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The Red Flag Apr 28, 1919

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PAGE FOUR
■if '  ' '
''»"'  ■■'' '*"''""".■"ii" ''"fPffWWW
i'llll.'Vllt'l'"/ IP
E RID
as
civilized"  way.
FLAG
B and the I
■■IlkUMI gull
a^lmam. nnhlfe
A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the
Working Class.
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
By The Socialist Party of Canada,
401 Pender Street East, Vancouver,*B. C.
Editor
C. Stephenson
fiATUBDAY '- -APRIL  26, 1919
:&'":
The White Man's Burden
Elsewhere in this issue* we publish statements,
symtomatie as to how it is faring with the backward "inferior" races, to whom the "superior"
white races are introducing the "culture" of our
'-'democratic civilisation.'*        n «
* Our "civilized" press has been extremely busy
furnishing ''information," straining the credulity
«ven of the most credulous of its puMie, as to alleged atrocities in Soviet Bussia, but is silent as
the grave, silent as the cynical sphinx, On the
atrocities committed on myriads of helpless people, in the "dark" plaee* of tha earth, agonizing
under capitalist exploitation. |ndia, Egypt, Africa, or the thousand islands of the Southern Seas,
what of they? 0 ye perverters and suppressors
of knowledge!
Six mil lion of Hindus haye died, in a few months
in the press reports it has been attributed to
the "flu,"   Yet the press knew that one of the
-worst famines in the history of India-was raging
at the time when the plague, from the European
tharnel hew,reached «%J|intry. QXg"..**,
~,-. fi *" '-V." "*  '      '    i* >■ , ■  ■-        V m\      ■    '*% ■ e^t- <■■   £;*'?j«  " - M    ■ -^ JOMK lOBt Tj, v Mill Jf2iiB^A»- If-
the havoc which resulted was due, not to the viru-
lencv of the plague, primarily, Iwpt to the fact that
a starving population had not the vitality to resist its attaek. But this fact, was suppressed. The
J^fe, .called, b am ragtag, J* that ilila not
due to the lack of productive capacity of the people, wa prove by quoting the following from the
"Labour Leader," April 3, of London, England.
euppWntin* it with ^(Ij^^ •■» *•■
1m proved, that the exports of Indiahave always
exceeded its Imports..      ^
til caption "Famine fn   India,"   the
L^eV'* states:
e Labor News Service issued at headquar-
&T tins week drwM#» to a terrible in-
stance of the way famine can be created in a food*
producing eountry.   From thi trade returns for
i«4 to iW7 it twmm^iLmi^Mfm
• atSUoni o{ pounds was actually "exported from
India, at the very time that the Indian poor were
dying in hundreds of thousands as »« «
High priees and want! Even as late mm ltM-17 the
tort year given. ^^^''MM "*«<«» han'
dred-weighte of wheat), wss exported from India,
•f whieh eight million pounds' worth came to
Great film adjective roads strangely hcrel Britain
sad the rest went to our allies, Italy and France.
▼ertly, *''wen "Ira* at any Prlee"-end largely
a pries wo did not pay."
lacking the pries to bay the products of their
awn Isbor, millions of the hetole** helots of capitalist democracies most pa/ the price of their he-
letry la mow starvation, to stunted, sborted lives
and in death. Under capitalism, "price, or profrt.
Is the essence of the case-not livelihood."
And now meagre reports ire' coming through
that these poor people are revolting, and, white
suppuomll all news as to censes, the hypocritical
press is professing astonishment st their base ingratitude after the care the whites have bestowed
wpoa them, and, darkly hints at German or Bolshevik "propaganda in order to cover up capitalism's
slhny trail. In Egypt, In India: to Africa. We are
salvtog the problem for the benighted in the white
the
exe-
lashings and wb^pnfcgs in the market
places and imprisojnments.   An, Rama! Borne!
We are a? o solving the Russian "problem," we
enltored western races, by a fiendish instrument
known by the cultured name of "blockade." One
hundred and eighty millions of men, women and
children must be starved and weakened into submitting to our culture. Conceive what this means
when the subjects of such a process were already, perforce, inured to a low standard of existence and there is no spread or margin left between subsistence and starvation. In order to
understand what this blockade means, we will
quote from the London "Labour Leader," of
April 3, again:
"The Greatest Crime"—Under this heading,
"Humanite" (March 22) publishes a communication from a Frenchman who has been some weeks
in Stockholm, where he was able to learn some
facts about the blockade of Russia by the Entente.
He says:
"Even if the Bolsheviks had really committed
all the crimes they are charged with, thea number
of their victims would still be far less than the
number of victims made by the murderous blockade which the Entente Powers have established
round Soviet Russia."
"How is it," he asks, "that famine should be
so widespread in a pre-eminently agricultural
country like Bussiaf The answer is two-fold-
first, it is partly due to the shortage of transport, which the blockade is continuing, for every
effort made by the Soviets to import locomotives
and wagons has been, defeated; secondly, the
blockade has prevented the importation of seed
and agricultural implements.
"The Soviets have done all they could to remedy this terrible situation. They sent large sums
of money to Denmark to bay seed; and the Allied fleet stopftl the ships which were brtoging
the consignments to Russia. They made similar
efforts to get agricultural implements from Sweden, with the like result." •
"B!umsnitoV'%0^^
"In what re^?IIWTartrisi and Bulgarian
atrocities, which have been so vigorously denounced, worse than fids refinement of barbarity?" ;&"
A  pertinent  question,  but  its only answer is
dribble and drool and a rehash of the same old'
discredited  lies from  onr politicians,  our pulpiteersand the-prom,    'A -
The answer can only be furnished by the labor*
ing masses of the white rsccs. Only they can
stop these world-wide horrors.
These peoples, writhing under the lash, agonizing, perishing by the toffltosja almost unknown to
the world, shut off by sUences and the porvar-
eries and, oppreeetone. #w long! Op, shall wa
pray for the swift eomtof ofjThomas Hux-
ley's eoraett
The Labor News Service
for this; week draws attention to a terrible
of the Way famine can be created la a food-producing country. From the trade returns far 1914-
1917 it. shows that wheat to the valve of millions
of pounds waa actually exported from India, at
the very time that the Indian poor ware dying in
hundreds of thousands as a result of high prices
snd want! Even as late aa 1916-17, the last year
given, £5,969,971 (or 14* million ewta. of wheat)
was exported from India, of whieh eight million
pounds' worth came to Great (the adjective reads
strangely here) Britain and the rest went to our
Allies, Italy and France. Verily, it was "War at
any price"—and largely a price we did not pay.
BRITISH FLAG
$
The African Telegraph, of December, 1918,
•quotes the following monstrous story from' the
"Gold Coast Leader'':
"When en route' to Mailuguri I stayed for a
couple of days at Bauchi where I eyed with painful surprise two women, having been stripped entirely naked in an open market, being flogged 25
lashes each. Solicitously I hastened near and enquired from one pi the spectators.as to the cause
of this eyesore and by whose order. . 'By order
of Mr. Fitzpatrick,' he said, 'because they Were
arrested a few days back in the forenoon, and
sent to the Alkali by Mr. Fitzpatrick to be extremely punished for having passed through the
residency. To satisfy his master, the Alkali, without hearing of the ease, sentenced the accused to
six months' imprisonment with hard
Immediately on hearing this, Mr.
for: the Alkali and openly pronounced that these
unfortunate women, while serving their tune
should receive 25 toshes each in an -open market
every month.' As this seemed to me entirely dubious. I enquired a second thus from aa English- ,
speaking dfcW who sleo related the Mae stato-
man*.
Not very long ago every person throughout the
British Empire wis more or less acquainted with
the downright faet of Oka Jones, Baro and Zaria
whipptoga, and again women are now being flogged
at BaueM entfrerflmfcd to a* open market for
the mere reason that they had passed through the
residency. ■ ^,- ' .
i    ■ '»"       '      j'"      -    ' ill' ii    "urn
,. "   '} ■■■■ -;■/■•- •'■■•-"
MADRID—Ten  full days of exhaustive debate
marked  the  eleventh  national   Soei.list
hety here, and resulted in the,
Bures   for   extending
especislly into rural districts; lor
m
■• -;<i:\
' ^
SOCIALIST PARTY
OF CANADA
PBOPAOAHDA MXETDrOS
« sinRkAT, Ann. si
At 8 p.m. Sharp
t
■.''**
BMFVB88 THEATBB
Corner Gore and Basthigs
W. A.
and
wfthUt
The congress expressed. Ha sympathy with the
workers of Russia, Germany and Austria in their'
struggl for a proletarian state.-
At the request of Local Oviede, a resolution waa
pe~d ratling t*^n the memben of the party
working in aotlifarit etflceM to aaale eaaaaasa
csuse with their fellow workers in case the workers
Pablo Inglesms waa eleefod' president of the executive committee and? editor of El SeetaUstia;
and Comrades Bestcrio and Anguiano vice-pres-
ideht and secretary, respectively.
The "One Big Union" is having ite troubles at
Versailles.
_—i—I
■   i    in
text book—Vol. V^MariC* tlapltol,"
tww ramfry.   Gat ens frsm the Bseretary, 401
rr §•'
t
7- n}'; \
• We"*.
^ffiBl
'
■
^^wyj^^m^wp^f^^§w^
THE RED FLAG
PAGE THREE-
Propaganda oii Me Cki6
A Peep Behind the Scenes
The following document has eome into our hands,       This can be done before you start your campaign fiiruring as the mythical Ventura.    There are sev-
eontaining  instructions  to  managers  of theatres   or perhaps the minister will be Hilling to preach cral good fights in the picture, and some splen-
and advertising agents for moving pictures.    It    on the topic the Sunday before your opening, in did  crowd  scenes in  which  hundreds are used.
which  case take the advertising for the church Take up the items in detail.
states that a film is about to be released for the
circuit for the purpose of discrediting the Bolsheviki and Socialists generally. Preserve it. It's
a gem and a fine example of the methods and
ethics of the business world.
"Put up red flags," it says, "and then hire soldiers to tear them down." Even creating riots is
good for business. On tins matter "a word to
the wise," etc., is a good proverb.
Take fake pictures (down in Florida,.U. S. A.)
of this true "expqsune" of the Bolshevik experiment in Bussia showing men and girls running
around in "home-made living-picture suits" (down,
in Florida) and then have special shows for chil-,
dren. It will elevate their morals by showing
them the immoralities practiced by the Bolsheviki (down in Florida, U. S. A). It's coming.
Get your children ready to see this elevating
"true" picture play in which the Bolsheviki are
shown  practicing bestialities   (down  in  Florida,
*j.ai).
And, Mr. Theatre Manager,, get those soldiers
hired to tear down the phony red flags.
And—everyone else, look out for those anti-
Bolshevik meetings 1   According to the Vancouver
directly into your house advertising. Have a
lobby frame announcing that the Bev. John Blank
will preach on this powerful play at the First
Christian Church.
Use Paper Plentifully
Perhaps you can go further and get some local
patriotic society to hold an anti-Bolshevik mass
meeting. It can be" done. If your house is closed
on Sunday, lend your house for the meeting. If
you can run seven days, help the society get   a
Tell how the socialistic chef goes on strike because be wants a salary, but is led out by the
hero's chauffeur,- who used to be a white hope,
and persuaded that he had better be good. Tell
how the community gives a ball where some of
the girls shock the spinsters by coming to the
dance in home-made living picture suits.
Play up the character of Wolff, who started the
scheme to promote his own ends, while'talking of
community interest.   Tell how his wife, who fur-
ball.    It will repay you.   Get out posted paper, *heped **Jf,an* * M,W!ted ■■ *• *****.*
advising all to attend the meeting and then see h"  new *"«•  decM!*  ""J ch*n«M  **'***
the plsv.   There arc both one and three sheets about ^**»*n.   Hay up the angle of the rich
which can be stripped to advantage in this eon- ""•"  *ho  ««^' ■•*•? «■ ffn» ***** to
nection. • Don't think you csnnot pull this stunt •*•»•*- how imprac^l Socialism really is.
until you hsve tried. M *•  ™*  the  «>™°met»on   «   something  like
„„                          ,    ,    ,             ,.          , "One men wss a Socialist for love of power. An-
When you get ready to do your direct adver
tising, go to. it strong. Tne cartoon one sheet is
exceptionally good. Get these sll over town.
Don't use less then fifty. Use s hundred if you
can. Use several of the six sheets. These deal
only with a side issue of the film, but they arc
flashy and striking.   Use at least one twenty-four
other was guided by love for a woman. Both
talked of the good of the community to hide their
own ambitions.   That ia what Socialism is."
a Bun of It
And finally, don't make the mistake of booking for a day.   Unless you hsve a three hundred
Sun" of Anril "24  tim rity council has already   an<i more if y°° c*m find **• boards.   It is not as   house in a two hundred town, with no neighbors
■ * er   ' ^a.__ __ _ it .               >l a       .       *• . % • «• ■■ — - -     .       -     —
*    been applied to for a permit and support
- - v    . i
■   a a o ■■••'■'.
The document says:
The showing of this play should be prepared
for well in advance. It will not yield the fullest
results to give an intensive
we
strong ss the one or three, but the bigness will
help to create the impression of importance.
This is a subject which can be sold with paper.
Use plenty of it. Get more than you think you
can afford. If you are in a small town, go into
the nearby town with the one's and in the city,
exfea people with   come our1 with a
to draw from, book at least for three days. Let
your first night's audience tell the others and
bring them in.
Run an extra night Show. Have a special show,
ing for school children. Work all of the crowd
stunts.   Put up red flags ab< -t town and hire sol-
Bible  through   a  controversy  on   Socialism
a dollar's worth  of paper, you  are making   a
handbill, expli
Let the management write a couple of letters   diree,   profit snd possibly some new patrons
If
you h. ve not the nerve to use plenty of paper,
leave the subject to your opposition.
Go After Factory Workers
If you hsve any factories in town do not overlook the suggestion at the top of page nine of the
press book.   There is not a factory owner who is
the play is not ''an argument for anarchy. Have
the bills ready printed, that you may get titer* out
quickly or the Idea may boomerang. Work out
tho limit on this and you'll not onto clean up, but
pront oy iniure ous
(Emphasis ours.)
, .' i*
; ¥>>   >
•■*?'
urm
bta ,
.:. k
i £!WS
BIA
attacking the socialistic theory and linking it up
with Bolshevism. There is almost certain to be
a reply from some loeal high thinker.   Then the
battle to. .on,    /ri.> , ,.;.■&, ■■
Inaugurate a Controversy
Work gradually to the contention that Socialism will not be possible in this or. the succeed- not at least secretly afraid of the growth of Bol-
ing generation because people are not yet pre- shevis'm, snd lie has causa for fear. Go to him That we are abundantly able to feed Bussia is
peradrfor liberty «nch as Socialism aims at. wity the private viewing or even-witH a good talk indicated by the size of our winter wheat crop.
Later work in allusion to tho feature of the Hm- on the film and he will buy blocks of seats for bis "% Department of Agriculture has just estimated
had experiment  made  by Upton Sinclair same   employees and their families. that <"rop <>* 837 million bushels, the largest ever
years aim at Halycon Hall, where the community This is not a fanatical propaganda picture where <P*own. With a spring produetion of from 225 to
Idea fall because all wanted to Jive without bias spoils argument It is a clean-cut study of 30° mfflton bushels, we shall probably haye a.sur-
workin*. All of this should be .worked out under *« laasou why Socialism has not and cannot PIn" P* «tJ»rt # <H "JHwns. Before the war
a pseudonym com*.   There will be no reaction upon the factory    »e exported 100 inflllons.    And now our Consul
Thou come out under your own signature and   owners after tike picture hag been seen    It wfll   (,<,"era' ™ Buenos Ayres reports that Argentina
apparently a* tote the controversy ^ !fi 1!^*^ ^ *»*»^**^-****>
time, toning of "CVwradea.'' by the Bey. Thomas      And « tka saum Hues, to your own advertisine   vwt !««dt-Kew Bcpublic, April It.
Dixon, and adding that you wfll shortly stew a   *, ,,ot advertise amM.*** —«—•
play drawn from the book which gives the result
which has attended every such movement in history. Then start your straight advertising campaign. If yen can write cleverly or can set someone to do it for you. you can run for a couple of
weeks in the local daily, without ever suggesting
it the discussion has any advertising intent.
("v^tW^ ^^_       aa»—k ■   **   ' m> it.      ^s*
• new  U£ unsuesumesam  asm   umnor aiu^nnnnnm^^Sn^i^iSt^,tWipV■■- i***
Man
i
km.   Csll it a study of
big talking point
hocwh .wiffOot arming
Bring out one big spaee with
a Bolshevistt   Are you sure?
Make this a
-
.i ■
—
.c
to the West Virginia
  ■ "-eja^^^,
■AH
m
I
:5l8
• ■-•■
Then run into your seQtog talk in small typo
an eight • or ten point according to your space.
Bolshevism is the questfcmef 4hs hour.   It has   Make fc ptofa to all your advertising that this w
spread to every town and village., In some pieces
Ite adherents do not dare openly discuss the mat.
tor. but they may have the eeursge to engage to
an snonymons discussion. In the Isrger places
you wfll find circles openly run. Ton will And no
Isek of opponents in the larger towns. Save all
of the cUpptoffs far lobby weak when your open
campaign starts.
Ten ean get the ministers to take this question
un   The subtest Is timer? aad most aatoiati
U|c«       m\amm mmaawjmwwm saw usaommms.T   ^sanust amsasuvai aaUwaUMsaassj
HWoaw  ^s>   ^wunaa^onnni w^sui aunnsuam   usmuunev   ^waaa  uaaeauv    emaup
'Announce the sermon on your screen for three or
lour days to
not a faked-up story of Bussian Bolshevism. Don't
merely refrain from saying that it is. Tell that H
is not. Tell that it is the story of s socislistie
experiment,.
Book Up With "The Birth"
Hook up with "The Birth .of a Nstion,"   by
advertising that is from a story by the anther of
"The Clansman,'! from whieh "The Birth of a
-tifl
Nation
Do not overplay this angle,
for the story eon stand by itself, hut it is worth
penitentiary to
are pregnant and promising daya," said Debs, as
he entered the prison doers.   "We are all on the
threshold of tremendous changes.   The workers of
the world are awakening and bestirring
as never before.   All the forces that are ,
upon the modern world are making for the
throw of despotism in all its forms and for the
—'•^■••••^ •n^sap%*^^aa    vi     e^^ses    s^si^bi^sss^^sp    "•     as*^a#aa^asp^a#        a    spbsjuswp
he in prison in the days to eome, but my revolutionary spirit will be abroad, and I shall not be
inactive. Let us all in the supreme hour nmaura-
up to our full stature and work together ss one
for the causa whieh muene emancipation for un
The New,. Tork "Nation" of April  If mysr
Nation"  of April   19 mm
Thasaara weeds *f simple gfeatoeas, We may be-
here a% net to the oadertying docutoe: we eanuui
Then tell about the produetion.  TeD that it was   f«a te'koner and to benoee to the ^^ '
^^fsppp|pi|
flppllJppjIK^
■I
1
PAGE SIX
a, -i—s
THE RED FLAG
Economic
(Published in two parts, as a contribution on the
subject   of  "Determinism."—Prom   an   exchange.
Historic Inevitability
All the conditions and changes that have been
referred to (past social conditions and changes
dealt with in a previous article) are reducible to
two factors: the material conditions on the one
hand and the mental attitude, understanding and
interpretation corresponding to them and growing out of them, or as Marx has put it, "the material world transformed by mental assimilation."
Human action is governed by two limitations:
1. Objectively, by the inherent nature of things
snd physical conditions and their laws:
2. Subjectively, by those of the possibilitien in
By MAURICE BLUMLEIN
cess. "Man makes hie own history but he does
it out of conditions ehoaen by himself, but out of
such as he finds close at hand." His progress is
based on conditions that are given and his under,
standing of them; his action is determined and
guided accordingly.
Furthermore, where the material conditions are
not make it out of whole cloth; he does not make
w-or.g thing in order to find the right way in the
end; in short, it is the method of progress from
thc known to the unknown.
•japan was in a position to borrow the mental
c.iiipmcnt of the western nations whereas the
latter had to solve a similar situation with inferior
the same in one case as in another, it does not , Knowledge.    Under such circumstances, history fa
imply of necessity that the history of the one must
le the same as that of th? omer. Por if this
identity of conditions does not meet with a similar identity of mental interpretation the course
>t id ion will be different, just as different individuals nnder the same set of conditions may do
entirely different things.
The   change  from   feudalism   to  capitalism   in
not a duplication of processes, it in evolution by a
different psth, snd s shorter one. The changes
which were historically inevitable in the case of
thc western notions, did not hsve to be adopted
in Japan by repetition; she was in position to
it.eet the same situation materially, with a superior
capacity mentally. •
Historic inevitability does not mean therefore
„;•■
nature which we are able to perceive, or of whose   ,ia|)an for instance, waa an entirely different pro-   that similar material conditions must lead tgsiden-
uresence we are aware.   The mere fact tost a pos-
t ribility exists does not make it available until we
awaken to a realization of its existence.
The former is absolute, it is the limitation of
human development not at a given time and place,
but for any and all times.   It beongs to the sphere
cess than in the case of England or France, and
took an incomparably shorter time, for Japan was
in n position to borrow and incorporate the industrial development of the western nations. "Had
the Japanese been compelled to develop the stage
of, v est cm civilization independently it wiuld have
of philoposphy and metaphysics whieh treats of taken surely hundreds of years, not to mention
human activity according to its potential possibilities, and seeks to define the abstract theoretical boundary of human possibilities. The fact,
for instance, that we eannot conceive of anything
that is infinite but can deal only with things that
are infinite, is a ease of this character.
But while the principles underlying human development ean be dealt with in this abstract form,
the development itself is s concrete Motorics! pro-
thousnnds. whereas they have done this in a few
decades, just as they assimi'&ted the civilization
of China previously."
On the other hand. England was s pioneer in
<-ap*fslist development, snd under snch conditions
♦he rate of progress is necessarily slower. It if
necessary to experiment, to try many ways before
'"ndiwr the best one, to maka errors in order to
know that they ?re errors, Hum doing often the
tical views, or must be dealth with in the same
manner. It does mean this, however,—that whatever the possibilities of a situation may be objectively the choice of action is limited to those
of the possibilities which a society is in a position
*o grasp according to its mental capacity and development, and that what it does not perceive fa
as good as non-existent for the time being. Thai
is the real significance of historic inevitability as
distinct from fatalism which pre-detenaines a
single unalterable course of action irrespective of
all subjective possibilties; thc fatalist point of
view is hopelessly iu'adeonate in consequence, to
explain why ine stim cvnlituns do not alwn**
lead to the same results.
Next Issue: Economic Determinism
Clip
&•
a£&
Perhaps you hsve heard the remark, or made h
yourself: "These radicals ar| strong for socialism
over here. But you never notice any of them
going back heme to the eountrms where Socialism
is actually established." Now eomee the Savings
Bank section of the American Bankers' Association with the report that more than 1,300,000 for-
eign-born residents of this country hsve either
gone hack home or ere preparing to go, in answer
to the call of the Bolshevik. Does the Savings
Bank section rejoteet No. It calls the sanation
"alarming." For H seems these people are drawing their money from the banks, selling t*smrJB>
erty bands and Ttotfses aid preparing to take with
them an actual four-fifths of toe total currency in
the rrcss
mmfKlL_
DEFEAT   SOCIALIZATION OP THE COTTON IHbuSYRT
'-*Mm*-*:
General Hoffman, head of the German delegation at Brest-Litovsk and who translated the oily
words of the Austro-German diplomats into the
brutal language of the sword, testifies in an interview with s correspondent of the New York
"Globe" and the Chicago "Daily News" that,
"Germany waa not beaten on the western front.
Neither Marshal Foch nor Field Marshal Haig nor
General Pershing defeated the German armies.
Germany wss defeated by an upstart named Lento.
"Ton ask me what I consider lost the war for
We read that there Is s movement among ton
cotton "hands" in favor of taking the whole
manufacturing business out of the hands of the
employers and socializing it. like the mines and
the railways, in toe interests of the whole community. High time this should be done. The history of the manufacture of cotton fa Lancashire
is a foul disgrace, not only to Great Britain, but
to humanity at large. Throughout the greater
part of the nineteenth century the conditions of
the' workers fa toe cotton industry were mora
abominable than decent slave-owners would have
permitted under chattel slavery.   The fortunes of
Germany.   My answer is Bolshevism    I will tell
circulation and.in reserve hi the UnRod States be-   yfm Xn9 .^et moment that marked the beginning   the wage-slave drivers of Lancashire were built
fort tha war.   "tldsteeerm^ end. It waa when General Ludendorff tele-    „pf in the first instance, by the wholesale
phoned me at the headquarters on the eastern
front from Franca to sign peace—peace with any
Russian able to write his
statement  of  the  Savings Bank Section.    What
ought a good patriot to do about itt-Ne# Bopub-
fice to the Moloch of capitalism of children of ten-
Note:   The "Stay in America League" has already been organized.
,
"The man who goes out to fight far his
try is a brave Briton; the man
to fight for his missus is a
am not a Bolshevik.   A
land.   I own none."
"But immediately upon signing with the Bol-
sn e vi k i we umosveren ssuu we mm own coai | uc r«u.
oer
^_     \nmr    by them tost sod of having
22^!^    victorious army became m
Ida
"Socialism has never
Law told the women workers. ,,
"It Mas nev*r !*cn tried," one of them retort-
♦4.
"It is not succeeding in Russia." said Mr. Taw.
How does he know \ And if It te not succeeding fa Busria why a 11 nut Boi.er Law and his
kind allow a SoeWH mission to go to Russia to
sue what te happen! •* there* Socialism te probably succeeding so .veil in P.-sria that either it
■rust be oppressed or the facts of ite saeeew
must be irtpt sec*r.
We did Ml dare to
Bolsheviki to the
thousand! of Bolsheviki
' ad the
der years. When they were prevented by law
from this immolation of babes they still refused
to look upon men and women and half-timers an
other than their natural victims. Things are little
better today. Let those wh-i doubt it go and examine the principal towns of fam aahirc Justlui.
ApM0
.■in i in
■
il.   jmAjiSr   S^tjrfmf !■!■   !■
Replying to the rather naive question of the correspondent as to whether the German military
machine was harmed by Scheidemann's "Socialistic propaganda," General Hoffman answered:
"No! Sckeidrnmun was all right. Russian
agents did  R  and  German  fanatics  like  Lieb-
»»
/
The protest of the French Confederation Generate du Travail against the League of Nations
Covenant te a mrtetoi matter. The G. G. T. corresponds to the American Federation of Labor far
this conntry. and its support is vital to the lesgue.
Bat the G. G. T. haa placarded Parte 'with this
declaration: "Our dfajknnato offer us s pretest
of a League of Nations which is not the Society
of Nations such ss was described in the fourteen
points of President Wilson. .;. The Flench working elass, faithful to ite conception of a war on
wsr, rises against the sabotage of •—<»'
Republic, April It.
'■*WM' IVSM;;;
I
I
'•m
I '     !   '    ■
PlU
|J
THE RED FLAG
—
PAGEFIVB
BRUCE GLA8IER
(From the "Labor Lender; April 3
WE may now consider, in the light of the
foregoing chapter, what value belongs to
ike labor of the present worker or workers gen.
arslly, performed by them to the produetion of
wealth.
Neediest to say the workers' labor plays no part
in the actual production of land or the raw material derived from it
The workers, simply by means of their own individual and self-contained energy and intelligence, without whieh, it ia true, no material wealth
ean be produced at all, contribute but a small
part to the'general energy and skill whieh they
are instrumental in bringing into operation to
the factory. What proportion the labor of the
individual worker bears to the work and skill,
which is contributed by the general social organisation snd culture of society, it is impossible to
say.
We may guess at it, perhaps, by asking ourselves
the question (whieh is, indeed, as ridiculous as it
wounds)—hoy many pairs of boots, how many
yards of cloth, how many knives, or spades, or
chairs, or watches, or electric.motors, could a
present-day worker produce in a week, a month.
or a year, working eight or nine hours a day, were
lie aa destitute of the advantages of social co-operation and culture as was the primitive caveman or a Jungle-boy like Kipling's Mowgli.
brought up from babyhood outside human society 1
Anl even if we credit to the present day worker
the knowledge and skill whieh he haa obtained by
education and experience from civilization, how
mueh in tho way of wealth produetion of any kind
could ho produce in any given time by his own
Isbor were he unsustained by all kinds of socially said that the
created food, clothing and shelter, and
ba_eaeiaUy created means of induction and
—-any-%jpgu>!***P■*?■■■ *f»w^rwy,r  am**wmmp~mw.  ^ea»igp™ *' ^pej1 ' ._ v     mw
port—machinery, railways,
Finally, to sum up quite
of this part of our inqury, we may say that
The labor of each worker, in a workshop or fee-   wretches falls, if not beneath that of the cave-
tory by itself alone is valueless.  Thus, by himself   man, at any rate, far below that of the free, self-
^zrf**^'' m*&.*******
Part H—THE VALUE OP LABOR
without coal or other fuel; a candlestick without a
candle, a motor ear without petrol, aa electric
lamp, telephone or tramcar without a dynamo and
generating station.
And once more (to repeat in a word the whole
burden of our Socialist argument and prophecy)
we may say that without the existence of the general community, its co-operation, its collectively
created science, skill, affections, wants, .and policy
of life, labor and production, as we know and.use
them in civilized society, would be impossible, snd
even if possible (aa by magic or a miracle) useless and valueless.
And the right understanding of all this matter
constitutes the distinction between the position and
social outlook of the Socialist and that of the
mere Laborist
It is with the community as with the human
body. Without the separate cells, organ and
parts, the body could neither have life nor existence. Yet, nevertheless, all these cells, organs
and parte would not together of themselves form
a human body or create the senses, intelligence
and capacity within it, without the collective
organization and the common life and mind whieh
belongs not to the cells or parte, but to the
primal germ end the whole existence of the body
as an organism.
In certain instances it doubtless may fairly be
obtain a portion at
fajpr •    unisyupsa     *"^e*     "■*•     wmw
r swestcd industries, tor where indentured
end CbhammWam and  the  like  ia   employed, when the standard of life of the poor
alone, a workman in an engineering shop, a shipyard, a mine/a spinning factory, or in a rafl-
wav  could produce nothing fit for use.
"•/)   w^^wm^Mn*   nmaw^^mimmm' ^M^Mrmmm^aany ■•^w-^^sw^    ■^^^^r*
The labor of all the work peepte assembled in
any given factory' or t*»n»eyoeaat, would by %
the labor of wiHiaaiinln in other fac-
ment, be vatuatoes—-or more enr-
mti>oasible. Tana, the work of
'ha to^noaamea without the work
done to th« mines, the iron smelting works, and
on the railways; and would be valueless without
whfnmaVua^^
bv tag eugtonara.
r, tne laoor oi worKpe^sss^aa^i
employed worker of pre-capitalist days.
But, broadly speaking, 'it is ntear from our investigation that But prefte of the oapitellet are ant
Not only hare wa fsemd an
tion: ~
profitt"
throws an
<ua|riuuioL ucrivo U1B
on tncPqtctttn:W"CIs
.
not the worker entitled to the fruits of his own
laberf"   •       '*>% *
If by his "own labor"
workpeople In other trades, erafts and
tions.   Thus,
titled to every partiele
Bug heaven
if ha, as i
the draughtsmen and the pattern makers,
together with (afterwards) the labor of the cart-
era, raflwaymen, and ether flhUillmliira. 80 also
the labor of tho engton drrrirs or signalmen, or
alerks or plate layers separately on the railways,
would be impossible* and futile without the lsbor
af all the other trades, crafts and occupations
connected with the railways.
of
civilisation as
man, is entitled
MtA   maUmPoB-    feu stun    f&tf
pillages him not ao much, if at all, of the fruits of
his own labor aa a worker, but of his share that
belongs to him as s member of the brotherhood
of the community, of the collective produce of the
collective labor, genius snd skill of the whole of
society. This the capitalist does by paying him
wages—wages whieh enable him to obtain only a '
share in so much of the collectively produced
wealth as remains after the capitalist haa considerably depicted the store by his rent and proflt
[Editor's Note: The writer's terinology when
he*uses the word "robbery" is scientifically incorrect. The term "robbery" haa an ethical
meaning and ethics have no place in the field of
economic science. This science deals only with
"necessary results which flow from the existing
method of production. This method is s historical product, a product of the evolutionary process. Social wrongs which flow from this method -
oligojnduotion are not to be charged to the mali-
ciousness or wickedness of men. Indignation at
the results of a faulty and out-of-date social organization is justifiable but it sdds not one iota to
that understanding of causes, which is a prims
necessity, before effects csn be successfully dealt
with. The worker is exploited legally by mesne
of the wages system and to use terms .which in-
ply otherwise is to obscure the issue and divert
the attack from the real cause of exploitation, toe
system itself.]
And in fighting, aa the worker is now beginning to do (chiefly ss the result of a better understanding of his own his fellows' plight, and of the
hope of deliverance from it, whieh he has gained
from Socialist teaching) he is fighting, not really
as he imagines he is doing, for the mere fruits of
^»wn|abor, as a wage-earner, but for the com-
Usn xfuits of social  co-oaeration.  m-oarem  and
ejn_ 111
iaanafaarr. ■
as members of the •
wealth, ;.;i\ .," . x
r*** i*;l/>
Tflr
THE ECONOMICS OF AM DfDEMNITY UNDER
PRODUCTION FOR SALE
te, bat Ida
he and his family to obtain in food and comfort
not more than the exact measure of what he could
he dees produce by hie own unaided in-
and strength. As things now sre he,
sll probebflti/, receives twice or thrice as much as
Is an indemnity a good thing or a bad thing
for the country which receives it? It is like any
money gift, good or evil according to the use you
make oi it It wJfl probablyhoagreed that ..una 7
best use to which we could put an indemnity
would be to pay aff our debts. Suppose that wo
succeed in obtaining an indemnity from Germany
for the whole of our war expenditures. We wffl
aaaume that we agree to receive the amount in
bondvsay £4000^*0,000, since Germany oouJd not
be expected to pay at to cash. Iff wiU euppess
further that every creditor of the British Government would he willing to surrender his holding of British war bands and receive an equivalent
anaunt of German bonds in exchange. In effect
that would mean that all the wrings which wa .
might^have aeeumpHahed during the last four
1 $eet bean
HHneBS       **UPUpBSB> .1
A.
Likewise with respect to the products of Labor      What ha does not receive, and what the workers
themselves.   No single product, however complete   fa the mass da net tussive, Is their share as members of tho oanununtty, of the socially created in-
nBlast of wealth-   And to that abase he is entitled, not, simply because he is a worker, but be-
' cause he is a man, a eftixen, a member of the
fa Hntlf, would be of any appreciable value, without the use of other products, except in a comparatively few instance*, such U bicycles, chairs,
spectacles, and the like euilf sufiiiinl
Thus, s pen is of no use without paper
and ink; a needle or sewing machine without
a locomotive without a railway track or
a fire grate or pot
U -a-1, „-,l, n i J    ,.f   „„ MXe>t ■     jam   f Il-sl
Ot^PuaVrilVgJQ VI  m*i:mB\jf  OT UM)
The worker to, in all truth, robbed ^flagrantly
and unmereifuny by the capitalist. But the robbery though pmpitiatod on hfau in toe workshop,
:   '
enjoy year in and year out
effort of our own, an income, an annual
and services'to the value of _
might be a fine thing for the "rentier," for
holders of bonds, but the proletariat might view
the transaction with a different eye if ft ♦were
found that our industries were depressed and half
ruined in the process, and, by the stimulus
to her manufactures, the commercial supremacy
of Germany was established in their stead.—From
an article to the New Tork "Nation" of April
12. by Sir Charles Addle, director of the Bank of
if
Propaganda meetings every Sunday night, at 9
o'clock, Bmpiass theatre, corner Gore and Hearings,
' iPP!l|i(P!ippiiPPPi
m*W''
PAGE EIGHT
THE RED FLAG
r
■u
at-
AB APPEAL TO LABOR AGAINST THE CRDaE-By DR. L. HADEN GUEST, M.C., L.C.C.-PROM THE "LABOR LEADER," APRIL 3
OF the many failures of the ^Executive OoV-
eminent   of   this   country   during  the  war,
Egypt is one of the-worst.
The whole Eastern question has been mismanaged.
India was treated with contempt in the early
days, and her k«#iis refused either commissions or
the ri«ht to serve along with other British subjects.
Then there was the terrible disaster of the operations in Mesopotamia, conducted by the Government of India; the almost equally bad disaster
of Gallipoli; and then, the chronic disaster of the
maltreatment of the Egyptians, with its result—
the present rebellion. The blight of incompetent
officialism is on the East and it seems worse in
Egypt than in India.
The Executive Government might have saved
the situation had they wished, but now, when
they have failed, Labor must take up the respon-
silibity and help those who are too weak to help
themselves.
The Cause of the Revolt
Thc facts are briefly these:
On December 18, 1914, Egypt was formally declared S British protectorate, and we became entirely responsible for ite government and administration. We declared Hussein Kamil to be Sultan (no longer Khedive), and he has since been
succeeded by the Sultan Fouad, who is reigning at
toe present moment.    But the Sultan of Egypt
Forced Labor for the Fellaheen
The  period  of enlistment  was  to  be  for six
months  (as a rule), .the rate of pay good from
the peasant standpoint, and food, clothing, blankets and tentage were also to be provided.
A certain number of men enlisted readily
enough. Then there came a pause, and men were
still required. Orders were then sent round to
stimulate the recruiting, and eventually a press-
gang method was established. A friend described
to me how it wss done.
A party of "recruiters" would go up to one of
the little mud villages (many look like big anthills) and wait for dusk when thc fellaheen would
return from the fields. When they returned they
were "rounded up" like cattle, and the suitable
ones picked out and enlisted. If they refused to
"volunteer" they were lashed with the Egyptian
shorthide whip until they changed their minds.
There were boys of 14 taken and men of 70 or
even over.
The, medical examination, if any, was a farce,
and men gravely ill were sent to do military
duties. On«-e the men were enlisted discipline
was maintained by the free use of the lash, snd
whippings were so common that a medical officer
•told off to oversee the administration of the punishment arranged to have his "sick parade" and
his "whipping parade" at the same time, the
whipping parade being quite near to his tent
where he saw the sick, so that he could overlook
«»l
'They Died Like Flies"
The men received their pay regularly,
only tabes important action on toe advice of the   both functions  (with little agility)  at the same
High Commissioner representing H. M. the King.   time
Sir Reginald Wingate was appointed to this office on January 1,1917, butyls now fa England,
. aa ■»ua_'anseaenn'efc^av'"mu'^s«pBsnr^ea'
Allenby, who is virtually dictator.
During toe war Egypt has been under1 exceedingly severe military restrictions amounting to a
very targe measure of martial law, and governed
on the civil side by the fiats of the High Commissioner and on* the military by the orders of the
General   Officer  to  Command   of  the' Forces    in
The'High Commissioner receives his orders from
the Foreign Office and the G. 0. C. from the War
Office. The Home Government, therefore, is directly responsible for the executive seta of the civil
deficient. In
the winter of 1917-18 Egyptians died like dies as
the result of epidemics of typhus fever snd other
diseases, cold and insufficient food.
The medical arrangements for toe men were
entirely inadequate, and the sickness rate and
death rate would prove interesting, if grim reading, if they could be obtained. Egyptians were
treated so brutally in their own unite that they
were afraid to report sick, and those discharged as
permanently nnfit on utedlcal grounds were not
vague about what we are going to do with
countries/ Are we going to turn the Arabs outt
Thst is a question which Egyptians of type highpnt
standing could not get answered when they asked
it of those in power. How, then, should the Arab
in his villsge get an answer t
And thc rumor ran from village to village, from
camp to camp, of some vague disaster overhang*
ing the Arab Moslem world from the infidel Frank
world. Is it any .wonder we lighted up religious
fanaticism against us!
In the east "nationality" does not exist ss it
dues in the West, snd ite place is taken in Egypt,
Palestine, Syria and adjoining countries by the
sentiment of religion. Men feel themselves one
as Mohammedans. Egyptian nationalism Is thus
only thc local expression of Nesr Eastern Mohammedan religious feeling—and the more dangerous
for that reason.
Labor Must Act
The whole of the Near East is in a dangerous
ferment. We have treated the Egyptians with
gross injustice; we hsve not cared for their elementary human needs aa it waa our bounden duty
to do; we have stirred up Mohammedan religious
feeling against us; we are now playing the fatuous
game of "high politics" with the destinies of races
and continents as though they were card counters.
Let Labor insist on the immediate despatch to
Egypt of a, small commission armed with full
powers to examine witnesses, report and act with
the same rapidity as the Coal Commission has done.
And let labor insist on having half the members
of that commission its own nominees, Of which a
proportion shall be Egyptians nominated by tl
ir members sfter arrival in Egypt and
>n with toe Egyptians there. •;*-*.
We cannot and do not trust the Foreign Office.
We must liatt'etraajen commission and a
■ » ^   «*«^»^-i..,^Mw^:Mia^^mj^**^^UFej^^mnvw
sense and humane settlement.
Not machine guns, but reason, and humanity are
needed. The Egyptians are men as we are men,
and enjoy and suffer as we enjoy and suffer. They
are weak and: unorganised; msny, nay, most, sre
illiterate snd unlearned fa ways of governments
snd rules Of diplomacy—let us then of the Brotherhood of Labor take these younger brothers under
our protection, and say to the government: "Give
theae men justice and reparation for wrong. They
and military sides of the Egyptian Government,   exempt from being recruited again by the next   sre our brothers, and we fight for them as we
When it became necessary during the war to
raise a large body 'of'J<gin»r transport duties,
road-making and" ether work on the lines of communications of toe army in Egypt recourse was
naturally had to the men on toe spot, the Egyp-
{hjn uwnivl.*
press-gang party which came to their .village. Very
frequently indeed also men were kept beyond the
stipulated time. ot their eantracr service, and our
word as Britons b|U^,t ^:,,,)
Iu addition to these raids on the homes of the
for men we also requistioned nearly the
fight for ourselves."
nip* i M- in*   ivkliii
The Egyptian Fellah, or peasant, of whom there h ,     f   fa .    donkevg and ^ camels_at any
sre about  11,000.000 in  all  Egypt, is  a  simple, a„ tb75SK^^?r^ 5*
laborious,   almost-entirely   illiterate,  man.    The "% *LT Jg' JSi£ _L _.,.,_;:...
vwkumhb^ of the* people; ara*^
and they live in the little villages of mud-hovels ^^ ^orTTa tour f^L item.-?    aTt!
Their living depends en their daily work in
their fields; they are intensely conservative and
So big a factor is this in their char-
there are practically no Egyptian
sailors, the voyage even to Greece taking them
too long away from their homes.* Their physical
and mental character seems much the same now aa
2.000 years ago. Besides the Fellaheen there are
about 1,000,000 other people fn Egypt, including
aB the Europeans, and this 1,000,00*0, who correspond roughly to the educated and propertied
classes, include the small group of educated non-
European Egyptians, who are "nationalists." To
toe peasantry our civil, and military
tors turned for help when men were
devised s plan of "voluntary" enlistment in toe
Labor Corps, Donkey Transport Corps or Camel
Transport Corps, far service with the E. E. P.
Egypt, the cost <
large   bodies   of
utent:.ujp'ttu.
mendously without a corresponding rise fa wages.
Before' November last the "
—whieh are censored as to
by a semi^nililary official—were
around food stores and shops, where half a
people were killed. In Alexandria practically all
the poorer classes were underfed—Egyptian and
European alike.
Is it very remarkable, therefore, that we want
hated and detested fa Egypt, and that it waa currently said that all Egyptians were pro-German f
What I have said hitherto is the economic social
foundation of the "trouble."
But this  haa not    united  our
We have conquered Mesopotamia, Palestine,
and Turkey—and been studiously swtagtoia and
'*%$     ■' e'-#
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nn. tne economies ax laattaimue n do.
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THE RED FLAG
PAGE SEVEN
THE 8AMB GOAL
Charles E. Hughes predicts downfall for Bolshevism in Russta and asys "it does not deserve to
be counted even as aoeialtem." Bnt is he warranted in making this prediction or correct in his
description of the movement. Lenine haa been
in power for nearly two yean and can claim to
lead "the oldest popular administration in Continental Europe." Premiers and cabinets of long-
established governments have come and gone while
this grim revolutionist has held undisputed control. What chance is there that he will be overthrown if his followers see him treating on equal
terms with other powers and are told that revolution is spreading all over the world? To say
that Lenine, in his objects, is anything but a Marxian international socialist seems to us to misread
bis writings. In advocating dictatorship by thc
proletariat—that is, the workmen of the cities — a*
the original step toward, first, the "emancipation'* of the peasant population, aud. later a general leveling, he is in accord with the great genius,
Karl Marx, who gave form to modern socialism.
If his end is a simple communal state practically
without laws,' he does not disagree with the v»'i.i:.
iig.* of Priediieh i-)vgels—Marx's right hand"—
et with thc died; i of other social.* piulusuplu ih.
'.be different between Bolshevism and Menshe-
\ '-am as it app ja. * in the worka of the tv o schools
is nlmost entire'', a difference it: immediate prac-
t«-ul methods ot britfing th" pole-ar*at dictatorship about. Lenine ia for the "direct method."
for violent domination; the others for orderly political processes. It te no surprise to learn from
Bhneou Strunsky, who looks upon socialism with
the indulgent eye of s good-humored student, that
the Socialist Conference at Berne waa overwhelmingly against the ways of Bolshevism. But so
were the liberate of the world against the methods
thi French revolutionists, who>nevertheless/al-
te the heart of Europe before their mad-
ABT -OH-uBB THE B0I4IBBVIK8
Being a series of articles based upon an interview with Wilfred R.
man, recently returned from
By W. A. PRITCHABD
FOBEWOBO
Wilfred B. Humphries, n bright, mentally
alert, young fellow, haling originally from
Manchester, Eng.,' met mo to tho office of the
Seattle Daily "Union Record." I had heard
of bis projected lecture for Seattle, whieh ho
was to make a few days later, assisted by
lantern slides made from photographs token
by himself and others. Knowing that it would
be impossible to eome to Canada, yet realising the value of the material he carried, I
pressed for an interview—"if you are not too
tired through travelling," I suggested.
"Oh, no!" said he, "I will only to be too
pleased."
The simplicity of bis story and toe calmness, yet earnestness, with whieh he gives his
facte; tho quick response to any and all questions, make him a most valuable addition to
Email, yet growing, cotorie of enthusiastic
apostles of a much-maligned and traduced
working dam Russia. It te impossible to
record all the information he imparted, nor
the vivid impressions he made.
This series of articles te based upon the actual interview, supplemented by other written matter which he passed over to me fa
answer to many questions.
» • • •
"You have met Lenin, Trotsky, Kollantay?" I
asked, almost as soon as we were introduced.
"Yes," he replied, "snd Kollantay. is s most remarkable, a most wonderful woman." "Did you
see tiaa dissolution of the Constituent Assembly?"
■
!-■;.■   -
ing that used to be occupied by the German
bassy in Petrograd Could I show it to you now
you would observe that the windows are boarded
up. and that a big banner hangs from the side
containing the words of Karl Marx. 'Workers of
thc World. Unite.'
"Those words, by the way, are quoted again
and again all over Russia, often with the words
thst belong with them. 'Yon hsve nothing to lose
but your chains.' The revolutionists were great
believers in propaganda. They Bolshcvixed the
two million and a half Austrians and the half-
million Germans that were interned in the Russian prison camps. They didn't rely an spoken
and printed appeals alone. They gave the prisoners good treatment. It inclnded plenty of freedom. They also let the prisoners see for themselves the constructive work the Bolshevist government was doing.
"One consequence was that when the German
military commission came to Russia to arrange for
the transfer of the German prisoners they decided to take back only the officers. They knew
the officers were close to the military system snd
hard to convert. They didn't want the common
soldiers to spread the Bolshevist spirit through
the army. In fact, while I was in Russia I learned
that the German authorities wouldn't tolerate any
reference to the revolution whatsoever."
What Was tho Feeling Generally of the Russian
awsssw W   ■ MMWM—I
"They trusted her. They greeted all Americans over there cordially. They thought we understood them.   They thought we'd let them try
The general impression conveyed to the reader
of the English Prom te that the Bolshevik regime
is one of sheer deatruetiveiiesa; thst art hss perished and morals gene entirely by the board. The
lie about the marriage law has been sent all round
I saw
the big Lett sailor place his hand on Chcrnoff's
shoulder and toll him that it waa time to go home
to steep, that the guards Were tired and they had
talked long enough.'*       r
He told me of the confident smile thst Lenin
wore snd how, having been up all the previous
night—he laid himself down beside the presidium
while Mensheviks and others saviours of the bour-
over the rn§ereuew.,thut Pressuont Witeoa made in
the fourteen points to the treatment of Rissia by
her sister nations during the months to eome aa toe
acid teat of their sincerity. Gradually it dawned
upon them that even President Wilson's own country was not going to meet tote acid* test very successfully. It was, a blow to them when America
intervened. They had plana for trade development
with the U. .S.   They had decided not to allow
the world, and though now admitted by the New ^
Europe to be a lie, the mischief has been dona.   i*°l8 order u&t& *** **** m th<mgl1 1tamU 8   g***1 »■** ny cheap labor in the Orient to eome
Now we learn on unimpeachable authority that   eTHM>mk ^J"**0" feuded on mere volubility.   mto Russia.   They wanted to import large quae,
Then I got from him, as already stated, the fol-   titles of machinery and goods, all of which they
lowing story. . It te not presented fa the order in
which I got it, but as best suits, fa my opinion,
the purposes of this
life in Moscow provides more aesthetic pleasures
than London: Chaliapine te singing nightly to
packed houses fa opera—French, German, Italian,
as well as Russian; the ballet is fa full swing;
and on any evening fa the week the thestres otter
a wide choice of elaatteal ami .■"jfjt a|i|o
"^^^^^^^r^Wfmm jP^^w   wi^S!^^sv^k*r^   onm»B>yuap   m^jummjeaww   •anns*
Gorki. Moreover, in Petrograd the Hermitage
pod Atesandnr HI. museums are now more full of
pictures than they ever were before. They ate
well looked after, no pictures have bean stolen
or damaged.   On the contrary, many people have
♦ rv   th steam   mmllmwtLam   ♦ ka   rtataurft   wr/kmlrei   aiut   nf  flimis*
*bV   •emu'j'spm ^MmMmmaT^awm-■ m^^■*****>i*^^^^^^,-^^^  In*   "saamaaT
sshsta unllinttmui   An fuanrds the terrify-
• ff| ■ ■ \ m ■ ■     .- - ■ ■ - awnaaMmaam       ******    -w^w-^aw    *****    w   *-«^ ,
statistics ntrau as to the decline fa the noon-
■ •■iMMW     W     WH    ^mm     WW     W****9     w^MJ**W*****9     *m**\     ,_ aa^rajrwa
■■- B -*   " not bu forgotten that
insisted should bear the union label."
But Didn't the
Means of Propaganda, Correction of Mistakes and
of the Risv   they were rick
"Yes: at the beginning of the revolution they
made .the mistake of swinging too violently from
centralization to. decentralization. They wanted
"I reached Moscow," said Humphries, "just as to get democracy fast aa dose to the people as
Kerensky was being overthrown and the Bussian they possibly could. One result was that there
army eras breaking up. The people felt that area a certain amount of confusion fa the man-
Kerensky had failed to represent them; he hadn't agement of affairs: too. many committees: Ton
got st the fundamental problems related to the would get distracted appealing from one to the
distribution of the lands and the control of the other. Very quickly, however, the P/uratane fa
industries, ne had kept too close to the old order power saw their mistakes and made corrections
of things, tout the people were determined to And they have succeeded fa winning aver many
tite troops wets gtod to quit because   of those who opnsed the revolution.   The novelist,
whan ho saw what
Way of constructive social
W» ia nnr   an   jjtflia
no pa.aow am semva
and he haa been
d of the war and because   Maxim Gorky, for I
what in the world they    was being done in tl
work    mmmmmA   ataa    "
.       .
Tt heartily congratulate all connected with the
women's deputation to Mr. Bonar Law upon too
stand they have taken on behalf of women who
want to do good and useful work for toe community, instesd of receiving official dotes fa order
to keep them quiet. That is the right Spirit Work
lor ALL: Overwork far nana. The numbers of
unemployed urn mounting up by leaps
ImlsMl    9a\    aTTv|M^bm,mvla»    W elm    As tt»    WU*    VJ
eUftd How DM Thoy Mniys to not
It to the Oermani ■
pamphlets and leaflets were taken over to
Germany by airplanes and were smuggled across
the border at night by Russians who had formerly
been prisoners in Germany during the fraternising period. Then, too, the Russians did a lot of
work among toe Germans by distributing pamphlets tost consisted largely of fllnstrations, with
very little rending matter, the kind the simplest
peasants could understand. They else sent materia! that would appeal to the trained Socialists.
I have amongst my effects a picture of toe build-
A few weeksago there appeared fa a
Eng., paper, an
cotton goods in the British coton-opolte.. Another
Manchester paper draw attention to this
ment, and  pointed  out the
threstened
I
I
':4
■
■■•
4
i
>1M
M
•' .
Bf^^^^^^WrW^Pn^PlilllW
PAGE TWO
THE RED FLAG
i
i
9%
H
IP;:
1
WHAT IS PATRIOTISM?
'Continued from Page One)
The civil war waged against the* Bolsheviki and
the Soviet Government was organized   and   dir-
pirc.    No political form has been top absurd for    ^^ hy ^ Cn^t,^ Assembly, whkh was dis-
it to fill with ite loy»lty.   No ^rdance otw*   w|r(d by ^ Sovkt ^nu^t fa, Jenuray, IMS,
and the majority of which consisted of deligates
representing the Social-Re volmionary "democrats"
co-operated with Allied intervention, until they realized that this intervention was directed against them
as much as against the Bolsheviki. But still they
persisted, until conquered in the civil war, abandoned by the masses; threatened by Kolchak and
the Allies, they lecided to accept authority of the
Soviet Governmennt. This decision is made public
in a manifesto "issued in the name of the Social-Revolutionary Party and in the name of the President
of the Congress of the Constituent Assembly,"
and is as follows:
"To the soldiers of the Popular Army, to the Siberian Cossacks, to the Czecho-Slovak Troops:
"Soldiers—mobilized and volunteers—you entered
the army to defend the sovereignty of the people
and to save democratic Russia from German imperialism, whkh reduced it to slavery by the treaty
of Brest-Litovsk. In the name of the Pan Russian
Constituent Assembly, in the name of free Russia,
independent and united.you have fought against
Soviet authority.
'And during this time, behind our backs, in the
colour or language has been universally effective
against it.
What, then, is patriotism in essence of today!
It is usually denned as being devotion to the land
of our fathers. But which is the land of our
lathers* Our fathers came from many different
parts of the v orld. The political division of the
world in which we live is an artificial entity. The
land has been wrested from other races. The nation they call "ours" is the result of a conquest
over original inhabitants, and over ourselves, by
successive ruling classes. Unlike the free tribesmen we are hirelings, we posses no country.
Nationality, of which patriotism is the superstition, covers no real entity other than that of a
-onunon oppression, a unified government. It does
not compromise' any unity of race, for in no nation is there one pure race, or anything like it
It does not cover a unity of language, for scarcely
a nation exists in which several distinct languages
are not indigenous. Nor is it any fixity of territory, for this changes from decade to decade, while
the inhabitants of the transferred their allegiance,
their patriotism, to the new nation.
The Product of Analysis
The only universal bond of nationality or patri- rear  tney executed  a coop d'etat and set up the
otism that exists for us today is, then, that of sub- Kolchak   dictatorship, the   representative  of  the
jeetion to a single government.   Patriotism in the bourgeoisie and of the landed proprietors,
worker is pride in the common yoke imposed by ...^ ^,^3 dictatorship. signifies the cotn-
a poUtieally united ruling etam.    Yet it is this crushing Df the proletariat and of the working
artificial entity that we are called upon to honor ^^ and thc rt    ,et, ^      h of thote ^^^
above fift itself.    This badge of political aervi- ^ ^ ^^ ^ y^^ Md the ^^
tude ia called an object worthy of supreme seen- It ihjnjfieg the suppression of all the conquests of
flee.   The workers are expected to abandon all tnc great Russian; revolution and the overthrow of
vital interests and sacrifice all they hold dear for the democratic regime and the re-establishment of
■ rthette :th*nMe*ausje*m^^^
1; s The Siberian re*ctiouejp*e£*e directed tTaairat-
of economic and political strife. tacks against democratic parties and   institutions.
Thus on* of the noblest fruits of: man's social '
evolution—the impulse of sacrifice far the social „f men's sympathy and mutual help; aa obstacles
existence—is being prostituted by the capitalist to the expansion of the human mind: aa impedi-
■class to nmfatafa a system of exploitation, to ob- ments to the needful and helpful development of
They have arrested several members of the_ Constituent Assembly, as well as Comrade Sourgouz-
chef and other militants of the Socialists-Revolutionary Party.
"Hut the most important rhiugn have taken place
recently in Western Europe. Germany has met
with military defeat, and the treaty of Brest-Utovsk
annulled by the Soviet Government, has lost its
authority.
"German Imperialism no longer exists and the
Austro-Hungarian Empire is a thing of the past.
Under the pressure of the working class of Germany
and Austria the thrones of toe monareha of these
countries have been overthrown. The authority
has passed into the hands of the vrbrkers.who,
under the red flag of the labor social revolution,
enter., like their brothers in Russia, into the era of
the world social revolution. That is what has
recently happened.
"Through fear of labor revolution at home toe
former allies of Russia—England. France. Japan,
and the United States-jnaturally took the part of
bourgeois dictatorship in Russia. The bourgeoisie
of Western Europe and of the United States declared war against the Russian and German revolutions. The Allies would not reconize either toe
authority of the Soviet Government or that of the
constitutional assembly. But they did
Kolchak and Denikine.
"Under the pretext of fighting
vism former allies revealed their intention, oa the
one hand, of exploiting the situation of Russia,
and on the other., of crushing democracy entirely
and consolidating the power of the bourgeois
reaction.
"All  those  tsaanussuual  rhaugos  whieh have
taken place in the world situation and ia Russia
tain a eommereial supremacy, and preserve or ox
tend the boundaries of s euperflous political entity. The workers sre duped'by ton ruling elass
into sserifleing themselvesffar the preesrvstioa of
a politieo-econamie yoke* ol a PHleuln# fbrmnnd
color. Many so-called Socislists have fallen headlong info this obvious trap.
Had social solidarity developed fa equal measure with the broadening of menu real interests,
it would now be universal fa character instead of
human unity and co-operation; aa bonds that bound
men to slavery: as incentives that set brothers at
each others' throats.
Despite its shamelesss perversion by a robber
dam the great impulse to human solidarity hi by
no means dead. Economic factors give it an even
firmer basis, snd to the Socialist movement it develops apace. Even the hellish system of individualism, with its doctrine of every man for him-
and the   **lf and the devil take the hindmost, haa been
national.   The wholesale mixture of races,
economic   interdependence   of the  whole  world, *»»«• *» kfll ft.   And fa the great clsss struggle
show that national)* » ** * *****, -d j** "j ™*W J**"? ft? 5SL? ^^ft
attorn, a. we know it, a eurm.   Only to. whole uneful^gmu* t* socifo a«^»^ m »» fast
world can now be rightly called the land of our
•
Only fa too service of the people of the
whole world, and not agaautt those of any part of
ltea.thefa^etoimwlsujirrl«^
and complete expression,   tie great Social* has
pointed the way. Ho did nal eej upea the worker.
.»# n^....  .!««•  tn nntt*     Tim  annealed  to  the
OT  Utrauf •!•■• w» «b»w.    sot ot^ot^^w "»  ^"»
toiler, of the whom warn! to join hands; to a
whale world of labor whose only less could be
chains.   And In this slone lies the
of human Belief today and
of toe race,
its supreme his-
For  the
by the to*
""""    »|W"»   —*>, awmmm*j    |w»ii«i»,   •«   •—   • •»
great struggle for the Hberattee of humanity from
wage slavery, the great
darity, baaed upon the*
impelled by the '
will emu to fall
torical battle.
That is our hope and
present, however, Wa am
ram of war added to the horrors of exploitation,
snd subjected to the operation of open repression
ili"»isn1ll   of that tribal Instinct of social soli-   as well as to the site of hypocrisy and fraud.
darity of which patriotism* Is the perverted de-   With the weakening power of religion to keep the
workers obedient, the false cult of
and patriotism is being exploited to the
as the barrier the    religion.   |   ll(|lPmu?Su iBi vustmsata. j
destruction of whieh wfll nut onlv set free the   monies, its
productive forces of soehxy for the good of all.   of which
yfyi   ifM^ iireo
aid of the dam
all
but will also liberate human solidarity and brotherhood from the narrow confines of nationality
and patriotism.- Only victorious labor can make
tone the simple but pregnant statement: "mankind are my brethren, the world is my country.*'
Patriotism and nationalism as we know them wfll
of our masters, and utilised deaparatory to tore
mUlions to the shambles to their benefit, faun fa
an heroic and glorious. social impulse perverted
and debased to the support of a regime of wage-
slavery, and to the furtherance of the dsmnihlo
policy of the slave-holding class: to divide and
then be remembered only as artificial restrictions   rule.
■
'    .:■
****
raw.
,"'-'■. 1
to revise usmr Bseaaaua. uaaua* ao
circumstances can the Socul-Rrvotationary Party
support either bourgeois dictatorship or foreign
bourgeois intervention; but on the contrary, it must
support the most resolute struggle against both
rational and international re-action ha order that the
Russian revolution and the world re eolation may
be victorous. This is not the rime for fratricial
war among .the workers.
"This is why the Executive Committee of the
Congress of the members of. the Constituent
Assembly asks all the soldiers of the popular army
to stop the civil war against the Soviet Government, which, at the present historic time, is the only
revolutionary power of the exploited classes, and
turn theft amies against Kolchak. fa order to crush
the exploiters.
"On   its  part,  the  Revolutionary    Committee
guarantees to detachments of  the
as well as to isolated in<
voluntarily end the civil war against the power of
the Soviets and who voluntarily join with the Sonet
troups. that they wnl he subject to no pionunliua
on the part of the Soviet Governmennt. The aura
agreement applies tc the nstarhmmita which fight
Kolchak./
i   "The members of the Social-Revolutionary Party
who accept this agreement   will not be
because of their membership in the patty.
"Soldiers of the Popular Army.!
sod Czecho-Slovaks! Ia
agreement, the dpliigetion of ton Social Revolutionary Party invites all sincere democrats, all thc
peasants and all toe worhers to cease alajtog the
role of blind instruments in the •bands of the reactionary bourgeoisie, who, behind your backs,
beat down your own brothers. We ask yon to turn
your arms against thc howgeois dictatorship of
Kolchak and to act m agreement with the Soviet
•Spy.' f-^rtS:
"Long live the labor democracy of <
lvong new ma worse ami lovmsansepax ■
■ What Is FatriotiaBjBf-
W. ff MIA-   *»-*    ^    um*u-*. aawLn  is..        a
"       Oumua Tbe Merits of toe Barry Bread I /  W^* ' "«*-* a alavc clam "the land of their
The mmwer Uepena. mrge.y upon the point of      Thus tribal religion «f eontoletory jtowwoven   ?M^ it&mwgm. £*^ * ?T >*
nwaaww ^a»^^ »~b^ j    r- ^^   a^iw.1 .««;—*;«,,,. .»>■ Satataiaife*    *Mhal **sav   «emea a -jraoaulent thing.   The    country    fa that
that ot eapitoltet interests, petriet*mn ia nothing ^S^ *V™riZ!?ZZZ ^Llw    m*m eaamred aiao  mid from being
^ * ■   ^stHBHeaMsaia ■■    ■' leneaBeuanetaK   eBaVnesani     nsueras ■*■■■■    w     sjw     auuni^r        w^^^^^m^m  ^^^^^^^^eny* ™*   ^^^^»^«. ^^^^^h   «■ ■ ■■■   ^^***^^
l .t  l.—j—la»*   muneu      earfsMk^   %BsaBmBltt» Bv        maa»Btrui»       •weaamaTaaJ    "fe""""""B"gJ"""we""u»»l    aall»aas7n»g    unaenm    ueaaaj ^ .•.■.*■*>**' ffc :       &.- aw   «,*-!**       a      '■-i7
more or lem than a uonieiiieni asn pww» those aoetel ereoua which* dt-teloped thai .ijn^r    efaahe   it   beeSsne' muteuraal   and
snanv  sua afehlMI at-. ■ ~*m*' ea^Ph. a   f - m*        a a     .—. a     aL .  ^ ?  a —.       a	
ncoi« uhbiiumw. «...  .».   ......... ..»»..■■. .saw-    . ..... .«.-_ —. Mm   ^"agmstiaaa.™ uu the  seme  time   began  to
*. v a      »   _ Uu_     —. A    * * - nasmBnankaUw "*mw tuMnaWaanhw. ^gflsm  e*faB"gflgu  gUlVw IVg* * TsnaU  lemv  WW  :       ■ .        -      ^^^^"TP     ™^^™»     w^aa^^*.   vwv
The word iteelf, both etymiinghufy fgj-f *^**JTkTl^rami feTeitetea**te it a t**g»»- Itself from siE The intUfaetive l_
torieaDy. has Ms root in pitaa4>Bp *** "**/* Z£ S^JZL^^?^ C»J5mnf TlYWl by the aid of re-
toe feeling ef serial ntfderify, which has now be -etter forwrnnter rf it be fuead that: anch a auu> -J*~£*m* ^^ imZimTJdmZ£
. .iMi_rrua -till *>tiMas1itiir waa comnletely uifieent social imputes, smufWI to the etnuggmeg T" mwmr"*mj".. /^Se-.—l ■; ^ **. . je.^?-* •
eome debs* into m eom ^^ Xteed aeriedfeal eause- ****. *■'M nambgP.ef laatauces in political ao-
hound uu With the religion of ancestor worship. I ' mmm> mm*™* i»raa«n:*M — il**- *- a y^jiw "-*^*" * » ^ ■•^V-- • -*j> -u.
^bafrSten, -Tthe tribe itorif, .11 vr^e eratl a the willing human ■>^rifieeaeo cammen ^"^gSi-gy ** ^"
united IryBsfof blood. The god. and their rite- to prinri^religious ^^f^^^-fT? 1T^ iTtT^.p iL
mdtcerenasntes were exclusive to the tribcsnwh- the deliberate mannfacture of gods for the protee-   *"mmSwimum m
AH iitreatsrs were rigidly debarred from wo*Mp. tion of the t^a^#it«f^ *««J Ita*Jto?    ^SL^^        V,^,hilinh m ^>ffi*^    '
^       mL   ——«-—--v., ame laumniiiftil unnnlars. » eoeiel recognition of thp need for, end value of, ^s-mBttlgggnam-gh^ ss
^-■-■Ri ^ ^^1-?!^^IZL; tha, aaJiW^too teAtlstenr ttoffitlm e»ennma^il*jWM
I
.
'■-affl|
rP
and ,
-^;r.-.-iI
i.i     iiatii i
noble impulse of
the  ...        -•■inp»5«j-»^B««««iB««««««««««««««««««««««««M
 or moraine tomb of JSSenutesJdeity   conmieu inheritance
"toat wea* with the Jews in tlnur Wtoreh ♦hrough   powaVful ssUJal fetub?
toe deaert, mnl even to Jorteha; jfapfany fav   ^^^^
.•sg-Su^tfflsss: a **"*- ,-*MM
were idenrifted ^^ WT......... ...r.,.,.
«_-     ■■ ' '_, .       ———g^=g=
ef all mankind.
solidarity is
time
It becomes i
uuweneV
B'oa^'f ^^^^ew^»y
mm,:
. ■—-hvi        	
Befon tha Lard Jaattaa
'--   m
.       not split up st the
it empire that gave ft birth,
'latter hah, fa fact, always
itself to fit the
ilal estate  vfl-
a Jury, at  -m
■
iotobnrgh, an Thursday, 9to May, 1918
At Edinburgh on the Sth of May, 1918, John
Vtu'lean, MJL, one of the ablest snd most courageous fighters for Socialism tl^^p^p^tey   ■
has produced, waa sentenced to five yearn' penal   I
servitude.   The charges were brought under the   ****
Defence of the Realm Regulatisms, for th% vtobv
tion of which Maclean had been previously «en-
tenced to pensl servitude, and from which, fa duly,
'   1917, in consequence of the efforts of the Socialist
comrades in Bussia and of the agitation in this
country, he  waa  released  after serving  fifteen
months of a torse years' sentence. .The remaining
ehrren months of this term bare been added to
anaau  neu^flesrumesr ea^pms^sasr*sm^m* ,
Maclean'si amupMihnnug wotk for ■ Soeteusm te
wall known, and as the fsemder at the Scottish
Labour College, we hsUsee he will be gratefully
remembered beyond hm own tone.
With Karl IJeblraecht. John Maclean shares the
honour of being one of the first honorary viee-
presjdente of the Rnmtan Soviet Congress, and he
te also the Bolshevik Consul for (flasgow: ,
Tne trial of whieh an aeeeunt te given in the j
remendeua publie fa-   •
terest, one of the most piquant ineidenta being an
over-night mareh from Otasgow to Bdfaburgh, by
a body of—^—*—»*-—     :i
v\l&&m¥&'''$^fc li J "''' -J.'' * '" '"
nafriy
not
Jmm*****~\''-""
■    ■
a§§$#r?
seutenee of John McLean, M.- A, ; .^;
the pamphlet was first published by the Clyde
' m
■ 7
m
-
Qyde
ant
a tuna when, xrom vsrt-
feuHng ran Uga fa ton
 al>—    A^Bvaame^aSsaW f|*uV$a%    ■*— -**
DVQatiTy.     TUB XBJBJt*
1
•'I am a Socialist, and hare been fighting,
and will fight for aa absolute reeonstrae-
tten of ssetety for toe beneat ef all.  I am
a^aaul     m^M   «aaMB»    ^k^^aa^Baa^^aS W    ^- -   -       — *.—. — -   U    ^*mmm»
preuu ex say eonuuet. l hare sqaarea my
coaaeteuea wfth my tetdk^'*-nTaolean's
Addreaa to toe Jury.
var hundred, or a9 cents each.
flet this pampblrt anddteteiUte H.   ,. .
valuable propaganda matter    Bmtory wfll
the verdict against John McLean and it wBl ^sst
be seen that itwso not he.that waa muter fadfet.    •
aaent, but the CaprUlkrt aystem of llnifisH and
intellectual, moral and physical dehemhnftea. Tne>
following words from MeLean's addreaa to   the
jury,   ngmteil-.lle Ihsughts  and aenthaente   of
hosts of the inarticulate mflfione who have already pnaapd judgment upon Cnpatalimn.
"I wteh no barm to any human being, but I. as
one man am gofag to oaerams ary
speech.   No hnrnan being en the face <
no government tea^fag to take from me my right
to speech, my right to pnsteat
■
amaa
*& to^espugllainilhA     tor the
iwudrind.   I am net here then, us the
sun bare as the aoenaur of Osj" ~
vwhh blood from bead to foot."

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