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The Red Flag Jun 7, 1919

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■'■■'• .-■-*■%
PACE EIGHT
Mr?'
Hi.'*''''
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THE RED RAG
 I".   i , ■
ed Soldier^
ai»JjM3
(From the "Socialist," Glasgow, April 24.)
We hove received the following resolution from
a correspondent in Glasgow, which, being passed
at the Conference   in question,   speaks for iteelf.
—Editor.
mmWi'
I
RESOLUTION.
■ The Federation of Discharged .Sailors and
Soldiers in Congress assembled at Glasgow on
April 12, 1919, hereby enter, ite protest against
the organised attempt by the scullions of unscrupulous vested interests to and out of Parliament to establkh in Britain thst very system of
militarism, bureaucracy and absolutism, which, to
entering the war, we sought to crush. It would
seem that instead of killing Prussianism in Europe, and making the "world safe for demo-
« cracy," we have sacrificed ourselves merely to
uproot the evil system in the Central Empire, and
plant it in our own country.
Solemn pledges made b/ responsible Government officials and given wide publicity in the
Press have, one after another, been treated aa
"mere scraps of paper," in the true Prussian
fashion. As an example of thk, We point out
thst:
The Army Council   promised   to   1914 thst:
"Any man enlisting under   present conditions
^SMU1
wfll be discharged (note: 'discharged,' not demobilized) with all possible speed the minute
the war k over, whether thk lasts three weeks
or three years. Should the war last over three
years, their continuance of service will be optional."
We find that an attempt is being made by the
British Huns to start another war, thk time
against the people of Busste, making use of Conscription to get the men they could not get voluntarily: We find that the lives of many British
soldiers hsve already been test in the fighting in
Buaste, against whom we have never declared
war; and we wish ft to be Understood that wc hold
the British' authorities—not the Russian—responsible for the death, of every one of these men.
We find that the promoters of the old German
system in this country, to order to further their
vile scheme, propose, to pervert our children in
our miblic schools by making militarist instruction
compulsory, under the guise of "physical training."
Therefore, be ft resolved thst we,-the Federation
of Discharged Sailors snd Soldiers in Congress
assembled, thk 12th day of April, 1919, do hereby
pledge ourselves to do whatever lute in our power,
by means of publicity, to abolish Conscription,
prevent tiw war fa Bussia, and give the "knock-
■" to the Buns at
ress
The Derbymolie pvnIStflfi''Service for
the duration^tM wm%-'at* end of whteh
you will be discharged (note: 'discharged'
again) with all convenient speed."    I
Cnder the Military Service Aet, 1916, all men
were "deemed to have   been   enlisted . . ^4or
General Service with-the Colon, or in the Be-
serve. for the period of the war."
These ptedgee and   eontVenta   hake boon runV
lessly broken, as town .sent of the pledges given
by the Government since   tite   begfeahs* ef ti»
We find Conscription—the bedrock of militarism—being foisted upon the nation in lieu of
the freedom we fought forT We find that greet
financial concessions are granted to commercial
interests, whose active participation in the war
took the form of plain profiteering; while, on tiw
other hand, those who fought and suffered end
Whose lives have been blighted, fere treated like
criminal paupers, and require to fight a system
' of circumlocution and Prussian-like bureaucracy-
in order to get sufficient doles in shillings and
pence to keep them from starving, fend being
thrown on the streets by the owners of tenement
"dug-outs," misnamed houses."
i
■
I
There are other- countries   where
applies.
the   above
Socialist Parties in
mSki'ti
rllKBK are a number' of Socialist parties to
England
At the front of the Left there k the British
Socialist Party. It k Marxian in theory and its
sympathies are with the Bussian Bevolution end
Bolshevism.
The party's leaders (Newbold, Fairchild, Sylvia
Pankhurst) follow with great interest the mareh
of the proletarian revolution in Busste. They are
particularly interested in our organization of
worker's control of industry and the structure of
our Soviet Government of Workmen's Deputies.
Its leaders proudly call themselves Bolsheviki.
The British Socialist Party has expressed its
solidarity with the Bussian Bevolution in one
way, by publishing a Manifesto protesting bitterly
against the sending of English troops |o crush the
Bevolution.
Alongside .of the British Socialist Party there
exists in Scotland another party revolutionary in
its nature—the Soetelkt Labor Party. Theoretically, thk; Wriy strives to combine Msrxkm
with tite teachings of the American Soetelkt,
Daniel De Leon, teachings aa yet slightly known
in our own country. Newbold, to the memorandum he gave me for Lenin (as the coming leader
of the revolutionary labor movement of the
world) characterizes the Soetelkt Labor Party in
these words: "These are the most enthusiastic
Bolsheviki. In my opinion they sre the real. Bol-
•aejriki of England. The S. L. P. te very consistent
and carries on a wide propaganda-, ft haa a large
quantity of literature. The members of the S. L.
P, propagate as much as possible the ideas of
Bolshevism, published the secret documents, defend tne Bolsheviki from attacks, and call themselves the psrty of the British Bolsheviki. They
are our Leninites." It must be taken into con-
.(deration, in evaluating thw o*WWriptkm, that the
writer—Newbolcb-k not a member of the S.L.P.
Away from us stands the most influential English Socialist Party, the so-called Independent
Labor Party. Those of ite leaden whom I met
(Snowden, Bruce Gkakr, MscDonsld, Brailsford
and others) are not at all revolutionary. They do
not believe that there will be a revolution to
England after the war. On toe contrary, the*
believe that after the war there wfll be a reaction
to England.   They expect a etifl more reactionary
-,,,
By V.
(From the Moscow "Pravda")
wave in France. However, the ideas of thk
party have always been opportunistic. Nevertheless, even these leaders show sympathy for 'tiw
Bussian Bevolution, and .re greatly interested to
it. They have also protested against sending
English troops to fight the Russian Bevoli
Bui tbe rank and file of the Independent
Party is mueh more sympathic toward the
sian Revolution. In hk memorandum, Newbold,
who as en agitator has traversed England from
one end to the other, k thoroughly acquainted
with the Englkh labor movement, characterises
the I. L. P.: "Thek rank and file, insofar as they
understand our i.uiumuit, approve of ft; they ere
proud of the name Bolshevik and without hesita-
tion will follown**jawnVf example at the proper
moment."    i^^^K^^pl;
Unfortunately, all these Socialist parties are
numerically very weak. .The British Socialist
Party has 10.000 members and the Independent
Labor Party 45.000. The majority of thc English
workers are net affiliated wfth the Socialist parties,
but arc in the trade unions which form the so-
called Leber Party, semi-sristoeratie to ite program fend extremely moderate to its tactics. In
that party the notorious soeial-patriot, Arthur
Henderson, wields great power. At the beginning
of the war the Labor P«rtv concluded a "civil
peace" with the bourgeois parties.
But the mass of the English workers fere slowly
snd gradually being revolutionised. Thek sympathy for the Bussian Bevolution grow, steadily.
Following oar example, tiw Englkh workers tried
to form Workmen*. Councils. But the Englkh
workers do not yet etearly understand that Coun-
eilsr-ss organs of tiw revoluttenary struggle and
proletarian dietatorahip—can work successfully
only to the atmosphere of a proletarian revolution. Accordingly; nothing so far has been accomplished by these Councils in England.
The old lesdcrs-udhereuto of coalition wfth
the bourgeoisie—en4Jnf eld unions are gradually
beginning to loae tlwV influenceover the laboring masses. More, sad more often the workers
vtetate the "civil peace" by eaBtog strike, to
spite of the sdviee of the old lender, and the
prohibitive orders of the old unions.   The Work*
men's Councils .re in control of these strikes.
The revolutionary spirit among the Englkh
workers k gradually increasing, though the process may be slow. The food erisk and the dbv
location of industry must assume more acute
form, in, order to provoke a revolutionary outburst in England.
Even among the petty bourgeois radicals in
England there is noticeable a sympathetic attitude toward the Russian Bevolution. The most
enthusiastic among them is King, the famous
member of parliament. Thc radical nepers, the
Manchester ''Guardian" and the London "Daily
News" give the best information concerning Russia. These two paper, also resolutely protest
against intervention in Busste and interference
with the Russian Revolution.
The English Labor movement k at the crossroads. New and younger leaden are coming up
out of the depths of the working masses, taking
the places of the old leaders, the opportunists and
social-patriots who are losing thek influence. New*
: bold says" in hk memorandum: "A number of
riots hsve occurred in the coal regions; to the
surface have come a considerable number of fine
young comrades, but they ere not yet able to oust
the old leaders in the centres of trades unionism
In Britain."
Thc inevitable disruption for whteh wsr te responsible snd tiw industrial erisk which wfll
come out of thk dkruption wfll .accelerate the
process of creating a new revolutionary labor
movement to England,
mammtwm mm%mmmmWWmTmm t   gaaaa*!/      m wfarn      eT Mm, a* a§VeW*e*ae""g wm      Mtmmmmmw MmWm
Houston, Texas, May 25.—Dr. Lyford P. Edwards, professor of sociology, was dismissed by
tbe faculty of the Bice Institute because, it is alleged, he dcclsred during sn address at the Flwt
Congregational Church, on May 11, that,/'fifty
year, hence Nkol. Lento, (Bolshevist Premier,)
wfll rank h\ history wfth George Washington."
According to members of the faculty, Edwards
later told them that the Soviet form of Government to Buaste would succeed end that he thought
ft was a good form." ,H*iH
?'■>■„ I
■*'
ii
I
I am not a
content to take the word
other competent critic ss to what food my brain
'•*"* *****   J° *** new',T^*P.-" to "F
Of   teW   JsninrfunnnnWml   I   djlJfflll   frMB   ft   ejuV
^— ■ ■ ..   -•   • "'^ *}w^wmmmmwmmmMf.; »j ^ajBajo-—_s a,ie««-fWW^^^_   w*\ ^f»
hour or two spent in readin. Unton Sin-
Clair's book with the afore-mentioned title    Ae a
"i'*/i'?^%?^^^^  **"Y****7n|"rape>    _ WpwVlamwCe^p -^ip^l^Bp   mf*** •***  oa"mmB*Wrw
pithily dubs the religionists, I am well aware of
|he nature of the malady dealt with.
),,B k a dkesse of large extent, but one which te
science. An old gentleman, intent on my conversion to Seventh Buy Adventkm (whatever that
|e) gives me a sheet of propaganda occasionally.
From one of these I cull the information that
44msnu esetesiOf tite Bible are sold aanuallv than
J'^ff  ^Hr ;ff?^fl^ ^isuW WlawnAlwa   MPM   «WeanU4l*WU. JT Ur-
thcr, "Ten million bibles in Englkh are distributed every year."   The present yearly output k
eteuMe that of rix yearn ago." <
Now, leaving out the question of the accuracy
of the figures, or thc motives* tor people buying
the book, it is undeniable that the slaves who
would gain their freedom in the sky instead of
striking s blow for ft here, sre legion. And
white undoubtedly,
ually push the race to
and risking all; still a class that k ignorant of the
forces that make for good and evil; as their position may determine, can not be near so intelligent an instrument of emancipation aa should be.
I do not believe in "God kiiling," but I do inskt
V on the tests about religion being expounded the
same aa any other buttress of capitalism. Which
brings me back to Comrade Sinclair. Hk Utile
book, ajritten to masterly style, brimful of delicious humor and satire, as of one who joys greatly doing battle with a hoary fraud; is one dealing
with the economic reasons behind each sect or cult
of Godites. And he spares none. From Mother
Church to thc Holy Rollers, he unerringly, puts
the finger on tbe cause. He will scarcely be loved
for hte efforts by the gentry he has pilloried.  But
warn*,   gpggi^ mmj,   14IP    ByUamlsmaB
'     - v eutiwlllles, »> t\
.-*'—"• before the elections.
CJ       From thk it will be seen wh.t . disadvantage
■umr   the party labored under during the elections, M
it also shows plainly   how strong    socialism hss
grown in thc hearts and   minds of   the Finnish   •
people a. a consequence of the bloody civil war
snd the ensuing white terror with its cruelties.
The disposition of perttes in the Diet will now
be and. that the   Sodal   Democrat,   wttl   have
-one representatives,   mid   tiw   Agrarian.,
A ■-. . mmmnwmmmmMmWmm    laaa alaan  i       _ Mr . *a—1 ,w ■.   . * _   . I mm\ ■
at ion, u
•uuea   sau
Jabberwock.   But   I   think
say as did the cockney   to
And from tbe devil doctor whom I just saw to
Martin Johnson's pictures   of hte
„   J™ ""iff ¥"»"****    ** *a.
cannibals,    to the modern    orototvnc
naked    the vulvar
m
m
v.rious m.tters of principle a. well
measures stand with the Social
crate, wfll have thirty-five.   The  two   together,
then, wjlll have 116 out of a total of 200.
i»;-,"Wot prawee selvytion nahf>Faults
there, are to be sure; Upton was a Social Patriot
through the war and the fact crops out occasionally as wc go along. But ail in all, it can not be
beaten, as a brilliant attempt to hold the searchlight of eeononiM^drtenitinkm on the scourf
*\,m   >M. "    > «
the ages. .-.:,...
The book is cheap, it sells at 50c paper, $1
cloth, wfth discount on Isrger amounts. Also 16
pages of it are issued as a pamphlet at very cheap
rates. Address the author, at Pasadena, Cali-
who now publishes hk own bu^m.,.;
, with tius contribution to gratitude to the
au^ir of the jungle,' which quicltcnf4 my blood
years agone when' revo^twu, was a wicked tiling
to me. but which is thesedays a most potent and
brew,,with a world-wide fernwnfetbat makes #
causes brains to question; light to enter, superstition to tremble; snd the 'Why' of such to- *
cidents as the dismissal of Professor Ward, prominent in the Methodist Church of America, for
daring to criticize the slanderous venom poured
on that bugbear of Capital; Bolshevism.
Let there be light
•
OTinmoAi*
.
STRENGTH Bf
ME   following   estimate   of   the    Soetelkt
strength in Finland at, the time of the elections to the Finnish Diet appeared to the Sociai-
Demokraton (Christiania) of March 12.
The results of the elections for the Diet in Fin
laud are beyond expectation and well worth not-
his book will be eagerly read by all who essay the tog- They show that, in spite of numerical lees,
opening chapter.   Let me quote a little from tiie   our party haa come out of the struggle stronger
portion on "horn blowing."
"And here k ""The Churchman,* organ of the
Episcopalians of New York, warning us, 'Without doubt there k strong temptation today, bearing upon clergy and lefty alike to address thek
religious energies too exclusively to thorn teaks
whereby human life may be made more abundant
and wholesome materially. . . We need constantly
to be reminded that spiritual things come flrst"
Hero are some of Sinclair's recollections:
. "There eome before my mental eye tite elegant
todies snd gentlemen, for whom these comfortable
sayings were prepared: the vestrymen snd pillsrs
of the Church, wfth black frock coats and black
hid gloves and shinny top hate; the ladies of good
seetety wfth .their Easter costumes in pastel
ahades;'their gracious smiles and sweet intoxicating odors. I picture them as I have seen them at
fit George', where that aged wild boor Pkrpont
than before.
In the elections of 1916 which gsve the Socisl
Democrats an absolute plurality in the Diet and
led to the formstion of, the Oscar Tokoi Ministry
—that whteh was turned out by the bourgeoisie
with the aid of Kerensky *s Camscks--the Socisl
Democrats had 375,306 votes and all the bourgeois
parties together 419,470. Thk yesr the Social
Democrats have 48 per cent.of the votes then received, or 1^9,663 votes. But the buorgeok
parties have only 67.4 per cent of the votes of
1916, or about 874,000 votes.
It would Mem, at first glance, that tiw Social
Democrat, have lost mare lean tiw others, hut
it must be remembered that more) than 100,000
Social Democrat, have been disfranchised be-
cans, ef thek pert in the civil war, and thousands
of others .re in exile, among them 10,000 to Buaste
The Social Democrat, ere
Morgan the elder, used to pass the collection plate;   now actually the largest party to toe country, and
have gained more to the election, than have the
To thte must be added several other factors of
th. greatest significance. The Social-Democratic
prom has been wiped out During the ewetions
tbe jwrty bed only one newlyatarted paper to
Halsingfors and n few smaller sheets, whfle the
boajgeok parties had thek powerful press afl over
the country, whteh carried on the most terrible
vikOcation of the Social Democrats. Moreover,
the putty bed been deprived of all Be meeting
The Nation for May 3, contained an account from
¥#■;:&> N. Braukfordk writing from Budapest ia
of April, of the organisation of agriculture, industry,
end life generally, as planned and to part carried
out by the Soviet Government and accepted by the
people of Hungary. He kid stress on the complete
absence of disorder which marked the establkh-
ment of the communist regime, and described ite
main outlines, showing the extraordinary good
sense with which, eg., the agriculture provisions
were; adapted to actual conditions. ^
.^Hungarian Conununism in every part gave full
weight to intelligence, and Mr. Braflsford'a account of the edeentional^arrangements which the
|**# ^HS 0%aee*a*. would ultimately have
turned, must have made every educational re*
formersigh with envy. For the first t*me»4fe, a
modern State, he concluded by saying, there 'bad
been made possible "the only condition -under
which freedom is conceivable, whether for the will
or for the intellect. Hungary builds pen nuns, .
but the authors of the destruction were the mskers
of the wsr. To chaos and despair a living idea has
brought the stimulus of creative hope,"
To crush tinsUvtogides the Allies launched
Czecho-Slovaks and Boumsnian armies. Bela Kun
as head of the Soviet Government issued last
week an offer of peace to most reasonable and^con- '
ciliatory terms, but the Times correspondent, wiring from Vienna on May 2, said:
It is not anticipated in responsible Allied quarters here that any attention will be paid to Bela
Kun*s offer of peace, and hope is universally entertained that tite successful advance of the Entente troops will terminate only at Budapest itself.
On May 1 the Boumanian-Entente troops were
within two dsys' march of Budapest Oh May 3,
according to a Beutcr message from Berlig, the
French mission presented to the Soviet Government's negotiator the following conditions .-
(1) The Hungarian Soviet Government must immediately capitulate;
(2) All arms, munitions, etc., must be surrendered;
(3) Budapest will be oeeupkd by Entente troops
(4) The Soviet Government wfll be deposed end
replaced by s democratic regime.
The request for on amnesty waa refused.
The whole of thk message has since been dented to a subsequent Beutcr message from Vtenna.
The new. since tew been conflicting, snd ft te
still uncertain whether Hungary wfll be Boumfea-
ixed or Boumante bolshevked.
' '.'"■■a
i   ■
m
at St Thomas', where yen wight me the 'Four
Bngred' on crhibttiou At 8t. Msry, the Virgin's,
where the choir paraded through tiw etetea swinging custty incense to my eJuidkh nostrils, the stout
alfergynwn walking alone, nose'upturned, esrrytog
em hte back a jewelled robe for whteh eome fester-
tog female hud paid sixty thousand dollars
Spiritual thing, com. firstt Ah, yes! Beck first
tiw Wnigiwa af God, and tiw jewelled robes shall
be edded unto yen! And, whet k tine I find to
-m^mMmt ^jgimn^mV   "sm»   sjasmw   *ea^^m *as*ass   asmm.    sb*smss^w**maa v    ^r^      ama'k'mn
fioctetyt"  Bnstoew nuui nihiBsli to the T. M.
HUVOSB BTBXKm. OT rarwiv^ ^O SBOUBJB
'BBFOBMS"
'****W ^**mmmm^
•«i
ptecea.   Although tbe labor movement had been
BOMBAY, May 10.—The Satyagraha, religious
movement, sre urging upon members of thc sect
that they try a hunger strike, eafled a "process
of pnrincation and penance,'' to secure reforms.
"A redrem of grievances by self suffering," ft
te termed. The ''hunger strike'' day k to be
spent in prayer, according te Gandhi, leader of
the Sstyagrapha. ■
.»
CffK^
The widely ramifying strike conditions now pre.   sec where tiw tree Jem is,   "|n faW^Mwk'tite
worker sells his energy to tiw employer.
Compere these words of Karl Marx with your
experience as a wage worker.
•   »    •    •
WW
I
I
vailing to Canada should eke us all food for
thought even though we go short of food for the
stomach or even by reason of ft,  . -
"Many workers, who hsve hitherto onto taken e nwre *cddent that capftalfat and laborer meet
passing and cursory interest to soetel affairs wfll, , each other in tiw market es buyer and seller. It
under atresu of new drcUanatancae, new give them   WM H '■***#**.^#g^feWg
attention.   Therefore we  eetos 'tiw opoor-   <£g9ft W& **WW* P%W^ ""^
into the market as fe vendor of his labor-power.
-t^mWM-W^^n to capital before he has sold himself to capital. His economic
bondage k both brought about and concealed by
the periodic sale of himself, by his change of
masters, and by tiie oscillatious to the market
price of his labor-power." In another place he
says;"1>e Romsp *teve was held by fetters, the
wage laborer k bound to hk owner by invisible
threads. The appearance of independence is kept
np by the fictio juris of a contract."
"r*tctw Jurik" ^ juridical fiction is your
"freedom before the taw" when fronted wfth
hard economic facta. Possessing only his power
The present disturbed conditions arc only fe re- *% *mW « "means of satisfying the need* of his
plica, on a larger scale, more potent in their im- Hfe. the wage worker is compelled to/ sell his
plications for the future, of the disputes between tebor-power to some one or other of tiw class who
capital snd labor otoainfag' all through the «JTns*M control toe means of jmiducttoii; and as
capitalist epoch, time p*oes on >t becomes more   fend more impos-
It k asserted that wage worker and employer dWo to escape from toe ranks of wage laborers,
come together ss free men, to establish a contract   Taw **y* ot t\\a small capitals of handicraft pro-
tunfty to touch on some fundamentals, a consideration of which ere essential for a true appreciation of tiw anarchic'■- conditions new-jptio)
vnfltog, not alone in Canada, but also in the world
at large.
Even to the most casual eye'' there is manifest
disharmony to the society of a men and also that
we are drifting along a course to irremediable
disaster unless some common ground is found
upon which men may establish themselves as . a
basis for more harmonious conditions. The adoption of this common ground k becoming imperative, so some^consideration must be given to
censes of the unrest.
The apologists for the system fend those to whom
tiw surface appearance of things satisfy, take
much comfort from the free contract theory and
ere loud in thek protestations as to the fairness
and equity of the system. , They hold that collective bargaining is an interference with this
sacred principle of "freedom before .the tew."
ductien  ere gone,   Thk  k   the  day   of  huge
capitals invested in large means of production
with capacity to flood the world's market with
commodities cheaper than the small producer.
Thus economic development at this day has produced a permanent proletarian class struggling on
an overstocked competitive labor market for em*
We have long ago plumbed the shallow depths   ployment.
of many fine sounding bourgeois phrases, let us      Who esn deny the manifest anarchy eating at
.r   ~• ■■■■■• ' ' T  I     ' -is    , ,   i          -
WHAT WE WANT. OBEAT   BBITAnf   TRIPLE   ALLIANCE   DE-
the roots of our social well being. Millions unemployed, separated from the means of ayfsffeatei
except on the precarious mn^rmteTthfet
endure. And not all the ingenuity of
nor all the might of powerful gov*
equal to the took of Unking ttp the idle laborer,
with the idk< means of- JiiaWlantsTtliii to eider   to
"-- ■ ■     ■W/**W*r.      m ^,'!" -■:    **^r^*mm*mmm^.-. mrwrn      jmTm>^***r*wm*W^^**^ -^mmmm ._^W*wmgmmm. ■ m**
remove tiw problem. Our rulers .wait like veriest
gamblers for trade to revive, they totonvnot how,
or why, to bring a mitigation^pfjhc eviL A
mitigation too te sll that they desire, for a stsnd-
ing army of unemployed is sn asset in keeping
down the wages of the human tools of production. • > r
This is the capitalist system of produetion for
profit. Capital can not exkt without profit. It
spells bankruptcy either to the individual capitalist or to the capitalist nation to produce commodities when there te no market to whieh to dispose of them. Hence tite reason our rUteimsn
do not solve the problem of unemployment; cannot link up the idle laborers fend the idle ms-
chinery of production. And the working class
pay the penalty in poverty and misery as fe result
of the excessive competition of an overstocked
labor market. Fur the working class, there te no>
escape from thte fete while under tiw capitalist
system, because it k inherent in its very structure.
Therefore there can be no compromise with the
capitalist system by those workers who understand. They realise that it k the needs of capital
that is now served. So they work for the abolition
of capitalism and hold thst society as a whole
mtfcrt own- and control its own means of pro*
duct ion, and produce for use, end so serve titer
needs of men. In that bask alone k there
economic freedom, the basic and only real freedom, for, when it is absent, all other so-called
freedoms sre but as mocking shadows.
y%Mt
■*v-2fli
! me
Bftes
BBITAIN   TRIPLE
WITHDRAWAL FR
(From the Socialkt "Standard,''  London, Rjug.)
A lot of make-believe capitalist sympathy has
been slobbered over the working clam recently
aa the result of thc    revelations   of some of the
LONDON, May 27.—This promises to be a critical and dangerous week in the relations between
the forces of organized labor and toe government
A great triple alliance of railway. men,   coal
horrors of working-class existence in the mining   miners and transport workers-including two million
districts and in the East End of London.    That    and a half men—has prepared an ultimatum to
the capitalistsi may Wake a genuine effort to improve these conditions k ojiite possible. The war
has shown them that' they have a C3 nation of
workers,and.the latest births and deaths returns
have revealed to them the unpleasant prospect
that unless they bestir themselves they wfll soon
have no nation of workers at fell on which to
found the military and commercial supremacy of
their Empire. But even if they do improve the
Worker, conditions; if they stable them in palaces
snd harness them to "Workmen's Charters;" if
Lord Leverem finds thst he can exhaust hk men
the government and has been defied by Bonar Law.
The union demand immediate lifting of the blockade against Germany, withdrawal from Bussia,
release of all conscientious objector, now in
prison, and the rescinding of the Compulsory
Military Service Bill. The demand k accompanied by a poorly-veiled threat to call a general
strike to enforce it.
As leader of the House of Commons Bonar Law
has declared that the request could not be granted
and that'the government would use all the powers
of thc state   if an attempt was made to forcibly,
open-air meeting held Sunday afternoon in Trafalgar Square, in the heart of Loudon, Tom
Mann and Sylvia Pankurst openly advocated immediate revolution. ;.;';?;r
I should be more excited about it all if I had
not seen several similar labor crises in the last
few months—some of them much more menacing
in appearance than this—which were taken to
lfand at the last moment by the government and
settled without a strike being called. Sooner or
later, no doubt, the persuasive power of Lloyd
George will lose its potency. Perhsps thst timet
may now be here,  to tiwt esse, almost anything
may happen.  ■■ ■" " •■  * *   '
BOLSHEVISM IN GERMANY OAININO.
to six hours snd* does it, and Mr. Ford discovers /challenge ite authority.   The executive committee
anew tiuft high wages, as the Dutch say of point,   of the triple alliance te meeting, today to consider
cost nothing—wh.t then?
Sueh things, realised f.r beyond the realms of
possibility, would leave ue unmoved.   We are out
> far LIFE for the workers.   The world te beautiful.
life k glorious.   Even work k joy if a men,may,
fee Morris said, "rejoice to the work of hk hand.''
what Steps are to be taken and a call for a general strike within the next few weeks k not improbable. .
That the government regards the situation ss
unusually serious k shown by the tact thst Sir
Bobert Home, minister of labor* has flown over
Evolution haa given us the possibility of produe-   to Park to discuss it with Lloyd George.
tog by work, aa distinct from tofl, wealth in such
abundance that the, amenities of civilisation shall
bo the portion of all, without stint
A place in the sun, a draught of the sweet sir
of the meadow, the tranquility of the countay sun-
ret, relieved of tiie shadow of our slavery-r-ere
they not worth fighting for! Are the workers for
ever |o be content with the mentality that can
rake a stager to fame and fortune op such a song
as;'' Champaign Charley V' The earth sings a
better song after rain, but how many of us have
heard ft? The World with all its beauty k for the ,
Workers if they will but telle 8.
The. danger k more-real and immediate by the
action of the National Union of Police, covering
the whole of England. Ireland, Scotland and Wales.
A secret ballet, entirely without'the knowledge
of the government, has been taken, as a result of
which tiw police all oyer the United Kingdom
will gp on strike June 2, unless meanwhile the
government grents the demands of the' police
union, The police demand recognition of their
union, increases in wages and reinstatement of
certain discharged censtfebics.
, Meanwhile the more radkal and even revolutionary elements continue their agitation.   At a large
WASHINGTON, District of Columbia-A
port on conditions in Germany, made by
British army officers, hss been received through
official channels here, fend indicates that bolshev-
^sm is gaining rapidly.
The report says in pert:
"The faith of the working classes in tiw Ebert
Government k undermined. The bureaucratic and
educated elamea are poweriew to avert the ruin
and collapse of socisl order that stores them te
the face.
"If the present government talk, tiw Independents (who have been negotiating with the
Left wing Majority Soetelkts) wfll assume power.
The Independents have already undermined the
influence of the gorernmcilt over the working-
classes. The avowed aims of the party .re the
immediate socisusetion of sB Industrial concerns,
such ss iron, steel, tanking and insursnee; dissolution of the loysHst srmy snd volunteer eorp*
and dkaramg of the bourgeotek. It may be taken:
as certain that thk government would become
Bolshevist at^tiw fkst Spartaekt rising.
'' The bogey of botehevkm k undoubtedly being:
used as an srgument to- modify the peace terms;
but the danger k none the ken real and; imminent
because ft k perverted to tide use." "1111SHBI
THE RED FLAG
A perusal of the ^'Russian dispatches" in the
metropolitan newspapers of the last few days irresistibly rakes the question: Will tiw American
public once more permit itself to be fooled by deliberate Iks .bout the Bussian situation?
Tbe world-wide press campaign against Soviet
Busste has always been characterized by particularly vicious lie drives on the pert of reactionaries
every time that some possibility arises to   bring
about friendly relations between   Soviet Busste
end the United States.   It is natural that   now
that the power of the Bussian Soviet Government
k extending daily over Bussian territories, now
that  the impossibility of defeating  thst  government k being.admitted in all circles,.and now that
the establishment of relations between Soviet Bus-
sin and the rest of the world looms within sight,
the forces opposed to sueh an outcome are desperately carrying on a campaign   which outdoes
any previous accomplishment in perfidy snd deliberate lying.    We have every   day • reports of
Kolchak's "victories" in the east   To make sueh
.1" victories" appear more real, we are told that
the Soviet Government itself admits defeats of its
troops.   It should be remembered, however, thst
st the time of the Prinkipo conference decision, we
bad a similar "victory" by    Denikin.    similarly
. "confirmed" by "official admissions" from the
Soviet Government.   We were told that Denikin
had captured 30,000 prisoners snd extended   hk
power oyer hundreds of miles of territory. About
a month later the press admitted that the "victory" was a deliberate lie from beginning to end;
and that on the contrary the Denikin forces hid
retired considerably, and that tiw Soviets never
had published an admission of a Denikin victory.
There te no doubt in our mind that the much-
heralded Kolchak "victories" of recent date ako
wfll prove a fake within e very short time. Nevertheless, for the time being, these fake "news"
serve thek purpose. They cause people, who have
already begun to acquiesce to the necessity of recognizing the Soviet Government, to hesitate once
more to fool public opinion into postponement
of a definite decision on the Russian question and
even to consider the possibility of recognizing the
Kolcbfeks. r *     v
In line with despatches about Kolchak's "victory," we have, of course, new reports of "bolshevik atrocities." "Eighteen hundred men,
women and children have been murdered In Ufa."
In screaming headlines the newspapers announce
thk new lie emanating from the Kolchak Government, 'whose forces hsve marked every step ef
their rule with unprecedented murder snd cruelties. Swallowing the fake dispatches of this kind,
the average reader wfll forget all the authentic
pews about the treatment accorded men, women
and children of the working elam by Kolchak—
that blood-thirsty exponent of defeated monarchy,
vodka and tbe knout, in Buaste, who now presents
himself as a champion of humanity.
We are sure (hat the American people from bitter experience will be on their guard against the
shameless lie drive instituted in order to defeat
at the eleventh hour the establishment of relations
between   the   Russian   workers and   the United
'
Stat'
.OS.
—;—:■
eontako the
first annual report of the Russian Soviet Government *s first annual report on the State ef
ductivfty of Lobar in tiwt country since the proleteriat took control. Statistics are. fornkhed
covering tiw first fear months ef 1918. during
whkh- time eeeh month showed e piogremfn increase ever the proceeding month. Comparkon.
are feko nude with the rate ef production during
the years. 1915, 1916 end 1917. before the proletariat took control. The whole report shows
favorably for the efficiency of the new administration of industry when the effect of the Allied
blockade end the economic exhaustion of tiw
country through tiw war te considered.
We append the concluding paragraph of   the
summary of the report:
"It k necessary to note the Psychological as
well as thc eeonomk significance for the workers
of the nationalization of industry. From the
moment of the transfer of industry into the hands
of the Soviet Government the workers no longer
labor for the benefit of a capitalist, but for that
of the whole republic of proletarians and poor
peasants. If, until nationalization, the worker
could not have sufficient incentive to increase the
intensity of labor, to manifest particular efficiency, from thc moment of worker's control
everything changes radically. Upon the workers
now depends the finding of raw materials and
fuel, the obtaining of orders, the delivery of products, the financing of production, and the payment of the workers. The deep significance of
the October revolution, as prompted by the class-
feeling of the workers, ties to nationalization.
which k passing   into socialization   of the whole
■ '  :'i
Bela Kun writes
A correspondent who knows
ss follows:
Bete Kun wss a Hungarian Social Democrat
captured by the Russians fairly early in the war.
After the Soviet revolution of 1917 he was free
end worked hard at propaganda among the German, Austrian fend Hungarian prisoners. A very
bitter anti-Prussian, he used all the influence he
had agfetest the signing of tiw Brest peace. A
round, jolly fellow with a big mouth and laugh-
tog eyes, he was a regular attendant at the meet-
toga of the Central Executive Committee, and
made a close study of events to Russia "in order."
en he put it, "ekjt to make the same mktekeu in
.'" Item' a person of great common-
and not at all a wild visionary or fanatic,
although long persuaded that the war could only
Immigration at the Port of New York, was ebate-   taa,*to*!.
At the same time it is announced tiwt Lenine
and Trotzky, through their representative, L. C. A.
K. Martens, in thk city, will begin at once publication of a Bolshevist propaganda newspaper In
thk city. *
lifting of Btottrann*
The Madison Square meeting demanded
"economic blockade against the Russian people"
be lifted, that Bussia be allowed to determine her
own fate unhampered and "under institutions of
her own choosing," that American troops be withdrawn from Russia, and that the American Government refuse to recognize any counter-revolutions, or any governments representing tiw former
monarehktic elements.
Rabbi Msgnes criticized President Wilson snd
the other framers of .the peace treaty aa "child-
■j '■ ■ : ;
 j	
^ew'ij'
SOCIALIST PARTY
jend in revolution.   A man   of absolute personal   ten of a dying generation, men who did their best
courage, he arrested sn armoured car manned by   in accordance with tiw old ways, but who Were
mutineers at tiw time of the Left Social Bevoluf   lacking in faith that the new world actually could
tionary revolt in Moscow, and brought it to bead-   come."   The Bev.   John   Haynes ' Holmes said:
quarters and its occupants to their senses by noth-   "Fur us the fate of   bolsbevism   te not   so ten-
fag but bluff and the use of his tremendous voice,   portent.   Bolshevism msy rise or it may fall, but
He roared at them and that was enough. Through- -the revolution must go on."
out test summer he wss eagerly working for   the*"    The names of Wilson. Orlando, Lloyd George,
Austrian revolution, and thc moment it came went   Clemenceau ami Koltchak were jeered, while thece
to Budapest to agitate for a socisl aa opposed to   of Lenine end Trotsky were received with great
a merely political revolution.   He took pert   in
oarhuwagM with tiw police, wss wounded,   and
Imprisoned.   He wm cited from prteon to   take
hk pl.ee as Foreign Minister in Soviet Hungary.
I da net think he can be much over thirty. It will
be interesting to observe   w*hat   lessons be has
teemed to watching as earnestly as he did the
daring and desperate expermente of Russia.
.1  LLj.Ia.a.i-1
GROWTH OF SOCIALBm VK   TIBsn*XY8TAJf.
■•ess*
THI B0L8HBV1BT USUI.
The "Investate" (Bolshevik Organ) reports tiw
spread of SoekJkm to Mahommedan Turkestan,
hitherto s pawn of rival eeeuvfatete contestants.
The District Soviet of the Mahommedan Trades
Unions in Tashkent unites 500,000 Turkestan
workers, and tiw Soviet Oorernment has opened
e Mahommedan People's University and twenty-
four Turkish centers of learning. Soetelkt nepers
appear fa the "Turkish language, and out of 86
At a mum meeting to Madkon Square Garden, members of the Central Bxeeutive Committee of
held to "demand Justice for Soviet Bussia," the the Soviet BepubBe there, eleven ere Mahom-
epeakers included the Bev. John Haynes Holmes, medsne. Thus. «svs *u exchange; the Bed flag
Amos Ptaehot end Babbi Judah L. Msgnes, Fred- lights the way to pence even as between tbe age
crick C Howe, Unfted States Conmtisstoner   of   long feud of Cresent end Cfress.
At its first National Congress held recently, the
party appointed a commission to elaborate its program. "The program deals at great length with
the dictatorship of the proletarian class and of democracy which it define? as equailty of rights and
omens.   -, :    .. >
* it says, "will only be tally realized
CvCn from a political standpoint when social revolution, achieving the wotk of the French revolution,
shall have effaced the hereditary privileges of property, and tbe hereditary servitude of Labor. The
future alone will show in what manner this transformation whkh is itself a revolution, should be
achieved; either by a legal transmission of power
or by the pressure of universal suffrage, or
by a movement of organized Labor.
"•The Socialist Party,'* continues the manifesto,-
"does not confound revolution with violence. It
ardently hopes that the victory may be
pushed quietly and by methodical
But hi order to gain political power. Labor can re-i
nounee no mesn^of struggle, and the final form of
its revolution wfll depend upon circumstances, and
notably on tiw nature of thc resistance offered to its
crrort lor iiocrsmm.
The program goes on to say that the party fuBy
realtor, that the revolution can only hope to succeed
if It takes place when its "bwtcviefef hour" has
..truth. But it also utters tne warning that ft te
muter neither of tite form the revolution will take
nor of tiw moment when ft wfll be deetared.
•Whatever the form of the revolution, the taking over of public powers by Labor srfll very prob-
ably be followed by fe period of dictatorship."
(From "Christian   Seknee   Monitor," Msy 28.)
'Major Leonard Wood, reported to be to the
running for tiw next President of the U. 8. A-,
to outitokur measures, be advocated for thc country, stated thst "as a great Christian country we
should hsve some kind ef military orsunkatiou.''
We pay tribute to tiw gallant general's application of tbe teaching, of the "Prince ef Peace."
V_^ ^*ls
PAQEFOUB
ami ii»   i ,i iir^in'ii' )n
THE RED FLAG
m
THE RED FLA
"i mi  i ii —
A Journal of News7end Views Devoted to the
Working Class.
.",■'-.
Pobl ished When Circumstances and Finances Permit
By The Socialkt Party of Canada,
a>
■'- 401 Pender Street Beat, Vancouver, B. C.
s
Editor ;, '  .J* _. C Stephenson
SATCRDAY..
 —- '
JUNE 7. 1919
The Function of the
AT the Sunday evening propaganda meeting.
of the Soetelkt Party of Canada ft k customary
for the speaker of the evening to devote a part
of the time to answering questions submitted by
the audience. Any regular attendant at three
meetings cannot help but be familiar with a certain question whieh, in the matter of persistent recurrence, threatens to rival the decimal with a dot
over ft. like Banquo's ghost "it will not down."
The question referred to, while appearing under
different forms and diversities of camouflage, is,
: to general import, something like thk: "How do
the Socialists propose to overthrow the present
•™" *■ ^^^wm^m^mw^^mr mmmm        MT      WFmw^mwm^W wwr        wr w w« m^m^m wm* w ^^mmw0        Mr      wm^j^^mmm
system, and what system wttl they set up in ite
place?" "■'•<.:' ■ * ■'
Thk thing bears whiskers a yard long and "they
are hoary .with age. The time te long since when
it should hsve been laid to rest It is a matter for
astonishment that a person can be found with
sufficient intelligence to. string words together to
form a sentence who will stand up in a public
meeting and propound this aged joke. Thk question suggests that the person propounding ft entertains the Idea that the Socialists have a nice
compact little "system" all fixed up and reedy
to run on the pressing of S button; and that, so
soon as they can persuade a sufficient number of
the credulous proletariat to assist and protect
them in thek stokter design, they intend to sneak
up on the present system under cover of darkness,
beat it over the heed, drag it out, set up thek
own "system" in its place, preen
and thc thing k done,
It te a fact that at one time sueh weird idea fee
.thk wss held by s number of people who called
themselves Soetelkts. It is also fe fact that at one
time large numbers of people believed that the
earth waa fiat. There are no doubt some small
children and imbeciles Uvtog in the present day
Who hold to the idea that the moon k made of
\ green cheese.   But thst any person of mature age,
! in toll possession of his or her faculties snd living
in thk twentieth century, seventy-two years after
jug formulation of "The MatorteBatie Interpretation of History," esn be so profoundly ignorant
of the nature and censes of socisl movements fee
tins question suggests, k indeed s sorrowful
thought. However, so long as thk question een-
tinues to crop up it must be squarely met and ite
implication, emphatically repudiated.
Tn. nVKteUiste do not propose to
pi asset system; neither have they any ready-made
system to offer in its piece. No matter whet pecu-
rter wees may have been held by those calling
themselves Soetelkts to tiw "deer, deed days beyond recall," modern Soctelkm dating from the
works of Marx and Bngete etando foursquare end
• ootid on tite impregnable reek ef scientifically acquired kiwwledge, and ft te no exaggeration to
stole that every now discovery to tiw realms of
science but serves to strengthen tiw grwmtion «s-
aumed by tiw Scientific Socialkt And ao poison
having any etefca to tiw title ef Sdentine 8oeialkt
social  movements,
the futility of
ha.im pertkaV
namely,  propaganda  sweting.
the distribution of literature.   Labor unions,
or   industrial,   revolutionary   or   otherwise,   consciously or unconsciously, «re all contributing thek
quota insofar as they educate the masses te a t$a$.
Ii ration of thek position to human society. Strikes,
^r _va "■■fc^I«m**e^^ ^1 . ^     m        a ^ *mwm      m\^m> ^aal^^H*a^a^^^BV     ^B^a^^^a^haa^Ma*fcl'*^Baasaali^
awmma**. mm. amno   upaanpruuumnina^. mm    emmwnmmmwnwr   nnr   umtsmaau
contribute nothing toward the downfall jg;
talism  except insomuch ea they
consciousness and clsss solidarity.
do not pretend to initiate
None know better then they
endeavor. They do, however,
seek to understand them end to anticipate them.
In the light of thek knowledge of the nature and
causes of social movements and their analysis of
present-day conditions, the Soetelkts ere enabled thte principle a class-conscious worker will improve
to anticipate the social revolution in whteh society   or disapprove of a strike or any form of industrial
will Change its economical bask. They can see it
coming. And they welcome it for they know that
by thte change society will purge iteelf of those
objectionable feature, whieh arise out of tiw present eeonomk beam ant are rapidly becoming intolerable.
• A question that here naturally suggests iteelf
might be worded somewhat like thte: H, then,
social movements ere beyond tiw control of individuals or groups of individuals, what useful purpose k served by such organisations as the Socialkt
Party?" In answering thk question we must consider the factors which determine a social movement of the nature of that kl which we arc interested. Broadly they will fall into two divisions: thc material factors or the economic conditions whkh environ society,.and the intellectual
factors or society's understanding of its economic
bask. The principle upon which the production
and distribution of the necessities of life is carried on in any given society constitutes that society's economic system. Such a system exists
for the specific purpose of providing tiw,necessities of life for the members constituting that
society. As long as the great mass of society remains convinced that the economic system under
whkh it exists is capable of meeting its ever increasing requirements, so long will that system
continue.' The requirements of society may in
many instances actually not be met. There may
be starvation and destitution more or lem widespread and consequently strikes, food riots and
what is often tightly referred to as "industrial
unrest," but these latter will be nothing more than
efforts to force the existing system to respond
more generously and thus constitute fe tacit admission that tb^-aystem k still held to be capable
of so responding., So long aa thk opinion k held
by the great bulk of society there will be no con-
scious movement toward the abolition of the existing system On the other hand, just so soon as
society is awakened to the realisation that the
existing system is no longer capable of meeting
its requirements the doom of that system k seated,
length of time during which such a system
wfll continue in existence after the. first dawning
of the realization of ite incapability will depend
almost entirel" upon the speed with whteh this
realization permeates society.
Bight here thc function of tiie Socialist P«rty
stands revealed. Ite function te to awaken the
masses to a realisation of the feet that tiw existing economic *vstem k ineapabte of responding to
their needs.   In a word, education.
It te frequently asked in a mere or tern
catory spirit: "Why confine yourselves to
tion?   Is there nothing.more tiw Soetelkt Perry
can dot"
The answer k emphatically "Not There fc
nothing mere tiw Soetelkt Party can do." And,
moreover, there te nothing; more that any working
claas organisation can do. Over tbe material condition, the working claas have practically no control whatsoever and never wfll have so long as
they remote, stove*. The totefleetual faetor k the
only one over whteh they here any influence and
even to that domain they have a hard, herd row
to hoe.
It must be Mdssutssij however, that education
—whkh, to thc language of the proletariat moons
what irwvftabiy foBowa
•ondaritv
be, end te bohag, neesmpTishil to many dif-
■•■■*;
action/so-called, according as he conceive, the
degree of clauts consciousness snd solktority which
such action will promote to be worth whatever
hardship may be involved.
Education is, in the final analysis, all that any
working-class organisation can consciously contribute toward the downfall of rapiteliami.
ft k all that k necessary. For education
clam consciousness, class consciousness
class solidarity, class solidarity breeds militancy
and it is out of these that tiw form end technique
of .revolution will take shape according to tiw
needs of the moment. As to just when that
moment will be no man can say more than that
it looms perilously near. C. K.
THE VANCOUVER
.Ii/'
„ The' Vancouver branch of the typographical
union voted a majority of 71 to 55 in favor of going
out on sympathetic strike in support of the workers
of Winnipeg. However, it was derided by the local
to refuse to handle any strike, news whteh, to their
opinion, misrepresented tite facts. The printers are J
on the inside of thk business of making up "news'* .
and they revolted when more of the "stuff" was
handed in to them for composition. The refusal of
the publishers of the daily press to submit to this
constitutes an admission that "fakiring" is part of
their stock in trade.
We are informed that the first copy turned
down by them was the product of the press correspondent. G. C. Porter, the individual who was
responsible for the despatches sent out from
Thief River Falls, during the first week of the
strike, giving circumstantially worked-up details
of horrible conditions prevailing to Winnipeg.
Thk man beam one of the most unsavory reputations aa to hk treatment of labor troubles to hk
'reports. He k an old* offender and te known from
coast to coast aa notoriously unfair to labor and
a trouble-maker. Yet' knowing him for what he
was, the press published hk ridiculous "dope,"
that the Winnipeg strike was the part of a deliberate plan to commence seizing the powers of
government in Canada, for the taking over the
industries and tiw establishment of the Proletarian
dictatorship. Winnipeg was al ready controlled by
a Soviet of the workers and wc forget what horrible fate had hem meted out to the Mayor and
Council. Babies were dying for wsnt of milk,
etc.. etc., etc  7   ..-.*-
-, ('
■ v,:.i
SOCIALIST PARTY
OF CANADA
PROPAGANDA MEETDfOS
SUNDAY. JUNE 8
At8pjn. Sharp
IWI     ■■■!
~—
J. H
m
a
y
•jpAOAN Rome's head ached.    Pagan
X      bead   was hard, but it ached.   And
ache was no uncertain one.
condition was
my    .
k emy for tiw
carnival of flagw.ving,  trumpeting,  orating,
*t»™««ng and other well-known psjrhmk forming:
The diagnosis of the . k easy for the dear   public are   showing nanus-    stunts,   the Capitalist States of the World played
for the dear public were show-   takeable symptoms of • verftahle brainstorm, nine   the game that had been stayed on a
tog uiimtet.ke.hle symptoms of fe veritable brain-   pathology of the trouble b not difficult fur. tbe
storm.   The pathology of th. trouble was aet dbV    «■»« spectre of fsmine k in s world of
ficult, for the Light of the Primitive   Christians    beakttelfty and horrom of war   ft the
was hidden by no Bushel; mid without exception    Christ awd Democracy, tbe muttering* end
tint symptoms were most   pronounced    wherever
that Light burned most brightly.
'But what of therapeutics for tke disease? That
were another matter. "Twere easy enough to see
the storm; and satisfactory reasons, even if not
the root causes, could be assigned thereto. But,
"Oik calling k in danger," and "What must we
do to be saved?"
Imperial Pagan Borne never had had audi a
head: Many a time had the Imperial Legions
some, provincial   religious   and   patriotic
But this
cf the
tinuous reference to "tite revolution
rsnk feeling to tite ate eun not be
But what of the
That is another matter.    Tte
the storm, and tite superficial
system satisfy tbe petit
intelligentsia by their unending
shevist!    Socialist!    Anarchist!
to see
for tiw
and so-called
of "Bol-
ThemIM.
But the chorus still
peace.   On the
fanatic from the ffece of tiw Earth,
a sekmk disturbance that emanated
many a time   since tite   oM   annua ^ Plutocrats
sensed tiw keynote ef mass control, mid the proletariat of the Christian World rushed into tiw
greatest carnival of mutual murder yet staged to
For the irreeoneflebks and /«T
and the firing squad.
What cards   hss   Capitalism left?   By   what
propaganda can the psychosk now forming in the
be prostituted    again to bokter   up    the
tncity, steam una machinery have formed a W»
choak of thc proletariat that presents a soul-
wraeking problem to the owners'' of the pre*
letertet A glimmer of halting, stumbling intelligence k shooting tote the mental equipment
of the mass: a   thin shaft   of   light k skootSgy
chorusing there appears   no
the force, of tiw Iligher-
UpS gather thek armies of hirelings through the
tne   age'neies of the State and on the other, the ranks   across that tired brain benumbed by the slavery
very centre of their earth, and like a tide rising    of labor swiftly gather. of untold generation.; the giant chained by   hte
would neither be damned nor gainsaid.   Bosk to       Imperial Christian Capitalism hss never before   "superior" formed mentality te slowly, stirring.
nature) law there was to it and the conquerors of   bad such a bead. .Many   a time nave   Christian       Capitalism's only hope k to guide and use th*
the Earth could only adapt themselves to ft or be   Bayonet, let Christ and fight   into   the   naked   psychotic of the industrial proletariat to such   a
swept aside by remorseless Nature along wfth the   **** bodies of independent aborigines who pre-   way as to again center it upon other ephemeral
ferred death to the enlightment of "Law, Order    activities.    Wfll material    conditions accomodate
and Democracy." and whose sense of thc fitness    eny such performance?   Steam replies No!   Elee-
of things dkl not include resolving themselves into    tricky echoes Bo!     Machinery roam Nol     The
a market for. Lancashire Cottons and Birmingham    intelligent among the workers thunder No)
Smaflwarea.   But thk k .seismic disturbance that
emanate, from the very centre of thek Capitalist
Strongholds, and rising tike tiw tide flooding gives
no hint of possibility of abatement.   Based on tiw
natural lew at Eternal Change or Death, the Im-
in
• s
hundreds of millions of other forms of life that
had not proved adaptable to changing conditions.
Thte time neither Machiavellian Art nor thc
Strong Arm could eradicate thc business end perforce the matter had to be assimilated.
The slaves of Imperial Borne needed no propagandist to ceaselessly point to the Clam Struggle.
Captured to battle Or taken in the drag net of the
Roman Armies there Was no medium-of-exchange
or psuedo-demoeracy to    veil the situation.    But    perialist Masters of Worldwide
chattel slavery was the order of the day and thc   either adapt themselves to the changing conditions
social economy of the period we. not ripe for amy   or be swept out of existence by the pent-up vol-
Strong
change'   No   hope appeared anywhere   in   that
direction.
Primitive Christianity preached Communism to
-tiw present economy fend Hope in the Future. No
Marx was required to tell them that they bad
nothing to loose but their, chains, and the accumulated mites of thousands looked very like
wealth; in Another Life definitely promised there
was to be freedom; at airy moment the Promised
Messiah might be' expected and the Future Life
installed forthwith!
At first they joined up by ones end twee.
Gradually it became hundreds, and thousands, and
then hundreds of thousands. The One Big Union
with ite Determining Economic Busk end Be Hone
swept the Empire. For once the psychology of
the mam bed gotten out of thc control of tiw
"Upper Clam." Swayed by the idea resultant
from the conditions, and mentally intoxicated with
a faith accouched by degradation and slavery
they rushed to the stoke, the cross, the arena snd
the jails with an unanimity that defied fell authority and took repression as a thirsty man takes
water.
Imperial Borne hsd • sick heed ache!
Imperial Borne bed to face the situation. There
were three alternative, confronting the *Mtetona
end Plutocrats. Either they had to exterminate
the proletariat or to be engulfed to tite flood themselves upon the back, of tiw masses. They chose thc
tetter alternative. A little appearance of concession,
• great noise of confession; fe lfttfc doctoring of
doctrine, e great show of adopting:
fluttering of flags, terrific blowing of
strenuous orations by political pilots, frenried
besting of breasts by new inspired sky pilots and
the ne«r-f«tal psychology veered before.the tornado of patriotism, bombast, loyefty and lying.
Imperialism recovered its breath. For the ir-
reeoncflnbles and non-hypnotkable—extermination
to a sea of blood;
-•'  eV*,a    e   -a  /     .';. J}..
Ctouttifek Capitrikms head aches. Christian
Capitalism's Iwajj k.a hard gpe, ApfttWaVhavto
no uncertain one.   The diagnosis of the
carde forces that they fere trying to stifle,
time neither Machiavellian Art   nor* the
We will not be tempted to indulge to tiw mental
relaxation and remblmgk of prophesy.
We shall see. Perchance the workers of Europe
can be shown and convinced of the necessity of
shovelling Europe into the Atlantic Ocean.
tbe workers of tide Continent hypnotised into the
mental state that wfll set them .t shovelling
America into the Pacific,
We have had our psychosk   of "Slavery here
below and Hope in the Future."   Our psychoste
Arm cab keep for them the unchallenged position   of War te about over and tbe remains ere rapidly
occupied under enndifions that have passed away,    oozing away.
The   Trump    Are   of    Capitalism—Worldwide       Ts it to be a psychosk ef shovelling dirt?   Or
War—was played to 1914.   Accomplished by   s ' te Jt to be e psychosis of LIBERTY?
■
•
4' '«,.
FINLAND AND BUSSIA
On Wednesday, by way of gratitude
Finnish offensive against Petrograd. launched
by General Mannerheim teat week, tiw British
Government "recognized" the independence of
Finland and the de focto Finnkh /Government.
Meantime according to Beutcr, tite Finnkh Soetelkt: fere demanding the removal of Mannerheim
on the ground. (1) that he was chosen by the old,
unrepresentative Diet; (2) that he is imperfectly
acquainted with the Finnkh language; (3) that
be authorised the White Terror; and (4) that he
k to touch with tiw Russian reactionaries. It k
to feet more than possible tiwt General Manner-
m?mmmmm9mw9mWk     mm'mmwmmm^wmmmin- ■■      1k**"Pa^^^MB4fe — ^-  U TL^^ m rt
wfth - Qenttnl ? Judenheh's   reactionary
provoke serious trouble to Finland,
the advance ou IYwogisd awe. been
checked fet Otonete.
The following* te from the pen of Mr.
Young formerly British Council at Archangel.
He te now correspondent for the London Drily
News in Germany. :/«.]••    f- > K^'.- -■ ;--*-. '*?■<
Whilst Consul to Avehaagcj he bilteilj donoUlnicd
the British occupation of tiwt port end dad his
beet to expose the Afited intrigue against Soviet
Russia, openly espousing the cause of the
■   ■*> *^--»-*- yaana^BUaBauK^n\ aw;Mm%mJmmMmmJL ■ "*-**- -  i ■   \mi \\?   a ■
VorKCn    tC|fUUUC    eu^MmnVl  ' IM '  emnWmnlC
U    *^ ^Mmmm'       mm ■  ^■  ^m m*■'— V S * ■mTlmm^m. nmm^m^mSimS    »i-    featSt
seeansg rm ewomniL  vw merer '3tv
apropos ot Weimar the scat of aha
Ae the
majority of the Congress will favor fa
of Parliament and Councils in which   the   letter
shall have political power.
The beet chance for Germany now lies in the
establishment of such a combination on the baste
of practical proposals from thte- Congress. The
workman will not Work unless some real sociali-
sation is introduced, and that k only possible if
more steam be brought into the political machine
than tiw parliamentary system can rube. Soctelkm
and reconstruction hsve been going beck, not forward, last Week tbe Socialisation Conunkrion resigned, because Weimar would not give effect to
its mildly socialistic recomendstions. Yesterday
the Finance Minister Schiffer resigned, because "
hk democratic idem made as little progress. The
Councils arc as essential to Germany today as tiw
Common, were to us . century .go. Indeed, our
insistence oh the supremacy of the Weimar As-,
sembly a. a guarantee for tite maintenance of
peace eun be paralleled hktorically by our insistence a century ago on the maintenance of Upper
in the constitution* of the States revolu-
frem France. The function of tiw teiri
tortelly elected Parliament wfll in Germany, and
probably everywhere, become more end more
that of an Upper House, while the industrially
elected Congress will be tiw creative and constructive institution. The whole difficulty Iks to
finding a working compromise, or, rather, cooperation. Just as feudalism imposed its political
system, still anrvivtog, to the House of Lords, aa
ft. system to the House of
requires suppte-
have fta political
system to the Couarik Thte k net revolution, but
The revetowon eome.. from thwarting
threatening H. '
"
mr   '±r)mmmmw\ •     'ym**M*MMMMMM
•'•"itf- >•• ■■■•?'.4-''*'*"-"t-.-iTv Vt;?3   '.,; :v*    ,.:.#* .*: >£■,'.' ■ ^^•^%.::i,'^.-.* *'v?Vr? ",*:V^',;;i
• •      -    '   .      .... '
The Commodity Mature
LR
It
■BK-.
K^?*.
■
eaten and digested, k buflt up tot. the tissue, of
hte body.
The process of
ously, more intensely during period, of
and result, to tiw ^libcaation. of ~a eosaiderebte
amount of energy, efrf «£»§■# kuacd np i* jh*
various bodily function, and the ifstodri te available for the activities characteristic of thc individual.
ite will be seen, then, that the human body belongs to that class of machines the function of
which k to change energy from one form to another. A comparison bee often bean made between the human body and a .team engine in- that
the latter transforms the potential energy ef cool
into motion while the former changes tbe potential energy of foodstuffs into heat, motion, end
nervous energy.
The energy thai set free te considerable to
amount and it baa been calculated that n man of
ordinary strength can exert 4500 foot-pounds per
minute for 10 hours **dfg*»anwl tor about one-
seventh of a horse-power.
The force of energy .generated by tiw human
organism may be used to effect a displacement of
matter—human activity in the production of
wealth conatete entirely to tiw displacement of
matter—resulting in "work" whkh when multiplied by time k "power." In economics, however,
the energy k known aa "labor power" and its
expenditure to production as "labor.'*
Now, a commodity, by definition, k an external
object; k useful to some one; is tiw product of
labor and k produced for exchange, that te ft k
bought and sold. To be classed ae e commodity,
labor power must satisfy these four conditions.
To begin with, labor-power te a purely physical
phenomenon. The distinction often made between
manual and mental labor is purely arbitrary and
while retained for convenience te not a real distinction to that all labor k both manual and
tal although these two
ratios. Nor need the fact that labor-power can
not be visibly separated from ft. producer create
any confusion as to its objectivity.
It k useful, being necessary to tiw tife and well-
being of its producer and very profitable to thaw
fortunate enough to control him. **
It k the product of labor to that the food,
clothing and shelter necessary to its produetion
are labor products and inasmuch as tiw Isborer
himself ss he appears in the labor market te a
product of the labor expended in hk
education and training.
before tabor-power eon function as a
In. the first piece, co-operation, division of labor
tiw use of tools, in a word, so" "
tiwt there te a margftl
caswuraption,  thereby  permitting  the
tion of wealth.   That k to aay, that other thing.
Being equal, a map should be able to produce
more wealth in a day. month or jeer then is nerev
nary for hte snsteno.er    Thte surplus we shall
encounter later aa rent, Interest and profit
Thk condition alone does not ensure that labor-
power shall function as a commodfty but leads up
through slavery and serfdom' to''
Sm^	
nut* the laborer k free te aril hk labor
tinder slavery he k himself a niwanulBj.
He an eat or a hone; test to modern soefaty he
te tiw owner of hte pereen, free beforextiw tow
phyricaUy eeoridered, mnyMk defined ek]
of amemHpoa ifefl djg
taking place to ecrtakrjjrganic sub-    end able
.. a*    • ^Ammmm €>f   nlS
prising the hving orguumn. *.$ U*™.I
# aaskritation requires tiwt the       Secondly,
sav   a man   be suoDlied at frequent to-    atU *" wbor **"€*-, that te, he has no other
tervak with a certain quantity of food whkh. being    ?jPM?tfeTM-'^MSffi^
built up toto the nuns of   ■***er eeeentmte ef prodnetten which
into the hands of thc purchasef or, rather, of tiw
purchasing class -
These conditions being present, labor-power ap-
9*m. «f lJM!&£k* which te
labor market by ft. owner, the tatte
by the uour. month or other pertou agreed upon.
Iking sold, ft, of course, haa a price generally
known by the special term "wages" or. in certain cases, "salarv."
"Price,'* k value expressed in terms of money
and the value of this particular commodity, like
that of any other, te determined by its cost of
production. Now, the cost of production of labor-
power depends on—first, a sufficiency of food,
clothing and shelter for the maintenance of the
laborer so that he can turn out every morning
fresh and fit for a day', work; secondly, maintenance for his wife and children so that the race
of laborers shall not die out: thirdly, to all occupations requiring. some special akill or training,
the expense, of education wfll pass over toto tiw
value of the product
~ All of these factors resolve themselves into a
definite quantity of the means of subsistence, the
value of which, measured to labor time, will appear in the value of labor power. There k, however, another factor not present in other commodities which has bearing on thk point—tiw
"standard of Uvtog."
There k, of course, a physical minimum of
than whkh the working elam could not
which, further, wfll vary wfth time and plsce.
the other bend, the wants and requirements of the
worker are the result of a process of historical
development and form a psychological faetor having a profound effect on thc cost of subsistence.
For instance, the existence of free knd during the
rise of American enpftaBfte k> no doubt, the cause
of the higher standard of living and consequent
high wages in America, compared wfth the Euro-
during  fe period  of  falling  prices  due
««**** fci-oM tt*V
Cloecl/couftted
of the length of woe
of labor power k accompanied by a
matter which cause a ]
♦ Warn*   irwifiam     an anslf mail sai tm    "MtamnfleT    m\a   f sti<ma   mmm%
nZa^iTlTS^at ex3re or
continued, to exhaustion.   For this
towards the close of the working day a marked
diminution of efficiency, both as to quantity end
liability to acci-
due the readiness on the part of the employing class to accede
demands for a shorter workday and,&eiufiy
to initiate such measures.      ■»;;...; H'%*Jb;
Since   the  establishment of modern  capital km
the laborers have kept up a continuous pressure
wfth a view to securing better wages, shorter hours
and improved conditidhs of labor resulting in the
formation of trade unions, thus securing the advantage of collective bargaining with the strike
snd  boycott as persuasive  agencies.    Whatever
value these organiaztions may have had for the
workers in  the past they cannot be said to be
conspicuously successful at the present time nor
are the results in any way commensurate with the
energy and money, expended.    The trade unions
were at first, of necessity, formed upon craft lines
and those trades for which special sluH and training arc necessary were able to obtain the most
advantageous terms—it will be remembered that,
when discussing wages we found that the training of the skilled laborer was a factor in determining the value of labor power—thk, however,
k offset by the fact that .the development   of
machinery is rapidly rendering unneccs-
possession of special skill and te obliterat-
the  distinctions thus created between   the
rkers.    For thk  and  other  reasons  we  find
strongly in evidence a growing sense of solidarity
among the laborers and a tendency to much closer
affiliation than is afforded by the old-line unions.
Chi the other hand, the employers realizing, somewhat late to the day, that a healthy, contented
and. therefore, efficient Working class k s necessity in thek business are increasingly willing to
make concessions and are inclined to patronise
and foster.the ersft unions.
Association with the modern machinery of production whkh, while it has broken down the
spectel handicraft skill of the worker necessitates
1 a certain degree of intelligence and education on
his pert, k in fact an education in itself, hep profoundly modified the-point of view of the working
cording to thc dictates of the lew of supply and   clsss, rendering it much more susceptible to those
teachings which contemplate thc abolition of the
status rather than amelioration of the conditions
of servitude.   But that, of course, te another story.
< CWMHMB.
However, the standard of living for any given
country k more or tern fe fixed quantity and the
cent of subsistence, therefore, fairly well established. Bound, the vaiue of lsbor power, as thus
fixed, tbe price, tiwt k, wages, wfll fluctuate ae-
but. inasmuch ss there k generally an
oversupply of labor power, wages are found to
approximate very closely to the cost of
Wages may hi eonelnercd from three points of
view.   First there k the actual amount ef
paid to tiw laborer, tite "nominal" wage.
ly, there k tbe "real" wage, which is tbe    	
whieh eon be bought wfth that
of money, end thirdly, the "relative"
wage whkh k wage, eorandered retetively to tiw
total product or. what te' wore to the point to
'a, aV^      mWmmmtmmtmmmmmMmmm'  'mmmWLmmmM*      ^^i^^b^^^^Mi^Mam^^mmW      .V^v      AaV Mm
tne auroras a mac appropnamu ny me
Thte totter aspect we are not at
I wfth. but it te obvious thst ft k "real
^^^^^ ind unit It te am*-
aabte for a caamsderabie rtee to nominal wugm to
enemkntalry wfth a eertons fofl to reel
an^MfeaUisamafup folmfe naleaaeam awnemSaaiW en ejaanawswtal
^%^^*^^*^ aaawaey    *^a.^*ii.iBF   aja^i^Bi^^^   ^*>aani oeaajaj   ^ar   mm^mm *wv
of rising prtecs and te perttentofiy notkcabk at
tka present time. During sueh periods the en-
doevor en the nert of the mm*.*** to brine waaws
*»«*^_»W^»    ^"'p*   m**T*m   g*wmm. *,    *^»    *«■«*     vrwrmmmm^m.. *^     w* ***£****
'saonrabte unrest end dktnrbsncc in tiw tenor mer-
ket which te repeated, on a anaeBer mate, however.
****? LIBBBATIOK OP H0CTA0B8 ORDERED
COPBNHAOEFf, May 27.--An official communication received here frem Budapest sfeys that
tite Soviet having triumphed over Ite enemies, tite
liberation of hostage, hss been ordered.
Tie Hungary army command at Budapest sn-
aeuncm tiwt the "enemy" te wfthdrewing southern of Budaoest toe dkorderlv manner.   It wvs
, ^S^BiBB^BF    wmrmi    mmwwmmmwmwmWWr^ww    mmm    ^m    w^mm^^^rm wwvu     mwanvva * m.w    ^mmm^ m*
it .1     ^      ,,  |   ..I-        ,.| m j. .^^ ^ m M mm\ mm '    mM   '   *% ^■■^m ayti Ml m
teat a regmieut compoora or nonmsnuns
Transylvarda was abnost wiped out. '
.      '; '''    ■■■"" ■ t
WHAT tt BUIMBMriO flOfTLlIJBlE?
wmanwfmmm    ***y   **Tmmwaamam ^mm. »^r    aascwuw«mmm«siaBsmwe. •
•   Tiw ktanifesto of tiw Socialist Psrty of Canada:
Price~gfi.Q0 per 100      Stogie Copies Wc
Proneaands nwetinas everv Bundev nteht st
8 pat, Bnrprem Theatre, corner of Qon
ana Bastings street. *$*??
"'-"■■
'■:
\m-
r%.
mm
*
',..' ,
¥b      Lmlfc&»
MM*
.  ■ -b-.f' 1 •    •  .
A Journal of New, and Views DeooteJ to the Interests of the Working Oats   <*
'   ,^**^'-'- ■ i   i " ii.. ¥'n'f       J |—TT^-i       'i i ii..      i,i    .in.'    ■'          ■      ■        i     I i   ii..       i   ' .,
VANCOUVER, SATUBDAir, iUNB \ VHi*
■mwfl
>
i
VOL 1
c
FIVE CENTS
*•"("• **^.n*waam , _ ^^am^n^m%-     'Mv
" -•'.-j.' tJk-> v.»v.«,-jr.jLa-.'
sinae in. support
innipeg to 'thek
•pii'Bixc the
JLir Dominion-wide
of the metal trade i
fight for the principle of collective bargaining
through the agency of their Trade. Council, has
developed toto still greater proportions. In Vancouver, shipyards, factories,' machine shops, etc,
have closed down, shipping is tied up end the
street cars have ceased to run. Many craft organizations in other cities, which had held back,
hoping for favorable developments, have ako left
their work and more and more are still coming
out. The continued arrogant, junker-like opposition of the Government to the principle of collective bargaining decided thek action and its refusal to reinstate the postal employees also carried great weight.
What a pretty kettle of fish we hsve on fry now"
Over a principle which te recognized, wfth applications of fsr
ed here, in almost
*$|tfts' a powerful and hitherto unfailing
into the hands of those who seek to smash
to lower levels the'living conditions of the working class, organized labor will make such a fight
against thk ss will surprise, yea, startle ite
enemies. * ft    !
The capitalist press, from behind its mask of
being the "public" press, continues to publish Irritating reports, full of inisiirforiuation and glaring misrepresentations, couched in inciting language. It plays the foreigner "stunt." We are
also told over and over again with variations, of
the prominent citizens with jaws set, who say
they will stand no nonsence and that they are
prepared to go the limit in the enforcement of law
and order, ete.> etc. ffhal /does such "stuff"
meant' It means that the press is trying to foster
an impression that viojenee^ neccssarilly sccom-
Wfmmwmp
The mark of' tiw beast
on all they do
greater magnitude than te demand-   ^£^^l£*+" '*££**_** * *** **
ostevery country in the world. How   V*** ^^f^** ***** itounufetions arc,
ayune statesmen of Canada
a million strong, in Great Britain; or with some
three millions represented by tbe Triple Alliance.
Truth to tell tbe whole affair   appears
fWiy.
Considering the stand taken by the Government
on matters in connection with thk strike, and
in connection with the actions of its
tives, Meighatt and Gideon Robertson, in
mencing to denounce the strike, they were supposed to have been sent to investigate, on the
very day they arrived in Winnipeg, we are forced
to the conclusion that the Government in collusion with the employers, hat precipitated thk
strike with msHee %^retiwught Wc believe ft
hss been planned to'-smash he organked labor
.movement when ft was thought to be weak and
least able to recover fta strength back again, because of an overstocked labor market. We,believe they took advantage of the, for tbe wage
workers, unfortunate condition of the labor market, to catch tiw working class on tiw hip and
throw them down to an even lower standard of
living then k at present their tot We believe
thk, but we also believe that thc eonspiritors
hsve msde a drastic aakcalculation, and tiw con-
sequence, may be boomerang-tike for them
These guilt ki sua do not realise tiwt while tiwy
have been immersed in the filthy and discreditable hugger mugger game of bourgeok politics.
dastard Iks.
of
The vast majority
it without yi
ikeapl
oiit incurring the bitter hostility of the press. In
those few eases where violence has occured, it has
been fostered by the press in collusion with hired
provfecstuera and thugs.' Moreover, we maintain
that the working class, in spite of poverty and
other shameful conditions arising from their exploitation by the profiteering class, are the only
useful, as well as the most decent and law-abiding
clam in society. All, aspiring religions,'idealisms
and philosophies have sprung from their ranks or
have been inspired by their cause. Who ever
championed the cause of the rulers and the exploiters except the paid hireling and the sycophant!   These are at work in this struggle. Watch
BOLSHEVIKI CLAIM ROUT OF KOLCHAK
them!
and ssy.
Fortunately the capitalist press bus had ite
claws dipt somewhat The local Typographical
Union has passed and reaffirmed the following
resolution moved by It. P. Pettipkee and seconded
by J. Rankin, and pawed unanimously:
liThat, for the duration of the present strike,
the President, who shaft give hte entire time to tiw
work, and a representative in each of the three
newspaper offices, be named by No. 226, to ensure
the publication of the strikers' views and that deliberate misrepresentation be prevented, under
penalty of cessation of work. And that the newspapers be compelled to publish reports submitted
by unions.''
Respite the blatant protests of innocence on tin.
part of the publishers, notably the "Bun, "V Ite
claws have been clipped, and at a meeting held
as late as last night by the printers, the resolution
was again concurred in unanimously, and the
prohibition of "deliberate misrepresentation" wfll
vertheless much provaeatuer "stuff"'
lUgii. Treat it with contempt. Keep
in touch with authentic news sources.
Workers, do not let them intimidate you. By
virtue of the self-discipline snd organization of
tbe workers in Winnipeg, there has been no
trouble there, though latest reports indicate that
their enemies are organizing it. In Vancouver all
is quiet. Nevertheless, we know that the malig-
nants. with the will to disorder, are here, they
are but non-plumed for the moment by your
quietitnde. Do not let them irritate and provoke
you. The steadfast purpose snd iron-will revealed
in your organized discipline, te more menacing to
them than all the threatening terrors of unorganized and raging mobs.   Standfast!
PA
:
VS. SOVIET
COPENHAGEN, JurW 6.—The Swedish Socialist
newspaper Folkets Dagsblad, which is said to be in
close communication with the Russian Bolshevik
government, has received a telegram from Peirp-
grad reporting that the forces of Admiral Kolchak
^f the Omsk Government have been defeated in the
south and centre, wHfle th northern front is shaking. The Sovtet troops arc said to have captured
40jOOO prisoners, lOfJi guns and mucn war material.
Tne Esthonian offensive against Petrograd, the
telegram adds, has been stopped, and the anti-Bol-
that the worker, here, main every other country,     .V    .   *y _^i^^ tall'jI/l.-Yt^lt i»~k.»~
hare been malting away   from the old futflftke 'Wt^^^^ d,reCtl°n *&»&<*
and stale politicsl superstitions of the Grit and
Tory schools. Thk test five Y**** ot bitter experience, has no - sharpened their insight and
broadened thek outlook on social affairs, that th*
ward heelers of Ottawa will find tiiek old bag
of tricks of decreasing value, now, aM in the
days to come. The issues now considered by the
Workers, center around tiw very bares of the
social structure, end they arc questioning tiw
social validity of many things.
The telegram continues:,
"The British »navy attempted to force the Finnkh Gulf, but retired.
"The levotatioiwiy movement against the Soviet
has broken and the Soviet k stronger than ever*
The Bolsheviki have recaptured Sarapul on thc
Kama River southwest"of"Perm, which was one of
the important towns taken by Admiral Kolchak's
forces in thek spring advance, a Bolshevik wireless
nmssage ckims.  The despatch alio asserts that the
LONDON, tone 6.—It will be surprising if, within the next few days We do not see fresh and perhaps serious labor troubles here. If so the issue
will be quite clear, vte., Parliament versus Soviet.
For the moment Bob Smillic, the miners' representative, and Robert Williams, transport leader,
save received a setback in their attempt to put a
pistol to the government's head. They demanded,
under threat of a general strike of all miners snd
transport workers that the government immediately
withdraw all British troops from Russia, raise the
blockade against Germany, abolish conscription,
and rekase all conscientious objectors in England.
However this attitude precipitated trouble at
once for its sponsors,. The parliamentary committee of the Trades Union Congress, headed by the
front bench labor men, resented thk outside interference and dictation from men Who. themselves
failed to secure return to tbe Commons at the test
celctions. and are now avowedly seeking to discredit Parliament In the eyes of the workers.
j. Harrington w3I be the speaker at the Empress
^bau1 fee m spite of the fact that a falling tabor    Bolsheviki are continuing to advance in this region,    theatre/ Sunday evening, commencing at 8 o'clock.
aa

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