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The Red Flag Feb 1, 1919

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A Journal ofNsws and Views Devoted to the Interests of the Working Class
VOL. 1   NO. 3
Five Cents
of the German Revolution
IN the early days of the Avar between the tAvo belligerent powers, there Avas a third power, silent,
unseen, but preparing to burst n|rth in irresistible
action—the poAver of the Russian Revolution. During the days immediately preceding the declaration
of Avar, when German imperialism Avas trying to
create a Avar psychology by exploiting the fears of
Czarism, certain German Socialists acutely insisted
that there Avas a poAver in Russia that should be considered in any real valuation of the situation, a
poAver mightier than Czarism, and that was—the
revolution. But this Avas not heeded, and Avas forgotten by the German Social Democracy in the Avild
orgy of social-imperialism and social-patriotic insanity that ensued.
That the coming Russian Revolution was a proletarian revolution was evident. The revolution of
1905, betrayed and maligned by the bourgeois liberals, the subsequent counter-revolutionary period in
Avhich the bourgeoisie consolidated sits power, accepting imperialism and autocracy, and abandoning
all revolutionary convictions—made it clear that
the Socialist proletariat alone could make a revolution in Russia. This Avas emphasized by the bourgeois attitude during the war—enthusiastic acceptance of the war and of its imperialistic objects, the
abandonment of even ordinary J£bf pi opposition
in favor of victory and a bourgeois Czarisfti.
The Russian bourgeoisie Avas partially critical
truly, but it was Avithin the limits of Czarism, a
criticism based upon the fact of Czarism producing
defeat instead of victory. When the "great Duma"
met in March, 1917, it did not concern itself Avith
the neec|s of the people, the mass agony and starvation ; the Duma refused to grant poAvers to the Petrograd municipality necessary to provide food for
the people; the Duma liberals Avere interested exclusively in the Avar and victory. The intervention
of the revolutionary proletariat*Avas necessary.
Then came the elemental mass action of the Avorkers of Petrograd—mass strikes, demonstrations,
food riots, revolutionary action against Czarism,
that annihilated the reactionary regime mercilessly
and completely, and AA'hich Avas the signal for the
revolt of the soldiers, Avho were still agonizing in
a hopeless, reactionary Avar. The bourgeoisie did not
participate in this revolutionary action; their attitude Avas comprised in intrigues to depose Czar
Nicholas in favor of a Grand Duke Avho would bring
victory and recognize bourgeois requirements, in
participation in the plots of Anglo-French capital
directed against Czar Nicholas and a separate peace.
It Avas the proletarian masses that marched to the
assault against Czarism, that through the Workmen's and Soldiers' Council issued a call for the
republic and a call to the belligerent proletariat to
act against imperialism and the Avar.* The bourgeoisie wanted a "constitutional monarchy"; this
was admitted by M. Milyukov, the Constitutional
Democratic leader, on March 13, after the revolution. It was the revolutionary action of the masses
that gave the Duma courage to disobey the Czar's
•This call to the belligerent proletariat was ignored,
except among minority groups of revolutionary Socialism.
Philip Scheidemann, German mubr.iy Socialist leader,
declared It was out of the question to follow the Russian
example, and severely scored strikes and a.tion a«alnst
'he government. When the German proletariat rrpued
for large strikes and demonstrations on May Day, 1017,
'n sympathy with the Russian Revolution, majority 0OdUl-
i«m repudiated the plana and declared that there should
he no revolution—the Berlin "Vorwuerts" even defended
*He monarchy! _;   !
uhase to dissolve; and it was the Workmen's Council that imposed a republican program upon the
first Provisional Government organized out of the
old Duma opposition.        *       x
But the Provisional Government Avas bourgeois,
the government of the capitalists, and accordingly
counter-revolutionary. Its personnel was part of
and parcel of the imperialistic forces and purposes
instinct in the Avar. It established the usual bourgeois freedoms; and it prepared to Avage more
aggressively the imperialistic Avar Avaged'by Czarism, accepting the agreements and obligations of the
Czar's government to other nations. Foreign Minister Milyukov, of the Provisional Government, insisted that revolutionary Russia Avould fight until
it secured Constantinople; and the Provisional Government accepted Milyukov's policy. But the masses
Avho had made the revolution in the name of peace,
bread and liberty, negatived the proposition; on
May 2 and 3, the revolutionary masses in Petrograd
demonstrated against Milyukov, the Provisional
Government, and all imperialistic aims. As a consequence of this and other pressure, Milyukov and
others Avere compelled to resign, and on May 18 a
neAv Provisional Government Avas organized, a
"coalition government'' Avhich contained representatives of inoderate Socialism, of the Soviets;—coalition being accepted against the violent protests of
the Bolsheviki. ^   *: -***
At this stage, a-bourgeois revolution had been definitely accomplished, not by the bourgeoisie, but
by the proletariat, Avho momentarily, hoAvever, al-
loAved the bourgeoisie to usurp poAver. It Avas a political revolution. But with this change at the top,
there Avas a movement at the bottom, an elemental
bursting forth of the revolutionary activity of the
people. This activity alone, destroying and reconstructing fundamentals, could accomplish the revolution, by means of an implacable class struggle
against capitalism and imperialism.
The revolutionary masses had constituted as instruments of revolutionary action their Soviets, of
Avorkers, of soldiers and of peasants—the self-
governing units of the organized producers, completed forms of the "sections" and "communes"
of the French revolution. These Soviets constituted
the only real poAver; but under the influence of the
moderate Socialists, all poAver was yielded to the
bourgeois organizations characteristic of the proletarian revolution; under the pressure of revolutionary events, they ijsurped powers of government,
At 8 p.m. Sharp
Hastings Street, West
J. H. Harrington   Speaker
W. A. Pritchard   Speaker
developing from exclusive instruments of revolutionary action into instruments of revolutionary
government. The moderate Socialists, under the
guidance of the Mensheviki (representing the dominant opportunistic Socialism) and the Social-Revolutionists, Avanted to degrade the Soviets into a
"parliamentary opposition"; the revolutionary
Socialists, represented by the Bolsheviki wanted
all power to the Soviets alone. This AVas the decisive struggle of the revolution—the struggle between the bourgeois Provisional Government and
the developing proletarian government of the Soviets ;>the struggle between the petty bourgeois democracy of the Constitutional Assembly, and all power
to the Soviets.
The world concerned itself much Avith the attitude and proposals of the politicians during these
early days; but the decisive events of the revolution were being prepared by the masses. The bourgeois political tendency, Avhich aimed simply at a
change,in the forms of government, enthroning the
bourgeois republic and bourgeois supremacy, was
superficially dominant; but the real factor Avas the
revolutionary tendency of the masses, which aimed
at a complete annihilation of the old regime and a
reconstruction of the industrial system. This was
apparent in the peasants seizing the land (monopolized by a few, very few, nobles and rich peasants,)
"inspite of the proMbi&ms of the Provisional Gov*
emment; this was apparent in city after city, Avhere,
even at this early stage, the Soviet usurped the
functions of government, in the Avorkers electing
shop committees to control factory production, and
seizing factories closed doAvn by oAvners as a meas-
use against the revolution.
The Provisional Government, being bourgeois,
paltered on the land question, since confiscation
would be inimical to the interests of the bourgeois
peasants, capital and the banks; the 'Provisional
Government, being imperialistic, had to dodge and
bluster about the Avar and the purposes of the Avar,
and lie about peace Avhile continuing to Avage an
imperialistic Avar; and,the Provisional Government,
being capitalist, had to protect the interests of the
capitalists in all vital measures. The old bureaucracy had been retained; and all progressive measures Avere sabotaged by these hang-overs of the old
regime, as tlie capitalists sabotaged production.
The crisis developed more acutely; the revolution
had only begun. But revolution is the great, educator
and developer of class action—temporary reverses
created a neAv opportunity.
On June 18. the Petrograd Avorkers. under the inspiration of the Bolsheviki, determined upon a demonstration against the Provisional Government.
The All-Russian Congress of Soviets, then in Session
in Petrograd, issued a declaration against the demonstration, and the government prepared to crush
it by force. The Soviet moderates had become definitely counter-revolutionary; the demonstration
Avas abandoned; but it broke out on July 16-17r
after the ill-fated July offensive (determined upon
as a diplomatic trick) and after the bourgeois minister ! had resigned because of a disagreement on
Ukrainian autonomy. The demonstration Avas to
have been a peaceful one; but counter-revolutionary gangs and government troops provoked the
masses, and for tAvo days there Avas savage fighting
in the streets, resulting in a victory for the government. Then followed a reign of terror; the revolu-
(Continued on Next Pane)
- I'l ! i \
' \*
■ February   :,  2$-j
.      '
i   I
The Bolsheviki Not Anarchists
(There b no University profeasor in the country
better known to a wide exrde of intelligent people
than Prof. E. A. R'/ss of the University of Wisconsin. He went to Russia fuel after the revolution to
1 study the situation and remained many months
visiting every part of Russia. Chi his return in May
last he published "Russia in Upheaval,'* from which
we quote:)
"Nothing <an be more absoid than the idea in
favor Avith the conservative press in the United
States that the new order is one of 'anarchy" or
i- directed by "anarchist*". No doubt the BoUhv
rist agitators, by fanning the embefes of discontent and mutiny, did their utmost to create difScul-
ties for the Kerensky government, based upon a
hollow coalition of bourgeoisie and working class.
Until they dealt their blow and gained the upper
hand, the radical* were an influence for disobedience and disintegration, especially among the sailors and soldiers. After the November revolution it
was not possible to bring the subordinate elements
at onee under control. In all quarter* discipline had
become greatly relaxed. But the new men at the
helm understood elearlv the necessity of order, and
trusty armed factory Avorkers. rendering a willing
obedience to those elothed with authority by the
Soviet*, hastened hither and thither, quelling rioting peasants, unruly soldiers and criminal mobs.
Even in December I heard frequently the observation that in the great cities there was better order
and less crime than there had been at any preA-ious
time since the Czar fell.
How little sympathy the People's Koinrnissars
have with anarchy appears from a notice sent out
about the middle of January to all SoA-iets:
"From all sides we are receiving news of disorders and excesses at raiiAvay stations by soldiers
and sailors and others. The railways are in the
poAver of the mob. Cars are opened, and their contents plundered- Large numbers of profiteers are
transporting goods arbitrarily Avithout Imving paid
anything on them. Cars are uncoupled from trains,
thus interfering Avith the instructions of tne railway
servants. This state of anarchy has entirely disorganized the transport service and has the Avorst possible effect Avith regard to supplying starving
ngions and the armies in the front with food. I:
i« creating indescribable suffering.
"In draAving your attention to this state of things
Ave beg the Soviets to stop at nothing and to take
the most drastic and severe measures for establishing revolutionary order on the raihvays and also to
organize special detachments of the Red Guard?,
revolutionary volunteers and disciplined and faithful military detachments for the defense of the permanent ways, bridges and railway warehouses, for
the convoying of freight and passenger trains, for
the establishment of order among passengers and
for combatting the profiteers."
"In A-ieAv of the profit Germany, the arch foe of
democracy, socialism, pacifism and eA-erything else
the BolsheA-iki stand for, has drawn from their fatuous attitude toward the Avar, the question is pertinent: Are not Lenine and Trotzky Germany's
agents, and has not the Russian proletarian movement been all along directed by Germany with the
object of breaking Russia's military strength? As
to this, I haA-e of course no evidence; all I can offer
is "indications." It is true that the bourgeois press
in Russia habitually portrays the .Bolshevist leaders
as German agents, but none of the numerous bourgeois I intervieAved avowed such a belief. That both
Lenine and Trotzky are men with a record may be
seen from any book dealing with Russian social
moA-ements and leaders since 1905. Lenine is an
Oulianof, of a family renoA\-ned for its revolutionary
role. One of his brothers suffered death from an attempt on the life of the Tsar. He is author of a great
stack of economic and statistical works, and has
long been editor of the organ of the Russian Social
Democrats. His treatise on the economic development of Russia is the standard Avork on the sub
ject. Trotzky, who is a Hebrew, was president of
the Petrograd Soviet in 1&05 and suffered exile to
Siberia. His brochure "There and Back" is a thrilling story of a remarkable escape. It Avould be very
strange if these men, after years of intrepid devotion to a cause and of utter indifference to the
threats and bribes of the Tsar's ministers, should
succumb to the temptation of German gold To a
man like Lenine. nearly sixty years of age. what
could money mean in comparison Avith the opportunity to immortalize himself by instituting a neAv
social order? Bear in mind. too. that just as the
British cabinet can at any moment be destroyed by
an adverse vote of parliament, so Lenine 'a government can at any moment be ended by an adverse
vote in the All-Bosnian Central Executive Committee. Lenine may be a traitor to his country, but this
bodv of 250 clever Russians have certainlv failed
to perceive any eAidenee of it. The documents published by a French bank to honor drafts by the Bol-
sheAik leaders appear by internal evidence to be a
clumsy forgery.
'These are the notorious documents, claimed to
haA-e been unearthed by one Sisson. a sensa;-,^
rnagazmist and published in the daily press to dh.
credit Lenine and Trotzky and to restore aut net
in JRus»ia. They were discredited in Europe mon
than six months ago by the New Europe and the
Petit Parisien, and later in this country by the NY.?
York EA-ening Post OAvned by Thos. W. Lamont and
by Santeri Nuorteva, representative of the Funds*
Workers' Republic. They were forged and publish-
ed to create sentiment against the Soviet Republic.
to accomplish its oA-erthrow and to install a govern.
ment which would rescind the repudiation of Russian bonds held by bankers of the Avorld. The li^ral
press demanded of George Creel that these documents be submitted to a disinterested committee to
test their A-alidity. He appointed Prof. Samuel X.
Harper of Chicago University, and Dr. J. Franklin
Jameson, editor of the American Historical Review.
Harper is a violent opponent of the Russian Republic and is a member of the American-Russian League which favors intervention. The Nation of New
York pronounces the investigation of tlese dor;-
rnents by this committee to be a "shan.' )
The Background of
The German
CCoattntied from Priced.r.z Put)
tionary masses Avere disarmed BolsheA-iki arrested
including Trotzky. and an order issued for Lenin's
arrest, \vho went into hiding, from Avbere Ije continued to direct the revolutionary campaign. The
All-Russian Soviet Central Executive Committee,
dominated by the moderates, aligned itself Avith the
government; the moderate Socialists had become
the real enemy of the revolution. The proletariat
and poorer peasants, the proletarian revolution
could conquer only by the annihilation of moderate
But the crisis had become more acute. The pressure of the masses increased; and a neAv govern-
ment was organized Avith the "Socialist" Kerensky
as premier; "Socialism" was now the last bulwark
of defense of capitalism. The first important act of
Kerensky was to restore the death-penalty in the
army, a restoration demanded by counter-revolutionary generals as a measure against the soldier
democracy, and to call a conference at Moscow in
August, at which convened all the reactionary forces
of Russia, and where it was openly declared that
the thing necessary for Russia AA-as the abolition of
the Soviets. It was apparent at this conference that
the counter-revolutionary forces Avere preparing a
coup against the revolution. The coup materialized
early in September in General Kornilov's reA'olt.
Avhich Kerensky had invited to crush the revolutionary masses of Petrograd, but Avhich Kornilov
transforraed into a coup equally against Kerensky.
and Avhich Kerensky thereupon opposed. The revolt Avas crushed; but it convinced the masses of
the force of the BolshcA-ist contention—either all
poAver to the SoA-iets, or the defeat of the revolution. The aftermath Avas SA\ift and certain; in Soviet
after Soviet the BolsheA-iki became ascendant, and
Leon Trotzky Avas elected president of the most influential Soviet, that of Petrograd. The final struggle approached; the masses prepared for all poAver
to the Soviets, the reaction for the suppression of
the Soviets, Avhile the coalition government, symbolizing a fictitious unity of all the classes, AA-as
marching to destruction.
Kerensky tried to bolster up his declining prestige and poAver, by means of a Democratic Congress
and a Preb'-'inary Parliament, Avhich declared Russia a Republic—an empty gesture. But Kerensky
Avas completely discredited; he could talk, but he
dared not act, hesitation, compromise and intrigues
characterising his desperate policy. With the discrediting of Kerensky came the discrediting of the
moderate, petty bourgeois Socialists in the SoA-iet.
This process was feverishly accelerated by the problem of peace. Kerensky had tried, and vainly, to secure a revision of the Avar aims of the Allies: the
Soviet Executive Committee, still controlled by the
moderates, elected Skobeleff to represent it at the
coming Allied Conference in Paris Avhich Avas presumably to discuss AA-ar aims and peace terms: but
the Entente Governments through Jules CamboQ
declared that they Avould not recognize Skobele~.
and that, moreover, the conference Avas to discusi
only military measures. The conclusion was clear:
only by means oi international class action and the
revolutionary struggle could peace be secured, only
by means of the uncompromising struggle asains:
all imperialism and the repudiation of petty bourgeois Socialism.
This was at the end of October: some time earlier
Russian Congress of SoAiets. This created eonsterna-
the Bolsheviki had called for a meeting of the AH-
tion equally among the bourgeoisie, and tWe moderate Socialists; the congress, it Avas clear. Avould accept the program of the BolsheAiki. The central
executiAe committee, in spite of the fact thata congress was due, refused to call it; but the BolsheAiki
issued their call for a congress to convene on No>--
ember 7. This initiated the definite proletarian revolution in Russia, of which the uprising of NoAeniber
7 in Petrograd Avas an incident; the revolution had
been accomplished in the local Sovieta, which accepted Bolshevism and which had become organs
of revolutionary government as well as instrument
of revolutionary action. The insurrection of November 7 sAvept the Kerensky government away; and
on the evening of the same day, the All-Russian
Congress decreed all poAver to the Soviets—a Avorkers' and peasants' gOA-ernment instead of a bourgeois government, an industrial Socialist state instead of a parliamentary capitalist state; Socialism
and the proletarian reA'olution had conquered!
All poAver to the SoA-iets constituted a proletarian
revolution, necessarily; a Soviet government implied the adoption of reA-olutionary Socialist measures, the initiation of the process of introducing
Communist Socialism, the immediate political expropriation of the bourgeoisie and its partial economic expropriation. But the proletarian revolution
in Russia alone could not permanently survive: it
had to deA-elop revolutionary allies in the proletariat
of the other belligerent nations; and so the Soviet
Republic struggled for the international proletarian
'Soviets at Work," price $4 per 100, Avrite to
secretary. SATURDAY February 1, 1919
(The Nation of New York is the oldest, ablest and
jnost influential political weekly journal in the.
United States. It is OAvned and edited by OsAvald
Garrison Villard. Some time ago Mr. Villard in the
public interest addressed certain inquiries, printed
below, to the secretary of state and invited a reply.
Receiving none, Mr. Villard prints them in The Nation of November 16th and again invites an ansAver.
They Avill go to the heart of the Russian situation
and the public Avill aAvait Avith eagerness the ansAver
of Secretary Lansing.)
Js it true that the administration knew, at the
time of the Brest-Litvosk negotiations, that the
Soviet government represented by Lenine and Trotzky, Avas opposed to the projected treaty, and looked fonvard to signing it only because of the physical
impossibility of resisting the German demands unless the Allies, or some of them, came to its aid?
Is it true that Lenine and Trotzky, a Aveek or more
previous to the signing of the treaty, handed Raymond Robins, at that time a representative in Russia
of the American Red Cross, a communication to
President Wilson declaring their opposition to the
treaty, and stating that they would refuse to sign
it if the United States Avould assure them of its
moral support in breaking off the negotiations and
Avould send to Russia food and arms?
Is it true that at least tAvo copies of the communication Avere at once cabled to Washington, one
of them to the department of state, through diplomatic officials of the United States in Russia?
Is it true that the communication Avas duly received by the department of state and came under
the eye of Secretary Lansing?
Is it true that the communication Avas not laid
before Mr. Wilson at the time, but that Mr. Wilson
Is It True?
Avas ignorant of its existence until after his decision
to intervene in Russia had been arrived at and announced?
Is it true that Mr. Robins, avIio is alleged to have
been instrumental in securing the communication
from Lenine and Trotzky and having it cabled
through diplomatic channels, spent several weeks
in Washington upon his return vainly trying to
secure an audience with Mr. Wilson; and that in
the meantime he was given to understand by the
American Red Cross and the department of state
that^ he Avas not to make any public statement upon
the subject?
Is it true that the former Russian ambassador,
Mr. Bakhmeteff, although no longer the legal diplomatic representative of any existing government in
Russia, nevertheless continues to be recognized officially by the department of state as the Russian
ambassador; that Russian citizens iioav in this country, having business with the government, have been
informed in writing by the department of state that
their communications must be transmitted through
Mr. Bakhmeteff as Russian ambassador; and that
Russian citizens in this country avIio desired exemption from the draft have been required to have their
applications approved by him?
Is it true that the locomotives, cars, and other
raihvay material purchased or contracted for on
account of the Russian Government by Prof. George
V. Lomonossoff, and legally in his custody at the
time Avhen he Avas removed from office as head of
the Russian raihvay mission by Mr. Bakhmeteff and
his papers seized by agents of the departmenet of
justice, have in part been sold, Avith the knowledge
of the government, and the proceeds applied to the
payment of interest on Russian bonds or for other
alleged public purposes, and in part used in aid of
Allied military operations in France or elseAvhere?
Is it true that a considerable sum of money, variously reported at from $25,000,000 upivards, originally advanced by the United Stites in aid of the
Kerensky government, was actually used by Kerensky, with the knowledge of the department of
state, in the suppression of a popular rising in Finland?
Is it true that the Russian information bureau at
NeAv York organized under the direction and conducted Avith the approval of Mr. Bakhmeteff, is carried on, in Avhole or in part, by the aid *)f funds
originally provided by the United States in the form
of loans or credits to Russia for other purposes, and
noAV held or administered, directly or indirectly, by
Mr. Bakhmeteff as Russian ambassador; or by the
aid of funds from the sale of raihvay or other property originally belonging to the Russian Government and noAV held or administered, Avith the approval of the government of the United States, by
Mr. Bakhmeteff as Russian ambassador?
Is it true that the Russian information bureau was
for months actively engaged in working up sentiment in all parts of the United tSates in favor of
intervention in Russia, and that its operations in
this direction Avere conducted with the knowledge
or approval of the department of state or of Mr.
Wilson himself?
Is it true that Mr. Bakhmeteff, acting as Russian
ambassador, is at this time carrying on in the United
States, through the Russian information bureau, or
paid lectures, or other means, a systematic propaganda designed to discredit the Soviet Government
and to encourage public sentiment in favor of the
continuance of intervention in Russia, and that Avhat
is being done in this direction is known to the department of state or to Mr. Wilson?
Lloyd George and the Soviets
IT Avas manifestly a great shock to the French
government to learn that Lloyd George actually
contemplated the admission of delegates of the
Soviet government to the peace conference. It was a
shock to the NeAv York Times and to everyone else
Avho had gone on the assumption that Russian conditions have been accurately portrayed in the current propagandist literature of the Russian reaction. To recognize a band of brigands, uneasily balanced upon the edge of a counter-revolution—Avhat
an astounding proposal 1
If the Soviet government Avere really a band of
brigands, holding poAver by the precarious tenure
of terrorism, Lloyd George would certainly know
it, and knowing it, would prefer any alternative to
even the most shadoAvy recognition. But the interventionists have already had ample time to exhibit the real strength of the forces so violently opposed to the Soviet government that they would
eagerly rally around the nucleus of an intervening
army. Those forces, in fact, have proved incredibly weak. A handful of men about Tchaikovsky in
the Archangel district, a feAV thousands associated
with the Czecho-Slovaks in eastern Russia and Siberia, together with insignificant forces operating
independently under Kolchak, Horwath and Deni-
kin—that is all the contribution Great Russia Avith
its hundred millions has been able to make to the
cause of establishing order in Russia by alien intervention. Unless some better solution can be found
Russia Avill have to be given up as a bad job. That,
in fact, is the Avay events are tending. The Japanese reserve to the number of 30,000 are reported
to be at the point of withdrawing. The British
government is plainly preparing to withdraw its
forces and the American troops will hardly remain
long in Russia. The Czecho-Slovak troops, in spite
of their discontent, will remain as long as the French
government insists on it, since Czecho-Slovakia
needs French support m the peace congress. They
have already put forth all the strength they have.
It is barely sufficient for self-defence.
Another policy, apparently favored by the French
Avould be greatly to strengthen the forces of intervention and to attempt systematically to subjugate
the land. But that policy would require the services of huge armies. It Avould involve a financial
outlay running into the billions. And it is plain
as day that neither Britain nor America will send
her sons to indefinite service on the Russian steppes
or add to their present burden of indebtedness to
finance an enterprise of this character. The forcible
subjugation of the Soviet republic is altogether im-
on the economics of Capitalist Production, being the
first  nine chapters of:
Vol. 1 Marx's Capital with the r.2nd chapter on
the Historical Tendency of Capitalist Accumulation included, also an extract from the preface
to  the   same   author's   "Critique   of   PoUtlcoJ
Economy"« which formulates the materialistic
interpretation of history.
Prices are as per tlie following quotations:
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Single copies, paper covers, 50c,
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We await your orders, and we hope you will keep
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praetible in the present mood of the world.
And yet mere AvithdraAval does not appear to
meet all the requirements of the case. FeAv or many,
there are Russians Avho have compromised themselves Avith intervention, and some effort should
surely be made to protect them against destruction.
Hoav this can be done is indicated by Lloyd George's
proposal. As the price of representation in the peace
conference, the Soviet government Avould be required to declare a truce for the period of the conference it should be possible to secure from the
Soviet government a decree of amnesty. It might
be possible also to secure some sort of agreement
on the treatment to be accorded opposing political
parties in the future which Avould check any tendencies toAvard the reneAval of terriorism. And for
that matter, it is by no means certain that the Soviet
government might not be induced to make concessions in the matter of Russian bonds held abroad.
That Avould go far toAvard reconciling France to
Russian democracy.
But what reason have Ave for believing that the
Soviet government Avould care to come 'nto a peace
conference at the price of a truce, or, if participating in the conference, Avould prove amenable to
reason as the delegates of the western nations con-
ceiA-e it? The Soviet government is one that hns
passed beyond the purely revolutionary phase. It
has accomplished its work of overturning the old
institutions. It must soon exhibit its capacity to
govern or give Avay to a neAv order. In the present
condition of Russia governing means successful
handling of the economic problem. The Russian
masses want peace, and they want the necessaries
of life, the implements and machinery of labor.
They need access to international economic resources, and the peace conference can give it to them.
Who shall say that there are no possibilities of Russian pacification in Lloyd George's plan? At least,
it is the only plan that has been proposed that offers any substantial promise of success.—From the
[NeAv Republic]
i "   $
I   .;•*
• February \t 1Sl|
t <
* i>.
Adjournal  of News and Views Devoted to the
#        Working Class.
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
Bv The Socialist Party of Canada,
401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Editor  CL Stephenson
SATURDAY  FEB. 1, 1919
Madam Catherine Breshskovskaya, "Grandmother of the Russian Revolution" has landed on
these shores and the old lady, having opinions decidedly antagonistic to the BolsheA-iki and the
Soviet form of government in Russia, is in process
of being capitalized to the limit by the capitalist
press of this "country. Its columns arc thnmn ^ide
open to anything she says or is reported to have
said In ven- truth she has been'embraeed as a veritable Godsend as the one solitary iodhridaal from
Russia to land on the Avest coast, with a revolutionary reputation, whose opinions might be considered
to be aboA-e the suspicion of ulterior motives.
- AH credit is rendered to madam, by us. for the
sacrifices and the hardships of a long life devoted
to the cause of freedom, even while Ave reserve to
ourselves the right of refusing to accept her strictures on the SoAiet government of Russia and to
doubt the accuracy of her accounts of conditions
prevailing under its regime.
Other creditable witnesses give testimony which
credits the SoA-iet government with performing a
man-elous Avork of regeneration in Russia, though
their e\'idenee has not been welcomed in the bourgeois Avorld for obvious reasons.
Madam is reported as saying that the people in
Russia are Avithout food and clothing. We haA'e read
that before, many times, but in our opinion, no people could exist a week in that condition or any government responsible for it, no matter hoAv strong
and ruthless, maintain itself in poAver for even that
length of time, much less for some fourteen months
as the Soviet government has done and at that in
the face of a ring of viciously hostile capitalistic
Also, in contradiction to the report that the chief
occupation of the Soviet leaders is terriorism and
bloodshed, are the reports of the press itself, that
the intelligensia in Russia are Avorking harmoniously Avith the SoA'iets for Russian regeneration.
Madam herself, presents in her person, a living
testimony against the press slanderers of the BolsheA-iki. Hoav many times, according to them, has
the "Grandmother of the ReA'olution" been killed
and Avith Avhat fearful Avealth of circumstantial detail and under Avhat horrible circumstances have
her many deaths been accomplished? Yet here she
is amongst us, hale and hearty for all her seventy-
five years.
And scores of others. Avith avcII knoAvn names, who
HaA-e suffered Avith her, similar fates. Old revolutionaries, opponents of the Bolshevists, many of
Avhom are noAV Avorking side by side with them.
Gorki for instance.
Madam Breshskovskaya is only another example
of the tragedy of old age. Its life in the past and
inadaptability to the present. Her past services however great, do not free her from the disabilities of
age Avith its loss of poAver to apprehend the consequences entailed, because the productive economy
of our society has outgroAvn its capitalistic political
forms. Or must Ave assume that her political vision
is dimmed by mortification at seeing the pet schemes
of fifty years flunp in the discard by what perhaps
seems to her an upstart generation f Perish the
In either case, her present political ideals Avere
those which animated the circles in which she lived
and worked many years ago, when in the full vigor
of her revolutionary activity. They were the ideals
of the Russian petit bourgeoisie struggling for freedom from the beaurocratic Tzaristic regime. Really
the struggle of Liberalism against an aggravated
Toryism in Russia. Nothing more.
But the world has moved and another generation
and its needs and corresponding ideals occupies
the stage. The western democracies of Europe and
America, in their political structure, present the
fuifilinient of all the revolutionaries of her day ever
hoped to attain for Russia. For they dreamt of a
social regeneration by those means. And noAV, the
neAv generation has already realized the incapacity
of the political methods of bourgeois democracies to
release the Avorld form a netAvork of accumulating
capitalist calamities or to carry society into a new
epoch of Socialist world economy. That is the historic mission of the proletariat and by its methods.
For ansAve. to the charge of anarchism throAAii
at the SoA-iets. read the pamphlet "SoAiets at
Work" from which Ave quote the folloAring. being
part of Premier Lenin's "Program Address" to the
.SoAiets in April. 1918:
"Higher productiAity of labor depends, firstly.
on the improvement of the educational and cultural
state ot *Ke masses of the population Tlii, he prominent is ffw taking place Avith unusual swiftness.
b«.\ is not perceived by those Avho are blinded by
the bourgeois routine and are unable to comprehend
•vhat a longing for light and initiati* .- is iioav per-
* ad'ng the masses of the people, ii.anks to the
Soviet organization.
"Secondly, economic improvement depends on
higher discipline of the toilers, on higher skill, efficiency and intensity of labor and its better organization. In this respect our situation is especially bad
and even hopeless—if we should take the Avord of
those Avho are frightened by the borgueoisie or Avho
are paid to serve it. These people do not understand
that there has never been nor can eAer be a revolu-
tion in Avhich the adherents of the old regime have
not Availed about disorganization, anarchy, etc. It
is natural that among the masses Avho have just
OA-erthroAvn an incredibly barbarous oppression,
there is profound and Avidespread unrest and ferment, that the development of a ucav basis of labor
discipline is a very long process; that before the
landoAvners and the bourgeoisie had been overcome,
such deAelopment could not even begin.
"But Avithout getting affected by this, often false,
despair Avhich is spread by the bourgeoisie and the
bourgois intellectuals (who have given up hope of
retaining their old priA-ileges), Ave should by no
means conceal any manifest eAils. On the contrary,
Ave will expose them and Ave Avill improA'e the SoA'iet
methods of combating them, for the success of
Socialism is inconceiAable Avithout the \ictory of
proletarian conscious discipline OA'er the instinctive petty bourgeois anarchy, the real guarantee of
a possible restoration of Kerenskyism and Korni-
"The most conscious A'anguard of the Russian
proletariat has already turned to the problem of
increasing labor discipline. For instance, the central committee of the Metallurgical Union and the
Central Council of the Trade Union haA-e begun
Avork on respective measures and drafts of decrees.
This Avork should be supported and advanced by all
means. We should immediately introduce piece
work and try it out in practice. We should try out
eArery scientific and progressiA'e suggestion of the
Taylor system; Ave should compare the payroll with
the general total of production, or the results in
service of railroad and AA'ater transportation, and
so on.
"The Russian is a poor AA-orker in comparison
with the workers of the adA'anced nations, and this
could not be othenvise under the regime,of the
Czar and other remnants of 'feudalism. To learn
hoAv to Avork—this problem the SoA'iet authority
should present to the people in all its comprehensiveness. The last word of capitalism in this respect.
the Taylor system—as AA'ell as all progressive measure of capitalism—combine the refined cruelty of
bourgeois exploitation Avith a number of most valuable scientific attainments in the analysis of me
chanical motions during work, in dismissing super-
fluous and useless motions, in determining the most
correct methods of the work, the best systems of
accounting and control, etc. The SoA-iet Republic
must adopt valuable scientific and technical advance
in this field. The possibility of Socialism will be de-
termined by our success in combining the Soviet
rule and the Soviet organization of management
Avith the latest progressive measures of capitalism,
We must introduce in Russia the study and teaching
of the Taylor system in its  systematic  trial  and
adaptation. While working to increase the produo.
tivity of labor, we must at the same time take into
account the peculiarities of the transition period
from capitalism to Socialism, which require, on one
hand, that we lay the foundation for the Socialist
organization of emulation, and, on the other hand,
require the use of compulsion so that the slogan of
the dictatorship of the proletariat should not be
A\eakened by the practice of a too mild proletarian
Manchester Guardian Comment on
Intervention in Russia
"Up till noAV the Allies Avould seem to haA-e taken
the line that they do not care Avhat Russian rules
in Siberia provided that he is sufficiently reactionary and sufficiently vehement against the Bolsheviki They must by now haA*e learned that the kind
of gentry Avhom they are feeding Avith their money
and with English blood are not the stuff of which
conquerors of the BolsheA-iki are made. The Kol-
ehaks and Semonoffs are fighting not for Russia,
still less for the Allies; they are fighting for their
own hands, and they Avill go on fighting so long as
they get Allied money and Allied blood to help
them. EA'en noAV drafts of British troops are ordered
out to Siberia to fight the battles of the Kolehak*
and Seminoffs. If the British goA-ernment does not
stop this disgraceful adA-enture of its OAvn accord
it will find it Avill soon be stopt for it."
The Truth About Russia
It has been coming out sIoavIv that nearly every
American AA-ho has recently returned from Russia
declares that the stories of murder, treason and corruption told daily in our neAA-spapers are all a part
of a A-icious, corrupt propaganda haA-ing its headquarters in London, Avith branches in Paris, New
York and Washington, and conducting the Avorld's
greatest slander miU.
These returning Americans are all of the intellectual and bourgeois class, and three of them are men
of great Avealth Avho Avere in Russia in official capacity.
Colonel William B. Thompson, one of the ablest
American commissioners to Russia, appointed by
President Wilson, found so much to admire in the
BolsheA-iki that he gave them a million dollars of
his OAvn private fortune.
Colonel Raymond Robbins, of Chicago, Avho Avent
to Russia as the head of the Red Cross, has made a
report entirely in favor of the BolsheA-iki. It is alleged that, at the instigation of the state department, the report has not been published. Why?
Mr. Thomas Thatcher of NeAv York, another man
of large affairs, Avho preceded Colonel Robbins as
head of the Red Cross, also made a favorable report
on the BolsheA-iki SoA'iet government. He has Avrit-
ten a pamphlet Avhich sIioavs that the SoA'iet government is the most responsible representation and
democratic government in Europe.
The Rev. Albert Williams, sent to Russia to investigate conditions there by the NeAv York Times,
has returned full of enthusiasm for the Bolsheviki.
So has John Reed another correspondent. The
clergyman Avho had charge of the charitable work
the Quakers Avere doing in Russia has returned and
reports that the Bolsheviki are bringing order out
of chaos there.—From the "Weekly People."
Propaganda meetings eA'ery Sunday eA*ening at
8 o'clock at Columbia and Royal Theatres. M:
.•.February j, ijjj
British Workers Speak to Wilson
John McLean, imjember of the Independent Labor
1 arty.of Great Britain, Avas sentenced to five years
ipcnal servitude for his activities in the grort mini-
lions strike last year. He served nine months of his
sentence and was then released OAving to the demand
.of the Scottish and English workers. McLean Avas
appointed rome time ago by the Soviet GoAirnment
lo i>e its r mbassador in <5reat Britain.
Upon his release he addressed the folloAving letter
•to President Wilson:
As'oodroAV Wilson, » i
President, U. S. A. ■
You are here in Europe to negotiate a "Bemo-
.cratic Peace" as a Democrat. If so, I wish to prove
jy-our sincerity by releasing Tom Mooney, Billings,
Debs, Haywood and all others at present in prison
as a consequence of their fight for Working Class
Democracy since the United States participated, in
•the Avar.
The Working Class Demoeraey of Britain forced
the cabinet to release me from Peterhead Prison,
where I was undergoing five years' sentence under
D. 0. R. A. (Defense of the Realm Act.)
I therefore Avrite as an ease to my conscience and
a repayment to the World's Working Class Democracy to relieve my above-named friends and comrades.
The Clyde workers will send me as one of their
delegates to the coming peaee conference, and there,
inside or outside the conference hall, I shall challenge your U. S. A. delegates if my friends are not
After that I shall tour America until you do justice to the real American champions of democracy.
Yours in deadly earnest,
42 Auldhouse Road, t
NeAAdands, GlasgoAV, Scotland.
The folloAving letter was sent to Miss Eleanor
Fitzgerald, secretary of the NeAv York Council of
the International Workers Defense League:       *
Dear Madam:
I am directed by the GlasgoAV Trades and Labor
Council to inform you that the. undernoted resolution Avas unanimously passed by the Council on
Wednesday, December 11:
"The GlasgoAV Trades and Labor Council
join in protesting against' the continued imprisonment of T. J. Mooney and others, and
demands new trials or immediate release. One
hundred thousand Trades Unionists in this
city protest against the unscrupulous methods
of trumping up evidence, and ask you to convey to America's president our demand for
I Avas accordingly instructed to cable to you the
foregoing resolution, which I hope you have received and I shall be pleased to have an acknowledg
ment of the resolution from you.
I have to inform you, also that a large demonstration in the interests of labor was held in the St.
Andrew's Halls on December 6, Avhen the following resolution was unanimously passed by the audience inside the St. AndreAv's Halls and the overflow meeting outsjde. These meetings represented
rather more than ten thousand Avorkers, and the
resolution referred to, and Avhich was unanimously
carried, Avas moved by Mr. Robert Smillie, President of the British Miners' Federation, as follows:
"Resolved that this meeting in the St. AndreAv's Halls, numbering,   with   the   overflow
meeting, ten thousand workers, protest against
the life-sentence on Tom Mooney,  and desire
to associate ourselves Avith the American Federation of Labor in respect to a compromise
of penal servitude, and further  declare  that
Tom Mooney is either guilty ( or he is innocent
and be it therefore resolved that the Avorkers
of Scotland demand the release of Tom Mooney^
or we shall judge the American Democracies
by  the  final  outcome  of the  fate  of  Tom
You may take it that the labor movement in Britain is- with the labor movement in America in their
demand that Mooney and his felloAv trade unionists
must not be alJoAved to rot in prison, and will con- j
tinue to agitate and demonstrate until they are-
released. ^    Yours truly,
Foreword to the "Soviets at Work"
\    [Published by the Vancouver Trades and Labor Council, Labor Temple, Vancouver. Write to Secretary. Price $4 per 100]
(By anna louise strong) poly 0f foreign trade; the collection of taxes on tical realizations of these slogans  by the  Soviet
"The first problem of any rising party consists in wealth and income; the enlargement of the co-op- power, Avith its methods and on the basis of its law,
■convincing the majority of the population that its eratives to include the entire population. is necessary and sufficient for the final victory of
-program and policies are correct. The second prob- Above all, and through all, "he reiterates again and Socialism."
lem of our party Avas the suppression of the exis- again the need for accounting and control, to secure And those to whom Lenin has been a traitor to
tence of the exploiters. We are noAV confronted by disciplined and productive labor. Every scientific Russia and a paid tool of Germany, will find food
the third problem, to organize the management of suggestion of capitalism must be tested and revised, for reflection in his appeal to the Russian people,
"Russia. to suit the needs of the Avorkers. For Socialism it- concerning   the   Brest-LitA-osk   peaee,   an   appeal
"For the first time in the history of the Avorld. self can only succeed if it produces Avealth more Avhich may be parphrased and abbreviated as fol-
1hc Socialist party has succeeded in completing, efficiently than capitalism. Special excellence must Ioaa^s:
essentially, the task of winning poAver and suppress- be stimulated by publicity, by rewarding model "In the midst of triumphant revolution, AA-e have
ing the exploiters, and in eoming elose to the prob- communities Avith holidays and cultural advantages, been knocked doAvn by an imperialist brigand. We
lem of-management." During the period of transition, he claims, a die- must face the bitter truth, the abyss of defeat and
In these words Nicolai Lenin, J^irst Premier of the tatorship is inevitable; but iron discipline during enslavement into AA'hich Ave luwe been forced, in
Soviet Republic of Russia, outlines in his "Program Avork must be combined Avith the many forms of the order that Ave may Avork tirelessly to strengthen
Address" to the Soviets, April, 1918, the tremen- recall and mass control which spring naturally from and free ourselves. We haA-e betrayed nothing and
odus task confronting the  neAv gOA-ernment.   Not the nearness of the Soviet to the toiling masses. nobody, but   have   been   forced  to   acknowledge
only the task of restoring productive  forces and Those Avho have pictured   the   Bolshevik   or defeat.
maintaining order in a war-starved and Avar-ex- Communist Party as a group of laAvless terrorists, "Yet, remember, even these our oppressors were
l.austed land, but the even more difficult problem v{\\ fin(j mucn to surprise them in Lenin's clear' m0re bitterly humiliated*by Napoleon; and they
of oeating a new kind of economic order, involving statement: found through their very defeat their national
new economic relationships for tens M million* of "Keep accurate and conscientious accounts; con- awakening. So also shall Russia arise, -not to be-
Jrtopl* duct business economically; do not loaf; do not come as they, a capitalist autocracy, but the van-
Whatever the final fate of the Soviet Republic of ste&1; maintaill strict discipline at work. The prac- guard of World Revolution."
Russia, Ave have in this speech of Lenin's a doeu- '
ment Avhich will be studied for years to come, as a
description of the problems faced by a -corking-
class governm '.it on coming to poAver.
With unflinching, almost cynieal realism, he
points out the seemingly uusurmountable difficulties—the antagonism of every capitalistic government in the Avorld, the anarchy and barbarism produced by czarism and the Avar and encouraged by
Have Complete Grip on Russia
STOCKHOLM, Jan. 11.—Wijh the gradual com- Helsingfors if it takes the land route,
pletion of the ring which is being draAvn round Bol- From time to time, a feAV newspapers are smug-
shevist Russia, authentic pews of Avhat is going on gled through, and occassionally there is a traveller
there becomes more and more difficult to obtain. Avho has intelligble and reliable information. A
A Bolshevist mission, including Litvinoff, avIio is careful study of the neAvs recently coming this Avay
the enemies of the revolution, the disorganization waiting for an answer to a request for negotiations reveals certain unmistakable tendencies which may
of labor, the pitiful lack of experience in self-gov- Avhich he addressed to the Allied governments be summarized as follows-: Politically the strength
eminent or even in disciplined work, on the part through their several representatives here three of the Bolshevist governments tends still to grow
of the people weeks ago, though it has received its orders to de- from Aveek to Aveek, Avhilst economically the situa-
Then he turns to the resources of Russia's new part, is still here. As, hoAvever, its diplomatic priv- tion becomes more and more desperate. Broadly
order—her abundant raw materials, her co-opera- ileges were all long ago Avithdrawn, and it has no speaking, there seems no longer any serious polities, her Soviet democracy, organized so inform- means of communicating with its own government, tical opposition to the Bolshevists. Terror, no doubt,
ally that for the first time the people as a whole it is scarcely better informed than anyone else, accounts for this partially, but only partially. A
are learning how to govern He traces the detailed and its continued presence, which serves no pur- much more important factor, apparently, is the ten-
steps next needed for Russia's reconstruction; the pose, is merely due to the fact that it dares not dency of Russians of all classes and opinions to
securing of technical experts even at hold-up prices cross the Baltic, which is controlled by the British accept whatever appears inevitable, and Trotzky
until the workers produce their own experts; the fleet, and has so far been unable to obtain satisfac- and Lenine's main achievement is that they have
strengthening of the People's Bank; the payment tory guarantees from the Finnish government that made this government appear inevitable and^all re-
«f "tribute" to foreign capital through a mono-    its members will not be arrested and detained at sistance futile. .      '   _.  ....
is 11 ■ i
• February i, m>
I ir:
I Si':
Bolshevism, True and False
THE emphatic repudiation of M. Stephen Pichon,
the French Foreign Minister, of Mr. Lloyd
George's reported proposal that the SoA'iet government of Russia be accorded some kind of official
recognition at the peace conference, may have the
effect of bringing to a head the discussion which for
more than a year has been going on over the status
of Russia among the nations. M. Pichon's statement
will be equally helpful, if it shall also serve in any
degree to Hear the air regarding the Avorld-Avide
movement commonly labelled Bolshevism. Now that
he has spoken out and Avill have to be answered, it
ought to be a little easier to explain that SoA-iet
and BolsheA-ik are not different names for the same
essential thing; that a SoA-iet is a political institution. Avhile the BolsheAiki are a political party;
that all of SoA-iet Russia is not BolsheA-ist, and that
large numbers of convinced supporters of the Soviet
regime are political opponents of the BolsheA-iki;
and that the violence upon A\hich the censored press
of Europe and America insistently dAA-ells is not
the sole achievement of a goA-ernment Avhich, in
spite of the scandalous treatment Avhich other nations have accorded to it, is nevertheless gradually
bringing order and stability out of chaos.
Whether or not such explanation and truth-telling will serve to rehabilitate Russia in the public
estimation Avill depend a good deal, hoAvever, upon
R the frankness Avith which it is also admitted that
Bolshevism, in the sweeping sense in which everybody is noAV using the term, is only in part the out-
: come of anything Avhich the Bolsheviki, or, for that
matter, the leaders of any phase of the Russian
revolution, have said or done. To charge the Russian BolsheA-iks, as the press is fond of doing, with
a share of responsibility for every considerable
strike, Avhether in SAvitzerland or Argentina or the
United States, or with the employment of unnumbered millions of rubles for the stirring up of
revolution in every continent, or Avith secret complicity in every riot or killing that is accorded
prominence on the front page of the newspaper, is
to credit them Avith a propagandist organization
and a brimming treasury Avhich everyone AA'ho
knoAvs Russia knoAvs that they do not possess. The
wildest tales of German propaganda and intrigue,
ascribed to a government highly organized and with
great financial resource, are not more absurd than .
the alleged world-Avide, systematic, and obviously
very expensive acuities of a Russian government
Avhich at the same moment is solemnly declared to
be hopelessly bankrupt, utterly disorganized, opposed by a majority of its OAvn people, and A/iolently
at odds even within itself.
The moAement which is iioav denominated Bolshevism is novel only by A-irtue of its bitterness and its
Avide extension. It is the openly violent phase of
the long-time struggle of the masses to free themselves from the. constrictions of class and privilege,
to rid themselves of social institutions AA-hich have
held them in subjection, and to seize the poAver to
AA-hich they feel themselves entitled. With some,' in
this country or that, the enemy against which they
fight is land-holding; with others, capitalism, or
labor conditions, or profiteering, or the political
machine, or the courts. Whatever the objective, hoAV-
eA-er, it is ahvays something Avhich has seemed to
the masses to bar the Avay to progress, and which,
having resisted hitherto all attempts to dislodge it
by moderate and accustomed means, must iioav be
destroyed by force. Contemporary Bolshevism, in
other Avords, is both a method and a philosophy.
The thing Avhich it seeks to destroy is a thing Avhich
it has come to regard as an evil, and the method
of destruction is resorted to because the method of
reform has failed. The neAv order Avhich it seeks to
instal, on the other hand, is one AA-hich is believe^
to be good.
For any Avho care to find them, the immediate
causes of the present outbursts are not far to seek.
They are to be found in the successful overthroAv
of the government of the Czar—an action which
most enlightened people less than tAvo years ago
Avere hailing Avith acclaim, and AA-hich, by the way,
Avas not the Avork of Bolsheviki. They are to be
found in the unsettlement of national and indi\-idual
life eA-eryAvhere by the Avar, and in the indisposition of people of aH classes to go back to the old
routine. They are to be found in the practically
universal sympathy for peoples Avho Avish to be free,
to live under governments of their OAvn choosing,
and to determine their oavii political and social future for themselves,-and AA-hose aspirations in these
directions seem likely to be restrained or thwarted
by the political schemes of greater powers. They
are to be found in the enormous profits which fav
ored businesses have made out of the war, in the
laggard treatment of Avages and hours, in the inop.
dinate cost of living, in the appalling load of national debt and consequent taxation, in the muzz,
ling of the press and the denial of constitutional
rights of assembly and free speech, in the replace-
ment by autocracy in every democratic state, and
in the reactionary temper of the intellectual, prop.
ertied, and office-holding classes. These, rather than
the hangings and shootings and burnings perpe.
trated by a revolutionary party in Russia, are the
things which today make Bolshevism a menace to
society everywhere.
It is easier to diagnose the disease than to prescribe an assured remedy, and to some extent the
fever must no doubt be alloAved to run its course.
For the ruthless violence which it eng>'» tiers, as tor
the blatant self-seeking which makes capital out of
its excesses, there can and should be only condemnation and regret. Yet nothing can be clearer than
that mere denunciation is Avorse than useless, and
that every attempt to harry BolsheA'ism out of the
land by harsh pains and penalties or drastic use of
police or troops Avill only spread the violence; which
such misguided methods are designed to curb. The
spirit of open revolt which is iioav rampant Avill sab-
side only when the deep irritations Avhich have in
the main produced it shall have been removed, and
the energy Avhich noAV vents itself in riot and destruction shall have been put at Avork in constructive ways. The only Avay to set the Bolsheviki in
their true light, Avhether good or bad, is to recognize the Soviet government, and spread broadcast
for the peoples the truth about Russia which has
been deliberately withheld. There should be an immediate abandonment of secret diplomacy in every
form, and the removal Avithout delay of all artificial restrictions upon the distribution of food, upon
trade and commerce generally, and upon transportation. The world must have  free  thought,  free
speech, and a free press. Most of all, we must set
ourselves to give the people the complete control
of their governments, and the right to determine,
through   the   orderly   processes   of   government,,
"their way of life and of obedience." There ia but
one alternative if these things are not done, and
that is for Bolshevism and reaction to fight the
battle through.—From the Ncav York "Nation."
After having beaten German militarism and Austrian feudalism, the Allies have at last aAvakened
to the fact that they are confronted by another
enemy, namely, anarchy or Bolshevism. The question of restoring order and security of property in
Europe is one Avhich concerns the civilization of the
world, and more particularly the pockets of the
French and British governments. If England has
lent Russia over 500 millions, France has lent over
1,000 millions, for before the Avar the Russian gov-
ernment floated loan after loan in Paris. The Americans, too, have invested considerable sums in Russia both before and during the Avar. Russia is a very
rich country, both in minerals and agriculture, and
it is hoped that, having dispossessed the Germans,
there Avould be a splendid field for British and
American enterprise.
The first thing to do is to put doAA-n the Bolsheviks
and establish a respectable Russian government.
The annoying reflection is that the present situation is entirely due to the absence of any Russian
policy on the part of the British and French governments. The best policy Avould have been to keep the
Tsar on the throne, and to force him to employ
honest and competent ministers. Anyone who reads
Miss Buchanan's book will learn hoAv loyal t le Tsar
was to the alliance, and hoAv loyal the people Avere
to the Tsar. All the soldiers Avanted was arms and
food; we could and ought to have supplied them.
y?e ought to have insisted on the dismissal of Stur-
mer and Protopotoff. However, there was Mr. Lloyd
George and his tomfoolery about the revolution and
Kerensky. Having allowed the Tsar to be deposed
by the revolution, our next best policy Avas to support the moderate revolutionaries, Miliukoff and
even Kerensky, in setting up a decent government.
We did nothing at all, except make silly speeches
about democracy, and it noAV looks as if Ave should
have to begin a neAv Avar this spring against Russian
The above editorial Avell expresses the opinions
of influential and interested circles in London and
Maxim Gorki, the Russian Avriter and Bolshevik
apologist, in a message (says Reuter) defends the
Lenin regime, declares against Allied intervention
and says the Russian intellectuals must rise against
those Avho are Avorking to reestablish the bourgeois
order. The Allies, he continues, wish to repress and,
above all, to plunder Russia.
In conclusion, he says that it is President Wilson
Avho is directing the struggle against Russia, but
the torch of the revolution is firmly held by Lenin.
—Manchester Guardian, Jan. 2.
"We have sympathy Avith all nationalities which
are struggling for freedom and have much felloAv-
feeling with Russian aspirations," the Count added
and Avhen asked if Sinn Fein was in sympathy Avith
Bolshevism, he remarked that the term Avas used
to cover many different methods, but he did not
know anything against the Bolshevism of Trotzky
and Lenine which would put him against them.—
Christian Science Monitor, Jan. 14.
HINTSA—Died, at «iibsons Landing. Howe
Sound, on January 12th of Spanish Influenza, Mrs. Teckla Hintsa, age 37. Mrs.
Hintsa was a comrade of long standing in
the 8, P. of C. Her work although done
in a quiet and unassuming way was effective and those who were in close touch
with her will know best what her death
KAVAN'AGll—Di»-d at South Vancouver on
January 26th of Spanish Influenza, Mrs.
Hilda Kavanagh, 23 years of age. Mrs.
Kavanagh was a well known and enthusiastic lied. As a member of Local
No. 1, she filled the thankless position of
secretary for over a year, before her marriage. She will be missed around the
local where she was always willing to do
her share in the active efforts of the
party to spread the propoganda of scientific   Socialism.
These two comrades of ours were Just as
much victims of the saturnalia of blood and
carnage that broke out in Kurope four years
ago, as any soldier killed by shrapnel or
gas in Flanders or Galicla, for this Hell-
oorne plague surely had Its origin amongst
these peoples, exhaut;t<d and debilitated by
years of starvation, who lived in near vicinity to the battle zone or within the zones
of the blockade. The sympathy of all lteds
will be extended to Comrades Hlntsn and
Kavanagh   in  their  sorrow. SATURDAY February 1, 1919
Extracts From John Maclean's Defence
THE Lord Advocate in his adress to the Jury,
said "they had heard in the course of the evidence many references to Socialism, to social revolutions and the like. However, inappropriate at the
moment, there Avas nothing in this world, in this
country, or its laws, even as that laAv had had to
be framed to meet the emergency with Avhich we
arc faced—to prevent any man getting up on a platform and talking about politics or talking about
Socialism. But there came a point at which discussion of social questions reached the attempt—the
deliberate and persistent attempt—to plant the
seeds of disunion, disaffection, disloyalty, sedition,
mid mutiny among our people. They could not afford that. The truth Avas that no society could afford that at any time. He did not pretend, any more
than any of them Avould pretend, to see into the
dark recesses of the human heart. He did not knoAV
—they Avould never know—none of us this side of
Time Avould ever knoAV Avhat are precisely the motives Avhich tempt a man to do what he can at
home to destroy the liberty and the safety Avhich
we Avere defending abroad. The range of motive,
was Avide, but just because they could not knoAV
what it Avas, they must judge of men by Avhat they
did. If they Avere going to turn society upside doAvn
by means of a general refusal to work, if they Avere
going to turn society upside doAvn by violent efforts deA'oted to the ruin of the existing structure
of society instead of its repair, if they Avere going
to make attempts of that kind, there faced them at
once in this country the same catastrophe—the same
betrayal—as overtook Russia. They must protect
themselves against that kind of thing."
MacLean's Address to the Jury
"It has been said that they cannot fathom my motive. For the full period of my active life I have
been a teacher of economics to the Avorking classes,
and my contention has always been that capitalism
is rotten to its foundations, and must give place to
a neAv society. I had a lecture, the principal heading
of Avhich Avas "Thou shalt not steal; thou shalt
not kill," and I pointed out that as a consequence
of the robbery that goes on hi all civilized countries
today, our respective countries have had to keep
armies, and that inevitably our armies must come
clash together. On that and on other grounds, I
consider capitalism the most infamous, bloody and
evil system that mankind has ever Avitnessed. My
language is regarded as extravagant language, but
the events of the past four years have proved my
The Class War
He (the Lord Advocate) accused me of my motives. My motives are clean. My motives are genuine.
If my motives Avere not clean and genuine would
I have made my statements Avhile these shorthand
reporters were present ? 1 am out for the benefit of
society, not for any individual human being, but I
realize this that justice and freedom can only be
obtained When society is placed on a sound economic basis. That sound economic basis is wanting
today and hence the bloodshed we are having. I
have not tried to get young men particularly. The
young men came to my meetings as Avell as the old
men. I know quite Avell that in the reconstruction
of society, the class interests of those aa'Iio are on
top Avill resist the change, and the only factor in
society that can make for a clean SAveep in society
is the Avorking class. Hence the class Avar. The Avhole
history of society has proved that society moves
fonvard as a consequence of an under class overcoming the resistance of a class on top of them. So
much for that. . . .
I Avish no harm to any human being, but I, as one
man am going to exercise my freedom of speech.
No human being on the face of the earth, no government is going to take from me my right to speak,
my right to protest against Avrong, my right to do
everything that is for the benefit of mankind. I am
not here then, as the accused; I am here as the ac
cuser, of capitalism dripping with blood from head
to foot. ...
The Women and Children
So far as Ireland and America are concerned, that
was mentioned particularly for the purpose of getting food from the St. LaAvrence, food from the
United States, and food from the Argentine. What
Avas needed AA-as food in order to hold our OAAn, for
as the "GlasgoAV Herald" pointed out, Avhen the
Bolsheviks first came into poAver, Britain Avas withholding food from Russia, in the expectation that
frost and famine would overthroAv the Bolsheviks.
That is to say, they Avere anxious to murder Avomen
and children inside Russia, as Avell as men. The suggestion I made Avas in order to draAV the attention
of the Avorkers to the need of having plenty of food
stuffs to keep them going.
So far as the government's responsibility for the
murder of Avomen and children is concerned, the
reason for my statement is perfectly obvious. They
have been accusing the Germans of killing Avomen
and children in this country. Perfectly true. Of
course bombs dropped in Germany have not killed
wromen and children, marvellous to say! But that
apart; Ave had the government getting hold of the
food supplies immediately prior to, and immediately
after the neAv year, and creating a shortage. I
pointed out that it Avas an artificial shortage. The
government Avas therefore responsible for the
Women Avere standing in queues in the cold, and
Avomen had died of what they had contracted during their standing in the queues. The Avomen had
died therefore in consequence of the action of the
government, and I threAV the responsibility upon the
government—and I do so still.
We knoAv that women and children—human material—have been used up inside the factories, and
the housing of the Avorking class in this country
has been so bad, and is so bad today, that the women and children of the Avorking class die in greater proportion than the Avomen and children of the
better-to-do classes. I have ahvays pointed out that
the death rate among the AArorking classes has al-
Avays exceeded that in the better-to-do districts.
I also pointed out that the British government
had sent Russian subjects back to Russia to fight
and had given their Avives 12|6 per Aveek and 2|6 for
each child. Now Avhen I Avas functioning as Russian
consul, two deputations of Russian Avomen came to
me and they told me sorroAvful tales of depression,
disease and death in consequence of the fact that
they had received 12|6 per Aveek and 2|6 for each
child. I Wrote to the secretary for Scotland in regard to that and I received no reply. The children
ought not to suffer because their fathers haA-e been
taken, but those children haA-e suffered. There is not
a Lithuanian family in the west of Scotland but has
trouble today as a consequence of the starving of
these people. These Avomen and children of the Russian community haA-e died as a consequence of the
meagre supplies giA-en to them by the British goA--
ernment, and I seize this opportunity for the purpose of making my statement public, in connection
with these women, in the hope that the public in
general will press the government to see that these
Avomen and children are attended to at least on the
same scale as the Avives and dependents of British
soldiers. . . .
Russia's Fight for Freedom
So far as Russian freedom and British slavery arc
concerned, I Avish to draw attention to the fact that
an article appeared in the "Scotsman" the other
day about. Bolshevism, and I have a feeling that
that article Avas written especially for this trial to
create a feeling against Bolshevism. The statements
in that article are a travesty. Inside Russia, since
Lenin and Trotzky and the Bolsheviks came into
poAver, there have been feAver deaths than for the
same period under any Czar for 300 years. Capitalists have been killed perhaps, officers haAre been
killed perhaps, because they have not submitted to
those who have come to the top—the majority of
the people—in the name of Bolshevism. Some may
have been put to death.
When there Avas a shortage and disorganization
of the food supplies before the Bolsheviks came into
power, there may have been individuals Avho, in
their scramble for food for themselves, have gone
to access, but the crimes of individuals cannot be
charged to governments. No person would hold the
government responsible for the action of those individuals. The Bolshevik government has not given
orders to kill men. They have to imprison men until
a complete reconstruction of society has come
about. It may be neAvs to some of you that the cooperative movement in Russia has groAvn more
rapidly than in any other part of the Avorld, and
since the Bolsheviks have come into power, co-operation has been groAving more and more rapidly.
The universities have been used during the day, and
in the evenings, to train the working classes in order
that they may manage the affairs of their country
in an intelligent manner. The schools have also been
used in the evenings, the music halls have been used
and the theatres, and the picture houses, all have
been used, not for the trivial trash AA-hich is giA-en
to the people of this country—but all for the purpose of organizing the production of food and the
work inside the workshops and factories.
We saAv that prior  to our  comrades  in Russia
signing their treaty, when the Germans made their
advance into Esthonia, Lithuania, and so on—the
border countries betAveen Germany and Russia—
the capitalist class in the respective towns had lists
of men Avho Avere members of the Soviets, and those
members of the Soviets Avere taken and put against
a Avail, and shot at the instigation of the propertied
class of Russia. They have been responsible for more
deaths than the Soviets. Our Finnish comrades, the
Red Guards, have pointed out that the ordinary
procedure of Avar has not been acceded to them, that
as soon as the White Guards, the capitalist class,
take any of them prisoner,  they immediately  put
them to death. It has been said that our comrades
over there in Russia Avere A\rorking hand in hand
Avith the Germans, and the proof of this AA-as that
the Germans alloAved Lenin to pass through Austrian territory. Our comrades have stood up against
Germany as best they could, and the capitalists—
the so-called patriots of Russia—have been Avorking
hand in hand Avith Germany in order to crush the
people of Russia. That has been done in the Ukraine.
It has been done in the various  states stolen  by
Germany to Russia."
Five Tears' Penal Servitude
The Lord Justice General, having charged the
Jury, the latter, without retiring, intimated through
their foreman, a verdict of guilty on all the charges. -
The Lord Justice General—Have you anything to
say, John Maclean?
Maclean—No; I think I haA-e said enough for one
The Lord Justice General—John Maclean, it
Avould be idle for me to dwell upon the graA'ity of
the offence of Avhich you have been found guilty,
by a jury of your felloAv-couutrymen after a Arery
patient trial and after the clearest possible evidence
and because you are obviously a highly educated
and intelligent man, and realize the thorough seriousness of the offence you have committed. This
is not the first time that you have been convicted of
an offence against the regulations under the Defence of the Realm Act, and in pronouncing sentence
today, I have taken into account the fact that you
haAe still, so far as I could judge, over a year to
serve of your former sentence. Today the sentence
of the court is that you be sent to penal servitude
for a period of five years.
Maclean (turning to comrades in the court)—
Keep it going, boys; keep it going.
!K mm  [W
n     i
k , j: "■;.   !
SATURDAY February i,
IN 1
■III   :•
I   I
■    U
w. 9
: 9
French Ambitions
THE riature of the differences of opinion and
policy betAveen the French and American governments Avhich peace negotiations have brought to
the surface are partly revealed by the recent news.
French official opinion is almost unanimously in
favor of a peace of the traditional kind—a peace
which would seek to perpetuate the victory over
Germany by rendering and keeping the German nation poAverless to protest against the proA'isions of
the treaty. The chief guaranty of such a peace Avould
consist of an alliance among the victors pledged to
fight against any future infringement of the treaty
and this alliance Avould be cemented by the common interest Avhich all would possess in keeping
their particular share of the spoils. It Avas a peace
of this kind Avhich Avas arranged in the secret'treaties and at the Paris Conference, and Avhich, if
> America had not entered the Avar, Avould have sealed an Allied victory. Premier Clemenceau still believes in its desirability, and so apparently does a
majority of the French Chamber of Deputies. But
they have not a free hand. Without American assistance there Avould have been no Allied victory,
and the American government declines to enter into
any alliance based on a community of interest Avhich
depends on the subordination of justice to poAver
politics. The French government, consequently, is
Avilling and prepared to make certain concessions.
It consents to a League of Nations in Avhich its chief
does not belieA'e, and it is Avilling to pay for a league
by AvithdraAving certain unspecified particular
claims. But it still insists on some of its physical
guaranties, and it still interprets the Avord justice
to mean chiefly the punishment of Germany and
future discrimination against her. We infer from
the president's Manchester speech that he consents
to such an arrangement. That is his reason for asserting that an eventual agreement is in sight.
Neither are we left entirely in the dark as to the
nature of the special claims upon which France still
insists. The French goA-ernment   asks in  the first
[From The NeW Republic]
place for a renewal of the license which, it obtained
under its secret arrangement Avith the Tsar's government to draAV the neAv boundary betAveen France
and Germany. M. Pichon did not state just Avhat
line his government proposed to draAV, but apparently it intends to appropriate the Saar Valley
Avhich previous to 1815 was part of Alsace-Lorraine. The excuse given for annexing this district
which is inhabited by Germans is the same that Bismarck used in 1871 to annex Metz to Germany, viz.,
its military value in the event of another Avar, but
the Saar Valley contains some valuable coal deposits
which Avould be useful to Frenchmen in rendering
the Lorraine iron deposits commercially more valuable. In addition, France does not apparently Avish
to be embarrassed by any obligations to a League of
Nations and its principles in dealing with Russia.
The French government is determined to destroy
the Soviet Republic and to establish in its place
The Menshevists leaders, including even such men
as Abramovitch andyMartoff, have, "in view of the
increasing danger of Anglo-American imperialism"
gone over completely to the government, and their
party is noAV being re-admitted to share in the work
of the Soviets. A congress of co-operative societies,
once one of the main centres of Anti-Bolshevism,
has declared vehemently for the government, as
against any other of the various pretenders' authority. The Social Revolutionaries of the Right,
representing the more Conservative and educated
elements of the' peasantry, although they have refrained so far from explicit surrender, like the
Menshevists, have protested emphatically against
any form of foreign intervention. The country districts and so-called poverty committees formed to
counteract the influence of anti-Bolshevist peasants
and Soviets are rapidly disappearing, oAving to the
loss of their raison d'etre.
some kind of Russian government Avhich, Avhatever
its general character, Avill pay the debts contracted
by the former Russian Empire. As to indemnities
and colonies, nothing definite is said about them
But France's economic policy in her existing dependencies ignores the principle of the Open Door
Avhich the American government has sought to im.
pose on other nations but ignored itself.
Assuming the foregoing account of the result of
the negotiations between the French and American
governments to be substantially true, Avhat chance
does it offer of an ultimate agreement? Would an
agreement on the indicated basis render possible the
formation of a League of Free Nations, of Avhich
America Avould become and remain a loyal memberf
The NeAv Republic does not believe that it would,
If France uses the Allied victory to annex the .Saar
Valley, her action in so doing Avould have precisely
the same moral significance and the same international results  as  a German  annexation of the
Briey iron district Avould have had.   It Avould be 8
clear example of the politics of poAver and of the
predatory nationalism which is incompatible with
any organized community.   Even more incompatible
Avith the spirit and purposes of a league of free nations is the proposed French policy with respect to
Russia, Avhich can have no result but the reestab-
lishment of an autocratic military government in
that Avoe-begone and distracted country. President
Wilson may or may not have implied by his Manchester speech a Avillingness to consent to couces-
sions of this kind. But one assertion Ave Avill take
.the risk of catergorically affirming. America will
form no such infringements of the principles of international right. American soldiers Avill not go tc
France in order to protect French occupation of
the Saar Valley and the American nation Avill not
connive for long at a policy Avhich converts the restoration of order into an excuse for imposing on
Russia a neAv but equally   galling  military  autocracy. «--
Are Still There!
•Senator La Follette reopened the matter of the
American troops at present in Russia operating
against the Bolsheviki, in a speech in the senate on
January 7, Avhich he declared was inspired by the
hundreds of letters he receives daily from the people
of Wisconsin asking Avhy their sons are kept in
Russia when the Avar is over. In the course of his
speech he declared that "The great organized AA-ealth
of all the countries of the earth fears the principles
that the Soviet government is trying to establish"
and that "If the Soviet government, of Avhich Ave
know so little, is the sort of government that 140,-
000,000 or 150,000,000 Russians desire, that is their
business and not our business."
In response to the question raised by the speech
Senator Swanson, speaking for the Foreign Relations Committee, explained that :#< Avas expected
that Senator Hitchcock Avould make a statement on
the Russian situation at an early date and then proceeded to belabor the Bolshevik government for its
sympathy toAvards Imperial Germany. All the old
tales Avere reiterated and apparently Senator Swan-
son has not heard that Imperial Germany ^s no
more. But even if Avhat Senator Swanson intimates
is true it Avould be interesting to knoAV Avhy press
dispatches of the same date from London announce
that Great Britain does not intend to send any more
troops to Russia and is endeavoring to withdraw
those she has there as quickly as possible. Surely
England is interested in preventing Imperial Germany from being aided by Russia? And Avhy did
the Japanese announce the AvithdraAval of their
As a matter of fact it is clear that none of the
governments who have foreign troops in Russia
jure willing to make statements to their peoples as
io what exactly their intentions are with regard
to Russia. Noav that pressure is being exerted to
force an explanation they are announcing their intention of AvithdraA?ing the troops. But are these
announcements being translated into action? Simultaneously Avith such announcements cones the news
of heaAry fighting betAveen the Allies and the Bolsheviki. What is the object of this fighting* What
is to be gained by killing the men of either side
Avhen the Allies are about to withdrai'f Surely it
is useless to send soldiers into battle to meet mutilation and death unless some definite object is to be
accomplished and surely the peoples of the Allied
nations are entitled to knoAV Avhat this object is so
that they may say Avhether or not they want their
husbands, sons and brothers to continue fighting.
From all the Allied countries protests are arising
against intervention in Russia. None of the common
people want to Avage Avar against- the Russians.
EArery day protest meetings are being Ifeld in England, France, Italy and throughout America. The
central organ of the French Socialists, L'Humanite,
Avrites as folloAvs on the threatened allied military
campaign agajnst^Russia:
"All those Avho contribute to provoke and prolong the Avar are alarmed at the aAvakening of the
masses . . . and demand that the centres of the
people's revolution should be promptly suppressed.
Their anxiety is no longer to conquer the enemy,
but to preserve from the revolutionary peril the
capitalist bourgeoisie of all countries. They know
that the Russian Bolsheviks have destroyed monarchic and capitalistic privileges, have placed their
hands upon the property of social parasites. Anything sooner than that. Their hatred of the enemy
is giving place to the desire of coming to an under
standing Avith him, so as to bar the advance of this
scourge, which is worse, in their eyes, than Avar or
pestilence ... That a neAv Avar should be undertaken
tomorroAA'—a Avar Avaged by the international
counter-revolution, a crusade against the peoples
Avho are progressing toAvards political and economic
enfranchisement—this is possible; but surprises
await the initiators of such an adventure. They Avill
no longer be able to plead the necessities of national
defense, and the necessities of capitalist defense are
not of a. nature to rouse the, enthusiasm of the
masses. On the contrary; the workers Avill perceive
clearly that they are being thrown against one another only in order that their chains may be rivetted
and the domination of their masters consolidated."
But in spite of all these protests the snoAVs of <Nbr-
thern Russia are being dyed Avith blood. The Soviets
proclaim that all they Avish is for the Allies to withdraw so that they may build up their government
in peace. They disclaim any Avish to Avage Avar upon
the Allied countries. The Allies declare they Avill
not send any more troops, but still the fighting continues, still the dreary spectre of Avar haunts the
frozen Steppes.
The chief reason advanced by the United States
Government for its participation in intervention in
Russia Avas to protect the Czecho-Slovaks. According to a dispatch from Vladvostok the Czechoslovaks refused on November 24, to take part in an
offensive against the Soviet Republic, feeling "that
the Allies had betrayed them." Imperial Germany
is destroyed, destroyed by the influence of the Bolshevik ideas, the Czecho-Slovaks refuse to fight
against the Soviet Republic. The tAvo chief reasons
advanced for intervention have disappeared but
alien troops are still in Archangel and Vladivostok.


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