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The Western Clarion Apr 29, 1905

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Published in the Interests of the Working Class Alone.
TH1B  IS     QIO
M MI1KK     0 I Ol
Vancouver, B. C, Saturday, April 29, 1905.
subscription Price
Per Yea*
Ageatt of ihe Cxar Faa tha Flaaiaa ot Religious Prejudice
International Socialist Bureau; Mui-
soa de lJeuple, Brussells:
15th March,  1905.
IT,i   the   Delegates,    Secretaries    an
Journalists of  all the Parties Affiliated with the International So
dalisl Bureau:
Dear   Comrades:—We  have  received
,,iii the publication "Proschak,"  of
t<acva, organ of the Armenian Re-
fulutionary   Federation,   a  communi-
luiion   dated   the   10th   March,   confining  the recent  massacres at Ba-
you   are  aware  that   the  Russian
Oppression has put the Caucasus in
state   of   permanent   insurrection ;
■niipablo  of coping   with  the move-
l,,.i,i   of emancipation  in  which    thu
Thole  population  of  these countries
Liiiciputes,   the government  of    the
Ia ir  made an  appeal   to  fanaticism
lni has excited the diverse nationali-
|e.s against each other.
Alter  having given  tne  .lews  over
massacre the counsellors of Nich-
|us II. renew against tho Armenians
he sanguinary  policy  of  Abdul   Ah-
I,.(I  thut  the International  Socialist
In •.-in denounced to the indignation
the   civilized   world   in   its   muni-
Mo of the 18th October,  1901.
I'l he  executive    committee    believes
liii   it  voices  the sentiments of all
inlists in again protesting against
i premeditated slaughter of which
unfortunate Armenian is the vic-
We are persuaded that you will
Isoiiute  yourselves   with   our    pro-
iii   inking all   possible measures
liveable  lo  the resolution taken  in
|no,  at   the International   Socialist
Dngress   of   Paris.     The   resolution
us follows:
The   International   Sociulist   Coti-
ss  of   Paris,   athriuing  once  more
• sentiments of fraternal sympathy
^ich   ought   to   unite    all     peoples,
is in Indignation aguinst the vio-
the   cruelties,   the  massacres,
jiunitted  in  Armenia;  denounces  to
workers of the  two  worlds    the
uiniil   complicity   of   the   different
liiulist   governments,   requires   the
erent       Sociulist      parliamentary
lups   to   intervene   on   every   occu-
i   in   favor  of   the   Armenian   pt<o-
odiousl.v oppressed,  to which the
|gress  addressed  the  assurance  of
sincere uml  urdent  solidarity."
Fraternal salutations
Por tin' Executive Committee
Camilla Huysmans, secretary:
fineiiian   Revolutionary   Federation
<  the  International   Socialist  Bu-
■au ut Brussells:
ilizens:—We request your very gen-
|nis  concurrence    in  denouncing  to
civilized   world   the    crimes    of
lose-humanity committed against the
Armenian people, this time in the
Caucasus, In thu umpire of the very
Christian Czar, Nicholas 11.
Not content with having supported
thu great massacres of 1895-96, in
Turkish Armenia, the Czarism seeks
lo crush, to exterminate in its own
umpire the Armenian element which
it considers most dangerous for its
policy and for its domination in thu
A second KishenufT hus been organized of frightful proportions and
with unheard of impuduncu in the
large industriul city  of Baku.
In this region some thousauds of
strikers fraternized in a great demonstration against absolutism und
capitalism but the intrigues of thu
bureaucracy have succeeded in throwing against each other two peaceable
neighbors, the Mussulman and the
Armenian peoples.
There followed a frightful butchery
which lasted several days. Seven or
eight hundred persons have been killed nnd not less thun 1,800 have been
wounded- The Armenian quarters
have been devastated, the houses
burnt and whole families burned
And the authorities refuse to interfere! The Oovernor-Oenerul and the
detachments of Cossacks viewed with
an indifferent eye these scenes of barbarity. They, however, were not altogether inactive. The police and
Cossacks had received orders to support the Mussel mans, to recruit
bands of adventurers to whom they
furnished arms, and to disarm the
Some thousands of Armenian workers from the neighboring factories
rushed to the succor of their coinpu-
triots, but on entering the city they
were arrested and disarmed by Cossacks, while innumerable bunds of
fanatical Musselmuns could circulate
freely in all directions, killing, burning nnd  pillaging.
Alone, a few hundred braves of the
Revolutionary Armenian Federation
found their way, arms in hand, to
the principal streets of the Armenian (punier, and, in spite of the Cos-
sucks, repulsed Ihe .Moslems, who attacked only the population without
arms. For this reason the enormous
majority of the victims nrf Armenians, there being only 2.10 killed
among the Musselmuns.
The Armenian Revolutionary Committee did its duty. After having
vainly summoned the governor, Na-
kachidze, to arrest this atrocious effusion of blood he took the necessary
measures to limit and localize it.
Knowing well that the plot was
fathered b.v the Russian government
and that the Musselmun effervescence
wus a passing phenomenon, the Armenian Committee, faithful to. Its
traditions of solidarity, did not wish
to show any provocation towards
the Musselmans. it even did not
wish to resort lb extreme measures
which it  had ut its disposition.
And at the same -time there were
among the Musselmans tnjany good
and clear-sighted persons, who, in
the moment of distress, gave refuge
to Armeniuns. They knew well the
true cause  of these abominations.
Citizens, vou find yourselves in the
presence of monstrous facts which are,
so much Uu- more grave in that, because of the policy followed by '.'he
Czarism, they are liable to be reproduced in other cities of Trans-
Caucasia, at Erivan, Schocha, and
Elfsavetopol, and whenever there i.s
a mixed population,
Race-hatred and religion lis absolutely foreign to the conflict. Today
all the nationalities of the Caucasus,
Armenians, Russians, Georgians and
Musseltquns are unanimous in declaring that tlie organizer of these
fratricidal struggles i.s thu Russian
government, which, frightened b.v the
spectre of the Revolution, seeks to
provoke collisions between heterogeneous elements, in order to puru-
lyze thu free aspirations of the populations of the Caucasus.
We pray you in the name of thousands of victims to protest forcibly
against these butcheries and to display once more to the civilized world
the misdeeds of an arrogant despotism, which, over all the extent of its
vast empire, sows only hate, ruin
uml blood.
The  publication   "Proschak,"
Organ of the
Armenian   Revolutionary   Federation.
Will Be Celebrated by Vaacaavar Socialists oa Sunday, April 30 Picnic at
North Vancouver Matt Meeting ia City Hall ia tha Evening
Hawthornthwaite aad William ta (peak.
During centuries of English history
the working people were wont to lay
aside their implements of labor on
the first, day of May und devote the
day to sociul intercourse. During
this brief respite from toil they indulged in sports, games and contests,
thus giving play to the social instinct und developing the ties of fraternity, good Tueling, good fellowship und solidarity that were not
easily broken when the time came
that their simple tools of labor were
lo be supplanted by the mechanical
factors of capitalist wealth production. Thu May-pole with its treasured dance and other pleasing ceremonies was the creation of these
Under the pressure brought to bear
humble labor folk of the olden time,
upon the laborers by capitalist production the custom of celebrating
upon the first of May, along with
many other customs, was gradually
broken down and lost at least much
of its significance.
As the workers of (Europe began
some years since to awaken froiu
th,e torpor Into which they had gradually fallen since Ihe advent of cm
pi talis! production, as their class-
consciousness commenced to again
express itself. there arose witnin
them a determination to again revert to the old-time custom of setting aside the first of May gs a day
particularly sacred to labor and labor's cause. As the spirit, of class-
solidarity strengthens among them,
more determined do they become that
(his day. of all the days in the year,
shall be Labor's Pay.
In the great centers of population
in the European countries they lay
down their tools and devote the.day
lo sociul intercourse, und the cuuse
01 lubor. Upon this western continent uiu vworiveis are guiuuuiiy lolloping in their looLsups. As tiuss-con-
sciousnuss unu thu spirit of cluss so-
lidurity is not yet sufficiently developed umoiig thu workers of tne west-
em world to unable them to lay
aown the tools of labor whether their
employers are willing or not, they
aru following thu custom of giving
over the Sunday nearest to May
first, for thu purpose of an international  Labor day.
During the day picnics, excursions,
etc., are indulged in, and tho evening given over to the holding of public meetings for the purpose of uis-
ciissijng and arriving at un understanding of, such questions as relate
to thu advancement of Labor's cause
throughout  the  world.
Pursuant to this custom tne Socialists of Vancouver will hold a picnic at North Vancouver on Sunday,
April 30, taking the ferry for ?hul
place at   1 1   a.m.
Iu the evening a public meeting
will be held in the City Hall, Vancouver. J. II. Hawthornthwaite and
Parker Williams', Socialists members
of the Provincial House, will address
the meeting.
The members of Vancouver Local,
Socialist Party of Canada, are working people. The benefits of capitalist civilization which fall to thu lot
of the workers are altogether too
scanty to admit of any extended or
elaborate preparations being made,
but a cordial invitation is extended
to all, regardless of race, creed, color or condition of servitude, to attend either picnic or meeting or
Made Adjutant-General The Nature at the Service
Bulkeley Wells, stockholder and
manager of the Smuggler-Union
mines at Telluride, has been appointed adjutant-general of Colorado by
Governor McDonald. He is a worthy
successor of Shermun Hell, as he has
about the same ideas about the
treatment   of the workingman.
Wells was captain of the guards
and the chief military authority for
several weeks in the Telluride district  during  the  lute miners'   strike.
He is the man that, with a squad
of soldiers, went through the streets
into the business places and homes
and arrested men because they refused to work for him, and with the
assistance of a corrupted police ma-
gisfrate, compelled these men to
work on the streets as vagrants under military guard and to sleep in
the jails.
He ,s the man who arrested men,
charging them with obtaining money
under false pretenses because they
refused to work after they had been
hired by false representations and
shipped into Telluride to take the
place of strikers.
He is the man who was the most
active in deporting peaceable union
men who refused to work during Uie
He is the man who met with other
members of the Citizens' Alliance
und formed a mob on the night of
March 14th, 1904, which deported
over sixty peaceable, law-abiding
men, including myself, and dumped
us off the train forty-five miles from
The door to my home w'as broken
open by thugs and I was beaten over
the head with guns and forced
through the alleys bareheaded and
This mun turned the rifles, revolvers and a muni lion of the state,
which was in his charge, over to the
mob, which the members of the militia joined, and he became the principal leader of the mob; in fact, if
he hod not turned over the state armory the mob could not have accomplished its purpose. One negative
word from him would have been sufficient.
And now this man, who has violated both the natural rights of the
citizens and the statutory laws of
the state, has been put. in command
of the supreme physical force of the
state. The workingmen should now
know what to expect. The Mine
Owners' Association and the Citizens' Alliance are still in control as
much as they were under Peabody.
How absolutely the larger corporations Included in the Mine Owners'
Association—the Colorado Fuel and
Iron Co., the Victor Fuel Co., the
Denver Tramway Co.—control the
state was shown in the legislature,
when it, in spite of the election returns which showed that Adams, the
Democrat, was tlected by nearly 9,-
000 majority, ousted him from the
office and the office of governor was
given to McDonald, the Republican
It was impossible to seat Peabody,
as there were eighteen Republicans,
together with thirty-two Democrats
in the legislature who refused to seat
Peabody. but eight of these Republicans consented to letting McDonald
become governor. In order to do
that, Peabody had to be declared
elected, which was done after he had
signed his resignation, which was
handed in next day, and McDonald
succeeded him.
This shameful deed is another crime
added to the many of the Colorado
state authorities. But these large
corporations, who . had supported
Peabody, could not afford to be defeated by the smaller corporations
and middle-class business men who
had supported Adams. McDonald
suits as well as Peabody would because he is a wealthy mining man
and would do Just what Peabody
has done by corporation request.
I wonder when the workingmen will
see that it is necessary to control
the government in order to have
their rights?
—A.  H.  Floaten  in  S.  D.  Herald.
The unseating of Adams and the
balance of the arrangement was neither a shameful deed nor a crime. It
was merely a clever little political
trick played  by one bunch of labor
skinners upon another. If there was
anything in this that could by any
stretch of the imagination be termed
a crime, it was surely no crime
against the working class. If any
crime is perpetrated upon the workers it lies in the capitalist ownership of the means of production, upon which they perforce depend for
their living. Although they suffer
severely in consequence of this crime,
the workers cannot logically complain against the criminals. As they
give their political support to the
parties of the criminal class (capitalist class) they make themselves par-
ticipis criminis.
It is to be hoped they will in time
learn better.    Surely they are receiving splendid lessons.'
The Labor Commissioner's reports
states that the woolen mills employees of New Jersey average $6.33 per
week in wages, and the factory hands
of Pennsylvania average $9.28. We
are sorry to learn that they spend
these vast sums in extravagant and
riotous livibg.
headline  of  a    Colorado    paper
s    "Peace   at   le>t."     I   showed
i to one of the most justly hoaor-
citizens  in   the  state.     He  said.
Ml, if we had to face that strike
Lin,  wo  would do  it in  tho same
i.only quicker and more so."   No
iless act, if it appear to havo been
lient,    excites    a    regret.     In  his
lb  a  judge  says  jocularly,   "When
have real business to do out here
oes hard with the strict constructs!'."    Not three lawyers in the
Ite had more to do with tne strike
In this legal adviser.   Though this
nork was jocose, he meant plainly
Int  he said.   The thing to be done
|s to cripple the power of the West-
Pederation of Miners, and to see
lit  thut the mines were again pay-
dividends.    For a  man who,  in
actual  situation there,  was first
illy  scrupulous,   this judge  would
had an honest contempt.    Tho
real business in hund was lo roll v ihe activity of mines and mills,
was  no end  of  unctuous  talk
but   "law  and order."     At a ooii-
pnee of extremely roopectable per-
callod suddenly to deal with un
(srgoncy  which led to deportation,
were for "hanging a lot of 'em
Ilamp posts"; some for "a general
lot in'."     Objection  was  mode  by
fooler head  that thoy  were ''too
■crtaln  about   tho   guilt of more
11  a  few."    It  was   thus  decided
It   the  loose drag-not  of  deport*
ii   should   do   the   work.      Many
idly innocent men were caught in
net, but tho method was more
(dent than thnt of the rope or tho
Vhon this conference had broken up
fas a man trained in tho law who
hotly,   "To hell  with  law   and
or, but—we will have law and or-
after  which  ho  was silent,  as
lis own  words wore food for meld ion.    I thought of Dante's line
smiling  phrase  and   then—sil-
I  know  the full history   of
lawyer's   contribution    to   the
strife.     Ho  was cynically  free
Explain precisely what ho moant-
|"to hell with law and order" ho
expressing his disgust at all nico
Peace at Last in Colorado
Public Spirit Oead or Sleeping Clan Interest Oecides Every Question
Organizations Have Superseded the Authority of the Law.
regard for legal precedent. "Only a
few old women in the profession."
he said, "quibble in such a time as
this." When he added, "but—we Will
hove law and order," he wns expressing his agreement with his friend
the Judge. Here his "law and order" meant tho clearing a way of
every obstacle that hindered the
smelters or mines from doing their
full work. "Low nnd order" to him
was specifically the protection of the
immediate business all'airs of his
Complete nnd undisturbed security
of the large business was his definition of law and order". F.vory man
who raised really troublesome questions about this security was an agitator nnd a nuisance. That a practice so viciously unti-social as tho
working of men in smelters ten and
eleven hours a day was something in
which only cranks would interest
Peculiar Ethical  Conditions.'
That several of the most eminent
business men in the state should lend
themselves to detailed schemes of
legislative corruption, against the
legally expressed will of the people,
was to him "absolutely necessary
under     the     circumstances." "Of
course, we fixed the legislature; wo
don't propose to handicap ourselves
by un eight-hour day, referendum or
no referendum." These utterances
express the average honest thought
of those whom tnls man servos. It
Is, indeed, an average of opinion, the
expression of which among the well
to-do  came to   be   rather
monotonous.     The  lawless  character ance develop, spies and some form of
of the opinion appeared in many
ways besides corrupt handling of legislatures. To it may be traced with
absolute certainty cases of violent
personal brutality. The whole despicable system Of spies and private
police renders such violence practically inevitable. It was sinister
enough that private business should
pay a state soldiery, as if at the
start the organs of justice within
the commonwealth could not be
trusted. In industrial centers like
Victor and Cripple Creek, with the
vote overwhelmingly in tne hands of
labor, this distrust of elected officials, judges included, was natural,
but it seemed from the outset to bo
assumed that the state could not
keep order. Much more wns this true
on the narrow urea of company or
corporation. This is voiced by a
president of n mining company ,»who
says, "When the row is on. all the
justice that's done we have to do in
our own way. It costs like the devil, but if you propose to stay in
business you must be judge, jury and
police." To one who is familiar with
the serious conflicts in western mines
beginning in 1892 at Coeur d'Alone,
this assumption of administrative
juslice by private persons is a taproot of half the trouble. The history
of thut dare-devil strike, including
that of 1899, together with tho
strikes at LeadvillO in 1890, at Teo-
luride In 1900, and Cripple Creek in
1903 and 190-1, discloses an order of
events from which our whole people
should learn lessons unless we are
smitten with dulness which no experience con  reach.
Requiring far more explanation and
detail than can hero be givein. there
runs through all these ugly outbreaks
the same succession of facts: (1) A
genuine grievance on the part, of the
men or at least what is believed to
drearily be such.    (2) An throats and disturb-
"private police" appear on the scene. I
(8) Out of the sure suspicion and'
hatred which this system unavoidably arouses the worst evils of the
strike culminate. Por example, no
one competent to weigh the evidence
can study the labor situation in
Cripple Creek from its initial stages
without seeing thnt the men had a
The Evils of Secret Police.
Some mines in tho beginning were
worked eight hours, some nine, some
(on.' President Roosevelt's Coal
Commission would Instantly have
recognized the justice of this first
claim. It was, nowover, opposed in
a spirit and with devices that soon
brought to the front another set of
issues which slowly obscured the original grievance. This is the tragic
element in many of our most im-
blttered strikes. Even in those cases
whore the men start right, they may
be opposed by methods which rapidly shift the ground. Of all such
methods the most fatal for peace is
every variety of "secret service
man" and privately hired police. At
least a portion of this contingent is
composed of men far more (longerons
than any body of workers i.s likely
to contain, It is between the worst
of these "Pinkertons," und the most
reckless of the strikers that real
trouble is as certain to, arise as
sparks lo fly upward. Many of th
most ghastly occurrences in the last
dozen years of this mining history
are traceable directly to this evil.
Colorado has loss real blame for
this than many another industry outside hor borders. A great gambling
industry like metalliferous mining attracts on both sides men to whom
restraints aro irksome. The Western
Federation of Miners, with whom the
employers had to cope, was cursed
with reckless leadership while It had
scattered through its ranks a small
number  of  desperate  men   to   whom
no crime was too revolting. I have
seen official letters openly counseling
violent methods and ridiculing men
like Gompers and Mitchell for preaching peace. It must be said, too,
that a total destruction of the present Joeol Federation la, above all,
desiruble from the point of view of
sane and effective labor organization.
It is this excess of brutality, from
the slain of which trade unionism in
('(dorado can not possibly free itself
behind which capitalists have shielded their own subtler and more dangerous lawlessness. This is the misfortune beside which the material devastation of the strike is trivial and
At a men's dinner in a Colorado
city two were disputing as to the
relative corruption of the Republican
and Democratic parties. That any
one should see much difference between the two was itself counted a
kind of joke. The merriment was at
its height when one had described
the organized transportation of tho
prostitutes from one voting place to
another. "My touching them to
change their names at each polling
place you will multiply their political influence, likie the loaves and
fishes." The gaiety which followed
the description led one of tho banqueters on his way home to say, "I
think the general hilarity which that
story of defiled politics seemed to
inspire was a sorry proof of its truth
and almost worse than tho facts recounted." The crude savagery of
many union men was evil. enough,
hut less insidiously so than the smug
conspiracy behind which a multitude
of citizens used the minors as a
scapegoat. It was one of those vexed citizens from whom I heard the
words. "Yes, we have in our way
been as lawless os the trade unions,
but ho power on earth can catch us,
while we con catch some of them."
From property owners who represent mining and allied interests one
hears   no  public    regret.     Here   and
there in private, doubts and misgivings are expressed. The almost universal judgment is, "The thugs in the
Western Federation of Miners have
forced us to desperate measures. The
miners of Telluride set the example
of deportation. In trade union centers the elected officials were the
ready henchmen of the labor leaders.
No evidence was furnished or rebuked."
"As .with the desperadoes of the
last generation, citizens were driven
to the vigilance* committee," yet in
those days there were no courts and
no police. Today the elaborate organism of courts and constabulary
is fidly developed. There is no
Southern community guilty of lynching a negro that has not an excuse
os valid at every point as that which
hundreds of social leaders will give
you for the employers' methods in
this long conflict which ends with
"Peace at Last."
Yet all attempts to fix exceptional
blame upan Colorado are shabbily
unjust. In early days when the
horse was the most valued form of
property on the frontier, to steal it
was to tie shot on sight. Tho horse
has lost its relative value, but in its
place has come in those mining regions, tho affiliated properties listed
on the stock market. These are now
the most precious possession. So
thin is the veneer of law-ahidingness
in this country that the thing called
legal justice is not primary, but still
secondary and accidental. The disquieting proof of this slowly accumulates as the story of one state after
another gets told with pitiless and
fixed detail. Shall Rhode Island now
throw the stone at Colorado?
Colorado Not Alone.
This tiny commonwealth has como
to see tho arteries of hor political
life deliberately poisoned by those
who profit most by her largo industries. When their names are called
in public there is not even spirit and
moral sensitiveness enough to answer. Here is all the political rottenness with less excuse than Colorado can offer in its recent stress.
Her great possessions were Immediately in jeopardy, which cannot be
said of Rhode Island, Now Jersey or
Pennsylvania. Such stigma as' attaches to this plain fact of "the Situation is common to the country and
especially to tho most distinctively
American portion of the population.
The most lawless among mine owners and miners wero not foreigners.
If nny humbling lesson is to be
drown from tho turbulent days iu
Colorado, it is one which our people,
as a whole, should sot themselves tu
learn.—Collier's  Weekly.
I iii
April 20
l'l   ■■  Ml	
lie Western Un
Published every Saturday in the
Interests of the Working Class alone
at the office of the Western Clarion,
Flock block basement, 165 Hastings
street, Vancouver, B.  C.
Strictly in Advance. .
Yearly subscription cards In lots ot
Bva ar more. 75 cents each.
Advertising  rates  on   application.
If you receive this paper lt is paid
Address all communlcatloos to
Box 836,
Vancouver, B. C.
Watch the label on your paper
If this number is on it, your
subscription expires next issue.
April 29,  1905
A labor law was recently placed
upon the statute books in the State
of New York prescribing the hours
of labor in bakeries. It fixed the
hours at 10 per day and prohibited
the employer from permitting an employee to work more than that number of hours in his establishment in
any one day. A boss baker named
Lockner, in the city of Utica, was
found, guilty of permitting an employee to work more than 60 hours
in a week, and was fined 950 for the
offense. The matter was carried to
the Supreme Court of the State
where the law was declared unconstitutional. The grounds upon which
the law was thrown out are shown
in the following from the court's decision, which was handed down by
Justice Peckham.
"The employee may desire to earn
the extra money which would arise
from his working more than the prescribed time, but this statute forbids
the employer from permitting the
employee to earn it. It necessarily
interferes with the right of contract
between the employer and employees,
concerning the number of hours in
which the latter may labor in the
bakery of the employer. The get-oral
right to make a contract in relation
to his business is part of the liberty
of the individual protected by the
fourteenth amendment to the constitution. Under thut provision no
state can deprive any porson of life,
liberty or property without due process of law. Tho right to purchase
or to sell labor is part of the liberty
protected by this amendment, unless
there are circumstances which exclude the right.
"It is a question of which of two
powers or rights shall prevail—the
power of the state to legislate or the
rights of tho individual to liberty of
person and freedom of contract.
"No law can be held to be valid
which interfers with the general right
of an individual to be free in his person and in his power to contract in
relation to his own labor. We think
the limit of the police power has
been reached and passed in this case.
"It seems to us that the real object and purpose was simply to regulate the hours of labor between
the master and his employees, all being men sui juris in any degree to
morals or in any real or substantial
degree to the health of the employee.
Under such circumstances the freedom of master and employee to contract with each other in relation to
their employment and in defining the
same, cannot bo prohibited or interfered with without violating the federal constitution."
Freedom of contract is the one
thing that is of vital importance to
capital. It must be unhampered in
its freedom to contract for labor
power with those who have it for
sale. If the condition of the labor
market be such as to afford capital
the opportunity of favorable contract, it is manifestly clear that any
interference must, from the capitalist standpoint, be wrong-, and therefore unconstitutional. In fact, that
is the real test of constitutionality,
or its opposite. So long as capitalist property remains as the basis of
social and industrial institutions,
capital is entitled to the maximum
volume of surplus value from the
wage-labor upon which it feeds. Any
attempted interference with this
right of capital must be declared un-
coostitutional from the capitalist
standpoint, because it is aimed
at and threatens tho very sustenance
upon which capital depends for its
continued growth.
Before invectives be hurled at
courts because of such decisions, it
should be remembered that they aro
merely the creatures of property, and
if loyal to their creator, must conserve its interests and defend its
rights. It is the right of capital to
suck up, to tho last drop, the wealth
produced by labor. Its only duty,
either moral or otherwise, is to pay
the market price for its labor power, and it is perfectly justified in tuk-
ing advantage of tho condition of
the market in order to obtain it as
cheaply as possible, as well as to
compel the seller to give good meas
ure. If the condition of tho labor
market affords the opportunity for
tho capitalist to extract more than
10 hours for a day's labor, there is
no logical reason why it snould be
interfered with by any person who
believes in and supports t-16 present
system of property. That the courts
of capitalist property frown down
such interference b.v declaring it unconstitutional, clearly establishes
their loyalty, which is greatly to
their credit. The only legal right
that labor possesses uoder the present regime of capital, is to strictly
attend to its pwn business. The
business of the wage earners is to soil
labor power to tho employers, at the
price and under the conditions determined by the labor market. If tney
stick to this there is no trouble ;
freedom of contract is not disturbed
and their action is not unconstitutional. If they go outside of it there
is trouble aplenty, and they are in-
junctod, clubbed or shot into submission.
With decisions like this one coming thick and fast, even so stupid an
ass as the reform, patchwork, palli-
atipe, working-program, opportunist
freak, ought to in time get sense
enough in his head to realize just
what the working class are up
against. Thut nothing short of the
complete carrying out of a revolutionary program will effect their deliverance. Especially is it necessary
that the working men themselves realize it. Until thoy do realize it
they will but be used as political
footballs by the parties of capitalism, and their hopes like "dead sea
fruit" be turned to ashes upon their
In no country of the earth is the
working class more favorably situated, to deliver itself from wage slavery than in the United States. With
thu franchise in its hands it can easily arrive at a peaceful conquest of
tho public powers. With those powers under its control it can set up
and defend its own system of property, which will strike down forever the brutal labor market, and
its freedom of contract, that now
slaughters its victims by the million.
It appears that the Socialist party
in the City of Milwaukee, Wisconsin
at the recent, municipal election refrained from putting up a judicial
ticket, and that such action was
taken largely through tha advice and
influence of Victor I,. Berger, a local
heavy-weight in the Socialist camp.
It is also stated that Berger, in his
editorial capacity, advised tho voters
to support one or more eanoTidates
of the old-line parties, who were running for certain offices for which the
Socialist party had not nominated
candidates. And now the Milwaukee
Socialists, more especially Berger,
are being soundly swatted from all
quarters for their questionable conduct. Dorger in attempting to justify his conduct in the matter has cut
loose from the usual hypocritical
moorings of the tribe, of• "intellects
als," and let the opportunist "cat
out    of    tho    bag." His    defence
breathes an unqualified contempt for
the revolutionary program of the
proletariat, while vociferously pro
claiming the virtue and necessity of
the "working program" of the "opportunist," a working program
which as in the Milwaukee case in
question, could be conveniently laid
upon the shelf whenever the opportunity offered itself to boost for favored capitalist candidates in the Interest of some pet reform hobby. In
this case the hobby was that of opposition to the Catholic church which
the Berger following accused of seeking to control the city juoflciary
through certain candidates who were
seeking election. What further opportunity may have been offered has
not yet been disclosed by evidence.
Being, therefore, merely a matter of
suspicion, it need not be seriously
As suggested by a Victoria correspondent elsewhere in this issue, l'l
were well to closely watch the antics of Berger and his ilk. Also the
manner in which tne party as a
whole will deal with the matter. But
while we may be watching developments from this side of the llae, we
should by no means forget that the
"opportunist" typo is indigenous to
all countries where capital rules, and
broods a proletariat and its rovolu-
lionury movement. We need not flatter ourselves upon this side of the
line that wc are to escape tho necessity of studying the genus "opportunist" at close range. Reformers and working-programers are even
now not entirely unknown in Canada.
The "opportunist" and more especially the "intellectual" brand, is
esscntiully a reactionary. Stripped
of his mask of pretended sympathy
and good will towards the wage
slave class in its struggle for freedom, he is found to bo double-loaded
with a supremo contempt for that
class and its aspirations.    Long ac
customed   to  being looked   up  to  by
the manual worker for instruction
and guidance, it appears to him to
be the height of presumption for
that worthy to think, speak and act
for himself. From training and habit ho quite naturally acquires the
faculty of scenting the approach of
anything that, threatens to tumble
him from the intellectual pinnacle
upon which custom and tradition has
placed him. This in itself is quite
sufficient to make the revolutionary
program of the working class abhor-
ent to him, and stimulate his elTorts
to thwart it.
To the "intellectual" it appears
preposterous that any movement for
the uplift of the race could attain
success without his fostering care.
The plain, blunt-spoken truths ut-
terejd by the awakening workers grate
harshly upon his cultured tympanum,
and he is greatly disturbed for fear
the uncouth presentation of the case
will not tend to clothe their cause
in the decorous garb of "especntbi-
lity that will make it paletable to,
and win the support of, "decent people." Culture, refinement, moderation of language, disposition not to
offend, in fact those standard oleaginous qualities that assist in making up bourgeois respectability from
the intellectual standpoint, nre to
him the chief factors of propaganda,
and under cover of which, in obedience to his traditionary instinct, he
may be .depended upon to stab the
revolutionary movement in the back.
This particular fraternity is as
barren of ideas, as the reactionary
movement, one of whose expressions
it is, is of merit. The higher types
of "opportunist" depend to a considerable extent upon plausable expression and specious phrase to worm
their way into the confidence of the
workers, and maintain their position
as guides and unperplexed philosophers. Tho lower types, for obvious
reasons, are forced to resort to surreptitious attacks upon individuals,
who, in their small minds, they fancy stand in the way of the accomplishment of their petty, reactionary
schemes. Such line of action could
not be likened to the sneaking, cowardly conduct, of the coyote, without
doing an injustice to the reptilian
An occasional one of the brainy
bunch, like a Berger, is caught red-
handed in some act of treachery, and
throwing oil the mask, of "intellectuality" discovers himself to be, not
only capable, but willing, to indulge
in tho application of coarse epithets
in a manner quite sufficient to shock
the sensibilities of oven an uncouth
and uncultured working "plug," let
alone the "respectable element."
And while the workingmen are
watching the outcome of the Milwaukee affair, and those directly Interested are busy dealing with the Berger outfit, lot them keep close tab
upon all who speak for, write for, or
in any way work for the movement,
und at tho first sign of wavering from,
the uncompromising line of revolutionary action, call them so sharply
and completely to account as to
make a repetition of the offense impossible. Tho workers themselves,
they who live the daily life of capitalist exploitation, must depend upon themselves to effect the wage
slave's deliverance from bondage.
They can not too jealausly guard the
movement, nor too completely keep
it in their own hands.
The Western Clarion has repeatedly stated that under the present rule
of capital the beneficiaries of capitalist property are justified in resorting to every means to defend their
interests, and that in so doing they
ire merely acting as the instruments
of their capital. Self-preservation
is said to be nature's first law, and
it will" be noticed that in obedience
to it, every living thing will use all
powers at its command, utterly regardless of the welfare of all other
living things. The right to survive,
the right to exist, can only be demonstrated by the power to do so.
To expect anything possessing the
power to survive, not to use such
power to the full limit in crushing
that which threatens its existence,
is folly too absurd to be tolerated.
The lion may safely be trusted to
use fang and claw without mercy upon whatever threatens to deprive him
of the meat upon which he is about
to dine.
Capital feeds upon surplus value
extracted from wage-labor. It is le-
gilimately entitled to all the wealth
produced by its wage slaves, and is
under no obligation to them other
than to give thorn food, or Its equivalent, sufficient to reproduce the
energy they havo expended in tho
form of labor power. Out of the
difference between tho exchange value
of labor power and the exchange value of tho products of labor (surplus
value), all capital springs, and upon
this must it food if it is to survive.
That which tends to disturb the flow
of this stream ot surplus value Into
its feed is
as the lion
similar cir-
the maw of capital, threatens its
existence, and the instinct of self-pro-
servation will prompt it to use every
means at its command to prolong its
existence. Like the lion it will use
fang and claw without mercy against
whatever or whoever may interfere
with that upon which it feeds.
In another column is an article
on the peaceful condition now existing in Colorado. It is taken from
Collier's. The article furnishes
striking confirmation of the Socialist's contention in regard to the rule
of capital, and its utter disregard
of everything else once its feed is
threatened. Tho reading of it should
be particularly edifying to those who
aro imbued with a reverance for
written laws and constitutions, and
dote on "law and order." The reverence (hat capital has for musty
parchments when once
threatened, is the same
would entertain under
cumstances. The "law and order"
of capital is "complete and undisturbed serenity" in possession of its
feeding ground, the wage slave class.
In this particular does it again
bear close similarity to the lion,
whose "law and order" would certainly be determined by like security
as to its feeding ground, with perhaps mutton substituted for wage
Capital is justified in whatever it
has done in Colorado, or whatever
it may find necessary to do in the
future, either there or elsewhere, to
maintain its role. When its course
will no longer be justifiable, will
be in the hour of its defeat at the
hands of the working class. The
working class is likewise justified in
using any means within its power to
break the rule of capital and thus
make its own survival possible.
Working class "law and order" will
likewise be measured by "complete
and undisturbed security" in possession of its means of sustenance.
gar Every Local of the Socialist
Party of Canada should run a carl
under this head. $1.00 per month.
Secretaries please note.
Headquarters, Vancouver, B. C.
Dominion Executive Committee,
A. R. Stebbings, John E. Dubberley,
Ernest Burns, C. Peters, Alf. Leah,
A. J. Wilkinson, treasurer; J. G.
Morgan, secretary, 551 Barnard St.,
Vancouver,  B. C.
1 of R. C. Business meetings every
Wednesday evening in the headquarters, Ingleside block (room 1,
second floor), 818 Cambie street.
Educational meetings every Sunday
evening at 8 o'clock in the Sullivan
Hall, Cordova street. D. P.
Mills, secretary, Box 836, Vancouver, B.  C.
J. Kdward Bird. A. C. Bhydon-jack
Railway Block    Tel. K».   P.O. Box 1*82.
314 Nutlmji Stmt     -    Vucuvtr, I. C.
thp: funny man.
Presumably everything created has
its use in the great scheme of things.
If so, then there is notning made in
vain. Of course there are things in
(his world whose usefulness is not
easily understandable or getatuble.
Still it would be unwise, or even
rash to assert (hat it did not exist.
It would bo fur better and more in
lino with reason to first make careful and searching inquiry into the
usefulness or otherwise of any given
thing before passing judgment, upon
it. But, be that as It may, however,
there are numerous things existing,
the usefulness of which is so unmistakable as to be beyond question.
Take .or instance the funny roan.
Surely no sano person would question his usefulness. What a desolate
nnd dreary waste life would be without his cherry presence and infectious
humor to drive away those morbid
fancies and darksome forebodings
that would otherwise turn mankind,
as it wore, into a sombre-visaged cadaver with face so long that, figuratively spoaking, it might tread upon
its own chin.
Too much of even a good thing
may become positively painful. The
funny man may upon occasion become so excruciatingly funny as to
provoke ho upon whom he exercises
his powers into such paroxysms of
laughter as to break his ribs, injuro
his health or burst his buttons and
cause bim to stand naked and ashamed before his follows, the humiliated
target of their scoffs and gibes. In
such cases the strong arm of the law
should bo invoked to hold the funny
man within safe limits in the exercise of his humorous gift.
Puck, Judge and such like publications with their staff of machine
made funny men, furnish a pleasing,
safe and satisfying brand of humor.
Those mother-in-law, tramp, hayseed, giddy girl and silly dude Jokes,
may be taken in any quantity and
at any time without danger of serious consequences. Such humor might
be classed as surface humor. It does
not go deep down into the vitals and
wring and twist and wrench them in
a manner to threaten the patient's
life. It might be classified more as
a skin than an internal or blood humor.
There is, however, a comic (taper
published in Vancouver called the
"World," the quality of whoso humor goes beyond the limit of safety,
lt is known to every porson In Vancouver who lives wilhin a block and
a half of its office. It is funny to
look at. The vory feel of it is funny.
Its entire staff is funny. Its humor
is, however, of the heavy Internal
wrenching kind Hint is unsafe to read
except while suffering from cholera
morbus or having a tooth pulled. In
its issue of April 24, the chief funny
man got off (he following cruelly hu-
iiioiaus chunk of humor. It. is offered to Clarion readers with the express stipulation (hat at least some
precautionary measures be taken to
escape possible disaster while reading it. If no cholera morbus or aching tooth bo handy tlie reader is requested to chew a Piece of dry jhwn-
Dr. J. W.Curry
Cor Burrard and Robion Sti
__, 'Every Labor Union in the bru^T^t
vited to place a card under this head? h I
month.    Secretaries please note. •''"'"■
Greenwood   Miners'
W.   F.  M.    Meets    every Sat,,,
evening in Union hall. J   R r '"
president; Ernest   Mil
Phoenix Trades and Labor   L0
Meets    every    alternate    mL
John  Riordan, president'    pd*
Brown, vice-president;    P  u 8
casse sergeant-at-arms; W || rJJ
bury, secretary-treasurer, p q |
198, Phoenix, B. C.
• 8,
Phoenix     Miners'    Union    Nn „
W. F. M.    Meets    every' Satuj
evening at 730 o'clock in Min!
hall.   Wm. Barnett, president- \l
Riordan, secretary. *
pen rope.     That may blunt  the   humor of it.
"Socialism, under tho guise of
what it terms economic freedom, do-
signs to bring about a condition of
regimentation for industrial purposes
such as existed in the middle ages
for military purposes. In a co-operative commonwealth a man's place
in society will be dictated to him as
definitely as under the feudal system."
A statement issued by the United
States Bureau of Navigation shows
that 8210 men. or 10.7 per cent, of
the entire force, deserted during the
past year. From the trained fighting 'force the desertions were 7.97
per cent., and from the engine room
force, chtefiy coal passers, the percentage was 17.10. It is to be fervently hoped that, this sort of thing
will continue until the ruling class
will be unable to enlist dupes to en-
guge in their work of murder both
upon land and sea. When rulers can
no longer gel fools to do (heir murdering for them, and are forced to
maVi their engines of death and destruction themselves, their enjoyment
of human slaughter will become loss
keen than at present.
Nanaimo Winers' Union, No. 17,«
F. M. meets every third Satu'rJ
from July 2. Alfred Andrews J
ident; Jonathan Isherwood p 1
Box 259, Nanaimo, B. (J., rec*
ing secretary. '
The   International   Brotherhood
Electrical Workers.—Local No.jl
Meets  second  and  fourth   TU
days at I. B. E. W. Hall. Rn0J.
Ingleside    Hlock.        President   j
Uluckstocki;  recording secretarj
McDougall;   financial   Secretary'
Elsden.      Address    ull    Commuuf
tions   to  the   hall.   All   sojourns
brethren cordially invited.
and adjoining territories to repren
and advertise the Wholesale «ni| Kill*.
tional Departments of an old t-stabliij
house a( solid financial standing, sj
ry S3.50 per day. with ex|K?ii8<H ,
vancad ench Monday b.v check din
from hendiniarter*. Horse and. tan
furnished when necessary; positlo..
manont. Address. lllew Itros. 4 rj
Dept.   8.   Monon   nirtg..   Chicago,  111.
A country paper referred to the
ceremony attending the burial of a
deceased porson as "a sad funeral,"
thus distinguishing it from tho cheerful  kind.
C    PETERS    '"wtlalBMl
u. rc.ic.no a- ^§ mUr
Hand-Made Boots snd Shoes to order in
all styles.   Repairing promptly and neatly done.    Stock of staple ready-made
Shoes always on hand.
2496 Wettaiasitr *v«.     Musi Plisuit.
The Oldest labor Faptr is tumii
Always a fearless* exponent in !;,
cau-c of labor.
For one dollar (lie paper will 1/
sent to nny n/*dre<x for one year
Workingmen of ull countries *■ rl
soon recognize (he  fact  Hint   i|.,,
must ciuoort and read  their lnl«tj
Issued every J'ridnv.
Tbe Voice Publishing Co., I.imiid |
Miners Magazine;
Published Weekly by the
Western Federatioa Of Miners
A Vigorous Advocate of Labor i|
Clear-Cut and Aggressive.
Per Year $1.00.       Six Months, M
Denver, Colorado.
IN   the selection   of   the   Tobawl
that we use in our Cigars wefflj
ercise   the  greatest    care,    oil
buying  the  very    best   Tobs
that is grown.    Our
Kurtz's Own        -,
Kurtz's Pioneers   \M
Spanish Blossoms
Are made of the very best clear Ha'*!
na Fillers and Sumatra Wrapi***!
and are made by expert Union wo**|
United Hatters of North America
When you are buying a FUR HAT see to It lta|
th* Genuine Union Label I* sewed In It. If >i ratalWi
has loose labels in his possession and offers to Pjjl
ons In a hat for you, do not patronize   him. \A
labels In retail stores are counterfeits. The t'"*!
Union Label is perforated on four edges, exactly '"I
soma aa a postage stamp. Counterfeits are """'J
times perforated on three edges, and some tlmM ""■'!
on two. John II. Stetson Co, of IMill adetpliia I" '■
non-union concern.
JOHN A. MOFF1TT. President, Orange, N. .1
MARTIN   LAWLOR.   Secretary,    ll   W averlv    I'1'"!
Nsw York.
OCIAL18M la inevitable. That means onr economic mi.1 •><" ;
development will some day make It clear even to the dullest i"""'
that a solution of oar industrial problems is possible ""'V.'IV, ,
dastrlal co-operation. But are we to look on passively '""'"','.
nntil the mind more dnll and dense than onr own, mix "' '""
reasoned it out all by itself ? Certainly not. We wunt to get tnnj
sooner. And we will get there in the near future if we set to ««'
and educate the man who is still groping in the diirk. We M<
things will make him see the light eome day, but we w'int 1 »
to see It now. Therefore onr incessant propaganda nun nt.'
tion. To do good work yon need good tools. Select your I"""!,,
ganda material carefully and you will see results. Two l'0<"
well tried as means orSociallst propaganda are _, ,. „,-,
MODERN 80CIALISM. SthEditioa; ISOPagcs; Papcr25c, Cloth -
..   ._    . 238 Pages; Paper 35c, Cloth £ "
both written by the Raw. CHAB. R. VAIL. They hafe made thousands of Bocl"*»»
by their simple and convincing presentation of the principles of Socialism.   1° Bn?
holders of the Comrade Co-operative Co. they are sold at a discount of 40 per « '■ ,
Any Socialist may acquire by monthly payments of SO cents n S5.00 share a    „
Co-operative Publishing House and thereby enjoy special rates for "The coinr««
"d °itr.r-9°y,aiut Literature. Don't stand aloot Hitch your wagou to the
COMRADE CO-OPERATIVE COMPANY, 11 Cooper flnu.rV New Yo^^, ;aturi>ay
April 20, i905
The Revolution in Industry
From "Socialism,"  by Fr'jlerick Engels.
\Vc saw that the capitalist mode of
iroduction pushed itself   into a so-
,,tv of individual producers of coni-
iodities whose social connection was
published by meaos of the mutual
kchonge of their goods.    But every
i.jUty based upon tho production of
,iiiiiiii(lilies   possesses    the    peculiar
uailty   that    the     producing  mum-
■a have lost control over their own
inl iiiteri'olutions.    Each produces
himself with whatever implement
may happen  to possess,  and   for
. necessary personal exchange only.
u one knows how much of his ar-
i lo comes  to  market  or how much
is at all  needed;   no  one   knows
Biether his own products will find a
•iiuiinl,   whether  he  will   be able to
bis outlays, or at all to effect
Halo.     Anarchy  reigns  in  produc-
N'evertheless, the production of
[ umodities,  like all other forms of
idiistry, "has its peculiar and inherit   laws;  laws  that  are  inseparable
[diii  it  and   that  enforce  themselves
und through it despite of anarchy.
■ laws crop up iu the only per-
litni'iil  form of social interrelation—
exchange; and they impose them-
lives upon  the individual  producers
compulsory laws of competition,
first,   they aro unknown  to   the
loducers  themselves and  are  to  be
ered only after long experience
id  li.\   degrees.     They,   accordingly,
■force   themselves   without   the   aid
uml despite the producers, as blind
|\\\  nnturul   to their own form of
Induction.     Tne  product  rules   its
n medieval society, i. e., during
i early centuries, production was
I'litiully for self-use. It satisfied
linly the wants of the producer
iself and of his family, wherever,
in the country, relations of peril lal dependence existed, it also continued to the satisfaction of the
finis of (he feudal lord. No ex-
Jttnge took place, hence the pro-
cis did not assume the character
commodities. The family of the
usunt produced almost everything
needed—furniture and clothes no
than food. Only after it hud
icned the point of producing a sur-
s over its own wants and over
tribute in kind due to tho feudul
hi. only then did it produce com-
pditieSi it was this surplus
fown into social exchange, and of-
i'(l for sale that became "coniino-
|y." The artificers in cities were
Iced, it is true, to produce for ex-
ingo from thi- start; lint they ulso
Ividcil mainly themselves for the
pest part of (heir own wunts.
iy had gardens und small patches
land; they turned (heir cattle up-
tne commons, which furthermore
(piled (hem wilh timber ood kind-
wood; (he women spun flax,
il, etc. Production for the pur-
of exchange, tne production of
[umodities, was only at Its incep-
|n Hence a restricted exchange,
istricted market, a Stable met nod
production, local oxcluslveness
fhout, local union within; in the
Iintrj the mark, in the city the
i'Ii (he extension, however, of (he
txluction of commodities, especial*
Kith the introduction of the capitis! mode of production, the hltn-
> slumbering laws lha( underlie
latter becomes more visibly and
|\M-i-|'iillv olTeclivo. Thi? old fetters
re loosened, tho old bonds of ex-
wiveness wore liroken through, and
- producers were more and more
jmsfortnod. Into independent and iso-
'■(! producers of commodities. An-
I'h.v arose in production and grew
Yet, the instrument where*
'Ii capitalist urodueiion Increased
anarchy was (ho very reverse of
Iirchyj it was (he increasing orgu-
fation of production upon a social
ds in every industrial establish-
nt. VVith this lever It put an end
ihe former peaceful stability of
ings. In whatever branch of in-
ptry it wns introduced, it tolera-
Jl no other method of production.
jierover it took possession of handi-
it destroyed the old system of
AH The Working Men
*3uy Their
I'ldiciuft itself.     The field  of labor
mine  a   field   of   war.      The  greut
ugruphical discoveries end the col-
l":ition    tha(    followed    (hereupon
fltlpllod (he markets and hastened
complete  transformation  of hun-
I'l'afl  into manufacture.     Not only
ll   the struggle  break  out  between
individual producers. bti(  it grew
1  national    dimensions    and    into
mercantile    wars of the seven-
pith nod eighteenth centuries, trn-
finully  industry on a  large scale
|d  the establishment  of  tho  world
fu'ket made  tho struggle  universal,
Id at  the same time imparted to it
wonted virulence.    Between the in-
iduol capitalists, as between whole
inches of  industry and  whole na-
>»s.   tho   natural   or   artificial  ad-
ntagw   in   (ho  conditions   of   pro
•tion decide over (heir very oxist-
'°-    Ho who succumbs  is  ruthless-
Uirown aside.     It, is the Harwin-
1 struggle of the individual for life
fried over from  brute nature with
eiisifiod fierceness into society. The
midpoint   natural   to  animals  ap»
I'i's as iho acme of human develop-
■ "it.    Tho contradiction between soil production and capitalist appro-
lotion   now   presents   ilself   as   a
|n these two manifestations of tho
ftradlction that from its very ori-
f is inherent to lit, does capitalist
("duction   move,    describing    inter-
I'uibly those "vicious circles" which
Toady    Fourier    had     discovered.
j"i'.  indeed,  Fourier could not see
''is  time   was   that   (hoso  circles
initially  grow  narrower,    that tho
J"1  rather represents a spiral, and
|lsl  touch its end, like that, of thp
in.'ts, by colliding with its center.
[js Iho moving spring of social un-
phy  in  production  that  more and
r>"'  transforms  the large  majority
people    into   proletarians ;    and
again, it is this very mass of the.
proletarians thut will finally put an
end to the anarchy of production.
It is the moving spring of anarchy
in production that turns the ever
higher parfectabiUty of macninery
operated by largo industries into an
imperious Command that compels
every individual capitalist engaged
in industry to perfect his* machinery
more and more under penalty of ruin.
Hut. the perfection of machinery is
tat amount to tho rendering of human labor superfluous. If, however,
tho introduction and increase of machinery means the displacement of
millions of hand by a few machine
laborers, the improvement of machinery in its turn, means the displacement of more and more of the
latter, and the final formation of a
body of available wage workers in
excess of the average need of cupital,
the formation, in fact, of a complete
industrial reserve army, as l styled
it in 1815, an army that is available at such times when industry is
carried on under high pressure, that
is thrown on the pavement by tho
crash thut must inevitably follow,
and at all times is a leaden weight
to the foot of the working class in
its struggle for life with capital, and
that servos as a regulator* to keep
wages down to the low level suitable to capitalist interests. Thus it
happens that machinery, to use
Marx's language, becomes the most
powerful weapon of capital against
the working class, that tne means of
labor constantly strike tho means of
livelihood from the hands of the workt
men, and that the product of the
workman himself is transformed into
an instrument for nis enslavement.
Thus it happens that economy in the
moans of labor becomes from tho
start a reckless waste of labor power, and also tho spoliation of those
conditions that are otherwise normal to the functions of labor; that
machinery, the mightiest means for
the snortening of tho hours of work,
is reversed into the most certain
mentis whereby to convert the whole
lifetime of the workman and his family into available lubor-time for
the profit of cupital; that excessive
work on the purl of some becomes
tho condition for the idleness of others; und (hat industry on a. huge
scale, which hunts the globe over uf-
ter new consumers, has at its own
home reduced the consumption of the
masses to the minimum of starvation
and thereby undermined its own ho-
mestic market, "'rhe law that preserves the equilibrium between the
relative surplus population, or industrial reserve army, on the one hand,
and the extent and energy of capitalist accumulation, on the other, rivets the laborer to capital more firmly thnn the wedges of Vulcan did
Prometheus to the rock, it predicates an accumulation of misery corresponding to the accumulation of
capital. Accumulation of wealth at
one polo, is accordingly, co-existing
accumulation of misery, agony of
toil, slavery, ignorance, bestializo-
tion. nnd moral degradation at the
opposite pole of production. I. e., on
the side of thnt class which TURNS
from the capitalist mode of production any other distribution of the
products would bo like asking that
the electrodes of a battery leave the
water unaffected as long as (hey remain in connection wftn the battery,
and that thoy fail to develop oxygen
at tho positive and hydrogen at (he
negative pole.
We have soon how tho porfeetobili-
t.V of machinery carried- to Its highest point by the stimulus of anarchy
in production converts itself into nil
imperious command (hot compels the
capitalist engaged in industry ever
to improve his machinery and ever to
increase its productive capacity. The
bare possibility thut exists to extend the field of his production n'so
converts itself into n command Ihat.
drives him on with etpial imparious-
ness. The enormous power of expansion of industry on a large -iiv.l.-, in
comparison to which that of the gases i.s but child's ploy, now stands out
as a qualitative and quantitative necessity for expansion that mocks ull
resistance. The resistance s oifered
by consumption, by the-sales ',•>■ (he
markets for the tiro In as tli.ii are
turned out by tho industry in press.
But the power of expansion.- ••/tensive ns well as intensive, which exists in the markets, is primarily
governed by quite another Hit of
lews that operate with miK'ii less
vigor. The expansion of (he markets
cannot keep step with the expansion
of production. A crash becomes inevitable, and seeing it con lead to no
solution, so long as it does not burst
the capitalist mode of production
itself, it must be of periodic recurrence. Capitalist production generates  another   "vicious circle."
The Belfast Store
24:1-245   CARRALL  STREET.
L. Richmond
37 Hastings Street, East.
Woxt Door to Mason's.
One of Iho most widespread prejudices against Socialism is that it
proposes  to abolish  the family.
No Socialist, "entertains the remotest iSlou of "aliolisning" the family,
whether by law or otherwise. Only
fche grossest misrepresentation can
fasten upon them such a purpose;
moreover, it takes a fool to imagine
that uny form of family can either
be created or abolished by decree.
The modern form of the family is
nowise repulsive to tile Socialist, system of production; the institution'of
the Socialist order does not, consequently need the ubolition of the
family  for its  introduction.
Tnut which dissolves any existing
form af family i.s the economic development itself. Under the present
Or capitalist system of production,
the family is torn asunder; husband,
wife and cnildren aro forced from one
another in the search for bread. Our
irrational system of production raises she-towns in one section of the
country, as in New England, and he-
villages in other sections, as in Pennsylvania and the mining regions of
the far west; it nurses prostitution
and adultery; and it dismantles the
very citadel of the modern conception
of the family, from the highest to
the lowest rungs of society.—Karl
A Denver dispatch says:—Suits for
damages aggregating 81,000,000
have been filed in tho state and federal courts by the T'nited States Reduction and Refining Company, and
a number of Cripple ("reek mining
companies, against the Western Federation of Miners nnd its officers.
The complaints aro ull of similar nature.
They charge the defendants with
unlawl'i/lly conspiring to injure tho
plaint ills by preventing tho mining
and shipment of ore. The Vindicator Gold Mining Company asks for
$20,000 damages for losses occasioned by the ' stoppage of its pumps.
The suits are an outcome of the
strike which was ordered in the Cripple Creek district August 10, 1908,
and nas not been declared off, although all the mines are now operating  with   full   forces.—Daily  Press.
In the Social-Democratic Herald of
April -2. Victor L. Berger, of Milwaukee, gets into -'i real frenzy bo-
'•iMis-e of the swats he has boon receiving from all sides over nis conduct during the recent municipal election in that city. He even indulges
in cuss words, which i.s very reprehensible indeed. If he continues to
make such a fuss it may reasonably
Editor Western Clarion;
I have just taken up the Social-
Democratic Herald dated Milwaukee,
April 15th. On the first pasu will be
found an article by Victor L. Berger.
This article coming from one of our
lillustrhous intellectual comrades is
pitiable in the extreme, and it must
appear to be poor trash to a common working plug.
Mis conception of what the Socialist movement seeks to accomplish is
too intangible to grasp. To me the
movement is tho living expression of
the awakening working cluss to the
necessity of taking over all "Capitalist property in the moans of
wealth production" and as soon as
the Socialist party captures the legislatures of the world, tho proletariat will be ready to muke this
step. Now, as to how the Socialist
party will accomplish this is summed,
up in the one word "education," and
not. as Victor L. Berger imagines, by
progressive reform, as any such reform will be put into existence by
capitalist parlies in order if possible
to delay or even obliterate (he necessity of transferring capitalist, property into tho collective property of
(he working class and it therefore
behooves (ho Socialist party to refuse to havo anything to do with
such  reforms.
Let us analyi/.e the meaning of the
word "ownership." The dictionary
says "exclusive right of possession."
How is this right obtained and held
but by force. Therefore ownership
actually means the "power to possess." Therefore, again, by the working class capturing the reins of power they also obtain the power to possess themselves of every piece of
property that has been protected for
the capitalist class by the state, aod
this result is obtained by the very
act of capturing tne reins of government, witnotit even putting a pen to
Now the principle adjunct to tho
Socialist propaganda i.s the improvement of machinery, the organization
of industries and the concentration
of capitalist property into fewer
hands, and every one who keeps in
(ouch with or has even a hazy idea
as I have of the movements in high
financial circles must know that even
hero the power must of necessity
flow in one direction, i. e., towards
the already greater financial power,
and that it is only a matter of a
few years (hat some man such us
J. D. Rockefeller must gain control
of the industries of tho United slates
und soon after tho whole world.YThis
fight inside of tho capitalist cluss
naturally forces the development of
machinery and it is from this source
that tho proletariat will receive its
education, with tho assistance of the
Socialist party, and mil so much
through experiments in reforms. I
do not wish to discount the value of
(he working (lass trying to reform
the present system, but it is far from
necessary#for the whole of the work
ing class lo go through (his experience, nnd to waste their energies in
this direction, and it should be the
business of each branch of the Socialist party to endeavor to check
this move in their own particular locality and make use of the futility
of such action in other parts of the
world  for  propaganda  purposes.
What  will he the effect of any por-
Out   Victoria Advertisers ~
Patronize Them and Tell Them Why.
3. g .lid 7 STORE STREET
Telephone 296 VICTORIA, B. C.
and Poultry Food to obtain
best results.
Agents for SUTTON'S SEEDS.
Clothing Made fo Order.
Fit Guaranteed.
17 Store Street Victoria, B. C.
COM HADES, strike at the ballot
box on Klecticn day, and be sure
to strike the
Rock  Bay Hotel
Whsn In  Victoria.
ARNA80N BROS., Proprietors
Victoria General Agent for 'me
f. 0. Box 444 VICTORIA, B. C.
' Mamriactorer ol
\ \ No. I Coatre St.
Colonial Bakery
29  Johnson  St.,  Victoria,  B.C.
Delivered  to any  part of the city.
Driver   to   call.      '1'hone   849.
Patronize  Clarion Advertisers.
5 yearly sub. cards for $8.75.
Bundles of 25 or more copies   to
one address at (he rate of one cent
71 Btvenwoit Street, Victoria, B. C.
Sold Everywhere. Union Made.
89 Pootora St.      Victoria, B. C.
doubt to tho workers, they are liable to turn their bocks on the whole
Socialist movement, and the ground
would have to be gone over again in
order to regain their confidence.
I Ihink. therefore, that such men as
Victor I.. Berger should be watched
closely and fought at every step by
every part of the working class revolutionary party and tne Socialist
Party of the United States should
send some Socialist organizers
through the stales affected and get
hold of affairs before thoy net totally out of hand. It is no wonder
thut tho S. L. P. retains its hold
in tho United States.
H.   J.  B.   H.
Victoria,   B.   C,   April  24,   1905.
tion of tho Socialist party fostering
ikon as evidence of acknowledge-1 reforms of the present system?    We
know that the working class will not
ment   thnt   tho   swats    ore  deserved
That   is    probably    tho  reason   they I materially benefit thereby, and. there-
hurt, fore,   when   this    is    proven    beyond
Tho following, which we clip from
the Vanguard, must have boon written by some one not altogether unfamiliar with the daily round of
pleasure enjoyed by the wage slave.
We, the Socialist Party of Canada,
in conventi n a t-embled, affirm ou •
allegiance to and support of the principles and prog.am of the international revolutionary working class.
Labor produces all wealth, and to
labor it should *o«tly Ijelong.. To the
owners of the means of wealth production belongs the product of labor.
The present ecvair mic system is based
upon capitalist ownership of the
means of wealth production; therefore
all the products of labor belong to
the capitalist class. The capitalist is
master; the worker is slave.
So long as the capitalists remain in
possession of the reins of government
all the powers of the .state will be
used to protect and defend their property rights in the means of wealth
production and their control of the
product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the
capitalist an ever-swelling stream of
profits, and to the worker an ever-
increasing measure of misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class
lies in the direction of setting itself
free from capitalist exploitation by tne
abolition of the wage system. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in
the means of wealth production into
collective or working-class property.
The irrepressible conflict of interests between the capitalist and the
worker is rapidly culminating in t
struggle for possession of the powef
of government—the capitalist to hold
the worker to secure it by political
action.   This is the class struggle.
Therefore, we call upon all workers
to organize under the banner of the
Socialist Party of Canada with the object of conquering the public powers
for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic, program, of
the working class, as follows:
i. The transformation, as rapidly
as possible, <t capitalist property in
the means of wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railways, etc.,) into the collective property of the working class.
a. Thorough and democratic organization and management of industry by the workers.
3. The establishment, as speedily
a> possible, of production for use instead of production for profit.
The Socialist Party, when in office,
shall always and everywhere until the
present system is abolished, make the
answer to this question its guiding
rule of conduct:. Will this legislation
advance the interests of the working
class and aid the workers in their class
struggle against capitalism? If it will
the Socialist Party is for it; if it will
not, the Socialist Party is absolutely
opposed to it.
In accordance with this principle the
Socialist Party pledges itself to conduct all tl e public affairs placed in
its hands in such a manner as to promote the interests of the working class
The members of the Body once went
on sti iko against the Belly, who,
they said, led an idle, lazy life at
their expense. The Hands declared
that the.V would not again lift a
crust to keep him from starving, the
Mouth that it would not take in a
bit more food, the Logs that they
would carry him about no longer,
and so on with the others. The
Belly quietly allowed them to follow
their own courses, well knowing that
they would all soon come to their
senses, as indeed they did, when, for
want of food and nourishment supplied from the stomach, they found
themselves fast becoming more skin
nnd   bone.     Esop's  Fables.
According to London Justice the
outlook for labor in South Africa is
as bad as ever. Depressed business
conditions exist at. Cape Town and
many mechanics have been forced to
leave for otner parts. Relief works
have been instituted by the munici-
ualily. South African civilization is
thus seen to bo of th
Needed In Every Home
A Dictionary of ENGLISH.
Biography. Geography. Fiction, otc,
New Plata* Throughout
25*000  New Words
Phraaoa   and  Definitions
Prepared under tho direct supervision Of W. T. HARRIS, Ph.D., J.L.D.,
United States Commissioner of Education, assisted by a large corps of competent specialists and editors.
Rich Binding*  2364 Quarto Pages
5000 Illustrations
J3*r* I'he International was first issued
in 1890, succeeding the "Unabridged."
The New and Enlarged Edition of the
International was issued in, October,
1900. Oet the latest and best.
We also publish
Wobator'o Colloglato Dictionary
with Glossary of Scottish Words and Phrases
MMPftJM.   HOOIIIiHlratiom.   Bl^o 7xl0xJ 6-1 inchc».
'Flrst-eloss Iii quality, second-class In size."
Specimen pages, ete. of both
books sent, on application.
Springfield, Maes.
In Indiana tho wages of 48,225
employees wore investigated and
found to bo SH.77 por week,. What
in the world do these rascally workers do with all of that money?
The Size of it.
tip in the morning and work all day,
.1 ii.st   for   tho  grub  of   tomorrow   to
Work  tomorrow for meat  to carve—
(lot     to   keep   working   or   else   I'll
Work next  day for a chance to sup—
.lust earn money to cat it up:
Next day after it's rool  or die—
Habit   of eating comes mighty high.
Next week,  too,  it's just  tho same—
Never con bent the eating game.
Working    on    Monday   for  Tuesday's
Working on Tuesday to keep mo fed-
Thursday.  Friday  Saturday,  too,
Same  old  game and  it's  never  now.
Don't   want  to kick or make a fuss,
Hut blamed if it isn't monotonous.
gT   the undersigned, hereby apply for membership in
.Socialist Party of Canada.
I recognize the class struggle between the capitalist class and the working
class to be a struggle for political spremacy, i. e. possession of the reins of
government, and which necessitates the organieation of the workers into a
political party, distinct from and opposed to all parties of the capitalist class.
If admitted to membership I hereby agree to maintain or enter into no
relations with any other political party, and pledge myself to support by voice,
vote and all other legitimate means the ticket'and the program of the Socialist
Party of Canada only.
Admitted to Local v "9-
Newspaper Publishing
IlfE ARE MAKING a specialty
YY     of     newspaper    publishing,
nnd  are prepared   to   give
estimates on printing   all   kiwis    of
weekly or monthly publications.    If
'-on  are thinking of publishing   any
kind of pamphlet or other matter necessitating a large amount of typesetting, come to us as we are par
The Western Clarion
P 0. BOX 836                                                  VANCOUVER, B. C.
ticularly equipped for just sucn work.
Also  anything In  the  way  of office
stationery,   business   cards   and advertising matter handled with neat-
ness and despatch.
Mail  orders for Job   Printing from
other  districts  will   bo  promptly executed to tho letter and sent return
mail.     Prices the same  as for  work
done in this city.     Try us with an
S l
April 29
Socialist Party of Canada
J. G. MORGAN, Secretary. Vancouver, B. C.
Vancouver, B. C, April 25, 190D,
(Room 15, Masonic Block)—Present:
Comrades Burns (Chairman;, Wilkinson, Leah, Stebbings, Organizer
Kingsley and the secretary.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and adopted.
The following correspondence was
dealt with:
Prom the Customs Department, Ottawa, stating that as " 'Capital'
yas not a work dealing with tho application of science to industry," it
could not be admitted free.
Received and filed.
From the Armenian Revolutionary
Federation culling attention to the
complicity of the Russian government in certain tnussacres in the city
of Baku, in the Caucusus.
Received,  filed and handed  to   the
Clarion  for   publication.
» •
• ••••••••••
: HCProvincial Executive:
•     Socialist Party of Canada.        •
Vancouver, B. C, April 25, 1905,
(Room 10, Masonic Block)—Present:
Comrades Wilkinson, Leah, Burns,
Organizer Kingsley and the secretary.
Minutes of previous meeting read
and adopted.
The following communications were
dealt with:
P'rom Organizer O'Brien, stating
his intention of going home and sending detailed account of receipts and
Laid over to new business.
From Comrade Hurpor, Victoria,
suggesting that the Committee secure .lack London as a speaker.
Laid on table.
From Victoria Local enclosing report  for March.     Received and filed.
From Victoria Local, insisting that
the request of that Local for the
addresses of all Locals of the party
be   complied   with.
The secretary was instructed to reply.
Prom Greenwood Local, asking
when Comrade Hawthornthwaite
would be available for a tour in that
Secretary  instructed  to  reply.
From Comrade Geo. Winkler, Penticton, enclosing %2 as u member at-
Filed and complied with.
Prom Earl Prather, Penticton, enclosing 50 reins duos, us member-at-
Filed   and   complied   with.
From RevelstokKJ Local, enclosing
a  report and  ordering constitutions.
Received and complied  with.
From Comrade Rogers, Phoenix,
expressing u desire to see the party
united nnd asking for copies of the
Secretary instructed to comply.
Concerning Organizer jO'Brlen's
tour: It was resolved that, as the
organizer hus had to go homo on
private business, his engagement
with this c0mmit4.ee cease and the
accounts luy on tho table till next
H.   Sibble,   for  literature    % 2 35
Local Vancouver, for supplies 3 40
Local   Revelstoke,   supplies   ...    1 20
Geo.   Winkler,   Penticton       2 00
Earl  Prather,  Penticton    50
A.   R.   Stebbings,    organizing
fund      10 00
Kingsley & English, organizing
fund  .,•:;  28 00
Total    , $47 45
A warrant was drawn for Comrade
A. McLeod, repayment of loan, %f>.
We are in receipt of a wheel. It is
a round wheel, well hubbed, well
spoked, well felloed, in fact, a symmetrical wheel, that looks as though
it might revolve forever without engendering that "tired" feeling. Whether by accident or design it appears
to have no tire. The king-pin, axle,
journal, shaft or whatever the contrivance may be around which .it is
evidently designed to revolve, is
marked president. The hub is general administration, the. hub band is
composed of various sections dubbed
departmental administrations, and
the felloes are made up of departments of this, that and the other
thing. The spaces between the
spokes are apparently designed as
corrals, in which are enclosed vast
numbers of workers, each particular
size, shape and quality, characteristic, habit and idiosyncracy allotod
its respective enclosure.
The author of this marvelous crea-
tioiij the wheelwright as it were, appears to bo one Thos. J. Hagort.
That he understands the business of
appropriately arranging corrals upon the circular plan is shown by his
having placed that of tne printing
fraternity between, and in close proximity to, those of the sanitary and
laundry workers.
While at first glance it might be
thought this wheel was merely a cunning 1 contrivance to be attached to
a stove-pipe and run by hot air, a
bill of particulars which accompanies
it points out that it nas been designed for a much more serious purpose. This bill of particulars bears
the caption "Industrial Organization
of the Workers," and starts off with
the declaration that "a labor organization to correctly represent the
working class must have two things
in view," that is, it must be sort of
cross-eyed. The advantage of this
could bo best demonstrated by tho
case of the cross-eyed grocer, who
while attending with one eye to the
weighing out of a cent's worth of
candy to a boy, with the other detected his pal stealing prunes. Tho
faculty of being able to keep two
things in view ut once is this shown
to be of no inconsiderable- value. The
specifications as to the two things
necessary to be kept in view by the
labor organization, if it is to "correctly represent," etc., etc., are:
Firstr-It must combine the wage-
workers in such a way that it can
most successfully fight the battles
and protect the interests of the
working people of today in their
struggle for fewer hours, more wage*
and  better conditions.
Secondly—Tt must offer a final solution of the labor problem—an em-
An Opportune
Time for Reading
Drop in and see our splendid assortment
>f   reading   matter.   Try    our     book
exchange.   Return two old books and
ier:ive one new one.
ft aid 14 Arcade.      328 Abbott Street
Mail orders promptly attended to
ancipation   from   strikes,   injunctions
and bull-pens.
The "first" is dead easy. All the
worker needs to do is to get into
his respective corral inside the big
wheel. Even a dunk-head can see
that the number of workers as compared to the number of jobs will no
longer be out of proportion. The
hitherto unsuccessful fight for shorter hours, more wages, better conditions, etc., will be no more. Whatever the worker desires in this lino
will come to him almost without the
asking. The terrors of the labor
market and the brutal laws of exchange will have, gone glimmering into oblivion along with the other horrors of a barbaric past. The worker should be particular to get one
eye fixed upon the wheel, and this
"first," and it does not matter which
eye either.
''Secondly"—tho "final solution of
the labor problem—an emancipation
from strikes, injunctions and bull-
pens," is no doubt snugly ensconced
somewhere within the periphery of
that wheel, but for the life of us we
cannot discover it. This is probably not the fault of the wheel.
Strikes, injunctions and bull-pens are
no doubt uncomfortable things to
those who fall foul of them. To do
away with them is a "consummation
devoutly to be wished," and well
worth risking one eye on, if the how
can be located. The Clarion employees have already solved the problem, by thankfully accepting the stipend offered upon pay-day, leaving
the size of it to tlie discretion of
the management, and at all times
comporting themselves with that
meekness and humility which is especially becoming to those who accept largess at the hands of others.
So long as this eminently proper
conduct continues there will be neither strike, injunction or bull-pen
orotund tho Clarion shop. Whether
this bo tho "final solution" the wheel
maker has in mind or not we do not
know, but it's the only one we can
for the moment think of that is
possible inside tho wage system. As thorn is nothing in either
wheel or specifications that, points to
anything outside of tho wage system
if this be not tho "solution" we confess to being "up a stump."
-Plato's Republic, Moore's Utopia,
Bellamy's Looking Backward, Gillette's Human Drift, are dreams,
beautiful dreams. But Hagerty's
wheel, this is surely not a dream.
Every spoke, felloe and even the
hub itself proclaims it as a substantial fact, and with the specifications
it is so easily understandable. As it
rolls in upon the stage of history it
marks tho passing of Utopiun dreams.
Coming down as It were from tho
mists and clouds of dreamland, the
giant of organized labor, inside the
protecting circumferance of the protecting wheel, with feet firm planted
upon tho rock nf Hagertian science,
may draw his trusty excalibur and,
tschk!—his enemy, "organized greed,"
lies prostrate at his feet as "doad
us a mackerel." That is, if the giant
does not get straddle of the spokes,
lt is true that in connection with
this wheel are heard faint whispers
about abolition of the wage system,
co-operative commonwealth, a workers' republic, etc. That these things
are referred to only in subdued tones
and pushed to the background by the
wheel manipulators, indicates either
that thoy are of little importance,
or are to be inaugurated by sleight-
of-hand later on. Marx got a foolish notion in his head that society
would not bo "revolutionized behind
its buck."    Could he have lived dur-
 Will  Hold  a	
DAYjl   C
North Vancouver
Burns & CoJ
Second Hand Dealers.
In  Commemoration of
largest and cheapest stock of
ook Stoves in the City.
Boom  Chains,    Augers,   Loggers'  Jacks,  Etc.
Sunday, April 30, 1905
11  a.m.  Ferry
Tickets at  Wharf
We have moved into our new
and   commodious   premises :
138 Cordova St., Cast
Phone 1579       Vancouver, 8. 6.
ing these days of mighty projects
and grand achievements, and made
the acquaintance of Hagerty, tho
wheelwright, he would have, no
doubt,  discovered  his  folly.
But we admire that wheel. It's a
good wheel, a beautiful wheel. Wo
have had wheels in our own head,
and in fact we've got 'em now, but
we are forced to confess that none
of them could compare with the oik?
thai escaped from Hagerty's think
It's a fine wheel. So nice nnd
Bishop Potter has discovered thnt
the dull routine of machine tending
in a modern factory tends to lower
the intelligence of the operative oftentimes to a point bordering upon
imbecility. This does not of necessity prevent, the operative from
throwing up his job and becoming a
' o-	
Tho Clarion assumes no responsibility for anything expressed in tho
article on the front page reprinted
from Collier's Weekly. It is given
merely for the purpose of showing
how "law and order," constitutions,
etc., aro looked upon by the upholders of capitalist property.
For some time in France there has
existed two Socialist parties, one
revolutionary, the other opportunist.
The rank and file of the latter have
overruled the program of their ioad-
er, and affiliated with the former.
Now keep your eye in the French
proletariat. ■
 o —
Remember tne picnic at North Vancouver and the meeting in the City
Hall, Vancouver. Take the boat for
the former at 11. a.m. Doors open
for  the latter at  7:30 p.m.
does not seem to occur to him that
the wrong may have sprung from
causes away beyond and outside of
Individuals, nnd over which they
have     no     control. The     farmer
feels that the milling and beef com-
liines do not pay him whut they
ought to pay for his wheat and cattle, or the other trusts charge him
too much for the things he purchases. The small dealer feels that
he has been wronged by tho larger
one who has undersold him, or by
the rail in nd charging cxhorbitant
rates. The wage earner feels aggrieved towards the employer because
ho does not pay higher wages, and
towards the "scab" and strike-breaker because they have the impudence
to take the place he makes vacant
in a rebellious moment. And so on
through tho whole gamut, each individual measuring things from his
own narrow standpoint, attributes
his wrongs, either real or fancied, to
the shortcomings  of others.
It had become quite tne fashion to
picture tho so-called "trusts" of today as veritable dragons of iniquity
conjured fo.*h at the hands of selfish and greedy monsters in hu:.ian
form. They nre denounced as huge
conspiracies against the public welfare, and strenuous efforts are put
forth to inflame the public mind
against them. It were well to note
that those who engage in denouncing
them fall into the error of measuring the public welfare by the circumscribed limits of their own narrow
material interests. The hue and cry
raised by tho "independent oroduc-
ers" in the Kansas oil fields against
tno Standard Oil Company, and the
legislation demanded, has been done
in 'he interest of the public welfare,
with the "independent producers" as
the public. Tho hubbub kicked up
about tho "beef trust" i.s another
cose in point,  with the smaller deal-
EASTER        f
Corner Granville and
'•      Pender Streets
Samples and blank measurements sent on application.
The Difference Between Labor aad Labor
(Reproduced by request.)
There are few who do not realize
that something is wrong with the
social and industrial affairs of mankind. As to what that wrong is,
and the remedy for it, there is a
wide divergence of opinion. As a
rule men pronounce those things
wrong which unfavorably affect their
material welfare, and are in nowise
concerned about any other. In fact
no other real wrong can exist. When
the nerve of material interest calls
a person's attention to the existence
of a wrong, that porson will almost
invariably attempt, to place the responsibility of the wrong upon some
other   individual   or   individuals.     It
Cash Grocery Store
We also carry a full line of Furniture, on easy payments, at prices
that cannot be duplicated. Kindly
inspect our stock.
Cor Westminster Ave and Harrii Street.
Workingmen Are Always Welcome at
New Fountain Hotel
C. SCHWAHN, Proprietor
Meals 25 cents and up.
Beds, 25 cents per night.
Rooms $1.50 per week and up.
29-31 Cordova St.    Vancouver, B.C.
ers   in   similar   lines  posing    as    the
If the truth be told, these huge
business concerns differ from the
smaller ones in magnitude only.
Thoy have grown to their present
proportions out of the competitive
era of business. They are the logical consequence of competition in the
production and sale of commodities,
with the single exception of the commodity LABOR POWER. Just why
this particular commodity is excepted will be shown later on.
The production nnd sale of commodities can bo carried on more economically upon a large scale than
upon a small one. Hence the small
concern cannot stand up in competition with tho large one. The latter
being enabled to produce and distribute more cheaply, can undersell the
former nnd drive it from the field.
As tho smaller concerns are driven
from the field their owners aro forced
into the ranks of the wage earners,
nnd their former trade added to
the volume of that of tho larger
ones. The relative strength of competing capitalists, or capitalist concerns, is determined by the relative*
size of their capital. There is no
more justification for the accusation
of selfishness and greed against the
one than the other. Those at the
hood of capitalist concerns either
largo or small aro in no sense of the
word masters of capital. Capital is
their master. They aro but' its
spokesmen and servants, to interpret
its demands and comply with its requirements.
Capital is an impersonal thing,
therefore, without human attributes.
The Corporation, that up-to-date
expression of massed capital, has
been described as with neither "soul
to save, heart to feel, nor body to
kick." And yet, while capital expresses itself through its officers   as
inflexible, arbitrary and without
mercy, once those men step outside
their offices they become clothed with
human attributes ; good husbands,
fathers, friends, and oftentimes generous, philanthropic and companionable to a fault; strange contrast, between the beast of capital and tho
human being.
The one commodity above all others which is in some cases an exception to the general rules governing
commodities, is the workingman's
commodity labor power. It is
bought and sold, and its exchange
value determined, just like any other
commodity. Unlike others it is not
bought and sold by the same person.
Others may be bought" and sold numerous times before being purchased
for consumption, while labor power
is almost invariable sold and purchased for that purpose only. Out
of the purchase of labor power and
its consumption in wealth production
all capital and capitalist profit
comes. The sum total of human exploitation takes place under this act,
While the production and sale of any
other commodity not only may, but
must concentrate in the hands of one
concern, as a result of the competitive struggle, labor'power is an exception to the rule. As the weaker
competitors in any other line are
crowded out by the stronger, the
former lose their position as owners
and are gotten rid of, as far as tho
latter are concerned, by being sloughed off into the ranks of the wage
earners where they can cause no further  annoyance as capitalists.
Not u>, however, with tne weaker
ones in the competitive struggle
among the producers and sellers of
labor power, tho wage earners. Then;
being no lower social strata into
which they can be sloughed, they
cannot be gotten rid of as producei s
and sellers of labor power. A percentage of the workers may be, and
are. forced into what is termed tho
"submerged t«nth," but this of necessity has its limitations, and those
forced into it are quite apt to strug"-
glo out and get into the market
again. Practically speaking. the
number of producers and sellers of
the commodity labor power cannot
lie reduced, therefore, a monopoly
cannot be attained, competition cannot be stifled. As competition is
lessened among capitalists by the
weaker being forced over the brink
into wage slavery, the competition
among sellers of labor power is increased by th»so additions to their
ranks. To the extent that'competition 'decreases among capitalists, it
increases among wage earners. When
It shall have been entirely eliminated
among tho former it will lie at the
heighth of its intensity among the
latter, in spite of all their agreements to tho contrary notwithstanding.
That which the worker sells to the
employer, or capitalist, is labor power, and not labor. The former is the
commodity sold, the latter is what
the worker experiences in delivering
the goods.    For his power to labor,
Negligee Shirts
Not Too Early to Look
Exclusive  patterns  are Row .
some of the choice ones will J/'
early,   and   some   of   the  ueshm *S
cannot duplicate.    If you ^JL*,.*!
unusual styles it will int«*sti«L'*t'|
come promptly. ••"'♦I
Flatiron Hats
The Smartest Salt Hat ol the Sen,.
These Hats have been or,th„S|ajllL
cally received by young „1<m S|
the very first day we brought n!U|
out. Neither trouble nor exu,. I
has been saved in the production
these goods, as you will cheerfuil
acknowledge   upon  examination.
III Cordsvi Street
or  labor  power,   ho  receives its
change  value as a coramodlt;
given   quantity    of   food,   etc.
produce  a  day's    labor   power, *ttj
exchunge value af u day's lubortiT
er  will   be  equivalent   to   thai ol j
food, etc.,  und  vice versa.'   |( t|„,i
bor  murket   be  oversupplnil  wit|,i
borers   il   cuei   be   Basil)     wen   (y
competition    among    them  will b
the price  of laboi   power (wage) (to!
to   thut   of  enough   food,   eti  .  i„
produce   the   lubor   power.      Ihat m
lubor power will be held nt  iIicjiiJ
of its true exchange value.   Sii(uj
modity   is  worth  more  thnn mujtU
one just   like  it.     If u given uimjuj
of food,  by lieing consumed bj a
borer   will    produce     a   day's lain
power,   then   the   day's   labor p0»
and  the given amount   or food |mJ
ess an equal  nccnange value.    [
labor    power    is  exchanged   fur
food.    The food consumed by th,
borer reproduces a day's labor |u
er.     The  luborer has  then exchan
one   day's   labor   power   lor  emol
one just  like  it,  and  thai   i- ,,11 i
commodity  is worth  in exchange
The act of lubor is quite a (litter)
thing,  however.     The expenditure
a  du.v's   labor   power   produces in
than enough  food, etc..  to reprod
ft.     As the labor power was pure
od   as  a   commodity,   at   its  full
change value,     whatever    the   la
produces   in   excess   of   thut   rent
us   a   new      surplus      value    In
hands   of    the    purchaser.     Not!
short   of the entire product  could
the  worker  for his  labor.     Mudhj
thun   that,   however,   pays    him
full oxennnge value of his lul
er, as u commodity.
Once an understanding of
and capitalist production is
at.  it    will   be   seen   thut    tin-   i
complained of by the farmer,
earner, etc.. and for whii Ii I
have been holding individuals r.^i
sible. ure attributable, and iltcidt
al to Capitalist production I'
are the logical and iiecessur\ niU
capitalist property, anil not 11»>■
of   individuals  as   such.
I l'lT.
Sunday April 30tl
Big Meeting o n IM
In City Hall ° rM
J. 1 MotoHe and Parker Ii
Will Address the Working People on the
Political Needs of the Hour
Doors Open at 7.30|
j ^»»»**
IBS Ceriova tt Witt,
Vancouver. B.C'


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