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The Red Flag Mar 1, 1919

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A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the Interests of the Working Class
VOL. 1 NO. 6
Through Dictatorship t
[Translated from the "Frauen-Beilage" (Woman's
Supplement) of the Leipziger Volkszeitung by
Eden and Cedar Paul.]
IN a recent article entitled "Democracy versus
Dictatorship," Comrade Kautsky opposed the
dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry
ns it lias been established in Russia by the Bolshevist overthrow ot" the state authority. He expressed his dissent from the views of those Socialists who have contended that in existing circumstances this dictatorship is historically justified.
Substantially Kautsky's opinions are identical with
those recently published by Martoff, a Menshevik
comrade, in his writing "Marx and the Problem
of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat." My answer
to Kautsky's criticism of the Bolshevik runs as
The use of the strong hand is the essential
characteristic of Bolshevist activity. This is not
ideal, but unavoidable. It may be contrary to the
prescriptions of democracy, and yet it sub-serves
the interests of democracy. If for all who live in
Bussia, democracy is to become an energy-diffusing Socialistic reality, the Bolsheviks cannot escape
the necessity of sacrificing, as a transient measure,
the rights of certain individuals and a certain
social groups. That this should happen is an inevitable feature of historic evolution. Democracy
is of a two-fold nature, being simultaneously means
and end of historic evolution. As end or goal of
historic evolution it may come into conflict with
itself as means of historic, evolution. The dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry in Russia
bears the insignia of this contradiction. Plaintive
voices from Russia, the criticisms uttered by the
adversaries of "Bolshevism" in other lands, assure us that since the Bolsheviks attained to power
they have everywhere infringed and sacrificed
democratic principles. Democracy, we are told,
has repeatedly been given the go-by, in the dissolution of the constituent  assembly, in the de
expression  of the  opinions  and the will
workers. In so far as in Russia we can »
a  popular will,  that  will   was indubitaK
porated in the decisions of +he Soviets,
provisional Soviet government to abdicate
power in favor of the will-o'-the-wisp d<
of the constituent assembly? Was the Sovii
ernment  to   entrust  the  work   of  revol
bourgeois hands, to hands that were itfc
fetter, nay to strangle, this nnruly intn
Mas the power to be handed over to t
revolutionaries, who bad proved too weak
teet the revolution? To take such a step
have been no less foolish than criminal.
There is another point to consider. The rev
Tion had not arrested its progress at the goal
a   bourgeois   revolution.     Transcending   any.  sue]
aim, it had revealed the titanic figure of a prole
tarian   revolution,   of   one   aiming   at   Socialistic
reorganization.  If they accepted parliamentarism,
the Bolsheviks would accept, an institution wnich,
however important, is of very limited value; an
institution which even in times of peaceful evolu-
tion has proved obviously inadequate to the needs
of the proletarian struggle for emancipation; an
institution which, adapted to the requirements of
| ■ —     «W    1    ■■■        HI   ■■!■■       - I     i ■ ■       i ■■—■«■
mm 1 — ' ' 1— —"
[Christian Science Monitor, Feb. 20]
and a statement is also made that President Wil-
privations of civil rights announced*™ the Soviet    son himself was leaning very much to that view
constitution, and in the declaration of the mass    before leaving the French capital.
to ¥«rget that th<
"provisional, that
"the period durinf
proletariat and tl
persist     The eon*
this matter/ -Trie
coming of New Russia, *re'
as  to enable th*^6t*fet
stroke of the pen or with1
to abolish private ownership*
duction.    In Russia, the knell of private property
has not yet sounded, the hour for the expropria-
PARIS, France  (Wednesday)—Whether rightly tio» of a11 expropriators has not yet struck.  Min-
, *•*•«••    *i*  «♦*;♦,,;!« orities  still   possess  economic   power   and   social
wrongly,  a   certain  stiffening  in  the  attitude ~v~ ,      . F "
.     .     _ power,   can   still   use  and  misuse   these   powers
ot   the   five-power   council   towards   the   Russian aKftillst the overwhelming majority of the workers,
situation is put down to Mr. Winston Churchill's ]h political power to be superseded, to enable them
visit to Paris. It is the impression that the powers to pursue their egoistic  aims in defiance of the
have arrived at the conclusion that a much firmer interests of the community at large?   Let us clear
policy is needful  with regard to the Bolsheviki, our minds of phrases; let us cut loose from for-
terror. Doubtless! But without such infringements
could the revolution have been saved, could it
have been carried a stage further, could the
revolutionists have continued to work for Socialism, which alone guarantees democracy for all?
This is the crucial question, and for me the answer
is self-evident, considering the circumstances attendant upon the Russian revolution.
1 hold that the dissolution of the constituent
assembly, far from involving a sacrifice of democracy, made democracy more effective. No doubt
that assembly had been elected upon the basis of
a democratic suffrage, but the elections had taken
place before the bourgeois watchwords, and the
bourgeois-Socialist programme of compromise, had
lost their allurements for the broad masses of the
workers. They had taken place before the decisive
historic moment in which the November revolution
and the acceptance of the Soviet government by
1he organized workers, peasants, and soldiers, had
effectively condemned as "partial and inadequate"
the programmes of the two opening phases of
the revolution and of the parties that had put
these programmes forward. It should be added
that, during the opening periods, the economic
and social power of the possessing classes was still
sufficient to exercise considerable influence upon
the electoral results. The constituent assembly
could not possibly be regarded as  an unfalsified
, Nicholas Tchaikovsky, president of the Archangel government, now in Paris, declares that in
refusing to go to Prinkipo, his government
rendered the Allies a service, by preventing a slur
on their prestige at the moment when they were
setting up a government of justice in the world.
Another "Monitor" special from London reports that plans for united anti-Bolshevik government have been completed.
At 8 p.m. Sharp
Corner Gore and Hastings
Speaker J. Kavanagh
malities; let us cease to reiterate the shibboleth
that "the masses have the right and the power"
to counteract the anti-social machinations of the
possessing1 minorities. Is it not obvious that in
reality things will be very different when economic freedom and economic equality have endowed the entire nation with spiritual freedom
and maturity? Who would not laugh at a military commander so unwise as to send artillery and
shells as a gift to the hostile army? Yet the Bolsheviks are supposed to have committed a deadly
sin in that they refused to arm and equip the react ionary minorities for the struggle against the
revolution. This too at the very moment when
revolution and counter-revolution were at life
and death grips; when the counter-revolution was
not merely supported by all the reactionary energies of Russia, but was being furnished by the Allied governments with troops, money, and moral
The dissolution of the Constituent Assemblv,
the use of forcible measures against opponents,
the declaration of the mass terror—these are bitter fruits of the dictatorship of the proletariat
and the peasantry. They must be regarded as
measures of military necessity. "A la guerre
comme a la guerre." When you are making war,
make Mar. The Bolshevik leaders of revolutionary
Russia are engaged in a war of unparalleled significance. Here the moral and political standards
of everyday life fail us.    On this colossal  stage,
(Continued  on   Pnpe Thrpp)
0" Iff
The Background of the German Revolution
;    M
Hi liH' '
*!••■ill  I
(Concluded from Last Issue)
The spirit of revolutionary action during October was spreading rapidly all through Germany,
am* ng the proletariat and in the army. But the
Social Democratic Party, the majority Socialism
of Scheidemann. Ebert & Co., did all in its
to prevent a revolution—in accord 4ith its
ter-ervolutionary policy and traditions. On
tober 17 the Executive Committee of the Soeil
Democratic Party issued a declaration
revolution: "All this agitation by confused,
responsible persons, ush^ Bolshevik revolutionary1
phrases, who are tryjjjg toVftlse the workers Jo
rikes and demonjtra5flg$~
ment that woujf have no senai|f)por object at
present,  makqffe more  difficulties tyring  about
atfte Germany.  ..,f.  As vthe
a%ves»irf the   Sojfeal  l>mo-
alW;ays&]deelared, we wwrt to
•Htical 8tljbctftres iflkk- a democ-
ljfe Into Soeidism. by means
Wr are On. the road to
AM the agitation for an
counter to this road and
e owmter-mTolntion."   (My
at the moaaent when the
verge of bursting forth in
action that shattered
e a breach in the old order
Uriat could break'through
of power!   The lan-
peace   and
•%rati* >.
of a peaceful
peace and
:   attempted
serves the cauae
.;.,... italics.)    And this,
y4 proletariat was pn
t elemental rev
autocracy, and
which the
r action and the
of  this  conn-
in Bussia
„._   te Socialism:
ersal.   Thia hesitation,
^rolufionary ini
evolutionary   declaration
the  Bolsheviki  by
characteristic and uni-
utter lack of audacity
^^^ , this horror of proletarian ijMm>adMkm characterized the Social Democratic P« rajtae the war, and characterizes its
majority durmg &e war. and characterizes its
policy during the Revolution, when the German
proletariat is accomplishing great things, and Frederick Engels' prophecy of thirty years ago might
eome true—that out of the next general European
war would emerge Socialism. Their theory becomes life, and they contemptuously reject life
itself. ...
But the masses were in motion, the elass struggle
had flared up implacably, the agitation of the
Spartacan Socialists and many of the Independents
accelerated the march of events. On November 4,
the government of Prince Max and Scheidemann
issued a proclamation, boasting of the deeds of the
army, of universal suffrage, of democracy in Germany—with the Kaiser still in power. But on
November 7, 8 and 9, the first anniversary of the
proletarian revolution in Russia, the German revolution became an accomplished fact. The German fleet was seized by mutinous sailors; sailors \
at Kiel acted in favor of the revolution, organized
Councils of Workmen. Soldiers and Sailors; and
when a government "Socialist" delegation ar-
. rived at Kiel to give orders, the delegation itself
i was given orders to bring back to Berlin. The revolution marched into action at Hamburg, where
artillery was used in street battles. Everywhere
the proletariat turned to its' own revolutionary
activity, strikes developing into demonstrations,
and demonstrations into revolutionary mass action. Councils of Workmen and Soldiers being organized as the instruments of the revolution.
The government was ignored, the existing
Socialists and union organizations were ignored:
the proletariat turned to • mass action and the
characteristic instruments of the proletarian revolution, the Councils of Workmen and Soldiers.
In spite of all and everything, the German proletariat, by means of characteristic Bolshevik
methods, accomplished the first stage of the German revolution.
From Kiel and Hamburg the revolutionary movement spread rapidly. In Berlin, enormous demon-
ptrations broke loose, soldier deserters being particularly active. The Council of Workmen and
Soldiers in the industrial district of Chemnitz
on Xovember 9. at 2 a.m.. issued the following
proclamation in The Volkstimme:
"On with the struggle for freedom, bread and
peace!   Workers  and  Soldiers   in  the   industrial
^district  of Chemnitz:
1 "The  undersigned council  of the workers and
gbkiers of Chemnitz has this night taken into its
Suds the military and political power, as has al-
eady been done in the strategic, decisive districts
The Council of Workmen and Soldiers guaran-
s the maintenance of order and public safety.
y?i "The stopping  of  work  may  take  place   only
it the order   of the   Workmen's   and   Soldiers'
"Everyone, therefore, go to his place of work
ntil further directions are received. The means
communication  and all  official  business  must
continued until orders to the contrary from
Workmen's and Soldiers' Council.
'He  who leaves  his  post  without  permission
ill  without  consideration  be  called  to  account
so each official who attempts sabotage or who
hrough  negligence in  service  harms  the  public
"The military power of command is in the
hands of the Council of Workmen and Soldiers.
All orders from other sources are to be ignored.
The council will take the necessary measures for
the provisioning of the people, and that no stoppage in the distribution of food shall occur.
"Therefore, each be unafraid. Today, at 12 noon,
in the Central Theatre, in the Kaumannischen
Vereinshaus and in the Neuen Stadt-Theater,
meetings of workers and soldiers will be held at
which the situation will be discussed.
"The provisional Workers' and Soldiers' Council will be elected and will be given authority to
direct all necessary action.
"The taking over of affairs will follow through
a definite workers-council after its election. This
election will take place in the course of the coming
week. These have the right to vote, all citizens
of both sexes, who have reached their 18th year
or have done army service.
"The aim of the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils of Germany is the establishment of the German Socialist Republic. -
"Long live the fraternal union of soldiers and
"Long live revolutionary discipline!
"Long live the world revolution!
"Long live the people's emancipation. Socialism!
"Long live peace!
"The Council of Workmen and Sojd'eri in the
industrial district of Chemnitz: Fritz Heckert,
Max Muller, Corporal Max Stein—Executive Council in power." 'r*.
Tne revolution conquered: the Kaiser fled to
Holland: a new "democratic" government was
organized—Imperial Chancellor Prince Max appointing the "Socialist" Ebert as chancellor. But
the first stage of the revolution was simply the
first, and not the last: the accomplishment of the
first stage of the revolution indicated the fundamental problems, but did not solve them. The first
victory was comparatively easy; but the second,
the real victory, the definite accomplishment of a
proletarian. Socialist revolution, still to be accomplished was indicated in a speech by Karl Lieb-
neeht delivered on November 20: "Did the bourgeoisie while in power permit you to have a voice
in the government! No! Then the workers must
not permit it to have any say now. We need a
government of soldiers and workmen, a government of the proletariat, whieh will not have to bow
down before the entente. There must be no dickering with entente imperialism. We will dispose of
that just as we did with German autocracy. The
revolution is also bound to reach the entente coun
tries, but we, who made the Russians waste
whole year, are insisting that the revolution break
out in England and France within twenty-f0Ur
hours." A dictatorship of the proletariat, the de
finite initiation of Socialism, an alliance with pro
letarian Soviet Russia, a revolutionary war if nec
essary and the struggle for the international rev.
olutiori—these are aspects of the second revolution,
indicated by Liebnecht and by life itself.
Hundreds of people visited the Tower at Blackpool on Saturday to inspect the damage which
had been done by soldiers ut the Victory Ball t'c
previous night. The tro.ible arose out of a decision, afterwards rescinded, not to admit troops.
Not only did the invaders smash ait elaborate
awning fitted with electric lights at the front entrance, wrench a door off its hinges, and break
several sheets of plate glass, but they smoked all
over the building an'd did considerable damage to
a new set of rich carpets by throwing burning
ci-jrarette ends on them.
The soldiers and their girls took possession of
the floor shortly before midnight and danced in
coats and boots among the guests in charming
ball room dresses. Some of the ladies entered into
the fun of it and danced several lancers and foxtrots with the soldiers, who were happy and good-
tempered. When once they had got into the building the invaders raided the refreshment buffets
and despatched almost everything eatable and
The ball was continued until 2:30, and as anyone" could walk in and help himself to all that the
15s ticket guests enjoyed, the ballroom buffets
and luxurious sitting-out places became packed
with a motley crowd, the soldiers certainly sang,
"Me and My Girl."    '
Early in the morning there was a rumor that
some of the men had been arrested, and trouble
again threatened. The mayor and a corporal, however, drove to the police station and inspected the
cells, afterwards reporting to the men at the
Tower that there had been no arrest.
A military inquiry is to be held.—Weekly Mail,
Cardiff, Wales.
Weighty Considerations From English Tory Press
"London Saturday Review," Jan. 18
"As we have no reason to believe the dispatch
published by L'Humanite a forgery, we must
thank M. Pichon for having administered a well-
deserved rebuke to Mr. Balfour. It is simply shocking that the British Foreign Office should have
proposed to admit to the peaee conference a representative of the Russian Bolsheviks. The message
of congratulation from the House of Commons to
Kerensky on the deportation of the Tsar was bad
enough; but not so bad as the proposal to admit
to the company of decent men a wretch whose
hands are red with the blood of his murdered
countrymen, whose pockets bulge with stolen banknotes, and whose very clothes are probably
stripped from some corpse in Petrograd. The
French government very properly replied to this
cynical suggestion from our foreign office that it
would neither recognize nor negotiate with criminals."
[Special Cable to The Christian Science Monitor
From its European News Office]
COPENHAGEN, Denmark. (Sunday)—The Fin
nish regent, General Mannerheim, is understood
to have abandoned his visit to Copenhagen, owing
to the hostile attitude of the Norwegian Socialists,
who resent the policy of the Mannerheim regime
toward the Finnish Socialists. Swedish Socialists
also demonstrated against General Mannerheim
on his arrival in Stockholm. SATURDAY March    1,    1919
[From a Labor Correspondent]
(Continued from Pu^e One)
[Manchester Guardian, Jan. 30]
The shop stewards' movefhent, as. we know it
now, is a growth of the war period. A number of
trade unions had shop stewards before the war,
but they were quite minor delegates of the unions
with practically no functions beyond looking out
for new members in the shop and seeing that ex-
isting. members kept their contributions up to
date. .During the war not only have the functions
of the pre-war shop stewards grown enormously
but, side by side with the official shop stewards
recognized by the unions through their district
committees, there has .grown up a class of unofficial shop stewards not recognized by and often
not attached to any particular union. The line between official and unofficial stewards is, however,
by no means hard and fast, and often it is difficult
to .say whether a particular steward is recognized
or not.
In this war-time development, so far as it has
been described above, there is no revolutionary
break with established trade union methods. The
break came when the shop stewards, first on the
Clyde and subsequently in most of the principal
centres, joined together to form not only works
committees in particular works but also workers'
committees covering all the works in a district.
Committees of stewards in a particular works are
often recognized by the trade unions and negotiations are now in progress for their recognition
by the employers on a national basis, but workers' committees are always purely unofficial bodies.
The Workshop Basis
These workers' committees have usually been
dominated by men of "industrial unionist" views.
These men have continued , to belong to their
various trade unions and, as a rule, to work for
amalgamation among them on industrial lines, but
during the war they have repeatedly taken action
in <alling strikes without the consent of the union
executives, which have been unable to do so
owing to the operation of the Munitions Acts. In
the minds of most of the advanced elements in
the shop stewards' movement the right basis for
industrial action is a workshop basis, and organization in the labor movement should, in their
view, be built up on an all-grades workshop baste.
Most hope to achieve this by a transformation
of the existing union machinery, and work for
fit's transformation within their unions; but they
ol»o seek to develop workshop organization apart
from the unions, both as a lever for bringing about
anilgamation and as a means of securing control
over industry.
Lafe in 1917 negotiations wrere entered into between the trade union executives and the employ-
el's for the recognition of shop stewards, and an
iMisatisfaetory agreement providing for partial
recognition was accepted by some of the unions,
but not by the A.S.E. Since then negotiations have
been proceeding for a wider measure of recognition, including recognition of works committees,
h it these are not finally concluded.
Recognition Not Wanted at Present
The unofficial shop stewards' and workers' eom-
mhtee mo ement (n the whole repudiates recognition at present, holding that it. will hamper freedom of act'on apd will Mean a surrmKierto craft
unionism. Recognition, these elements hold, is only
desirable in an industrial union. For the present
they prefer to remain entirely unofficial, without
restrictions and without responsibility. A minority
but only a small minority, has the idea of completely overthrowing the existing unions and substituting for them a new organization based upon
the unofficial work-shop movement, but the vast
majority works for the transformation of the existing unions and expects to find in them, when they
have been transformed by amalgamation'and include all grades, skilled and unskilled alike, a
full form of recognition which will make work-
whop organization  the  basis of the  whole indus-
individual measures and individual phenomena
are dwarfed into insignificance. The drama is one
of overwhelming historic import, and it must be
accepted or rejected as a whole. Who wills the
end, must not shrink from the means. A proletarian revolution aiming at socialism cannot be
effected, Without a dictatorshipp. Above all is
this true under existing conditions in Russia.
The ungracious critics of our Russian friends
do not, indeed, absolutely reject the idea of dictatorship on principle. What they take amiss is
the character of the dictatorship in Russia. Karl
Kautsky endeavors to prove that dictatorship and
democracy must go hand in hand. The dictatorship must not sacrifice democratic principles but
must realise them. The dictatorship must be air
effluence of democracy. It must subserve the will
of the majority and the interests of the majority.'
According to the critics, neither of these requirements is fulfilled in Russia. The small Bolshevist
minority, we are told, employing brutal and forcible measures, constrains the overwhelming majority of Russians to accept Bolshevist policy. This
policy, far from safeguarding the revolution, endangers the revolution; far from advancing socialism, compromises socialism. 'This is the kernel of
the critical onslaughts, which are directed at a
mark beyond "Bolshevism," which aim at clarifying, at revising, the theory of the dictatorship
of the proletariat. We are given chains of logical inferences, attempts at a new outline of the
concept of dictatorship, as contrasted with the old
theory, which is rejected as "blanquist" or "jacobin." The arguments are, of course, peppered
with appeals to Marx and Engels, and with quotations from these authors. I have carefully read
the expositions, but my general outlook upon the
question, upon the application of the doctrine to
the special case of the Russian revolution, and
upon the part played by the Bolsheviks in that
revolution, retrains unchanged. I am, in fact,
an impenitent sinner. As concerns the contentious
questions of our own day. what does it matter
whether the historic phenomena which Marx witnessed during his ltfetime led him to modify his
conception of the dictatorship of the proletariat;
what does it matter if, having at first been inclined to a "jacobin" outlook, he subsequently
came rather to adopt an "evolutionist and parliamentary" view? With all due deference to Comrade M art off's wide knowledge of Marxist theory
and to the indisputable acumen with which he
applies that theory, we may none the less feel inclined to challenge his deductions, and the way in
which he contrasts his interpretation of Marx with
the dictatorship assumed by the Bolsheviks. But
even if we believe Martoff to be right concerning
Marx's opinions and concerning the applicability
of those opinions to the Russian situation, there
is one simple fact still to be remembered, and it
is that historical evolution was not arrested when
the pen fell from Marx's hand.
Since that day, the capitalist economy has not
trial structure.
The unofficial shop stewards' movement, as a
whole, seeks the overthrow of capitalism and the
realization of the workers' control over industry.
The most active section are the industrial unionists
of the Socialist labor party, but%they are only a
small minority of the whole, and there are many
different theoretical points of view represented
in the movement, while the bulk of the adherents
have hardly a definite theoretical point of view
at all. Workshop organization has come naturally
as the result of war-time experience, and is certain
of an important permanent place in trade union
machinery, but there is no likelihood that the existing unions will be overthrown, though there is
every chance that there will be the big amalgamations among them, and that the shop stewards
and workshop, organization generally will receive
full recognition in the future structure of trade
unionism in the engineering and shipbuilding industries.
merely grown, but has exhibited entirely new phenomena, phenomena of notable importance. To
enumerate a few of these, we have: formation of
rings, trusts, and syndicates; the assumption of
the premier place in industry by iron anq\ steel
products in place of textiles; the revolutionary
transformation,effected by improvements in electrical technology'; the interlacements of industrial
capital, commercial capital, and banking capital
to constitute financial capital, and the world-wide
dominion ef the latter, etc. In the home policy
and the foreign policy of all the more highly
evolved states, can be traced the influence of a
further developed and maturer capitalism. Although on the surface the amenities of life may
seem to have imp»o\;edr>.He class struggle between
the proletariat and the bourgeoisie has in reality
been intensified1." Among* the struggling classes we
see a* metrley'arid aiconfusion of impulses towards
far-reaching «et< lenient**,, and dread of such settle-
lements, of great ..schemes, and little deeds. The
dominant classes are, increasingly inclined to cling
to the fugitive political past. We note the decay
of bourgeois parliament qrism, and its more and
more obvious incapacity to assist the proletarian
struggle for. freedom .towards decisive issues.
Above all, we are. impressed by the mighty expansion of imperialism, with its insatiable thirst
for world dominion, with its overgrown armaments,
its colonial undertakings and its Avars, its extremist policy of exploitation and oppression alike
at home and abroad.
Who dares maintain that in face of the developments of the last  decades,  Marx,  an   out-and-
out revolutionary thinker, would not have modified his conception of the dictatorship of the proletariat in accordance with the teaching of towering facts?   If we assume Comrade Martoff to be
right as to the theory Marx held more than forty
years  ago.   can we not  rest   assured  that  Marx
would have revised that theory had he been alive
today?    To Marx, theory was something greater
jthan a means for elucidating the world; it was a
means for transforming the world.    Rut for this
very  reason,  he  never  regarded  his theories   as
eternal   and   immutable   truths   to   which   reality
must  conform; for him. reality always remained
the object of research, the thing to be conscientiously   investigated,   the   thing   from   whieh   his
*heories  were  acquired,  and  in  accordance  with
which his theories must in case of need be modified.    I am confident that at this juncture Marx's
conception  of the dictatorship  of the  proletariat
would   display   remarkably  little   similarity   with
the meek and lowly ideal, the ideal of those Avho
aim  only at harmony and at the co-operation of
all persons of "good will," the ideal which bashfully simpers at us from  the  expositions of the
adversaries of Bolshevism.    Marx's revolutionary
intelligence  was as  keen  as  a  sword; his heart
glowed with revolutionary fire; his revolutionary
will was hard as steel.   Marx was ever a revolutionary fighter, a man of action, and I cannot believe that he would be found today among the
critics of Bolshevism.
On paper "the dictatorship of the proleariat"
and "the ideal of complete- democracy" may be
linked with the simple copula. In the world of
reality, it is otherwise. The historic essence of
dictatorship is dominion—stark, coercive dominion.
Without infringing the prescriptions of ideal democracy, without infringing the rights and interests of minorities, it is as impossible as the
quadrature of the circle. The historic justification of the dictatorship of the proletariat lies in
this, that the dictatorship is exercised in the interests of the enormous majority of the population,
and that it is no more than a means of transition, for it aims at suspending itself, at rendering
itself impossible, at realizing the ideal of democracy—a free people, in a free land, living by free
Our anti-Bolsheviks deny that the extant dictatorship in Russia possesses these justifications.
They declare that the Bolshevik dictatorship is
the work of an inconsiderable minority of dogmatists  and  fanatics ' who.  in   the  interests  of nar-
(Continued   on   Pape   Six)
.■■■■ ■ ■■.
vl^,. ■    ■
i- ! "i
• March
fi>- r.
>.' fcs'i*
i. -.:!
■7 £•- f    •
THE RED FLAG   "The Red Heart of Russia"
A  Journal  of  News  and  Views  Devoted  to  the
Working Class,
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
By The Socialist Party of Canada.
401 Pender Street East, Vancouver. B. C
Editor CL Stephenson
The Century Co.. New York]
..MARCH  1. »1S
Lest We Forget!
We have been assured that the Allied forces
are to be withdrawn in the spring. Bat how far
performance will conform with promise, time alone
will tell. One thing at least is certain that the
promise of withdrawal has been given unwillingly
and under pressure. The malignant will to evil
purpose, is still there, cheated. Do not let us forget
At the best, by the most liberal minded, intervention is only regarded as a tactical mistake.
Should the proletariat of the Allied countries be
iulled to sleep or indifference on this matter, by
promises, they are doomed to a rude awakening.
The reactionaries have only been baffled temporarily. In fact rumors and stray news pieced together indicate that the promise* of withdrawal
are so much camouflage and that preparations
are still going ahead for an invasion of Russia
next summer, under one guise or another.
The -.press, ready and willing tool of the interests,
will furnish and Is furnishing the material for
educating  the   uncritical   and ignorant   populace.
The "Montreal Gapette*" of February 20 assures us. by the word of its eortespoodent in
Paris, that the Allied forces are not to withdraw
froir. Russia. France and Italy, he reports, are
in favor of military intervention in Russia, to
fight Bolshevism and to restore law and order.
Great Britain, the United States and Japan, we
gather from his article, are opposed to farther
intervention, but they cannot in honor to their
friends in Russia retire from the positions they
now hold.
The positions they now hold: north, south, east
and west of Russia: Vladivostok. Archangel, etc.,
etc.. its chief porta and gateways to the outside
world. Yes! Positions! Positions for encircling
the struggling republie with the steel laflooo of
an economic boycott. Positions, that will provide
convenient bases, for what? Convenient bases for
the friends of Tzarism and foreign concessionaries
and  anti-Soviet   intriguers  generally.
The latest reports are that the Allied forces
are marching down from Archangel. The truth
is the promise of withdrawal is not worth the
paper it is written on. Should Soviet Russia in
weakness falter, or its friends outside forget their
duty towards it. another entry will be made on the
long,  hellish  Bat  of capitalistic  infamies.
Let us hear Senator Hiram Johnson of California, addressing the United States senate, on
T:;esdav. January 28. as reported in the "Congressional Record."
He said in part:
"Russia, Mr. President, is a marvelous eountry.
It contains one-sixth of the earth's surfaee, with
fertility of soil and wealth in mineral resources
surpassing those of any other part of the earth.
This Soviet government to which our president
for us spoke so kindly, begged us for economic
aid and wished to make us the most favored nation.
We. in the rigidity of our virtue, though asking
the aid of the anarehists in our midst with the
Bolsheviki over there, and thongh publicly proclaiming our friendship and our love, would not
accept the proffer. Weak and vaeillating, stupid,
and ignorant has been our policy with Russia.
We solemnly promised we would not intervene,
and then, prating of our love for the Russian
people, we did intervene. Prating about guarding
B«»KS like whiskey are not always as the
label describes them. Take Buskin's "The
Crown of Wiid Olive." a title suggestive of .something noble, some high human labor accomplished
>ome high point of endeavor attained and rewarded with a simple crown of wild olive, as being
mo>t suitable to the high purpose and great benefits of the achievement. Opening the book we find
it nlled with foulness. It deals with work, traffic
and war.
Miss Beatty'« book ho?d> no such snare between
it* covers. It b the Red Heart of Russia laid bare:
Red in the modern, indeed in the nineteen hundred
and nineteen sense: working class hopes and aspiration*, working class struggles, defeats and
successes. Red stands today for all that enslaved
labor strives for. beyond what an affrighted master
class ear. grant and exist. The Red. which democratic Australian states have banished from the
streets as signals of traffic danger: the Red which
New York abhors, so that, rather the garb of
Adam before God made him breeches, that the
most sumptuous sartorial achievement topped by
a red tie.
Miss Beatty has a rieht to spe?k of the Red
Heart of Russia, she looked upon it with her own
eyes. <>* course this wili be no recommendation
to certain futile ranters, who have gazed upon it
from a window in Hasting* street. Vancouver, the
Strand. London, or any such street where do con
gregate that tribe of scribblers who earn their
from five to a hundred bucks weekly, by >tupid
falsification of working class matters. These gentle.
men and ladies of course command a greater
audience than Miss Beatty can. for which reason
we recommend her book to all who work for
wages, thus includes the poor creatures mentioned
above. We regret having to include this vile tribe
among the working class, but regrettable facts
must be accepted.
Arriving in Petrograd in June 1917. the author
was just in time to witness the demonstration of
power in July by the Bolsheviki also the (ban-
tegration of the Russian army and the organiza.
tion of the Battalion of Death.
We read her account of these women soldiers
with amazement Russia had millions of men at
the front without weapons and no means of ob-
taining them, unless some of their comrades who
had arms were killed. Yet the hysterical bourgeois
government headed by Kereusky had the effrontery
to send girls of fifteen and women of forty-fir?
to attempt the impossible. They were equipped
vith the strongest and surest poison known. M
Skridlova. one of them, told Miss Beatty. and the
••ommander ate sardines out of the can. seated on
a bunk, and kept one of the 1-aUalion busy keeping her blouses clean. There is the usual war story
of a handful of these women, taking trench after
(Continued   on   Page   Five>
stores at Archangel, we advanced from 100 to
300 miles from that port7 took and burned little
Russian towns, and upset little Soviet governments.
In the name of protecting military supplies, which
were offered to us again, and again, and again,
and which we could have had for the asking, we
shOt down RiLv>ian peasants and our boys are
shot down by them. The senator from Nebraska
insists our only purpose in landing at Archangel
was v> protect the stores. Our only advance beyond
Archangel was to prepare military bases. He is
wrong. We were marching down from Archangel—
and the facts will demonstrate it—that we might
make conjunction with the Omsk government and
might perfect the ring of steel which we had
thrown around interior Russia, and which was
starving innocent women and children. The senator from Virginia gravely speaks of the German
menace. Whai German menace since November 11!
Are our people's children to be lulled into repose
by such stuff as this! The very learned and logical
senator from Colorado tells us that we are not
making war upon Russia; that Russia is making
war upon us. Apparently his argument seems to
be that if the Russians had not resisted when
we advanced into their territory there would have
been no conflict and no killing. What a strange
and fantastic doctrine is this! If an army landed
in New York, marched to Buffalo, and the people
in central New York resisted and fought them, by
that fact, then, New York was making war upon
the invading army and the invading army was
innocent of wrong. The French are under no illusions in this matter.
They are for intervention, and they believe they
are intervening upon a small scale, too small, as
they put it now. They make no pretense that they
wish supplies guarded. They wish Russians killed
and another government set up. What hypocrisy
upon our part to say to our people, and to the
Russians, in our pronunciamento last year when
we commenced our intervention, that we contemplated "no interference with the political sovereignty of Russia, no intervention in her internal
affairs, not even in the local affairs of the limited
areas which her military force may be obliged to
occupy, and no impairment of her territorial integrity, either now or hereafter." No sooner had
we landed at Archangel than we shot the Soviet
government  there  existing out of town and set
ip a governiiinet of our own. No sooner did we
so into the interior than everywhere we found a
local Soviet we shot it to death and set up our
own mode of government. Then we teil our people
that we intend no interference with the internal
or local affairs of Russia!"
The senator's speech in which he quoted editorials from the Manchester "Guardian" and the
Springfield "Republican" takes up nine pages
of small print in the "Record" and constitutes a
comprehensive and a scathing indictment ot the
policies of the Allied governments towards Russia.
It L« significant that our press has been silent as
the grave about it. Senator Johnson concluded his
speech  as follows:
"I think I can with equanimity observe the servile part of the press apply to me for this speech
the now familiar epithet of Bolsheviki. Its indiscriminate application is illustrated by » New York
administration paper designating prohibitionsts as
the Bolshevki of America. My appeal today wili
find no response with those newspapers and great
men who preach anarchy when they demand
killing and hanging out of hand: but it will have
its answering approval with the inarticulate mass
who ask but justice and the same honesty in governments as in men. it will find its echo in the
hearts of the common folks whose sons and husbands in frozen Russia are paying the price of
our government's wrong and broken faith, and I
am content.
"Why did we enter Russia! I answer, for m
very good reason-, and we have remained f(ir no
reason at all.
"What is our policy toward Russia? I answer
we have no policy. We have engaged in a miserable
misadventure, stulifying our professions, and set-
tint at naught our promises. We have punished
no guilty: we have but brought misery and starvation and death to the innocent. We hi*
•ramered none of the fruits of the victory »
war. but suffer the odium and infamy of undeclared warfare. We have sacrificed our own hlooa
to no purpose, and into American homes nave
brought sorrow and anguish and suffering.
"Bring the American hoys home from Russia
And so speaks a good American liberal. Rot-*
the world's proletariat strikes yet a higher »nd
a nobler note. Its fierce, menacing, strident d«*
mand is, Hands off Soviet Russia! SATURDAY March   1,   1919
(Continued from Page Pour)
trench until forced to retreat from lack of rein
foreement. This story is told of every-unit that
^ver went to battle, and suggests a stock-in-trade
Anyway this despicable attempt to shame the
Bussian men into continuing a useless struggle,
was a failure. Driven from their last refuge, behind women's skirts, the Bussian bourgeoisie soon
showed its incompetency, and the working class
were forced to take control.
In July, Lenin and Trotsky led the armed factory workers and some sailors in a demand for
*he Soviets to take over all power. In the riots
which followed it was demonstrated that the work-
<?rs had not yet realized the utter failure of the
bourgeoisie and intelligentsia. The Workmen's and
Soldiers' Council refused to take power. "The
riots," says Miss Beatty, "were significant chiefly
because they introduced the Bolsheviki to a world
that was soon to know much more of them, and
because they foreshadowed events to come."
There are some good sketches of prominent Bolshevists in this book. Peters, whom the great lying
press identified with Peter the painter of the Sidney street fiasco and whom they credit with signing death warrants all day, keeping both hands
busy, is a young Lett, with a London accent. His
early days were spent on the farm of his father,
who was a small landowner in the Baltic provinces, "a Grey Baron." He became a revolutionist
while at school, and with some comrade published
a paper, the teacher sent a copy to his parents,
whereupon he received paternal chastisement. At
fifteen he left home and travelled over Europe earning his own living. When the March revolution
broke out, instead of being a fugitive from British
justice. Miss Beatty tells us "he was holding an
excellent position as manager of the import department of a large English mercantile company. He
wore a frock coat on Sundays and walked out
with his English "missus" and his little girl, in
the height of order and respectability."
Mrs. Pankhurst appears on the screen for a
moment, and is credited with some others not
named, as declaring "that only Korniloff could
save the situation." So Korniloff marched on
Petrograd, perhaps in obedience to this expressed
wish, perhaps to something more explicit. He came
with wild Cossacks: a desperate and determined
Miss Beatty was advised to seek safer quarters.
She did not. (Compare this with the action of the
man Sisson who introduced the notorious and discredited Sisson documents to America, who, as
Col. Robbins says, "fled in terror from Petrograd.") After a day of alarming rumors and a
night pounding a typewriter, she was aroused at
five a.m. by loud knocking. She found the hotel
full of armed sailors. In reply to her anxious
questions in English came the hearty chorus from
the sailors "Nechevo," (don't worry). Kerensky
has showed his incapacity, "a thousand sailors
had taken possession of the hotel, examined passports, searched rooms and arrested fourteen officers. They were not from Korniloff or Kerenskv,
1 ut from the government behind the government
--the Soviet. The Workmen's and Soldiers' deputies had decided to take things into their own
^•ands and arrest all officers whom they inspected
of counter-revolutionary tendencies."
While Kerensky was denouncing Korniloff as a
traitor, the Soviets were working night and day
in the munition plants and preparing to entrench
the city. During this sweaty haste on the workers
part, we catch a glimpse of Breshkovskaya, the
old lady who gave Hawthornthwaite an excuse
to shew some uncomfortable sentiments and to
purify himself in the eyeR of the undefiled. She
went among the soldiers begging them to stand
by Kerensky; she did this day and night.
The Great Man came, but his wild Cossacks instead of fighting fraternized with the Soviet troops.
"The only shot fired was that with which one of
Korniloff's officers killed himself." Kerensky was
enable to give a satisfactory account of this melodrama and as the workers found the government
making bargains for their enslavement, they were
compelled to consider taking over governmental
powers themselves.
"The Korniloff adventure paved the way for
the Bolsheviki revolution." From these September
days Petrograd was like the nervous old fellow
who lay awake awaiting the removal of the second
boot of his roommate. Every time the lights went
out or a door banged "everyone in Petrograd
automatically jumped to the same conclusion: it
has cornel"
Our author on a chill November day reached for
the desk telephone and got no answer. A week
previous she dined with an Englishman and sat
next to "Baron B," while the Tsar was toasted
and "the Englishman (pity we have not his name)
introduced the baron as follows, "He helped to
stop the retreat from Tamopol on the south-western front, you ought to have seen him lining up
those deserters before a firing-squad. He made
quick work of the bloody cowards." The baron
was optimistic. His only fear was that the Soviet
would not take over the government. So the afternoon the telephone refused duty she met "Baron
B." and he remarked, "We have got them on the
run this time." Whatever the bold baron meant,
next   morning   when  Petrograd  awoke   the   city
was in the hands of the Bolsheviki. The factory workers organized as the Red Guard commanded the streets, captured the telephone exchange, the War Hotel, (where Miss Beatty stayed)
the state bank and the general staff.
The council of the republic was meeting at the
Marinsky Palace. Some Sailors entered, "one
stepped up to President Avksentieff. 'Stop talking!
Go home!' he said, 'there is no council of the
republic' " The council looked at the sailor boys
once and departed.
The second All-Russian Congres sof Soviets was
shortly to meet in the Smolney Institute and fighting was going on spasmodically here and there.
Miss Beatty attended the congress, while the meeting delayed its deliberations from five to nine
o'clock, then to be informed that the Mensheviki
were still in caucus. We are told that "for once
Russian patience seemed to be about to reach its
limit." Within an hour a steady booming came
from the Neva. The sailors were shelling the Kerensky government at the Winter Palace. At this
moment Trotsky arrives and we have another of
those sketches which makes this book more than
merely interesting, "The attention of the crowd
to the most talked of human being in an age
of spectacular figures." (P.P. 194-195.)
The election gave the Soviet congress into the
hands of the Bolsheviki.
Lenin and Zenovieff lead the new executive,
having just that day come out of hiding. Trotsky
took his place as chairman and announced the
business of the convention. The Mensheviki indignantly demanded that the firing on the go'.epnn ent
cease. Martoff, one of the Mensheviki, proposed
the appointment of a committee for negotiating
with all parties to prevent bloodshed. The resolution was passed. For reasons beyond the power
of an American newspaper correspondent to discover. Trotsky allowed all kinds of trivial questions to be discussed and ere the matter could be
settled in the convention it was settled in the
Miss Beatty. like the Russian proletariat, becomes more and more a Bolshevist, the more plain
the incapacity of all other groups becomes evident.
WThat ever anyone might believe or desire to see,
one great fact stood out. the Bolsheviki were being
forced to take control and were doing so with
a thoroughness and dispatch which left no question of ability and willingness.
With the victory, all those hangers-on of capitalism, which for some reason not clear are termed-
the intelligentsia, withdrew from all executive and
administrative posts. Even the telephone girls quit.
The working class alone put over the stupendous
revolution. We read of Peters coming to Miss
Beatty to have "The Degree of Peace" typed.
They did not have stenographers, but they put
it over and that was sixteen months since.  And
the worst that can be said of them is that Trotsky has his finger nails manicured.
"The Day of Shame" chapter should .e especially regarded. It recounts the betrayal of the
boys who were training for officers in the army.
Some of the army officers told them that Kerensky was coming at the head of an army, and organized them to seize the telephone exchange and
the War Hotel; they supplied them with pass
words and the seal of the Military Revolutionary
Committee with which they were enabled to surprise the guards at these posts. When the Red
Guard advanced to the attack, these officers disappeared, leaving the boys to fight it out alone.
They acted like the bourgeoisie always do when
forced to fight alone, like curs. The Red Guard
at the instance of Rhys Williams, spared their
There is a world of material we could discuss,
the wine pogroms for instance, when the bourgeoisie attempted to set the proletariat mad drunk
by making known the whereabouts of the wine
cellars. How the Soviets broke the bottles and
pumped the wine into the NeVa with the fire engine and hose. Three hundred thousand bottles in
one cellarage.
"The Brigands Peace of Brest-Litovsk." When
deserted by everyone except their own faithful
working class, the Soviets were forced to a peace
which they at least sought to avoid and the great
lying press has never ceased to, yelp about it.
While Finland and the Ukraine signed the most
disgraceful peace of all time and all countries and
the great lying press never dropped an ink spot,
not enough to dot an I, because by that peace
the workers were crushed in those countries.
All these things will be found in "The Red
Heart of Russia," and are valuable to us because
they come from an eyewitness, who was antagonistic by nature and culture to the Bolsheviki. Th*»v
foreshadow to some extent who are likely to help
the propertyless and from all appearances, we can
count our own noses and rest content with the
quota. But at that we have enough and enough
is enough. The Soviet was the only suitable administration and promises to remain so for some
This book of Miss Beatty's will be one of the
few books on the war that is likely to command
attention in the future. If it is any comfort to her
we predict that through her eyes, in the future
the people of a classless society, will gaze upon
the first successful attempt at freedom made by
the slaves of capital. J. H.
[From The Christian Science Monitor, Feb. 17]
BOSTON, Mass.—Mme. Catherine Breshkovsky,
who is to be a guest and speaker at the dinner of
the Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association at
the Copley-Plaza on Tuesday evening at 7:30, has
asked her biographer, Miss Alice Stone Blackwell,
to emphatically deny the report that in Russia
women are compelled to accept husbands chosen
for them by the government. "One or two small
Soviets proclaimed some such foolishness," says
Mme. Breshkovsky, "but nobody would obey. It
was not proposed for all Russia, and it was never
carried out anywhere." Mme. Breshkovsky also
attacks the story that women have been made
"common property," or that the government puts
any compulsion upon them in matters of sex.
"Women have more freedom in Russia now than
they ever had before," she says.
"As Mme. Breshkovsky is strongly opposed to
the Bolsheviki," says a statement from the headquarters of the Massachusetts Woman Suffrage
Association, "her denial of this particular accusation against the present regime in Russia may be
accepted as conclusive; and the anti-suffragists,
if they are honest, ought to stop quoting it as an
example of the horrors that follow where women
m i
Propaganda   meetings   every  Sunday   night,   8
p.m., Empress Theatre, Gore and Hastings. ■ •.,-!§ V
SATURDAY March   i
•Q 1
'!       !i\
' Is m
.' Ml
i JM
Clippings From the Press
A great silence has fallen upon the capitalist
pi ess. The Folkestone and Osterley affairs made
good    opy for a day or two. Then they—and the
men's ease—were dropped quietly. The impression v.;ai give i P-ai everything w.;s .ettled an-]
the men .a■ »V!fd by bree/y speeeke* >*y senera!*
and mayors. Papers which Ii^vl been among the
most prominent in criticising demobilization delays began urging the men to be "steady" and
a»jn!ig the country that the prime minister was
seeing to everything.
What are the facts?
On Wednesday of last week the Folkestone delegates were in London in communication with the
war office mthorities. They got soft words, but
no satisfaction. Thev saw a member of parliament,
who tried to arrange a meeting with the prime
minister He told them later on that Mr. Lloyd
George would like to see them, but that General
Sir H. H. Wilson wouldn't consent. So they sent
their demands in writing to the premier. They also
sent them to the papers; but somehow or other
they didn't get published. '
Here they are:
Demands to Apply to AH Branches of the Service
1. All men on leave in England from overseas
who are in possession of a contract to be demobilized immediately without returning overseas.
2. Demobilization according to length of service.
3. Demobilization to be in equal numbers of
home and oversea men of each year.
4. Xo discrimination in favor of married men.
5. Discrimination (within the same year) in
favor of men with jobs to go to. irrespective
of whether they held those jobs in 1914 or not.
6. Maintenance for men without jobs to be furnished at the standard rates for the jobs whieh
they followed before enlistment.
7. All men over forty-one to be automatically
discharged at  once.
9. In order to utilize to the full the available
transport for demobilization purposes, leave
should only be granted in exceptional  cases.
9. Demobilization to take place at depot nearest
the man's home.
10. Army of occupation pay to be raised to Colonial rates.
11. Men in the army to be given the right to
appoint a standing committee to act as advisers to the war office on service matters affecting the welfare of the men—e.g., demobilization, pay, discipline, victualling, etc. These
men to be freely elected by the men.
So far there has been no reply. Why not?
The Folkestone Fledge
Moreover, we understand that the promise to
the men at Folkestone by the G.O.C. Eastern Command and by two other generals is not being kept.
The men were promised that all of them whose
papers were in order or who were over forty-one
should be demobilized at once, and that the others
should have furlough until recalled, for the purpose of getting their papers in order.
Now we learn that some of them, on presenting
their "contracts" duly stamped by the Employment Exchange, are being told by records that
they must go back to France.
The hide-the-truth policy of the press is an incredibly foolish one. The government and the public will do wisely to face the facts. The discontent
is by no means allayed. The grievances are unredressed. And any attempt to burke the question*
or to evade the issues will be very keenly resented.
Through the Sailors' and Soldiers* Union the men
are appealing to organized labor for support. They
ask the unions to take up their case and to see
that justice is done to them. They want resolutions passed—and passed immediately—in support
of their demands. They want active industri.il
jrapport  for their claims and for the  discharged
Red Flag Hoisted on Patrol Vessel
At a court-martial at Devonport last night a
leading seaman and seven able-seamen were
Charged with joining in a mutiny on the 13th of
.January, not accompanied by violence, on IOI.S.
Kilnride, a patrol vessel.
The seamen inquired about the ship's watches,
and. being informed three would be "worked,"
asked that there should be two. They demanded
to see the captain, who refused to receive them.
The seamen consequently refused to go to sea.
Anchor was weighed by a lieutenant and a coxswain, assisted by the engineroom staff, and a
midshipman took the wheel. Later the captain
went ashore to report the matter, and in his
absence it was noticed that the regular flag had
been hauled down and a red flagr was flying from
the mast-head.
The commanding officer admitted that there was
insubordinate feeling aboard, but denied that it
was due to his treatment of the men or to his
disparaging remarks concerning them.
The leading seaman was acquitted, one able-
seaman was sentenced to two years' hard labo.'
and dismissed from the service: three others received one year's hard labor, and three more
ninety days' detention. — Manchester Guardian.
Jan   30.
The New York "Nation1' of February 29 w.
ports that three hundred and seventy thousand
American soldiers have been court-martialed since
the war started and court-martial sentences have
been revealed which shock the whole country
"For trivial infringement of military command
roldien have been ordered to be shot or thrown
into jail for life. "■•••-
tContinued from  Page Three)
fSpecial to The Christian Science Monitor]
PARIS.   France — LHumanite   declares   that
Socialism is making  great progress in Bulgaria.
The long war, following the Balkan wars, has, it
is stated, brought about the downfall of the imperialist policy of the bourgeois parties, and the
discontent among the masses who have been
mobilized for six years and suffer acutely from
the economic distress is very great. This discontent made the Malinov government resign, and
the new Teodorov ministry represents a serious
advance toward the Left. It contains two deputies
who represent the peasant democracy, Draquiv
and Bakelov. and two Socialists, the well-known
leader Vanko Sakesov. and Djidrov. who belong
to the Right wing of the Socialist Party. The
Socialists of the Left were violently opposed to
this participation of their comrades in the ministry. Their program, formulated last November
at the Narodni Dom (Maison du Peuple) at Sofia
is of a very sweeping character. . . . The proclamation ends by acclaiming the proletarian revolution
now in progress, with the cry of "Lonsr live
men's charter in case the government remains obdurate. But the first thing at the moment is that
labor should, through its every means of expression, show the government that it is solidly and
vigorously behind the men of the services; that
thc^e is complete solidarity between soldiers and
Arrangements are being made by the Sailors'
a-id Soldiers' Fnion for meetings to urge upon the
government the demands of the serving men and
the charter of the discharged.—London "Herald."
.fan. 16.
•The mutiny at Folkestone broke out on Jan.
3 and had its simultaneous counterparts, amongst
the troops, in other places:. Dover. Osterley Park.
ShortlawK Sydenham. Grove Park. Shoreham,
Kempt on Park, Park Royal, Aldershot, Maidstone,
Chatham. Bristol. Fairlop and even, according to
The London "Herald.*1 of January 11. <pr»>ad *o
a detachment in London supposed to entrain for
row-minded partisan conceptions and a narrow
partisan policy, desire by the brutal exercise of
f«»r»e to constrain the enormous majority of the
Iiussina people to swallow the Bolshevist prescriptions now and for the future. Whence do those
who hold such views derive the certainty that the
Bolshevik policy is that of an inconsiderable nun-
ority of Russian workers and peasants? In my
opinion, the number, the loudness, and the passion
of the attacks on the coercive rule of the Bolsheviks should not make us over-estimate the extent or the importance of serious hostility to the
policy of the Soviet government. It is an old
experience, and one readily explicable, that, in the
struggle of faction, minorities which are greatly
< utnumbered are apt to display peculiar violence.
It is for them a natural need to convince the
world that in spite of defeat they have power and
are in the right.
Who will deny that lhany of the workers, numbers of the peasants, and above all most of the
intelligentsia, neither share the views nor endorse
the policy of the Bolsheviks? None the less, a very
large proportion, if not the majority of those proletarians and peasants who take an active interest
in political matters, support the Bolsheviks, and
the same is true of the social revolutionaries of
the Left. This opinion is confirmed by the fact
that those who are, it is alleged, in an infinites*
: i • i a 1 minority, though reproached with errors,
deeds oi violence, breaches of principle, and so on,
have retained power for a considerably longer
period than that for which the provisional gov-
ermnents of the two opening phases of the revolution held sway. Moreover, this has taken place
under conditions of almost unprecedented difficulty
throughout the terrible ordeal of the peace of
Brest-Litovsk, and in face of the ever-present
menace of famine. The anti-Bolsheviks may say
what they please, but the mere use of force cannot account for the perdurability of the Soviet
government—which has lasted for linger than w
usual in time of revolution. No minority whose
power rested only upon force could Continue i"
such circumstances and for so long a time to ait
on bayonets. The persistence of Soviet rule, which.
the confident prophets assured us, could not p«'s*
•dbly last more than a few weeks, enables us to
infer with certainty that this government is supported by the broad masses of the Russian people
The Bolsheviks and the Left social revolutionaries
who co-operate with them, constitute the stalwart
framework of the Russian revolutionary army.
Through their readiness for action, through their
capacity, they inspire confidence in the masses
and rally the masses to their support. The need
for dictatorship shows us, indeed, that the number and importance of the opponents of the Soviet
government must by no means be under-estimated.
Power must be used to repress power. Our hope
is that the dictatorship of the proletariat and the
peasantry will maintain itself long enough to abolish
i'sc'rC when i' ;ns fuljilled its funqtloti ind renehcts
its goal. For whereas during the two opening
periods of the revolution the path of the governments led from the fine ideal of democracy to
ire harsh and cruel reality of dictatorship, tltf1
path of the Soviet dominion will lead from the
harsh and cruel reality of dictatorship to the
beautiful and realized ideal of democracy. g&TUKDAX March   1,   lftl*
T|Cr. Reynolds Ball was working in Samara with
the Friends' Reconstruction Committee. His
experience of the revolution differs from that
of most writers; because they have viewed it
mainly from Petrograd or Moscow, he from the
rural districts of the East and from the
MY experience in a country district of Russia
between December, 1916, and May, 1918,
enabled me to see the revolution somewhat otherwise than the press has described it.
From the angle of vision of the town, which is
also that of the press, there were two revolutions,
in March and again in November. From the angle
of vision of the country there was one revolution.
It must be remembered that where we talk of
economic reconstruction the Russian talks of economic release.
The new order is, as it were, always at their
door ready to come in. The Russians' Utopia belongs so closely to the institutions of their instinctive life that in a sense it is always there.
It is only waiting to be called to birth. The signal
of revolution came as a bolt from the blue in
March, 1917, it took the people by surprise, and
it came during a time of war when men are more
than at other times hypnotised by the power of
centralized political government; but from the
first there was no misunderstanding as to what
revolution meant. It was something that lay close
to their lives, and was in the fullest sense of
the word economic.
People Before Politicians
A scene witnessed in a village soon after the
revolution of March, 1917, illustrates the attitude
of the peasants and the reactionary policy of the
The peasants had determined to demand "the
land i'or the people," and an, emissary of the
government had come down about it. A village
rotating was called, and with encouragement no
doubt from the legal advisers, the very simple
claim for the land was formulated at some length.
In all there was seventy demands. The emissary,
of course, was sympathetic, very sympathetic, but
he said, how could the government deal all at
once with seventy demands. Let their demands be
wrilien down and they would be dealt with in due
time. These things could not be seen to at once
when there were so many other things to be done.
The people were not "having any" of this. To
Ihe best of my memory it was during the summer
of 1917 that the confiscations were carried out on
all the larger estates, and that responsibility of
government, was taken on by the peasants. I do
not wish to build too much on what I happen to
have seen or not seen, but if it be once granted
that the revolution was essentially in its nature
and from the first an economic revolution,, one
thing is clear about the Summer and Autumn of
1917—the people had gone ahead and the Politicians were in the rear.
This was an impossible situation. It was impossible for a revolution to go on without leaders,
and, more than that, the situation was false. The
nominal leaders were far worse than none. It was
this situation that the so-called second revolution
had to put right.
Now there is one thing which Liberalism instinctively distrusts, and for whieh Liberal institutions
make no provision, that is leadership, so that to
many it has seemed that leadership is inconsistent
with democracy. But this was not the view of the
Russian revolutionists in this critical summer and
autumn. What constituted the call to leadership
was this situation which I have described, the
political menace in the rear of an economic revolution.
What was wanted was a new instrument of au«
thority. To some representative assembly might
commend itself. But was it really necessary to
and the Revolution
elect an assembly for the whole of Russia, when
the bottom had fallen out of the centralized state
which Russia had been? Was it necessary to establish a central assembly in order that it might
bring about devolution? These.were the questions
which might pertinently be asked if the issue
had not been perfectly clear of itself. There was
to hand, in existence, an instrument of executive
authority in the Soviets. It was not yet proved
what the Soviets could do, whether they could
carry on the work of government for all Russia,
whether they were as closely related to the instinctive political life of the people as they seemed
to be; but one thing was certain, if the constituent
assembly were given power no one wrould ever
know what the Soviets might or might not have
done, for they would effectively cease to exist.
If the Soviets claimed to wield authority for the
people, now or never was the time for them to
take the power and rule. Events were to show
whether the Soviet government had an answer
to those scribes who asked "by what authority
they did these things."
Everybody knew what the people wanted; what
wanted doing indeed wras clear enough to all; the
question was could anybody do it and who?
What man and what government was going to
be found to make something far more difficult
than were—namely, peace. ^
To sign a peace, such a peace as the Germans
would demand, on the face of it meant suicide to
any government who should undertake the task.
How could a government survive such a peace?
Why Confidence Came
Even Trotzky and the majority of the government fought shy of that peace at the last minute,
but Lenin insisted. The peace was signed. It was
as the government from week to week and month
to month proved that it could survive the Treaty
of Brest-Litovsk. that the people learnt that they
had a leader.
And never did the country want authoritative
support from the town—the people from the government, more than they did then.
Having gone ahead as they had done, the country became nervous. Political government, as they
knew, was something at best they could not trust,
and it was something which they could never
understand. What they did understand were their
own communal institutions, but these had been
allowed no authority in the political life they had
hitherto known. It was the adoption of the Soviet
form of government at the centre of Russia which
gave them assurance. It corresponded to something
thev knew. Sometimes a new nomenclature can be
as effective as a new law. *
The name Commissar came into use at this time
throughout Russia. It was the title indifferently of! a minister of state and it was the title o£
the president of the local meeting, the executive
Soviet of a village.
The continuous development and establishment
of the Soviet government in Russia, which was
accomplished in the spring and summer of 1918,
is the measure of the growth of confidence of the
people in their leaders.
I do not mean that the people who felt thia
confidence necessarily agreed with their rulers.
For instance, I had a conversation with a Tartar
in the Samara government in April, who explained
to me the politics of his village. The village, almost to a man, did not agree with the Bolshevik
land policy. Yet he admitted to me one thing—
it was only the Bolsheviks who had had the power
and determination to make the peace which had
to be made.
Significant Facts
I did not press him further, but it was significant that his village was conducting its business
without any disturbances, and that no bitter resentment seemed to exist over the confiscation and
redistributions of property, and that all this was
being done through the forces of Soviet government under a Commissar wrho was one of the few
Bolshevik members of the village. This means that
a village, even when it does not agree with the
Bolshevik leaders, can live under them in confidence.
[By Scott Nearing]
A little group of old men, spokesmen for the five
great powers, is assembled about the green table
at Versailles. All but one of these men were born
before the Franco-Prussian war. Most of them
had grown to middle life before the capitalist
world entered its present stage of financial imperialism. These old men meet four or five times
a week for a few hours. Most of their days are
spent in offices, in private committee rooms, and
in secret sessions where they seek to re-establish
the world as they knew it in their youth and early
manhood. They resemble children, trying to re-
clothe a tree with dry leaves blown about by
autumn winds.
The representatives of the great powers who
meet around the peace table are veryyvery old.
Five of them were born before 1850. Ten were
born between 1850 and 1859. Six were born between 1860 and 1869. Only one a Frenchman,
Andre Tardieu, was born since 1870. The oldest
man in the delegation is Clemenceau. He is 78.
Four of his conferes are over 70. Fifteen are
over 60. Twenty-one out of 22 are over 50. The
peace conference is a conference of old men.
The modern economic world was born between
1870 and 1880. The latest phase of capitalism,
financial imperialism, has come into being during
the years when these men, educated in a previous
age. were so busy with the many details of public life, that they could not see and understand
the changes that were taking place about them.
They speak the language and think the thoughts
of the 19th century.
Today these old men sit around the green table
PARIS, Wednesday.
The "Liberte" reports that the arrest of M.
Midol, secretary of the Union of Employees of
the Paris, Lyons and Mediterranean Railway, has
caused great excitement among all railway men.
The "llumanite" today says that M. Clemen-
ee&u has made the following promises to the rail-
waymen's delegates:
All claims will be examined in a friendly spirit,
and no action taken against those who struck
momentarily on Saturday. Finally, although the
proceedings against M. Midol cannot be stoppejl
rhe co.vlifous of his confinement wil be mitigated.
It was announced from Lyons and Nice that the
employees of the Paris, Lyons and Mediterranean
Railway struck on Sunday for fifteen minutes on
the instructions of their union, as a protest against
delay in dealing with railwaymen's demands.
—spokesmen of a dead epoch; representatives of a
by-gone era. About their heads the lightning of
revolution is playing. Russia, Germany, Austria,
Argentina, Chile, Peru, Italy, England, Luxemburg and Poland are in open revolt against the
capitalism and imperialism for which they speak.
The old men fidget, gesticulate, grow excited, make
propositions and counter propositions. They talk
rnd act as though they were still directing the
woild. They do not know that their day has passed
and that the darkness is settling around them.
With childish simplicity they speak to one another
as though it were the dawn. s
The dawn is breaking, but not around the peace
i If
' I hi
' 'lit!
m <
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I. fit
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Shop Stewards' Movement
The latest reports of developments in the British Isles, in the struggle between capita; a::d i - ~.
appear to us of such significance to tie workers
of all other count rie* as to warrant them in giving
deep thought and careful consideration to any of
the factors which have contributed towards those
developments. And so we make no apology for including in this iv-ie of the "Red Hag."* *^o articles on the shop Stewards' Movement.  Besides.
we. in thi> country, have our eyes axed hopefully
on Europe, for it >eenis as though it was there
ti.a: the threat straggle, of world emancipation
from the domination of capital, is to record, on a
large *'-;i!e, its first definite victories for the labor-
in"   masses.
The article from the Manchester "Guardian"
mainly explains the form and structure of the
emeu: and the following, an extract from an
article dealing with its philosophic point of view
and political aspim*i<ma, is by a specif] correspondent of the New York "Nation-" The iter
devotes the preceding portion of his zniele to i
review of the far-reaching results whieh -prang
from the partnership between the trades onion
movement and the government, during the war.
The first results of the partnership was the practical renunciation of "all the essentials of trade
unionism, shop rules and regulations, union practices and customs, the right to strike and thus to
enforce collective bargaining." The substance of
trade unionism is gone. ... On the whole, he
considers, willingly sacrificed.
.... "The denunciation of trade unionism by
the capitalists as a monstrous, conspiracy to
limit output, and the traditional complaint fl at
trade union rules and customs are a wanton interference by the workers with industrial efficiency,
have heen properly enough denied by the workers.". . . These rules and customs.. . . "a negative
control of industry." . . . "were practically their
only safeguard against industrial serfdom. There
was no alternative in the existing economic structure."
He deals with the pledges exacted from the government, guaranteeing return of the union privileges, temporally sacrificed in the interest of successful war and Is of the opinion that there was
no doubt of the intention and ability of the state
to redeem, or that labor had the power to enforce the redemption of the pledges. . . . "And
yet, in spite of this" .... "the difficulties of the
restoration of the industrial" status quo ante "began in course of time to be appreciated." An
article in the "Times" pointed this out and greatly
alarmed the old trade union leaders, who took
it as a sign of a capitalist plot .... "They were
nnable to conceive of industry without trades
unionism," and utterly failed to see "that both
industry and the labor movement had already
outgrown the restrictive power of classical trades
union methods, and that the old negative control
was obsolete."
"Meanwhile the revolutionary changes in industry, initiated by the war. made steady headway.
First, there was an unprecedented industrial development. The effects of the war were tremendous. In three or four years the growth of industry
was in many particulars greater than during the
preceding thirty years. Second, the removal of
trade union restrictions changed in many ways
the very face of the labor movement itself.
Demarcation lines were broken; women poured
into industry: and "dilutions" practically robbed
of their old meaning the terms "skilled" and "unskilled." And while.the trade union leaders were
repeating over and over again their warnings,
|f>«t labor would demand and get ba"k all and
every one of their safeguards, the rank and file
were trying to adapt the labor movement to the
new conditions in industry. They were becoming
lees concerned about the formal restoration of
the old trade union rules. New ideas were slowly
In Part From the Hew York    Nation    of Peb. 22
m     1      1 ?       *
2".~ v.i:'.g in the <h»>p: ::<:'■■' • ->:-.:*^-- ■' :--" ''■' '.ic:e!i--e
were being formed. While the central authorities
ot trade unionism were absorbed in political
activity, the >h»:p &*-<qnire*l new significance «v> the
: it of industrial activity. New authorities spr;*»ig
up and new leadership was developed out of the
~ank-and-file: and_'*th<«tigh deprived of the old
instruments of powrer. British labor was growing
more buoyant and confident "han ever before.
The first manifestation of the new spirit ,ias the
unrest in the >pring of 1?1T. In a series of important strikes—the main feature of which was
the ob\ious inadequacy of the causes alleged for
eying down tools—British labor demonstrated its
-•-- conceptions and determination. The government and the community at large were much
alaraed at the extent and character of this disturbance. A special commission was appointed to
investigate rhe causes of Barest The reports oi
this commission and the public discussion that followed showed clearly that the demand for the
redemption of the government pledges to restore
trade union rules was, so far as labor was concerned, little more than a question of principle.
It became plain that future labor struggles would
follow other aims than the restoration of purely
restrictive trade union control. It was felt that new
solutions of the industrial problem were developing among the rank-and-file, and it gradually became evident that th k'r- i.vere bent on industrial control and setf-government m the workshops.
The sequel of the labor unrest and the new
ideas growing in the ranks of the workers was the
appointment of the Whitley Commission, which
in the autumn of 1917 made public its famous
proposal for the creation of mixed indnttrial councils for the control of industry. The Wh*t,ey
scheme is an attempt to satisfy the demands of
the workers for a share in positive control, without changing the existing economic strutcure. It is
the translation of the shop stewards' conception of
industry into the language of capitalist production. The main difference between the Whitley
scheme and the aspirations of labor is this: the
Whitley council aims "to secure for the work
people a greater share in and responsibility for
the determination and observance of the conditions under which their work is carried out."
This is exactly what labor wants. But it is not
all. The shop stewards demand a share in the
control not only of the workshop, but of industry
on the economics of Capitalistic Produetion.
being the first nine chapters of:
Vol. 1 Marx's Capital with the 32nd chapter on
the Historical Tendency of Capitalist Ac-cumulation included. ab?o an extract from the preface
to th«- wme author's "Critique Of Political
Economy", which formulates the materialistic
interpretation of history.
Prices are as per the following quotations:
Post paid in all cases
Single copies, paper covers, 50c.
25 copies or more, paper covers, copy, 10c.
Single copies, cloth bound. $1.00 per copy.
10 copies or more, cloth bound, copy, 75c.
We await your orders, and we hope you will keep
us busy, as success in this venture means much to
the  publishers'   future  efforts.
Mcke all remittance! payable to O. Stephenson,
401   Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
at large. The aim of the movement ia self-guvera.
ment both in the workshop and in industry as i
whole; the ideal of the movement is the abolition
of capitalist production and the organization of
industry as a partnership between the state and
Nothing could more strongly emphasize the an.
precedented tensity of the British industrial >itua.
tion than Lloyd George's speech ;:: the House of
Commons on the labor unrest. After enumerating
the "legitimate" causes of unrest, such as a fear
of unemployment, bad housing, over-crowding, and
like evils, the prime minister strongly condemned
the "illegitimate" causes—a "sedulous attempt to
undermine confidence in trade union leaders."
Such is the dramatic industrial and political situa-
tion of Great Britain. The trade union leaden
are supported by the British premier and the Tory
parliament against the rank-and-file.
It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that
the shop stewards' movement is organically op.
posed to trade unionism. It is in opposition only
to the negative and restrictive methods of the
unions and to those leaders who oppose the in-
vigorating of the movement with the real demo-
'•ratic spirit which animates the rank-and-file. The
shop stewards consider themselves the harbingers
of a new unionism founded on a new democratic
basis of real equality for all workers. The basis
•f the new unionism is the workshop, which is the
natural unit for labor amalgamation and industrial activity. The shop stewards are chosen by
all workers in the shop, skilled and unskilled
alike, irrespective of the particular craft or affiliation. The complete and final amalgamation of the
workers in the shop is the find step towards I !
great industrial union, and the shop steward"'
movement is the first step towards a real industrial democracy, to take the place of the present
specious imitation.
[To the Editor of "The Worker." the organ of
the  "Scottish   Workers  Committee."]
The undcrnoted is a copy of a letter I have
>ent to Sir James M. Dodds. Under Secretary for
Would you be so kind as to inform the Secretary for Scotland that I do not accept your assertion that "The King" has granted me a "Free
Pardon." Not "The King," but the fighting workers of Britain have regained me my freedom, and
a healthy fear of these workers has induced yon
and your friends to try this bluff of a "Free
Pardon." All the time, however, you are trying
to pester my wife and myself through your detestable spies, popularly called detectives. 1 welcome
their attention, as it is a siyrn that you arc foaffl*
ing at the mouth at having to release me.
My immediate reply to that is a demand front
the government through the Scottish office for one
hundred and fifty pounds, the cost of recovery
after my release last time and this, from the treatment in these prisons, Peterhead and Perth.
I made a claim last time for seventy-six pound*
and was refused. The new demand includes that
sum. and this new demand T intend to insist upo"
until it is met by the next government or untj
the workers assume full control of the P-ritisb
Yours sincerely,
(Other papers please copy).
Propaganda    meeting    Sunday    evening   ^
o'clock, at the Empress Theatre, corner Haathlg
and Gore.


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