BC Historical Newspapers

BC Historical Newspapers Logo

BC Historical Newspapers

The Red Flag Mar 15, 1919

Item Metadata


JSON: redflag-1.0083529.json
JSON-LD: redflag-1.0083529-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): redflag-1.0083529-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: redflag-1.0083529-rdf.json
Turtle: redflag-1.0083529-turtle.txt
N-Triples: redflag-1.0083529-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: redflag-1.0083529-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

/■■ • -
i b '.a, ':'..ij..it smroem
HELEN Marot writes a thoughtful review of
the present state snd tendencies of the
American and British organized labor movements
in the New York "Dial" of February 22.
in comparing these movements she finds a significant development to the British -Labor movement
which fa at present not in evidence to the American movement. Thfa development in Britain, she
• Inii.is, is a manifestation of the worker? desire
for control ovtr the industrial processes of the
nation. A desire which has been given impetus
and clarity of vision through the example furnished by the proletariat of Russia. This desire of
the workers for control, which aha fa pleased to
mil a spectre, first raised fas head to Russia two
years ago but which, she thinks has not yet crossed
oyer to America. We Wfll let the writer speak
for herself. ....
"But it hss taken up its abode for the time hi
KaegAod, and looks so like a native there that
theyTorget to call it by its Russian name. It has
made it dear in Great Britain that its special
mission fa not confined to the protection of wage
ratca.but that it fa concerned primarily in jacking
up labor into the belief that political states and
financiers are incompetent to carry industry forward to the satisfaction of the people of any land.
The moat recent reports which have eome from
England, Scotland and Ireland show developments
which were not defined when Mr. Cole's article
which appears in' thfa fame of The Dial wm written. The strikes are developing unusual significance .
as they are advancing The latest reports show
that the men are out for something quite different
from collective bargaining between employer, and
employed. The most favorable settlement terms fail
to bring a sense of permanent peace. A forty-hour
week seems to be no greater accomplishment than
a forty-eight. There are boilermakers, shipbuilders
and engineers who ''impudently'* assert that they
are out for the control of industry, that they in
tend to see that it no longer pays business men
to carry on. But more significant, is the fact that
the strikes represent a„rank and flit movement;
that the old leaders and organizations are defied;
that the movement in throwing oft* the old leadership haa substituted an organization which has a
centralizing power of its own rather than one imposed from above and existing by the weakness
of its membership. The European movement on the
continent and in Great Britain ia characterized
by a decentralization of power and an attempt of
the. worker to gain status through control end
self-government, in his organizations as well as to
the workshop. /
Referring to the proposal of this railroad workers in the United States to congress that they take
over the entire operating control
management of the roads. She says:'"
tion wears indeed the same air of "impudence"
which was objected to in Krgland But the
animus is not the English nor the Russian. It is
not impudent and is not compelled by any revolutionary thought* or «fmention. Speci6ca"y it is a
defensive mom against the federal regulation
which denies government employees the full right
of organization. Although the proposition may be
no more than a matter of trade-union strategy;
as it comes at thfa time when the industrial and
labor situation is highly sensitive to suggestion,
H cannot, fail to mark a new era to labor psychology. What will 4>e said in the next few weeks on
the question of acceptance or refaction of tho
proposal most inevitably leave aa indelible im-
pi»atiohon the future if not on the present policy
of the labof movement.
In the first place .the proposal involves a com-
piete~shift from craft to todustrial unionism. It fa
iatpheit in the very statement
that induettial organisation fa*
amatory and control, for the very simple reason
that it fa the basis of actual industrial operation.
Whatever disposition fa made of the schema, the
500,000 members of the BaBroad Broiherhood and
•      .''
[ExlraetS Prom an Article in New York "Dial,"
P>b, 28.)
the 1,500,000 members of the A. P. of L. craft
unions which are involved in the proposal will all
recognize that any suggestion which insures a
change of status for labor or places it in a position of control will require tins shift from craft
to industrial organization. For the advancement
of industrial unionism tne event could hot have
been more timely. During the war tho development of efficiency methods in the factory reduced
many of the so-called skilled processes to mechanical operations which would fit the strength and
experience of women and young people.- Thfa diba-
< tion of skill and of male labor has its serious,
direct and obvious 'consequences for the craft
unions. •■ \
One of the most important effects of industrial
unionism fa the compulsion which it imposes on
labor to think in terms of the enterprise rather
than the job. On too other hand, todustrial unionism does not, as is often supposed, insure industrial
democracy or give of necessity opportunity for
self-government. In respect to the latter thfa
scheme of the railroad unions furnishes a striking
contrast to the English movement of the shops,
which fa also industrial in its direction. It fa not
the industrial form of organization of the shop
stewards movement which gives it its democratic
character; it is the desire of 'the shop workers
to participate in, todustrial management The existence of thfa desire in England and its absence
in America fa a pertinent illustration of the differences which exist in trade union psychology.
The division of labor and the successful competition of machine production with hand production,
of the factory with the workshop or the craftsman, never destroyed completely the British tradition that bound the workman to hfa industry.
This tradition whieh has persisted for nearly two
centuries without apparent warrant or value haa
made its contribution at last in the swift development of labor organization which is determined
by the men at work in the shops. Even should-
thfa shop steward movement end without complete victory over the unionism which fa superimposed, this habit of mind of the British worker
toward industrial responsibility is a labor asset
with which the vested interests of Great Britain will eventually reckon.
,■ r ";      vi .  ", • 4
N The Clyde workers, after one of the greatest
fights to todustrial ■ history, wore advised to resume work on Wednesday, and did so with a
view to resuming the offensive to win the 40
hours at the first opportunity.
The advice to resume was given in the following notice in the Strike Bulletin on Tuesday:
The Joint   Committee,  having futiy  e^sv-^
sidered the whole position of the strike, and"
due consideration being given to the attitude
of those officials of certain Trade Unions to
supporting the government and the employers
against .the workers in their demand for 40
hours, recommend a full resumption of work  '
by all strikers on Wednesday, February 1%,
until such time as we can perfect this organization of our forces with a view to making
our claim for 40 hours on a national basis,
and to enforce it by a national strike of all
workers to the near future. #
The Joint Committee to eontrol of the strike
fa to be kept to being, and meets again next
week. The1 brutal alliance ot government and
profiteers have employed military force to crush
a Trade Union movement for reduced hours. The
effect of thfa repression has been to make the
workers more determined than ever to establish
social and industrial equality.
The Clyde strike originated among the workers,
. Because modern industry hss made tittle
presston in Russia, the Russian workers as a
bam never experienced an fr^flriiftfr'
which is aa irresponsible as fa oaf own
dm tion. Producing wealth in Russia ha*
been a matter for serious concern, and the
of the concern aa well aa the labor *£
by the peasant. It is not difficult to trace the
of industrial self-government for which the So
.stands-to the old famstvos aad to ussaaratand
the Russian workers am better prepared lor the
assumption, of industrial responsibility than the
workers oi the United States It is important to
remember in estimating the elements which have
riven the workers of Russia and Great Britain
their impetus for industrisl democracy that to
Vth of them countries the workers' co-operative
enterprises have persisted with the strong tendency
(0 preserve the idea of responsibility for productive enterprise which had rested with workers
before the days of business enterprise.
The attitude of American labor toward production fa the national attitude of giving as little snd
taking as much aa we can get'awaytl""
attitude fa common enough in modern
in America it is without inhibitions
important to have had their effect, either i
or unconscious, on industrial reaponMUlfty. I hsve
not space to speak of the part this attitude may
play in the revolutionary changes which are apparently scheduled to come off'sooner or later on
this side of the Atlantic. But as industry is reorganizing for the benefit of financial interest* fa
has become apparent that the interest of labor and
its sense of industrial responsibility must be
aroused if American industry fa to hold fas own to
the world market. There fa no known way of
developing responsibility except by experiencing
it, and this proposal of the railroad workers fa
the first suggestion that the union* may seriously
regard themselves as responsible factors. While,
mis proposal is not as yet representative ot current thought in labor organizations, it will be
received-there as a highly agitating event and one
with which the interest* In some connection wll?
ham to deal. Today the situation to thfa; the officials of unions representing 2,000,000 wage work*
era ham broken down all precedent a* they have
proposed in serious form to take over the management of the railroad systems of the United States.
Here fa adventure and imaginative matter injected
at a time when suggestion count*. —Helen Marot.
and was by them carried on for throe
against powerful opposition which included, I
grieve to aay, Trade Union executives and "leaders." These men were eloquent about'the need
-for "discipline" on the part of the workers, but
had never a word of protest against the military
and police brutality against the strikers. Instead,
they had ho much advice to give tho latter to
submit meekly to punishment and accept whatever
sops the employers are pleased to give them, that
it seemed a* if they imagined they wem paid to
regulate labor for the benefit of profiteers. The
workers have enough enemies to overcome without having to carry faint-hearted executive* and
leaders on''their Jshejov'' >>
One oafet ofthe4|rike>wlll surely be s movement towards full autonomy for the Trade Unions
in Scotland. The London "leaders" seem to know
little more about the aspirations of the Scottish
worhers than, aay, Mr. Balfour. The Clyde strike
was a general action in which workers from all
crafts and trades fought together as one
for a common aim. In thfa lay their honor:
ness resulted directly craft diihfaat were re*
fetrodueed by the "leaders,"
All sections of capitalism fought unitedly aaatoat
the Clyde strike, and they could only be beaten
by a combined movement on the workers' side,
-Myner Collier, in the labor Leader, Feb, 13 If*
r        -'■•.,'- I «... I. ■ ,.."■■.
. ^*i^«-
The. central feature of reconstruction to Russia
is that fa proceed* upon the basis of a proletarian
state, functioning through a temporary dictator
ship of the proletariat. The policy of the Bolsheviki, in eotnpfate, harmony with Marxism, fa that
tho flr»t reginremont of Soeiansm to action fa the
eoaassnjh-ef j|j»jrer by the proletariat, -after which
accomplishment reconstruction becomes funda-
mebtal reconstruction and assume* the tendency
r*  making  for  Socialism,  instead  of promoting
The dictatorship of the proletariat, the dynamic
meehanfant of the introduction of Socialism, may
be described a* having three function*:    v
J. The annihilation of the political power of the
bourgeoisie in all its ramification*. The assumption
of stated power by the revolutionary proletariat
disposes of the bourgeoisie temporarily a* a political force; the bourgeoisie must be disposed of
permanently. Thfa is accomplished in two ways:
the economic expropriation of the bourgeoisie, and
it* complete exclusion from participation in politics and government. In the measure that the
pre ess of reconstruction. absorbs the bourgeoisie
into the ranks of the useful producers, will they
again be allowed—a* workers—to participate in
politic* and government.
1 The introduction of measures of temporary
reeonsjruction. The transition from capitalism to
Socialism is not*accomplished in a day: it fa a
psoeess. But while the moderate and the revolutionary Socialist agree that the transition to Socialism is a process, there is violent disagreement as
to, the character of the process. The moderate
Socialist assumes that it is a process operating
upon the basis of capitalism and tile bourgeois
state; a gradual penetration of Socialism into
capitalfam; but thfa fa a process tbst cannot and
never will emerge into Socialism, being the process of petit bourgeois collectivism, and making
for state .-apitalism. The revolutionary Socialist
Fas* Thrae)
fa clearly reactionary. It acts against the great
masses of tho unorganised and the unskilled, as fa
proven by its attitude during tW.W. strikes. The
A.F. of h. fa an organisation of craft unions, that
splits the working class; an organization, more-
assumes that the. process must be a revolutionary over, that represent* only a very small part of the
process operating upon the basis of the proletarian    working class, being largely an organized system
of "job frusta.'' The AY P. of I* during the war
has pursued a policy of the utmost reaction, even
more reactionary then many circle* of capitalism;
it united with capitalfam .gainst Socialism to the
lulled States, and in Europe through Ite ''Labor
Mfaetone»; and a Tabor Party would pursue an
identical reactionary, petty bourgeois policy. V;
There are stssassttii to the Secialfat Party, whom
policy fa not at sll .Socfalfat but the policy of reactionary tradq unionism and laborism, who would
welcome a Labor Party, and urge merging with
it. That would be suicidal; there must be an
independent Socialist Party: * to merge with a
Ulior Party would
state-a process of reeon*t ruction which alone
annihilate* capitalfam and introduce* Soeialfam.
Mp^jarathe tranaitieo, the Overthrow of the poli-
tical power of the bouraaisafa, neeessarily disorganizes industry, and creates a smssam of de>
moraUzatiwr: many of the measures of the dic-
tslorship of the proletariat, accordingly, must ho
of a temporary nature in order to overcome this
demoralization, and increase  productive capacity.
• The rapid increase of production, a vital task of
the proletarian state, is accomplished also by all
the measure* of reconstruction, by means of a
dictators! regulation of production.
. 3. But these temporary measures must be, and
are, to accord with the fundamental tendency
making for Socialism. Measures of reconstruction
to solvO immediate problems or disorganization
may assume a capitalist or a Socialist character,
dominantly; and these measures of the dictator-
ship of the proletariat are decisively of a Socfalfat
character. Thfa, accordingly, fa the fundamental
task, of the proletarian dictatorship: to Initiate the
tendency towards the complete transformation of
•-apitalism into communist Socialism. The forms of
thfa tendency assume a character that logically
and inevitable emerge into the definite forms of
Secialfat society.
■ n,i.i'..iV v v ' '!   '   i   '■    '.•".• •v..,.        mr'
■>.. >.t
Holland, the famous French writer
VAbove, the Battle," jtfhirlv a* onr
readers wn^'m^CTOeav^ramrovlewcd In the Labor
Leader of March 9} 1916, has. we understand, addressed a letter to the Russisn Soviet government.
V, Holland waa recently elected a member of the
R uaian Socialist Academy of Sciences. In his letter '
M. Holland says:
"Russian brothers, creators of a great revolution, accept our congratulations and grati-
/-. tude. The freedom you Wave won fa not for
you alone, but for all of us, your brothers of ,
the west. Human progress fa an evolution,
slackens ite pace, stops, stumbles over obstacle*, or tolls asleep in the road like a lazy
mule. To arouse it, vigorous shaking* are from
time to time necessary} powerful revolutionary
stimuli are required which spur the will, strain
the, muscles, and surmount all obstructions.
"Our revolution of 178t was one of those
awakenings of the heroic will, whim drag the
human race away from the beaten track and
drive it forward along a new path. But after
thfa effort, no sooner had mankind advanced
than it again halted. Tho fruits of the French
revolution were long ago gathered in Europe.
But the time has come when the once fruitful
ideas* the. propellers of a new force, become
but Mead idols Of the past, pushing backwsrd
not forward, and rising athwart tho road as
"New times—new battles, new hopes. Russian brothers, go boldly forward, snd we will
fellow yon. Every, nation to turn moat lead
mankind. Tour virgin strength was not wasted
during, the. long years of forced inactivity.
Now pick up the axe at the spot when we
dropped it, and cut new paths and sunny
avenues for us through the mam of injustice
sira leaseBOoev 4,
''Our revolution was the work of great hour-
auoja, mon. of great vices and great snerito^
Their race ha* died out long ago. Tour revolution must be the revolution of a great, healthy,
united, and generous people, and must *void
the mistakes which we in Prance have made.
'Above all, be united and strong In spirit,
y our example be a lesson to yottf Remember our French Convention, the Saturnus—
whieh was ever devouring its own children-
be more tolerant then we were. Let all your
energy be given in defending the rouse of
liberty whieh you are bringing to the world;
defend it from the mischievous and perfidious
enemies who are lying in wait to attack you
* hh you weaken or become disunited.
''Remember* Bussian brothers, you are fighting not for yourselves alone, but for us. Our
forefathers raised the, banner of revolution in
1|$2 in order to give liberty to the world.
They  were unsuccessful;
i insufficiently equipped for the
less they were animated by a noble and ardent
desire for Hberty. May this wonderful Are
burn star in your hearts." —Romain Rolland
that the official majority
in action to, to sub-
dfaanfaed with
our party retain
titis po&y* H w«ddV, become the nfth wheel of
the wagon, serve no necessary mission, and would
either decay or becosse absorbed in the Labor
Party. The Socialist Party would have to irwh
vonably separate itself from a Labor Party and
wage war upon it by means of revolutionary
The movement to organize a Labor Party, all
the developments now transforming the world, are
e call to Socialist reconstruction, to the annihilation of moderate, petty bourgeofa Socialism. The
Socialist Party' must re-orgsnfae in accord With
the new conditions, must adopt the policy of revolutionary Socialism, of the Bolsheviki—a-erpt
the ideas now developing a new pulse in international Socialism, and Which alone repreent
Socfansm and Marxians.
The, way to wage war upon a Labor Party,
should it eventuate, is net to promise more ro- '
forms than the Labor Party, fa not to plead and
placate,, but to develop the revolutionary consciousness of the proletariat, to awaken to action the
great, unorganized industrial proletariat, which is
tlie dominant force fat industry, and which wfll
determine the destiny of the revolution. Thfa would
mean a broadening of the conception and practice cf politics—a broadening fully in accord with
Marxism and fundamental Socialism. The A. F.
of Ly doe* not lepseeenfc tile elements of the real
Of interest as throwing a light on labor opinion
in Switzerland wa* the decision arrived at by ^ proletartat-the toaustriaJ proletariat massed* to
special conference of the Swiss Metal and Watch fhe 1^,. ,arfM. indnatry. The A> P. of U, except
Workers Union held at Berne to give qualified
sanction to the uae of the general strike. The union
previously committed,to the position that the general strike was not a legitimate trade union
weapon, reversed it* attitude, on the ground that
the genera) strike, favored by the war and, the
revolution, had, come into common use. The eon-
in the case of anachronism* such a* the miners,
represents the skilled workers, the aristocracy
of labor, men who have skill and consider this
skill "property." Their ideology fa a petty bourgeofa ideology, and their domination of SociaPem
and the industrial ■proletariat would prove a calamity. The answer to tho A. F. of L. compromfae
ferenee limited its endorsement, however, by adopt- flnd petty bourgeofa policy fa to awaken the indos-
ing 1h«. position that fai a democracy the general   tritf proletariat, and pull out of the A. F. of L.
- V
strike should be utilized only as a last means of
exerting pressure upon a reactionary majority.
The conference a\tf«Mtt(i the proposal of the Zurich
delegates to establish soldier*' and workers council* in all parte of the country to lead the labor
wfll bold its Amnul Ckmmrone Ckdabraiton
on^ March  IS,   lole, at  Lester  Court.
by ticket
at tb
union*, such a* the miners, which belong kith the
industrial proletariat.
Aa agahwt tho Labor Party,, a Socialist Party:
as; against the aristoeraey of labor, the ssamjos
of the industrial proletariat; as against A. F. of Ii
unionfam, industrial unkmfam; as against coneflia-
1km with capitalism, tho. revolutionary struggle
against csptislfam
There fa no magic to "labor"—ft depends upon
what labor repiewts, fas tendency and action-
There fa no magic in "Soeialfam" either; both
may be reactionary and eounter-revohrttohary. The
great task of Sectatisnt fa fas own reconstruction
—thfa animates fas policy on all problems. »
m*. a^OPjffSaT i .^Usmaaiawaaa^ ■-,l^a.ra^a^^^p;^^y..j
e /
REVOLUTIONARY Socialism does not mean
the abandonment of tne immediate struggle;
it engages aggressively in thfa struggle. But revolutionary Socialism accepts that struggle, or phase
of the immediate struggle, which is fundamental;
and pursues this struggle by means in accord
with revolutionary Socialism promoting the final
struggle, snd developing reserves for the revolutionary conquest of power.
While the moderate Socialist nobly wages the
class struggle by conciliating the petite bourgeoisie, by introducing in legislative bodies bureaucratic reform measures, by ascribing to parliamentarism a creative and revolutionary significance
which. it does not possess, the revolutionary Socialist accepts a proletarian'Ideology, engages in the
aggressive mass snd industrial struggles of the
proletariat, awakens in the proletariat a consciousness of its control of industry—out of the mass
strikes of the proletariat the revolutionary Social-
fat tries to develop more effective forms of organization and means of struggle. Socialism fa the
class struggle—this fa decisive in our policy. The
moderate Socialist depends upon the petty bourgeois parliamentary struggles, and degrades politics; the revolutionary Socialist depends upon the
proletarian mass struggle, and makes polities one
phase, and an auxiliary phase, of the proletarian
struggle. Vary as the immediate conditions may,
revolutionary Socialism always expresses it fundamental policy in theory and in action. . .
%The necessity of revolutionary Socialism to the
United States does not depend upon the immediate
coming of the final revolutionary struggle; but
revolutionary Socialism develops the' coming of
the final struggle by adapting itself to the prevailing conditions: out of these conditions emerge
revolutionary consciousness and the final struggle.
The revolutionary crisis in Europe fa surely fa-
fiuencing the consciousness of the American proletariat, which it is our task to express and bring
to a focus; and this influence will become stronger
as event* sweep on. But certain objective conditions ' are developing which, to /proportion as
Socialism- appreciates the opportunity, will accelerate the development of Clam consciousnes* and
revolutionary action,
CapHalfam in the United State* has profited
enormously from the war. But, precisely because
ot this fact, capitalism must aggressively and
consciously accept imperialism. The new industrial
efrfeieney developed by American capitalism, the
tower costs, the increasing volumes of profits, and
surplus capital and vgood*—all this implies the
necessity for new markets, for undeveloped ter-
ritory, for investment and markets. American capitalism must pursue the practice of imperialism.
An understanding of imperialism, as marking a
i.ew and final stage of capitalism and introducing
the revolutionary epoch, is necessary-, and equally
necessary fa the adoption of revolutionary tactics
to fight imperialism. Yet American Socialism to
these problem* of revolutionary theory and prac-
I1C6.     9     m •
Simultaneously, American capitalism wfll itself
vrproVhte the objective conditions out of which can
be developed the spirit for the revolutionary
straggle. The war ha* sharpened imperialistic appetite* and antagonism*. Capitalism must "recon-'
sffuct" itself. In thfa reconstruction, new and more
-acute problems will develop, now forms for the
exploitation of the proletariat, coincidentally with
the development in the proletariat of a more con-
scions snd sggresshre spirit.
But, capitalism cannot reconstruct itself. Capital-
lam, cannot solve the multiplying antagonisms of
a system of production that fa decaying, that fa
becoming international while fas forms and control are still  national. DeasoMHaation wfll  offer
"enormous problems of providing . employment.
Adapting industry again to peace conditions means
new complications. The sharpening of imperialistic
competition and the new industrial efficiency, each
■"'   ■' '*    „
will contribute in a measure to unemployment, to
the necessity of still more oppression of the proletariat. Crises and antagonisms, industrial dislocation, wfll characterize capitalism in the daya to
come. ■*
Without considering the influence of the developing international revolutionary cruris, the coming
period will bo characterized by giant industrial
revolts, by strikes larger and more numerous than
in the past, by an intense unrest of the industrial
proletariat. These strikes, whieh wfll assume the
form of man revolts, will particularly affect tho
larger, bssic industry, where the industrial proletariat fa concentrated. Conciliation, reconstruction,
"understanding" between employer and employee,
will not prevent the coming of thfa period of great
strikes, of mass industrial revolts, of potential
revolutionary mas* action.
Thfa situation wfll offer a great opportunity to
Socialism. But if. as in the past, the'Socialist Party
uses these grmt strikes to make political capital,
to prove to the workers the futility of strikes,
snd the power of the vote—then a great opportunity will be wasted. That is the petty bourgeofa
policy, which tries to opmpreas the elemental action of the proletariat within the stulifying limits
Of parliamentary action, as such.
The Socialist Party, revolutionary Socialism,
should use these strikes snd mass industrial revolts
to develop in the proletariat the consciousness of
revolutionary mass action, to develop the eoneep-
toin and practice of political strikes, to make it
realize that ite action should centre in the*huge
plants, that when it wants to act. its action should
develop out of the mill, mine and factory. Our
political action should become part and parcel of
this numi aetfa^ sdwuld promote the aggressive industrial struggle. To broaden a strike into a
demonstration, to develop, out of them, revolutionary mass action against capitalism and the
state—that fa the policy of revolutionary Socialism, that; fa the policy whieh wfll transform the
coming period of strike* definitely into a period
of revolutionary action, preparing the mass action
of the revolution.
The proletariat must be made to realize that the
futility of industrial action he* not in it* being
industrial action, aa such, but in that it is incomplete, does not broaden and deepen itself into class
action, is not sufficiently general and aggressive.
The proletariat must be made to realize that fas
great strength lie* in fas control of industry; and
it fa necessary to develop the cosuajonenoas and
forms of workers' control of industry. The proletariat must be made to realise that fas characteristic tactics consist of industrial mass action developing into revolutionary mam action, and that
through titis class straggle of the industrial masses
alone can the Socialist proletariat conquer.
And Socialism must be made to realize that the
value of parliamentary action Boa not in "constructive legislation"' and buresucratie, petty bourgeofa reform measures, but In revolutionary criticism, in developing the todustrial action of the
in awakening their revolutionary eonseious-
and that when the dam struggle turns into
a test of power, it fa the revolutionary mass action of the proletariat that will conquer, parliament* and parliamentary activity will disappear:
polities may assist to developing the revolution,
but can never become the hiatrument of revolution, unceasing practice of Socialism must be
revolutionary mam action; the unceasing object
ot Socialism moat be the revolutionary conquest
of power, the dictatorship of the proletariat
An important problem fa the movement developing among the unions of the American Federation
of labor to organize a Labor Party; to aome cities
thfa has been done, to others the proposal has bom
\appmvod..; . .^.
Thfa may, in a measure, be a reflex of
action among the Canadian anions It fa, in still
larger measure, an expression of the new currents
that the war and events to Europe are
ing in the worlds working
immature and conservative form. It fa,
a move that, while It ahould not meet
and uncritical acceptance, merits the serious
of the Socialist who does not floe from reality by
means of phrases, nor accept* every "reality" as
real,  but   who  studies  the  social  alignment, ite
development and peculiar forma, aa the basis for
appropriate Socialist tactics.
The* organization of an American Labor Party
may prom a atop forward for the A.P. of A., btu
not necessarily a step forward for tho American
proletariat. The A.F. of L, which has insisted aH
along upon "no polities In the union*" while
dickering and compromising with Republican and
Democratic politicians, may develop a cleaner sense
of independence by mean* of independent politics,
to spite of the petty bourgeofa forms these politics
wfll necessarily assume. It may, moreover, by
showing the futility of A. F. of L. politics, impress
upon the proletariat the necessity of revolutionary
Socialist action.
The New York Call wails that there is no necessity for a Labor Party, since the Socialist Party
has been in the field for twenty years. Thfa is
either an admission that the Socialist Party in
practice fa no more than a Labor Party, or a characteristic Menshevik refusal to admit the fundamental differences between a Labor Party and a
Socialist Party. In either case, it fa counter-
What fa a Labor Party? The Labor Party, in
England and Australia, has been, from the standpoint of revolutionary Socialism, hopelessly reactionary, consistently Un-proletarian. The British Labor Party'* policy fa a petty bourgeofa
policy, a counter-revolutionary policy, aa haa bom
clearly apparent from fas unity with unperialistie
capitalism in the British Cabinet, ite declaration
that the war waa a war of democracy, ite accepting petty bourgeois liberalism instead of proletarian Socialism, it* nationalistic proposal* con-'
cernine- Ireland, it* virtual acauiescence in the
of Maxim Litvinoff from England, ite
. the resolution of the Inter-Allied Lsbor
Socialist" Conference favoring "democratic"
intervention to Bussia, it* bureaucracy through
Arthur Henderson acting against every development of revolutionary energy in the British'proletariat. The British Labor Party ha* been a typical
party of laborism, to that it struggles for a plsce
in the governing system Of things, for petty advantages to the upper layers of the working class,
instead of struggling for the overthrow of the governing bourgeois system. The British Labor Party
hss been and i* a party of social-imperialism: a
policy characteristic of laborism and petty bourgeofa Socialism.
A characteristic of laborfam fa that it acta
against the broad misses of the industrial proletariat, against the unorganized proletariat of unskilled labor, the "labor" government of Australia, once in power, used armed force to break
e^us5     enwua*aaa^^a»     a^a*      aaa»awra an^aaaa^aa^^Sjava        aaaaapa»aas—y%a>       ^- -^a* aawxava
Moreover, the "labor" government, instead of introducing Socialism, as was expected.by the gullible Socialist, strengthened capitalfam, beesme
the unifying centre of bourgeois reaction camouflaged in "labor" and "liberal" colors. When the
war broke out, "labor" Australia waa even more
"labor" Premier William-Morris Hughe* becoming the particular pet of the ultra-imperialistic
forces of British capitalfam. There hss been a revolt in the Labor Party against the "excesses"
of Hughes, and more radical currant* are develop-
' tea- under pressure of the todustrial proletariat
anei revolutionary Socialism, but the tendency still
remains characteristic of a party of laborfam.
An American Labor Party would be an expression of the AP. of L. The policy of the A.P, of L.
^^^jraoaeaaeai^Ra    on
.   .-<';
*,'.' am.
Being extracts from an article in the Feb. 22 haste, confusion, and blundering, incident to tak-
Issue of the New York "Dial." We regret having ing over the control of industrial works, the same
to butcher this article, because of lack of space,   work* hsve after all proved to run at a higher
"By first intention and by consistent aim Bolshevism fa a menace to the vested rights of property and of privilege, snd from thfa the root follows.
The vested interests are within their legal and
moral rights, and it fa not to be expected that they
will yield these rights amicably. All those classes,
factions, and interest* that stand to lose ham
made common cause against the out-and-outers,
hsve employed armed form where that has been
practicable, and have resorted to such, measures
of Intrigue and sabotage m they can command.
AH of which is quite reasonable, to a way, since
there vested interests are legally and morally in
the right according to the best of their knowledge
and belief; but the consequence of their righteous
opposition, intrigue, and obstruction haa been
strife, disorder, privation and bloodshed, with a
doubtful and evil prospect ahead.
Among the immediate consequences of this
quarrel, according to the reports whieh have been
allowed to come through to the outside, fa alleged
to be a total disorganization and collapse of the
industrial system throughout the Russian dominions, including the transportation system and the
food supply. From which has followed famine,
pestilence, and pillage, uncontrolled and-uncontrollable. However, there are certain outstanding
fact* which it will be in place to recall, in part
because they are habitually overlooked  or not
efficiency under administrative management than
they previously have habitually done when
managed by their owners for private gain. The
point is in doubt, it must be admitted, but the
circumstantial evidence, backed by the official
reports, appears on the whole to go thst way.
Something to a similar effect will apparently
hold true for the transportation system. The administration has apparently been^able to take over
more of the means of transport than the Associated
Pre** news would indicate, and to have kept it
all in a more nearly reasonable state of repair.
As is well known, the conduct of successful military operations today quite Imperatively requires
s competent transport sysytem; and, to spite of
msny reverses, it fa apparently necessary to admit
that. the military operations of the Bolshevist
administration hsve on the whole been successful
rather than the reverse. The inference fa plain,
so., far as concerns the point immediately hi question here. Doubtless the Russian transportation
system is in sufficiently bad shape, but it can
scarcely be in so complete a state of collapse
a* had been reported, feared, tad hoped by those
who go on the information given but by the
standard news agencies. If one discounts the selectively standardized news dispatches of these agencies, one fa left with an impression that the railway system, for example, fa better furnished with
habitually drawn on for correction of the pub- j rolling-stock and in better repair in European
lished reports. The Bolshevist administration has Russia, than in Siberia, where the Bolshevist ad-
now been running for something over a year, ministration is not in control. This may be due
which will include one crop season. During thfa   in good part to the fact that the working per-
time it has been gaining ground, particularly
during the later months of ting period; and thfa
gain has been made in spite of a very considerable resistance, active and passive, more or
enpported from toe outside Meantime the "infection" fa spreading In a way that noes not
signify a lost cause.
All the While the administration ha* been caaty-
Ing on military operations on a more or leas extended scale; and on the whole, and particularly
through tho latter part of this period, fas military operation* appear to ham been gaining
in magnitude and to have met with increasing
success, such a* would argue a more or less
adequate continued supply of arm* and munitions.
These military operations have  been carried on
Monnel of the railways and their repair shops are
Bolsheviki at heart, both in Siberia and in
European Russia, and that they ham therefore
rawn from the train service and repair shop*
C Siberian road* a* fast a* these road* have
fallen into non-Bolshevist hands, and ham migrated into Bussia to take up the mme work
among their own friend*.
The transportation system does, not appear to
hsve precisely broken down; the continuance of
military operations goes to show mat much. Also,
the crop year of 1918 fa known.to have been rather
exceptionally good in European Russia, on the
whole, so that there will be at least a scant sufficiency of foodstuff back in the country and available for those portions of the population who can
get st It. Also, it will be noted that, by all ac-
without substantial supplies from the outside, so   counts, the civilian population of the cities has
that the adminitsration will have had to supply
its warlike heeds and replace its wear and tear
from within the country during this rather costly
period. Ithas been said said from time to time,
of course, that the Bolshevist administration has
drawn heavily on German support for funds and
fallen off to a fraction of its ordinary number,
by way of escape to the open country or to foreign
parts. Those classes who were fit to get a living
elsewhere have apparently escaped. In the absence
of reliable information one would, on this showing, he inclined to say that the remaining civilian
material supplies during this period. It hss boon population of the cities wfll be made up chiefly,
saidV but it fa"very doubtful If it has been, believed, perhaps almost wholly, of such elements of the
Quite notoriously the Bolsheviki have lost more so-called middle classes a* could not get. away or
than they have gained, at the hand* of the Qer- had nowhere to go with any prospect of bettering
mans. And import* of all warlike supplies from any their lot. These will for the moat part ham been
source have been vary nearly shut off.
Such information a* has been coming through
from the inside, in the way of official reports, ran*
to the effect that the needed supplies of war material, including arm* and ammunition, have in
tile main been provided at home from stocks on
hand and by taking over various industrial works
and operating them for war purposes under ad-
mtofatrative control—which would argue mat the
Industrial collapse and disorganization cannot ham
been so complete or so far-reaching as had been
trades people and: their specislfaed employees,
persons who are of slight use to any productive
industry and stand a small chance of gaining a
livelihood by actually necessary work. They belong to a da** of smaller "middle-men," who are
In great part superfluous in any case, and whose
bumness traffic has been virtually discontinued by
♦he Bolshevist administration. These displaced
small business men of the Bussian cities am as
useless snd m helpless under the Bolshevist regime
as nine-tenth* of the population of tile American
feared,   or  hoped.   Indeed   these   reports   are   country town* in the prairie states would be if
superfluous retailers. Bolshevism fa a menace to
the retail trade and to the retailers. f-
.... But it menaces also certain vested interests outside of Russia, particularly the vested
rights of investors in Bussian industries and natural resources, ss well aa of concerns which bavt
an interest in the Bussian import and export trade.
So also the vested rights of investors in Russian
securities. Among the latter claimants are n<nr
-ertaiu governments lately associated with Bussia
in the conduct of the war, and more particularly
the holders of Russian imperial bonds. Of the hitter
many are French citizens, it fa said; and it has
been remarked that the French statesmen realize
the menace of Bolshevism perhaps even more
acutely than the common run of those elder statesmen who are now deliberating on tho state of
mankind at large and the state of Bussian Bolshevism in particular.
But the menace of Bolshevism extends also to
the common man in those other countries whoao
vested interest* have claims on Russian income
and resources. These vested rights of these claimant* in foreign parts are good and valid in law
and morals, and therefore by settled usage it fa
the duty of these foreign government* to enforce
these vested rights of their several citizens who
have claim on Russian income and resources;
indeed it fa the duty of these governments, to
which they are to honor bound and to whieh they
arc addicted by habit, to enforce these vetted
c'alms to Bussian income and rerourero by force
of arm* if necessary. And It is well known, and
also it fa right and good by law and custom, that
w'-cr recourse fa had to arms the common man
pays the cost. He pay* it to tost labor, snxWy,
privation, blood and wounds; and by way of returns he conies in for an increase of just national
pride in the
st by a "
process of production" Bolahcvfa. fa also a
am to the common man.
How it stands with the menace of Bolshevism in. the event of fas infection reaching any
other of the civilized countries—as, for example,
America or France—that ia a sufficiently perplexing problem to which the
and the statesmen to whose keeping the
of the substantial citizens a
ready begun to give their beat
are substantially of one mind, and ail
on the main fact, that Bolshevism fa
and now and again they wfll specify that it tea
menace to property and business. And with that
contention there can be no quarrel. How it stands,
beyond that and at the end of the argument, with
the eventual bearing of Bolshevism on the common man and hi* fortunes, fa less clear and fa a Z
less immediate object of soHeHude. On scant f&'X^
flection it should seem that, since the common /
man has substantially, no vested rights to lose,
he should come off indifferently well in such an
event. But such a hasty view overlooks the great
lesson of hfatory that when anything goe* askew
in the national economy, or anything fa to be set
to rights, tap common man eventually pays the
cost .and he pays it eventually in loot labor,
anxiety, privation, blood and wounds. The Bolshevik fa the common man who has faced tip
question: Whst do I stand to loset and has
eome away with the answer: Nothing And, the
elder statesmen are busy with arrangement* for
disappointing that indifferent hope.
—Thorstein vebten.
singularly out of touch and out of sympathy with
the Associated Press news bearing on the same
general topic. It appears, dimly, from the eb>
cumstantial evidence that me Bolshevist administration to Russia hss met with somewhat the
mme surprising experience as the democratic ad-
ministration   in   America—that   in  spite   of  the
the retail trade of the prairie states wen reor-
ganfaed to such a way as to do away with til
useless duplication. The difference fa that the
Bolshevist administration of Bussia haa discontinued much of the superfluous retail trade, whereas the democratic adminfatration of America takes
pains to safeguard the reasonable profits of ft*
Dr. Dillon* in a cable dispatch to the Vancouver
Province of March 12, reports the Berlin government as being compelled by the sinksasu to incorporate the workmen's Soviet into.thai now
constitution and deems it the most fsregttsnt World
event since the armistice. ^O
m WFW-' wpp? ,(^w  ■ * ''^fpp^ififfwflfp
1 ■
v %l     -h'r   -■    <-'■■■   ' -   ■
■       ■ ■' im ■ — aasi
A Journal of News snd Views Devoted to the
Working Clsss.
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
By The Socialist Party of Canada,
401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Editor , C. Stephenson
[From  Seattle  "Union  Record,"  February 27.]
March 15, 1919
a •
Forty-eight year* ago in the city of Paris, the
workers commune, along with those dreamers of
a new socfal order, the Communards, wss extinguished, blotted out to a bloody holacaust, to
the savage plaudits of the bourgeois world.
Looking over a bound volume of an illustrated
periodical of that tune, the writer was struck by
the seeming poverty of the human mind, especially
the bourgeofa mind. Issue by issue the pages of
the periodical teemed with identically the same
kind of vituperation, word for word, except for
the nouns, the same identical lies, showing the
xsme fesr of the fundamental issue* raised, a*
we find in our press today, when dealing with the
revolutionary proletariat, in Russia, Germany or
elsewhere. ••■*,
The seme lies, the some inflamatory language,
and—the same solution: death and the galleys
and. deportation to the penal settlements. Stamp
it out; utterly, and be quick about it! Hedge it
about with a ring of steel "a cordon sanitaire,"
that, it may not spread.
/ And so, with all possible ruthlessness and savage
vlndictivenes* neither man nor woman Or child,
youth nor venerable age waa spared. Sus-
that some of the Communards had escaped
from Paris and out of the country, tlw powers
of the governments of other countries were also
successfully invoked into the man hunt.: No slaves
revolting to ancient Borne were ao ruthlessly and
completely-exterminated,   j
In addition to this, for/fifty yearn, the circum-
stanece surrounding the affair of the Commune
have, been misrepresented in bourgeois histories,
_ hj ite press, in its schools, colleges, universities
and encylopedeas. Fifty year* of suppression of
the truth, fifty years of censorship, fifty years of
poison gas. Only a solitary individual or two have
lifted the curtain and fat us see the truth.
If: ideas, whieh ham their source to the material conditions of life, can be stamped out because they, threaten the existence of an all powerful ruling class, surely, here fa a case in point
Tot the ideals and aspirations of those dreamers
a new socfal
are the
most pregnant force in the world today. The
schemes of the statesmen .of the old order hang
in the air, while thfa new, vital, potent force
make* history. All power to the workmen's Soviets I
Pheonfa tike from the ashes of eighteen seventy
one arfaes the spirit which inspired our long dead
comrades of the Paris Commune. Tho old order
ehangeth, giving place to the new. The revolutionary working class has always held dear the
memory of those sacred dead; haa held tenaciously
to their ideals; has cherished the memory of that
splendid adventure and mom than all haa
forgot the manner of their going out.
The manner of their going out; their
their bloody massacre, their imprisonment*, their
subsequent life of hunted rate, the suppressions,
tho censorships, the lies and calumny, these we
wfll never forgot while a ruling class remains
The senate of the worker* has come to s very
grave decision. The Hungarian working class now
appeal* to the*working classes of the world and
asl.s their sid to prevent the conquests of the
Hungarian People's Republic, with its hardly acquired rights, from being destroyed under the
pretext of the necessities of military occupation.
Our degelates are going to all parts of the world;
we shall utilise all methods and means for making the European proletarians familiar with the
threatened condition of the Hungarian democracy,
its Socialism, its working class movement, in order
to secure effective help.
What fa happening at the present time in Hungary? The revolution almost bloodleasly overthrew
•the old putrid system of tyranny. A Hungarian
people's republic has been born. Thfa republic Of
the people has rapidly swept out the vestiges of
feudalism and has created in Hungary a most
complete democracy, to be developed along Socialistic lines. But now the area of the conquered
monarchy fa inundated by troops of occupation.
Before the war of the entente came to a triumphant end, while the entente was yet fighting,
freedom for small nations, the safe-guarding of
democracy, was inscribed upon its banners. The
entente have not brought freedom. The entente
which promised that it would liberate the world
from the yoke of German absolution has sub-
ice ted Hungary to the greedy hunger of a Rumanian. Serbian, Czecho-Slovakian imperialism.
This imperialism represents an inferior degree of
development a* compared to the Hungarian democracy. The people's republic has secured for itself
a most complete freedom of union, freedom of
press and assembly, the occupying troops ham
peaceful relation* with neighbors of assembly and
union. The republic of the people has proclaimed
a socialistic policy, freedom of organization and
respect for labor. The troops of occupation are
annihilating these germs of social policy, fettering
our departmental organizations, and, instead of
liberating tabor, they are creating anew servitude.
Snonresstosr Labor
- The- occupation of Hungary signifies not only
.ii'.1 .',.'.. t 'iyi '."'H ;.'JMiy..i'iv";'" . V:J. r. .atom.
For their suppression of the literature of the
working Clam,' we thank them; for their stifling
of free discussion, we thank them; for their censorship of the mails, we thank them, and for the
flatulent and self-contradictory lies, and reservations of their press a* to the* proletarian movement
in Russia, Gemtea^fYanee. Italy and Great Brit-
ain, we thank them more than all. Bemuse these
tyrannies add conviction to our knowledge of the
bankruptcy of our rulers, they add fuel to our
fire, they steel bur hearts and fire our brain, they
confirm our strength and expose the weakness of
the enemies of the working class and of human
Thinking of the Communards of '71, we quote
lines by William Morris:
the oppression of all rights, hot only the strangulation of a laboring class movement, but it further
mean* the suppression of the possibility of labor
itself. Where no coal fa, there no labor can be.
It seem* that the army f occupation takes seriously
the ironical words of Gen. Franchet d'Esperay:
"If our steam machinery does not work, lot us
use windmills" The lack Of coal signifies the destruction of our great industries, the bankruptcy
of our traffic, rags and tatters in our villages,
famine in our cities. And all thfa takes place because a now expelled monarchy made' war against
the entente. A war which the dam conscious
proletarians of Hungary abominated from the
bottom of their hearts. A war into which the ruling claas of the monarchy could only drive us by
threatening Hungary by other nationalities. In
fact, our governing class could only get us into
thfa war by terrifying us by the spector of invasion from Rumania, Czechoslovakia and Serbia,
yet these very nationalities now rule in Hungary
as conquerer* and are treading under foot the
first fruits of a social revolution. We ask of tho
proletarians of the world: Will the workers of
France tolerate, win the organized laboring army
of England tolerate, wfll the working people of
Italy took on quietly, will the proletarians of the
world permit that the occupation of Hungary,
made under pretexTof'keeping order, shall have
as its effect a counter-revolution?
Cannot Be Vanquished
.... But the socialistic movement in Hungary
can no longer be vanquished by such methods,
because in Hungary at tho present time, Soeialfam
alone represents the ideas of social progress. Only
through socialism, only through mutual agreemente
of the peoples, only by the support of the workers of the world is it possible that thfa country
can become a land of peace and of productive
labor, instead of a fighting ground for races and
quarrels of peoples. Tho Hungarian people should
understand that they must live to peaceful relations with neighboring nationalities if the world
war fa Jo come to an end. And the people of
Europe should understand that if they do not
desire that Hungary be the incendiary torch of
Europe, if they wish that the storm cloud* which
hang oyer thfa country and menace the tranquility
of Europe be dissipated, then they should
not protect the provocative, greedy nationalistic tendencies and that they should insure
the rule of democracy in Hungary, the realization to the nation of-the proper right of self-
government. Became the nations of Hungary can
net live peacefully side by aide under tho rule of
absolutism sad oppression, but only to a state of
most eomnlete freedom and most oonrolete demo-
aawrwv      waMaraww      ••"u «*^raaa>     aaaaa^V      aaawaaavaa     waaaaaaMaaaaaw^   .-•awaaaaaaaar-   *
cracy.—Translated from the Ido Journal La Socio.
of Holland.
We thank the ruling claas of their day for thfa
memory, and, more man all we thank the rulers
Of our day for keeping tin memory aBve, refresh,
ing it by their own imposition* and tyrannies.
And we, shall we crouch and quail,
Ashamed, afraid of strife;
And fast our lives untimely fail
Embrace the death in life t
Nay, cry aloud and have no fear;
We few against the world;
-iwake, arise! the hope we bear
Against the curse fa huri'd.
It grows, it grows; are we the same,
.    The feeble band, the few?
Or what are those with eyes aflame,
And bands to deal and do?
This is the host that bears the word,
No Master, High or Low,
A lightning name, a shearing sword,
A storm to overthrow.
At 8 p.m. Sharp
Corner Gore and Huting-
.... " ii.r»-. ..m* Mat
'. M
■ '■.>■<■
:-:M '
.- ;   '
Every day brings^ a ship,
Every ship brings a word;
Well for those who have no-fear,
looking seaward well assured
That the wood the vessel brings
Is the word they wish to hear.
wrote the poem I have stolen for a
to this letter, and' Emerson wrote the
best commentary on that poem: "If there fa any
period one would desire to be born to—fa it not
the age of revolution; when the old and the new
stand side by side, and admit of being compared;
whan the energies of all men are searched by fear
and by hope; when, the heroic glories of the old
can be compensated by the rich possibilities of the
new era? Thfa tfam like ail times, fa a very good
if we but know what to do with H." Bevotu-
drrides men of character far more sharply
than they are divided by war. Those whom the
gods lorn take the youth of their heart* and throw
themselves -gladly on that aide, even if, dear
sighted, they perceive that the fires of revolution
will burn up perhaps the very thing* that, for
themselves, they hold most dear. Those others,
wfae, circumspect, foolish with the folly of wisdom,
refrain, and are burned up none the le**. It is the
atom with nstions, and I send this pamphlet to
America because America supported tile French
revolution when England condemned it, and because now sl»o Ameri/a seems to me to look to-,
wards Russia with better will to understand, with
teas suspicion, without the easy cynicism that prepares the disaster st whieh it is afterwards ready
to ?mile. Not that I think all thi* is due to some
special vhrtm to.Asasrica. I ham no doubt it fa
J—^      1. JgJi/aJa'a«Ja I lTiSJI m\\ mn/1 Jai*f\Y%rtflllC CaBflttlAflP
America fa further from thi* bloody cockpit of
finrope, for one thing. For another, emu rich
American* dependent for their full pockets on the
rimlliniaawn at taa moaaat eaattatiai aa»a.aa»   can
^^Saa*aaaj^aw^^aaa>^   .wa     saaafaa- ■ . gw»«^wv«*«> my- - a^a"^a»a».     mmjmwrnrrnvrnmrnm        - — ,   ~
wholeheartedly admire the story of the Bolshevik adventure, and even wish for fas success, without fearing any serious damage to the edifice in
k" Hr l!KSa?SiivW
i let myseu tnins too
Russia for
snd beyond thar by the trenches, and deprived,
by some fairy godmother who was not invited to
her christening, of the imagination to realise what
port for the future of the world
eke that is happening in our day.
I think it possible that the revolution wfll fail.
If so. then tfa failure will not mean that it loses
ite importance. The Ireneh revolution gave a
measure of freedom to ovary nation to Europe,
although H failed snoot notsbly  in  France  and
fa happening beyond. Shouting in daily telegrams   ewteoVfaj a dictator and a'defeated dictator at
that, and for the bravo clear-sighted France fore-
seen by Diderot and Rousseau substituted a France
in which thought died and every one was free to
grub money with a view to enslaving everybody
else The failure of the French revolution did net
lessen the armor which the ideas that
it poured into the mind* that came to
turity between 1795 and 1801. And perhaps it
was that failure which sharpened the conflict of
vthe first half of the nineteenth century, in which,
after all. many candle* were lit and fiercely, *ue-
reoxfulry guarded to the windy night that followed
the revolutionary sunset. Let the revolution fail.
No matter, if only fat America, in England, in
France, in Germany, mm know what it Waa that
failed, and how it failed, who betrayed it, who
murdered it. Man does not live by hfa deeds so
much a* by the purposes of hfa deeds. We ham
seen the fight of the young eagles. Nothing can
destroy that fact, even if. later in the day, the
eagles drop to earth, one by one. with broken
It fa hard here, with the tragedy so dose at hand
so intimate, not to forget the Imntodlato practical
purpose of my writing. It fa thfa: to mt down, as
shortly aa possible the story of the
of the Soviet power to Bussia. to show
in Russia worked against that power and why; to
explain what exactly tho Soviet girsinasssit fa,
and how the end of tho Soviet
moan the end of the revolution,
save themselves, and from respect for other tittle the apparent character of any form of {
Isxy minds, they leap for the easiest taJBHP^fP"!^***'^'*- *• **
planation. and say, "Ah yes. bogies made to Ocr-      Moscow, May 14th, ISIS
many with candles inside turnip heads!" And hav- ": I * »»■>>* .■ •.-
tog found their miserable tittle atheistical explana- CHAOTIC BUSSIA
tion they din it into everybody, ao that other _-_.
shall make the same mistake*, and they      A eorroajwestont of the mf0*x^t^mikw^mt
acmes the wires from Russia, I feel I am ahbutfog
at a drunken man asleep in tile rood to front of
a steam roller. And then the neaapapsia of six
veers ago arrive, and I seem to em that drunk,
aleeptog fool make a motion aa if to brush a fly
from.his nose, and take no further notice of the
monrtron* thing bearing steadily towards him. I
love the real England, but I hate, more than I
hate anything on earth (except cowardice to looking at the truth) the intellectual sloth, the gross
mental indolence that prevent* the English from
making an effort of imagination and realizing how
shameful will be their position in history when the
story of this last year in tho biography of democracy eomes to be written. How shameful, and how
foolish ... for they will one day be forced to
realise how appalling are the mistakes they committed, even from the mere bestial standpoint of
self interest and expediency. Shsmeful, foolish and
tragic beyond tear* ... for the toll will be paid
in English blood. English lads wfll die' and English
lads have died, not one or two, but hundreds of
thousands, because > then* elders listen to men who
think little things, and toll them little things.
which are so terribly easy to repeat. At least half
our worst mistakes ham been due to the underestimation of some person or force outside England, and disturbing to little men who will net
realize that chaos haa come again and that giants
are waking in the world. They look across Europe
and sec huge things, monstrous figure*, and. to
of it. Perhaps there too men go about ,
easy lfaa,potormtog the wetis of truth from simple have company in folly, and *o be. excused. And in March1st. reporte the ^rrval in .
sack Of .ttentio- te the hygiene of the mind I do the end it become* difficult for even honestmmded of theTlnsafan Soviet* with *i* million dollar, for
not know. I only know that, from the point of atordy foflc in   England   to   look   those   bagto. agriculture? machinery.
view of the Russian revolution, England seems to squarely In their turnip faces snd to. see that they                             «            ,. '„.
a vast nightmare of blind folly, separated from are'uot bogie* st all. but the real article, stents. Propaganda meeting. Empress   Theatre,   every
oenllncnl, faadeod from the world, by the sea, whose movement* in the mist are of greater im- Sunday evening, 8 pan.
from Last Issue).
Sad as thfa lot of a groat spirit may
to truly tragic eminence by reason of the
fact that Marx voluntsrily assumed these decade-
long torturing burdens, and rejected every temp-
tation to
indicted on him by bourgeois society. It would
he a stupid stoicism to declare: What are such
tortures a* Marx Buffered, to a genius who must
wait for the approval of posterity? Silly as lathe
vanity of the literateur who fa not happy unless
he Suds his name in the papers at least once a
refuge to Jhe haven of some hour- day, it fa nevertheless a unsssHj tea man of really
lmrMayhl ham sought with   creative force to find a field large enough for
the unfolding of his energy, and to draw
strength for further labors, from the echo that
responds to hfa efforts. Marx was no mewling snd
pucking escetic, such as may be found in cheap
plays and novels, but a lover of the world, like
Leasing, and he was quite familiar with the mood
expressed by the dying Leasing when he wrote to
the oldest friend of hfa youth: "I do believe ye*
have the impression that I am a man to any
cry burst* from hfa heart: he would
not desire his worst enemy to wade through the
every justflieaaon. All that was to be mid on this
matter, he said simply and plainly, without any
high-sounding words: "I must pursue my purpose
through thick and thin, and dare not permit bourgeofa society to transform me into a money-making
machine." This Prometheus was not fettered to the
rook by tho bolta of Hephacstos, but by hfa own
lion wfll, which wm directed toward the highest
goal* of humanity with the certainty of a magnetic
needle. Hfa whole character
tempered   way hungry for praise. But the coldness which the
fa nothing more
him, to toe same letter
oy tne moot aornai
denry rosmuwdtog with ameajttetnt eteetirity and
with the Islislsf calm of a sage to a
difficult problem*, with hot
a "
world show* to certain people, in order to teach
them that nothing they do ia acceptable to jr. fa
at least benumbing, if not destructive.*' Just before he reached the age of fifty, Marx wrote, wfth
the same bitterness: "Half a. century on my back,
and still a pauper!" Once he wished hhnself to
lie a hundred fathoms under the around rather
'■ 'mm
Al-—        - mmm at—,, ,       a.— ■   i ii i §■■      Xaai      aVaVXaa      aa*1 aaaaaa a aa        a^hamsaaa
than eontsnuo to vegetans in una manner, unee.
**amp In which he has been stuck for eight
months, infuriated by watching hfa intellect being
neutralfaed and hfa power for work undermined
by all sort* of bagatelles. x
Man did net, tq be sure, become "a cursed dog
" through sH thfa, as fee occasionally
with irony, and Bagels speaks the truth
when he say* that hfa friend never gam up the
ship- But, although Mans loved to call himself a
herd man, there fa no doubt that in the furnace
of misfortune he was hammered harder and harder.
The dear sky that was spread over the labor* of
hfa youth became overcast with heavy thunder-
clouds as time went on, and from these hi* idea*
sprang forth tike lightning, hfa verdicts on has
enemies, frequently afao on hfa friends, aasumod
an inefarre aharpnesa which injured even thorn
whom spirit* were net weak.
Those who would therefore call him a cold
and icy demagogue are no leas—but wo must admit, no ami a arista! tu lhan mom aim suhoBern
spirits who behold to this mighty chatepton only
the ahtotog puppet of tike
-   I
l -*mm
::*■ ■
?>;> 7
f."  ■
Every day brings a ship.
Every ship brings a word; ^
Well for those who have no-fear,
Looking seaward well assured
That the word the vessel brings
Is tto) Word they wish to hear.
Emerson wrote the poem I have stolen for a
headpiece to this letter, and Emerson wrote the
best commentary on that poem: "If there fa any
period one would desire to be born to—fa it not
the age of revolution; when the old and the new
stand side by side, and admit of being compared;
when thflgenergies of all men arc searched by fear
and by hope; when, tho heroic glories of tho old
can be compensated by the rich posathiHtfas of the
new era! Thfa time like ail times, ia a vary good
one, if we but know what to do with ft."Mevoro-
tion divides men of character far more sharply
than they are divided by war. Those whom the
gods love teke the youth of their hearts and throw
themselves gladly on that aide, even if, clear
righted, they perceive that the fires of revolution
will burn up perhaps the very thing* that, for
themselves, they hold most dear. Those others,
wise, circumspect, foolish with the folly of wisdom,
refrain, and are burned up none the toss. It fa tho
same with nations, snd I send thi* pamphlet to
America bemuse America supported toe French
revolution when England condemned it, and because now also Amerfca seems to me to look towards Russia with better will to understand, with
few suspicion, without the easy cynicism that pro-
pares the disaster at which it i* afterwards ready
to fmile. Not that I think all thfa fa due to some
special virtue in America. I have no doubt it fa
America fa further from thfa bloody cockpit of
Europe, for one thing. For another, _ even rich
Americans dependent for their full pockets on the
" aueeajnaajajo..^
wholeheartedly admire the
vik adventure, and even wfah tor Us summon, without fearing any serious damage to the edifice to
it^ftl?* WmlJ&Lr* -
of it. Perhaps there too men go about
revolution, England seems to
btind folly, separated from
the world, by the sea.
*« onm pspaw. in ^e raw in iraux ox
dler. And then the attrepapers of six
arrive, and I seem to see that drunk,
lack of
not know. 1
view of the
be e^veet t
the continent.
t'uirespoadent to Busato for the London Daily
- News
and beyond that by the treuehes, and deprived,
by same fairy godmother who waa not invited to
her christening, of the imagination to realise what
is happening beyond. Shouting to daily telegram*
sevens the'wires from Russia, I foal I am shouting
at a drunken man asleep in the road in front of
a steam roller,
reets ago
sleeping fool make a motion as if to brush a fly.
from hfa nose, and take no fnrtaer notice of the
monrtrotts thing bearing steadily towards him. I
lorn the real England, but I hate, more than I
hate anything on earth (except cowardice in looking at the truth) the intellectual sloth, the gross*
mental indolence that prevents the English from
making an effort of imagination and realising how"
shameful will be their position in history when the
story of thfa last year in tho biography of democracy eome* to be written. How shameful, and how
foolfah ... for they will one day be forced to
realise how appalling are the mistakes they committed, even from the mere bestial standpoint of
se'f interest and expediency. Shameful, foolish and
tragic beyond tears ... for the toll will be paid
in English blood. English lads will die and English
lads have died, not one or two, but hundreds of
thousands, because their elders listen'to men who
think little things, and tell them little things,
which are so terribly easy to repeat. At least half
our worst mistakes have been due to the underestimation of some person or force outside- England, and disturbing to little men who'wfll. not
realize that chaos haa come again and that ariants
and see huge things, monstrous figures, and. to
save tbcmselvea, and from respect for other. little
laxy minds, they leap for the easiest tawdry explanation, and my, "Ah yes, bogies made to Gee-.
many wfah candles inside turnip beads!" And hav-
IMsY aVallTael  iflevii* genatoaavtera 1 an   taf-f 1*»   nfTiAIOTti^fll   #>YTileaT|a
tion they din it into everybody, so that other
people shall make the same mistakes, end they
have company in folly, and so be. excused. And in
the end fa becomes dMsctfltforeran hor^stmtoded
sturdy folk in England to look those bogie*
somnely tosnefeta thst they
are not bogie* at all. but the real article, giant*.
to the mist are of greater hu-
— . a    ■
port for the future of the world than anything
else that is happening to our day.
I think fa possible that the revolution wfll faiL
If so. then tfa failure aifl not mean that it seam
fas importance. The French rosolagsaa gave a
measure of freedom to every nation in lTnissw.
^although it failed most notably to France and
ended in a dictator and a'defeated dictator at
that, and for the brave clear-sighted France
seen by Diderot and, Rousseau
in which thought died and ovary one wm free to
grub money with a view to en
else The failure of the French rovatotten did
lessen the armor which the idea* that
it poured into the mind* mat came to their maturity between 1715 and 1801. And perhaps it
was that failure which sharpened the conflict of
#the first half of the nineteenth cental*, to which,
after all, many candles woro lit and fiercely, successfully guarded in the windy night that followed
the revolutionary sunset. Let the revolution fall.
No matter, if only to America, in England, in
France, to Germany, men know what it Was that
failed, and how it failed, who betrayed it. who
murdered it. Man does not live by hfa deeds so
much as by the purposes of hfa deed*. We ham
seen the fight of the young eagle*. Nothing can
destroy that fact, even if. later fa the day,-tho
eagles drop to earth, one by esse; with broken
wings **
It fa hard here, with the tragedy ao dose at hand
wj intimate, not to forgot the
purpose of my writing. It fa thfa: to
shortly aa possible the story of the
of the Soviet power in Rossis, to show
in -Russia worked sgainst that power and why; to
explain what exactly the Soviet*
and how the end of the Soviet
mean the end of the revolution,
the anwartnt ithsrastar
that succeeds ft,
Moscow, May 14th, 1918.
■ III.
A correspondent of the New York "Nation" of
Mare* 1st, reports tto arrival to Anterira of agents
n[ lliiiTliiifaa Sorieto^wwh ato aawBsn eVa«aro far
J'   w^mw    ^BPVaasaaaaBSaaBw    k^w w a^aaa*    aw «a>«m    aaahA    aaaaaaaaapras   S*aa^as»a»    ivl
agricultural machinery.
MijifiiiMi^Mii,  ijhr
» .1. i'.- , ■.
■ sa|
(Concluded from Iiast Issue).
Sad a* this lot of a great spirit may
rises to truly tragic eminence by reason of tho
met that Marx voluntarily assumed these decade-
long torturing burdens, and rejected every temptation to seek refuge in the haven of eome boor-
C sta£a%toaa^k%a*tl a£
matter, he said simply and plainly, without any
high-sounding words: "I must pursue my purpose
through thick and thin, and dare not permit bourgeofa society to transform me into a raoney-mskhig
machine." Thfa Prometheus wss not fettered to the
rock by the bolts of Hephaestos, hut by hfa own
Iron wfll, which was directed toward the highest
goals of humanity with the certainty of a magnetic
needle. Hfa whole character fa that of tempirod
steel. There is nothing more marvelous than to
fad Mae, to the same setter in whieh ho seems
oapresseo oy me moot aornm wrexeaeaoeau, aan-
denly rebounding wfth magnificent etoctiifty and
turning wfth the detached eahn of a ange ton
divmatoaof the most difficult problems, wfth not
• i   je , . I     . . ■ ■    , _,     W. >_    ^Laa^Maa*
xurrow on i    avow.
° ona_^ a- ^ !;.-. ■
nut we
dJ 1 IVldl A
By FBBatt^aaflaaaaaaaWl
inficted on him by bouigcofa society. It would
be a stupid stoicism to declare: What are such
tortures as Marx suffered, toe genius who muaV
waft for the approval of posterity? Silly aa fa titO
vanity- of the literateur who is not happy unless
he finds hfa name in the papers at least once a
day, it fa nevertheless a meoaafty to a man of really
ereetiie force to find a Sold large enough for
the unfolding of his energy, and to draw new
strength for further labors, from the echo that
responds to hfa efforts Marx- was no mewling snd
pneking eseetie, such m may be found in cheap
play* and novels, but a lover of the world, like
laming, and he was quite familiar wfth the mood
iiiptinmd by the dying Leasing when he wrote to
the oldest friend of hfa youth: "I do believe you
have the impression that I am a man in any
way hungry for praise. Bat the eoldnee* which the
world show* to certain neoote. in order to teaeh
*" a^ai^^aa    ^^^m^mmm^m     ^^w     v^a>a^paMat   ■■■Mru^FWrn^f     aiSS    . a^afjaa^-at        ■■■■       ■ »■ ^^a*"»
them that nothing they do fa acceptable to h fa
at least benumbing, if not destructive." Just before ho reached the age of fifty, Marx wrote, with
the ansae bitterness: "Half "a century on my back,
and still a pauper!" Once he wished himself to
tie a hundred fathom* under the ground rather
to vegetate to this manner. Once,
\. :'-''-■ . >-
a desperate cry bursts from hfa
not desire his worst enemy to wade
*» amp in which he ha* been   sti
month*, infuriated .by watching his
neutralized and his power for
by all sorts of bagatelles \.
Marx did net, to, be aura, become "i
of *sdne*»" through afl thfav as he occasionally
remark*, wfth Irony, and Engels speaks the truth
when he says'that his friend never gave up tho
•hip. But, although Mam loved to call himself a
bard man, there Is no doubt that in the furnace
of misfortune he waa hammered harder and harder.
The dear sky that was spread over tho labors of
hfa youth became overcast wfth heavy
clouds as time wont on. and from them has
sprang forth like lightning, his verdtete on his
enemies, frequently also on hfa friends,
sn incisive aharpnesa, whieh injured
whose qarfts wem not weak.
Those  who  would, therefore call  hfa*  a
anil icy demagogue am no lass   but ate
raft, no more—mfataken than them nice
spirits who behold in thfa mighty
the shtomg puppet of the pas ado ground. !<Pff
N December SI last M. litvtoon, me Bofaho- ^A
stir Envoy at Stockholm, nmlev-a sa**efa*#v
appeal to President Wilson   Thfa wm published
far the first time by tho Maawhmt
Monday last and fa of such historical value that
we publish ft hero for our reader*' naa, with
head* inserted to mark its more important
p .
•'■,.-   '■-»...  - -*-
Mr. President—In addition to the general
peace offer recently addre**ed by the Soviet
government to the Allies, I informally informed today the StoeUsolsn atJnfaten of thai
United States and of the Allied countries that
I am authorized to enter Into negotiations for
a posooful settlement of all questions making
for hostilities against Russia. The principles
proclaimed by you aa a possible basis for
settling European questions, your avowed
effort* and intentions of making the settlement conform to the demands of justice and
humanity, induce me to send you thfa statement, inasmuch as most points of your peace
programme are included in the more extensive aspiration* of the Russian worker* and
peasants, now ruler* of their country/
The Soviet.' Lead for Peace
It waa they who first proclaimed and actually granted to nations the right of self-
determination, who suffered most sacrifice* to
fighting imperialism and militarism both at
homo and abroad, who dealt the severest blow,
to secret diplomacy. And ft fa partly for these
innovations in politic* that they hero been
fiercely attacked by the former ruling classes
of Russia and' their counterparts to other
countries To justify thfa attack a network of
lie* and calumnies ha* been woven round the
activities of the Soviet* and forged documents
when Tsarist barbarism and militarism ruled
supreme, and. 'oven supported that
can fed justified to interfering in Russia now,
when the working people itself, after decades
of strenuous st niggling and uountless seeri-
fees, succeeded in taking power and the destiny of their country Into their own hands,
aiming  at  nothing  but  their own
terastood to Defend t
The atemton wet^av^in*; P
determined to defend their dearly won power
mad liberties against favaoVm wfth all the
mean* their vast country put* at their disposal, but mindful of the inevitable wanton
teas of life and treasure on both aides, and
wishing to avert the further ruining of Russia—which must result from the continuation
of internal and external fighting—they are
prepared to go to any length of concession*.
aa far as the* real interest* of their country
an concerned, if they eon secure thereby conditions enabling them i to work out peacefully
their- social aehcasen
I understand that the question of rotations
wfth Rossis fa now engaging the attention of
Allied statesmen. I venture, then, to submit
to you, Mr. President, that there are now only
two courses open to
ing of the
The other
itself to you,
astthaS      u*BB*BtaaaieraeBam4Bai      aVhV'
to rates tho
at I	
to help Russia to
•«*■*>, and to give he
to exploit  her natural
effective way for the
at their face valu%, without taking the trouble
mi  rnrcK   inciix.   wi
freely in Allied countrie* i
truth, representatives of the accused side ham
allowed to put fully their
One fa continued open or disguised intervention on the present or on a still larger scale,
which   means   prolongation   of   wsr,   further
embitterment of the Russian masses, intense..*™ «* ;n*.*«.i m**Z ^^'uli
sification of internal strife, unexampled bloodied, and pcrhaiw total extermination of the
Russian bourgeoisie by the exasperated masses,
final devastation of the country, and, in case
of the JalmmntJonhsfa after a long struggle
obtaining their end, a White Terror anlhjQtog
The dictator*hip of toilers and producers fa
not an aim in itself, but the mVans of building
up a new social system under whieh useful
work and equal right* would be provided for
all citfaens, irrespective of the etoss to which
they had formerly belonged. One may believe
in thfa Meal or not, but ft savory gives no
justification for sendtog foreign traopa to fight
against ft, or for anting and supporting
clamea interested to the restoration of the old
system of exploitation of man by man.
lTCTtew. to eppaal to year sease of justice
and impartiality.
hope  and  trust, above  all,  that  before
wfll give
Stockholm, December 24, 1918.
Pram the "Labor leader,*
Feb. 20.
to answer the
the chief aim of the Soviets fa to
secure for tho toiling majority\t the Russisn
people economic liberty, without which poli-
tical liberty is of no avail to them. For eight
months the Soviet* endeavored to realize their
aim* by peaceful-methods without resorting to
violence, adhering to the abolition of capital
punishment, which abolition had been part of
their programme. It was only when their
adversaries, the minority of the Russian people
took to terroristic acta against popular mem-,
bers of the government and invoked the help
of foreign troop* that the laboring masses
wem driven to act* of exasperation and gam
vent to their wrath and bitter feeling* against
AaV ^*^       aT,,, ^^^n   ■ m* ^\m\i ^ ■ — ■     - ■■ f
tneir lormer oppressors.
The Crime of AlHed Invasion
For the AHied invasion of Bussian territory
not only compelled the Soviets against their
own Wfll to militarize the country anew and to
divert then* energies snd resources so necessary to the economic reconstruction of Bussia,
exhausted by four yearn of war to the defence
of the country—but also cut off the vital
eourceo of IhodStuns and row materials exposing the nooulatiOn to moat terrible oriva-
nets* oeroerrag on xsarvauon. - i anon to
carphanfae that the *o-ealled "Bad Terror"--
fa grossly exaggerated and mfarepre-
abroad—was not the cause but the
dhest  remit  and outcome  of Allied  inter-
following report deals with the activity of
Party, of Ireland and i* a furtner
'dkaVV"<Baaaaa   mULMi3k\^m\mmmmMm^mm   ■■■*■,■*>- ■— *^ :     ■■■■   ,1 am       -   ipa-JaU
OI   IDC   nOlaumrllV   OF   arlaaaH   CfNnnolM   WflrK*
mmm£*1mmmm   ^^rm^^mm^+^mjy',. ■ ^^Wcjawansraar    *a^aSBT*^Br*alaTaT***amaV   ■ wrajaaejas
SLmm\'■ ' ^B^too^aaaahanaaaaaaUl'   'toVaUinV : 4aaaa*am*aa -    aaaaaaaaaaaaUUw
"withdrew from Russia:''
Despite the police order prohibiting a Bol-
in Central Europe and c
ment of the Soviet Bepubbe in Russia The
occasion wa* the mas* meeting in the Dublin
Trades Hall on Sunday, December 1, when
the SJU. organized a rebe' gathering to rejoice at "the downfall of Prussianism." the
audience made it clear be-
yond cavil that the
r ~rr nyva aawaaasuBBy      annnag
and that it has been banished from Bussia
and tone of the meeting were most subversive
and the speeches were directed against tho
^<rr■■*.,, ■ *^Wterv --Jar^Wr**^^*.    UanmsmUCav     WauCau    am    ollU
maintained to this country.
tical and pointed advice
speakers,   who   included   Tom   Poran,
O'Brien, Mrs. Sheehy BhHungtori, Tom
Hughe!end touTBmmi. tta wasvery of tho
meeting waa: A!& power to the Soviets.
The Russian workers and peasants fail to
aaaaaSiaaWaaaaaV^aaak Jm ■   aW^h^B*    rm m m X ^mm    ' »  ■■■■aaO^-^»        -   *■*'■■■     ■ i   in ■ a> i'
unoeratano now rotesgn i.uuiu i sea, wmen never
oi naterrenng wttn  Busman anarrs
are the proapeets. Two months ago our
position was miry difficult; but we did not lay
aside our labors, and if we ham matotoined ourselves until today; no power wfll overthrow on.
We must take advantage of the next few months
to strengthen sad develop oar army. Balling on
the authority of the Central Executive Ckeamfttee
and tite sympathy of the industrial and
mamas, we shall to a abort time tranafora
ant fa ward but in deed, into an armed camp, and
will overcome the eonsw rations of the provincial
Soviet BKaraus, who do not always critically ex-
en this quention.
haa been placed in charge of
the equipping of the army, tie fa pu^Wnsi, ahead,
last few days shew that the*%rork of supply fa
all in a bad way.
tew falltog up of young men will produce several first clam dfafaiona, whkh will constitute reserves for the army. We beg you, on
your ride, to support wfth your authority tho
work of fta formation. We most convince the Brit>#
•team   4*11*4   a^l^DaManhl   xmmm   wjMKMm   UlvMVMltenl   anOTV   am  Wkamw
only a dfahonorable crime, but a
groeefW I teny. Our remsteaee aa tho
wfll ptodaee a gigaatte effeet on the
of tke(Paein>; and to all our
to alAour friends on the
that we are a power   thai we mast five and shall
o'clock, at the
^amaum 'qaUteaa^Sna r I
"* .      ■        •,- >\ -.:-■.■ . • .
«#> ^t&m^ affilMaiT^        A* A1   ' $$
W-'- ffiiiiiftr '
i.1    i'fi.iisf.
'-at foil    r  *'
UjwtesTssjJf •<■ ■ mr i.i !■! a  I ■solsaffssi|^sjii^'i'-d
IT i* awn almost half s century since the great   of the
working class tragedy wss enacted fa Paris,   the Words "Not an
In 1871, a dense doud sottiod upon enslaved hu- tot a>atoae
manity. An attempt had been made to overcome      AL"'-
the conditions under which Isbor was exploited entire '
of all that could make fee a free and full develop- tre$bV
ment. The attempt was doomed; and the over- S
whelming defeat was felt in every corner of the declared,
h> .-■>J:^'-':' 07^- .^':""'
WW1 ■ m^^amaammyf^m tOy*u > eraum . ^awFeaama«^^SteV™'5lpm-' _nteteF1' tef-^teterajt   laanewuan
.«aaSaaaaV "'Otaav.   at'    ^^^nanS^aaa^Btl     ai n m-. J% -aaate*.
VfSp^sT.,;*.T^^^,^^W^^^**.^^";''*™^^^—™^ alaam
of Europe, Bach   wb_ ^
. a* the 18th of March comes round the mem- f d
ory Q* Am «_t  mlu, fell  M   T»«»U  t--,n-»*-,,il...'t^l1
If the seen who fell in Parfa fa commemorated.   ;urreiMfcred p.n* ,nd
t1T^a^taf^^t^   *^^m^
> press indulged  in  at  that  tune,  the true    a—^ rtlaiiaaS
th* aaaa* t\f Parte   Unrtn m \Iia
*^^ a^^» ^^ -4»«a^»,',*—^p^pj^..*^^
|^^r^^»' _o*m .a^immmm*
•S-4- nm~ ... i«h*i a. Eifc#^;
?TF*!"   JS^n waa tfaZat iTnsBna^™^
>rt    f the nover Th
^^9™^flsT*Ji"*^'i.'^7v^f' ^**™? " *'Wi*,v?w\*^vJ5^n
story of what occurred in Parfa between March
and May of l$jl has long been known by the
iPjolutionary workers, there are many, Very
many, even now however, who do not know that
government of defence had
hfatory . W. are not   ^^£/Ti^.* *£^ *
aarpri^cd at this, seeing that most hfatories, which     *? T**'*
and the other
!*!?^tei*—wpS'0» '^P.'.
the ftsje of the ■ gnT^ppr? ■
♦j.   «*f. >»«*?eprin* o< *>ence. The so^mitofiiBp^
ment sought to humiliate and disarm them, fov
"Parfa was the revolution armed,''
hanser* on of ca
|BI8!?P» ■■■£$$%**■.,
•oetomd  their  plan*.   Consequently,   they  Urged
.teV|Vramsa^ mm- :W   p me supn ue moment
- .
' M
i^flte^fte* j;f^t.-f:tetetetejg',iesjsn • i
1'rom the proclamation of the
aataaataw    aaMdl    Baft    Aattaata*
*ba n*
but was soon subdued." If more
it is generally devoted to abuse.
That the Commune was the moat vital and far-
reaching event of the Franco-Prussian War they ' £"
of seek to hide. It remains for work-
•"» to retell the
day of glorious
Thh events which preceeded the tefaure of power
by the proletariat of Parfa are of such character
that no bourgeofa historian has ever had the hardihood to excuse. From the time when the son of
Napoleon's step-daughter stripped France of every
particle of honor, by forcing a nation of over
40 millions to / recognise him as emperor, all
through hfa subsequent career; the never-to-be
. forgotten follies of the Crimean War; the double-
crossing of Italy in her war wfth Austria; the insane attempt to create an empire in Mexico, and
finally the crowning folly of forcing a war with
Prussia, when that country was organized to the
man for such a war, and When France had
a clear conception of where to attack.
To such a pass had the fear of a revolutionary
working class led the French master class, that
all the hair-brained schemes of tho group which
surrounded Louis Napoleon, were received without protest Having control of the press, they
could create the necessary atmosphere and their
partisans paraded the street*, making the night
hideous with nobe, while any opposition wee
promptly squelched.
The result of the war fa well known. When the
German.-. army came in contact wfth: tee French
at some points, they foumf tho French soldier
digging in potato fields for food to keep from
staring. 'v. -,.-.-,C -'-'a
The war opened to July 1870 and the second
of September saw Napoleon capitulate at Sedan.
Two daya later the republic waa proclaimed to
Parfa, and two more days saw the publication
under their own
before the end of
eminent.  They  wars
without success. The
"ithin the rank* of the
unlike the national guard to the
fence lost ft* popularity snd credit   ft waa'lp5,5*01 the wa,,s- shut on* by the German f<
tural that ambition* and impatient men of lower   tii% aldea,  they had to  reorganise  Paris, just
political rank should   consider   it time   to  try   '•""rereoT £om..* five mootto sehje, by the Ger-
man government, and a five months rape by the
French government. They, bent, their energies to
y£'•**teak,as only working men can. It was solely
undertaken by the mrndtemand in ell ite history
tho saaster claef haa.aa»*p^fa either tho ability
nor the courage needful to such achievement*.
of Louis      Overwladmed by a groatiy auperior army and
T   :jctraied by spies, the Commune was overthrown.
We cannot go into further detail here, other
on the economics of Cspitalfatie Production,
the first nine chsptera of:
included, alaoaa
to the   aam«   anthor'a
^ m
than to state the gross and brutal treatment dealt
out. to the defeated Communards/ Lined up in
batches, they were mowed down with machine
guns, after they had surrendered. AH the horror*
which the Greet Lying Press tell of Bussia today
worn enacted by the French government 48 years
ago. In fact, if the unimaginative scribblers would
get the record* of that cowardly massacre, they
could fill their paper* with "situations" which
at least would be plausible, instead of the stupid
ties now their chief stock in trade. In doing thfa,
they would not have to vary their tactics. Fastening their own crimes upon their opponents fa
their ehfaf manoeuvcr.
The lesson* to he taken from the Commune
Parfa are, first—T^et the working class attend to
fta own business. Second—They have capacity in
their own ranks to conduct their own affairs.
Whan and where the Commune failed was but a .
page sTrom the history of our clam Bussia has °
carried the story to a fuller and happier development Germany has also, taken the road and the
hoary   beaded,   ancient  old   fogey*   shake  their
heads and wonder if ft fa all true.
The Parfa Commune wm a step on the mad;.
and Busete fa.,» step further. We approach the-
goal. "Individual* often err in the
of their iatcrests. A
fa to error.'' J JL


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items