men—is settled and settled
forever.—Proletary, in Winnipeg Voice
SEWING MACHINE.
tOLLER BEAftlNQ.
HIGH
Money
by taring thl*
tellable, honest,
high grade tew
ing machine*
^anrRONGE^UAiu-jvrrEE.
National Sewing Machine Co..
SAN FRANCISCO. CAL.
L  0'*CiXKtV ATntU.Vtt)l«B.I__«
ATTENTION I
During his recent trip through the
Boundary and Kootenay districts Comrade Ben F. Wilson obtained some subscribers for thc Western Clarion. Unfortunately he lost his valise containing
list of names and was therefore unable
to forward to this office the information necessary to enable us to fill the
subscriptions. Two or three have been
already located through kindness of
Clarion readers. If anv reader knowing
of anyone who gave to Comrade Wilson
a sub. and has not yet received the
paper will inform us of the fact we will
sec that the name of such person is
put upon the list at once.
Wanted
At Ymir General Hospital a trained
nurse, wages (40.00 per month.
For further information write to
W. B. McISAAC,
Secretary Ymir General Hospital
P. O. Drawer 506, Ymir, B. C,
ENJOY  Lift   BY SMOKING
Tte
TERMINUS
Cigar
MADE IN VANCOUVER
TELEPHONE M«
CAPITAL CITY BAKERY
G  A. OKBLL. Manager
Bread and Cakes delivered to any
part of the City. You can always
depend upon our bread.     Try it.
37 Pandora St        Victoria, B. C
J. Edward Bint.    A. O. Biydon-Jnck
BIRO & BRYOQN-JACK
BAKUIKTkr-'. ml.il ITOR". KT-.
Tel. 8_». P.O. _•_, 0a_.
834 HaaU-tr* Bt. . . Venaemver, B.C.
Union Direct
When Thry Mrrt   •*,
ory
nn «*n
Mf-wry !.»l>or Onion ,„ „„ ^^^
vited tu pl»<* » cant .„„ ,-, ,, ,'""*'><•' i. ,.
mtmOu   *mmasr*M^i^'»*t   ,..,£
International AMocUtion ,., -,..
and Structural Ironworker, T1*1
No. 97, meets ,„ Ul"r ,''„1f'l|
and third Friday f|Z J'".''m
8 p. m.   n. j,,,,!,,,..1 !!*e n'«mh
relary
-..- -..unurai ironworker- I*.
No. 97, meets ,„ Ul"rr**"•. 1**1
*** third Friday ofihe 25.M
. ho. nm. v.„i.-;uv:^;«*^|
Phoenix     Miners'   Union    si
W. F. M.    Meet, Tv""' SJ»* -
evening at 7.J0 o'clock ,n u dl*
hall.     John    Mclnnis   V_5_*
Walter Morrison, KetgJ**"-*
 nm .n
TKLKI-HOSI! Hns *|
i HENRY BCHNSCN ft Co. I
I ****M*t*ret il
;mvmm
CHAM
I tb I Csetrs It.
! VICTORIA  Iii
I
•I
Tne—
BlOlltttlti
C. PETERS /'^"'H
Hanrl-M*.!* Boot* ami s>:,., ,,  ,., w
•II style*    Krpaii lay ->n .- 11 ,
ly .lo*,«.     Meek   uf-UtfU   ...,ij'_^
filMraalat)*,-., h*.u.
MM Vastatatltr *n
tttmi that*]
WHEN  IN  VASCXHrVEK, STOP AT
TUB   DOUGALL   HOUSE
AtlMl-TT    1-mUE-KT.
lint ClaM Iter.        KsrrUrnt Itaotm.
C'AFK   OI'KN    DAY    AND   MUIIT.
ITtroa .M«~V-mtr.
WANTED—At thc Ymir General
Ho-.pit.il, a duly qualified Practitioner and one with a number of
year*; experience. Forpaiticular»
write to
W. B. McISAAC.
Secretary Ymir General Hospital
P.O. Drawer 50R. Ymir. B.C.
ATTKNTIOS, I-OMIIADKK.
I'l.n-"' do not a.llr*.-w eommuntcn*
lion* i.-ixtinir In party attain to thta
t.ap'-r or It* editor. Tho addtsaar* ot
the DonHnien and PrnvlncUl Heci-a-tar*
'«•■< will tie found In column •, pegs i
Ity addr.-itr.lti--: nil communloatlona to
them nun h confualon ami unnec«Mnry
work will be avoided.
ATENTS
'il___i_Ij
•cuRf.ni
> MUcM Ute T*a»ln*«« ot Manufaclu—-•
Rnpocf-r* aod other* -».-ho r**«li*e tht ailriHit.il-
Ky <•( Mrlng ttiHr Patrnl l.i.mr.. Ir*r>wi1~l
hy Eir-rr.*. I'rclin-tnatywt-rl.efrnI. C!iars-r»
mr-rleraU. Oar tnventar's Advtanr *mt Bt«m
r-nor-U. Manor. * Martort.rt'W Yorkl..'* ItUl*.
Wuutrcal ; uud W«.hl»,*tu->, li.C, t'.*A.
Tiu-jc Ml**,
Damn
CoeyHM-xTsie.
An«w*» — *!■ « ».!,. > ■«...! .•,,*.■     .-,,
«,«|r*ir t»rm*l-i'x «yu» I „ .,*, ..«_, M
**l»*»»fll***l   *• |>*    '<».     f  i       .       V  ,.      M-.
iu..u*..ullj J-- rn.- .,v:   l.l'i'. j05l " lv»jji
•mm pes Qt**mt ***> • i * »*.*<'iiJjpM- h
I-.1...1* t*t<--.  .1 .«««»  Mui. I lu i,    -,|
I ■**•-».   *.'■' -   M   I
fWrMI *0ttf, 9i>S..ul it.*.-., io t*a
Scientific America.
»»•;* .'.*»'*».M *«, *. .   !.»*th.
 *•**. uf «■>» f >*    '••- :   mm     ■   •
•wr: |n«r -s»n»l-*. |L r*---i *-*-. •,•.-,.
l!W4Co.3S,B^"'Kowl:!.|
\osta*.ar (.wu..mi,*..i.i
Five Clarion nub. card*- >'.']
w
"Omt-m-tmn   -.iia».*Tlvt>5-|
■*Mto.i»si<»f *r~-*i*i»*>!
*******   I*   »•>•»!   *****
*tt**iti*t^—nttt*a.
i__F.omt*'ii    in cimov u*\
SUNUM V
i*>d*Hi.rmw nM_*_»B»a'iW*|
Ash your DwiW-r for «i~Tt» Ki*»-I
H6"laTurM -t-Mul*. ]i..j^i <-r. "ur time-l
bnoorm! makr. If yi 11 ***** >-!<J*I
we «*»lp dinrt. < *!■'■-* [-rr-i*"*. it**!
n-netrrt of Ostalosj PnS
m*-*»*-[ r*»j ».«i .«»►'» ***•.<" my-
ln_4 <• l*»l-*—I- --»<-•!'*•*-■•  »*"
..-. turn, *—u a. mx-M. »■- r*. p****", *umj\
M "•• .-«*»» H,.-r'  _* 1-"W** '«■ i~||
-*-*--..,*....-   .,...*<(-
1. 8TBVENS ARMS a TOO*. CO '
P. 0. Boi .'*'.
Falls.   Mass., !'■*•»
.V'v"
OM««MMM«MM64e0«OO-*>2O-:
„  BEST   IN B  C
ft*G««9«««ft*eo0ee««09&®®:
30«H»*
 ljju— ggggg*en**r*m~—mGi_—bbb-j—   -	
United Hatters oi North America
  ,. ii
When you are buying a PUB ,,A       ,,
that the Genuine Union Label Is ***<■        ,
m retailer haa looae labels In    M.*°^^t**
ottsra to put one In a hat for you, <>"      'M
him.   Looae   labela In retmi stores tt*«\ ^ ,a
The genuine Union    Label   Is pen" ^j
edges, exactly the same U a P<>««f * ' (hr„ eJl*1
terfelta are aome Umoa perforatea "     ^j
and   some   tlmea only on two.   Jonn t • ■
of Philadelphia, la a non-union cow > ■ ^ f
JOHN A. MOFFiTT-, ireehtent, 0™**J **
MARTIN  -LAW-OIL Becn-ury. '< »''
New York.
CHEAP FUEL
COKE
COKE ie an excellent fuel for grates, hall atoves. faenjej^
cooking stoves, making a clean, bright fire without rmoke
in.
PRICE l&oo PER TON.
Vancouver Gat Company, Ltd.
*t*mm*x*m*m nissi

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