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The Red Flag Apr 19, 1919

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Strength of Bolsheviki Government The " White Terror" in Finland
Problems of American Socialism
'      : i
A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the Interests of the Working Class
•OL. 1    NO. 1£)
Why Are You Out of Work ?
On  the  Nature   and  Uses  of  Sabotage."—By
Thorstein Veblen
We give below a part of an article, under the
|bove caption, contained in the New York "Dial,"
April 15.
Veblen is an ex-professor of economics of an
American university, one of many who a short
\me back lost their chairs for refusing to sacrifice
leir convictions on the economics of capitalism,
the vested interests who dictate the policies of
lose halls of learning. He is now one of the associate editors of the "Dial," one of the very best
\i the organs of Liberal thought. A master of
rony, in his quiet, dry, humorous way of present-
lg the matter of his subject, he makes such play
kith his Marxian logic that he gets his rapier point
borne unexpectedly to the reader, and in unexpected places.    He is always worth reading.
"Sabotage," he says, "is a derivative of 'Sabot."
ihich is French for a wooden shoe. It means
jfoing slow, with a dragging, clumsy movement,
luch as that manner footgear may be expected
lo bring on. So it has come to describe any ma-
jieouvre of slowing down, inefficiency, bungling,
bbstruction. In American usage the word is very
bften taken to mean forcible obstruction, destructive tactics, industrial frightfulness, incendiarism
}nd high explosives, although that is plainly not
ts first meaning nor its common meaning.    Nor
\« that its ordinary meaning as the word is used
among those who have advocated a recourse to
sabotage as a riieans of enforcing an argument
about wages or conditions of work. The ordinary
meaning of the word is better defined by an expression which has latterly come into use among
ihe I. W. W., 'conscientious withdraway of efficiency'—although that phrase does not cover all
that is rightly to be included under this technical term.
"The sinister meaning which is often atached
to the word in American usage, as denoting violence and disorder, appears to be due to the fact
that the American usage has been shaped chiefly
by persons and newspapers who have aimed to
discredit the use of sabotage by organized workmen and wfio have therefore laid stress on its less
amiable manifestations. This is unfortunate. It
lessens the usefulness of the word by making it
a means of denunciation rather than of understanding."
He then goes on to show some of its wider and
no doubt to many undiseriminating innocents, unsuspected applications and practices, legal and
moral within the bourgeois code, because necessary
to the preservation of the bourgeois system of
produetion for profit. We regret to have to skip
drastically much of his article, for lack of space.
The captions, heading paragraphs, are our own.
Control of the Rate and Volume of Output
Without some salutary restraint in the way of
sabotage on the productive use of the available industrial plant and workmen, it is altogether unlikely that prices could be maintained at a reasonably profitable figure for any appreciable time.
A businesslike control of the rate and volume of
output is indispensable for keeping up a profitable
market, and a profitable market is the first and unremitting condition of prosperity in any community whose industry is owned and managed by
business men. And the way and means of this
necessary control of the output of industry are
always and necessarily something in the nature of
sabotage—something in the way of retardation,
restriction, withdrawal, unemployment of plant
and workmen—whereby production is kept short
of productive capacity. The mechanical industry
of the new order is inordinately productive. So
the rate and volume of output have to be regulated
with a view- to what, the traffic will bear—that is
1o say. what will yield, the largest net return'in
terms of price to the business men in charge of
the;,jRountrx:^4nduatrj^i]- system. Otherwise there
will be "overproduction," business depression, and
consequent hard times all round. Overproduction
means production in .excess of what the market
will carry off at a sufficiently profitable price. So
it appears that the continued prosperity of the
(Continued on Page Two)
A Reconstruction of the Ruling Class
State Capitalism Is the Aim of the Large Interests
This Will Aid Continued Rule of King Capital
The reconstruction period, as it is called, will
)e a very important one for all members of society,
)ut especially for the capitalist class. On the issue
)f this period depends the existence of their class.
In those countries where the capitalists are the
ruling class, they will use every means in their
>ower to make their existence secure. All social
Institutions will be tampered with, more or less.
They will be put in new moulds, as it were, that
look well. The social and institutional adjustments that will be made by the capitalist class
government are of the highest importance, because if they are^pleasing to the people, they will
form a bulwark of defence for the capitalist sys-
tme" for some time to come.
Let no working man or woman be mistaken on
this point, that the reconstruction period is the
Igolden moment for the capitalist class to re-affirm
■md strengthen its rule over society, and it will
pot be found napping in making use of this moment.
It is therefore both interesting and instructive
]*o make a survey of the policy the capitalist gov-
jernment in Canada will pursue to accomplish th*
lend the capitalist class desire.    The recent purchase of the railway systems by the Canadian government indicates the character of the reconstruc-
[tion, the general line of development that will be
followed. Nationalization of industry will be a
slogan during this period. The government, however, will not purchase all industries, though it
may purchase some. But what is more to the
point, the government will exercise more control
over all industries, whether they actually belong
to the government or not, both in their internal
and external affairs. In other words, capitalistic
forces and influences are endeavoring to move us
into a period of social existence which might most
aptly be described by the term State Capitalism.
There is a combination of circumstances forcing
Canadian capitalism in the direction of state capitalism. The war is just over, and times promise
to be prety hard. Unemployment threatens to be
pretty hard. Unemployment threatens to stalk
the land again with hungry mein. The working
class is restless. The working men would not, endure many nights in the bread line. They are already in an ugly mood owing to the autocratic
orders-in-couneil passed by the cabinet in the last
days of the war. A few days without bread, a
few nights spent without shelter, would react on
the patience of the working class like a lighted
match reacts on a powder magazine. Moreover,
the action of the working class first in Russia, and
then in Oermany, has given the Canadian working
class a "feeling of its power, has made it feel somewhat like a boy after he has killed his first bird
with a sling shot.
Owing to this mood of the working class, it is
evident the capitalist elass has reached the pass
where it has to tread with caution. The ground
under its feet is very slippery. Something must
be done to control this working elass, to appease
it. to tame it, to cool its revolutionary ardor. The
capitalist politicians have responded to their comrades' call to save Canadian capitalism by fleeing
into the arms of State Capitalism.
It was not by chance, nor yet by choice, but by
necessity that the Canadian government adopted
the policy of the nationalization of industry, as
it is popularly called. This policy has long been
a political fad.amopg the Radicals. The Union
government, the high priest of Canadian capitalism, had to get the support of these Radicals to
ensure its existence in power. The radicals are
made upof four groups—the intellectuals, the petty
bourgeios. the Conservative unions and the organized farmers. Each of these groups demand
nationalization of industry for reasons peculiar to
their economic status. The Conservative trade
unions demand it because they think it will give
them some reforms and increase their political influence. The farmers look upon the policy as a
sort of political patent medicine, which will surely
cure all social ills if the directions are only followed scrupulously. And now as the Turgots and
Nickers of capitalism have adopted State Capitalism as a policy, the bourgeoisie itself no longer
fear this fad of the Radicals, but consider it some-
(Continued on Page Three) -^Hn
•%, um
■.'*        'I
j *••
• fa. a"
Why Are You Out of Work?
Continued from Page One;
I:: any .
pri«e system.
pri>e. hiibitm
dustria   Din
country from day to day hangs on a "eoascien-
tiou* withdrawal of efficiency" by the business
men who control the country's industrial output.
They rontrol i; all for their own use, of course.
and their own use means always a profitable price.
Indispensable Condition of Price System
11 unity that i> organized on the
:*h i.'.ve-'.ueut and business er.'er-
x\e:^pk-y~er.t of the available i---
,:.'» •>',-. rkr:.en. in whole :-r in par*.
rpy^;t~i to be the indispensable condition without
which tolerable conditions of life cannot be maintained. That is to say. in no such coiumunity can
the industrial system be allowed to work at fu*"
capacity tor any appreciable interval of time, on
pain of business stagnation and consequent privation f»r ai: classes and conditions of men. The requirements of profitable business will not tolerate
it. So the rate and volume of output must be adjusted to ;he needs of the market, not to the working capacity of the available resources, equipment
and man power, nor to the community's need of
eor umable (roods. Therefore there most always
be a certain variable margin of unemployment of
p'ant and man power. Rate and volume of output can. of course, not be adjusted by exceeding
the productive capacity of the industrial system
J*V» it has to be regulated by keeping short of maximum production by more or less, as the condition
of the marke; may require. It is always a question of more or less unemployment of plant and
man power, and a shrewd moderation in the unemployment of these available resources, a "eons'ientious withdrawal of efficiency." therefore, is
the beginning of wisdom in all sound workday
business enterprise that has to do with industry.
All this is matter of course and notorious. But
»t is not a topic on which one prefers to dwell.
Writers and speakers who dilate on the meritorious
exploits of the nation's business men will not
commonly allude to this voluminous running administration of sabotage, this conscientious withdrawal of efficiency, that goes into their ordinary
day's work. One prefers to dwell on those exceptional, sporadic, and spectacular episodes m business where business men have now and again successfully gone out of the safe and sane highway
of conservative business enterprise that is hedged
about with a conscientious withdrawal of efficiency, and have endeavored to regulate the output by increasing the productive capacity of th*
industrial system at one point or another.
The Common Man Haa Won the War and Lost His
But after all. such habitual recourse to peaceable or surreptitious measures of restraint, delay.
5>nd obstruction in the ordinary businesslike management of industry Is too widely known and too
well approved to call for much exposition or illustration. Yet. as one capital illustration of the
scope and force of such businesslike withdrawal
of efficiency, it may be in place to recall that all
■the civilized nations are just now undergoing an
experiment in businesslike sabotage on an unexampled scale and carried out with unexampled
effrontery. All these nations that have come
through the war. whether as belligerents or as
neutrals, have come into a state of more or less
pronounced distress, due to a scarcity of the common necessaries of life: and this distress falls, of
eourse. chiefly on the common sort, who have at
the same time borne the chief burden of the war
whieh has brought them to this state of distress.
The common man has won the war and lost his
livelihood. This need not be said by way of praise
or blame. As it stands it is, broadly, an objective statement o'f fact, which may need some
slight qualification, such" as broad statements of
fact will commonly need All theee nations that
have come through the wa?. and more particularly
i&e woaoa run of their populations, are very
aiueh in need of ail sorts of supplies for daily use.
»otL for immediate consumption and for productive use. So much so that the prevailing, state of
digress ri~h> in many peaces to an altogether unwholesome pitch of privation, for want of the
rccessary food, clothing, and fuel Yet in all
these countries the staple industries Ire slowing
dowr.. There is an ever increasing withdrawal
of efficiency. The industrial p'ant is increasingly
r.:■"."ir.2 id e or "r.il: ::• -unning increasingly
<-.«»'* -•: prv-iii'-tive capi>-i*y Workman are beinc
iaJd off and an increasing number of lfco*e workmen who have been servins in 'he armhr* a*x- going
id"e i>r »^nt of work, at tfcv ;i i.! :i>ie that th-
troop** which are no longer needed in the service
.re beir.g demobilized a^ sfowij as popular sen-
Cment will tolerate, apparent*? fo> Bra/ *rat the
*.. "«r of unemployed workmen in tl'e cot ntry
may presently increase to s~;*h proportions as to
"rir.e o:. a -ata>Trophe A:■: &'. *!.e v-hile all
these peoples are in great need of all sorts of
gv*I> and -•ersices which *he>e idV p'a Ts and
k*ie workmen are fit to produce. But for reasons
of bu>i» e-s* expedie: <-y ir L- i:_>-^:; > :•> ^et the^
idle plants and idle workmen go to work—that
is to say for reasons of insufficient profit to the
business rr.er. interested, r ii other words, for
reasons of insufficient income to the vested interests whieh control «the staples inlostries and ■"
regulate the output of product. The traffic wil
not bear so large a production of good* as the
community needs for current consumption, because it is considered doubtful whether so large
a supply could be sold at pri--e; that would yield
a reasonable profit on the investment—or rathe*
on the capitilbation: that is to say. it is consid
ered doubtful whether an increased production,
such as to employ more workmen and supHy the
goods needed by the community, woull result in
an increased net aggregate income for 4"ie vested
interest* which control these industries. A rea
sonable profit always means, in effect t'.e largest
obtainable profit.
All this is simple and obvious, and it should
Etareefy need explicit statement. It is for these
business men to manage the country\ industry,
of course, and therefore to regulate the ra«e and
volume of output: and also of course any regulation of the output by them will be made with a
view to the needs of business; that is to say, with
a vie to the largest obtainable net profit, not with
a new to the physical needs of these peoples who
have come through the war and have made the
world safe for the business of the vested interests
Should the business men in charge, by any chance
aberration, stray from this straight and narrow
path of business integrity, and allow the community's needs unduly to influence their management of the community's industry, they would
f reacntly find themselves discredited and would
proheMy face insolvency. Their only savation
:- a conscientious withdrawal of efficiency. All
♦his lie* in the nature of the case. It is the working of the price system, whose creatures and
agents these business men are. Their case is
rathts pathetic, as indeed they a-im*' quite volubly. They eri not :n a position to mmage with a
free hand, the reason being that they have in the
past, under the routine requirements of the price
-. 'cm as it takes effect in corporation finance.
•f.ken on so large an overhead burden of fixed
charges that any appreciable decrease in the net
earnings of the business will bring any well-
managed concern of this class face to face with
Prices Must Be Kep* Dp
At the present conjuncture, brought on by the
war and its termination, the case stands somewhat in this typical shape. In the recent past
earnings have been large: these large earnings
'free income* have been capitalized: their capitalized value has been added to the Corporate
capital and covered with securities bearing a
fixed income charge; this income charge, representing *>ee income, has there* 7 become a liabi
lity, on the earnings of the corporation, this 11   I
lit*  eanJtOt be met in case th* concern s net
gre£3je (arnings fall off in an/ degree* ther f   I
prices m'jjt be k«pt up to < ic!   a figure as Jp I
bring thi   largest  net  aggregate  r.:»urn. and %\
only means of keeping up prices is a consc-ieati
withdrawal of efficiency in these staple industri
on which the community depenis for a supply J
the necessaries of life.
For the Good of Business It is Necessary to % I
tail Production
1'c ''ju'jiess community haa lopo of tid I
things over by thi- means, but it is still a pojJ
in doubt whether the present unexampled !arwi
use of sabotage in the businesslike management'
of the staple industries will now suffi.f. t0 \^
the business community through this grave enu
without a disastrous shrinkage of its. --apitaliza.
tion. and a consequent liquidation; but the point!
5n not in doubt that the physical salvation of these
peoples who have come through the war must in
any case wait on the pecuniary salvation of these
owners of corporate securities which represent
free income. It is a sufficiently difficult passage.
I* appears that production must be curtailed i;
the staple industries, on pain of unprofitable
prices. The case is not so desperate in those in-
dustries which have immediately to do with the
production of superfluities: but even these, which
depend chiefly on the custom of those kept classes
to whom the free income goes, are not feeline altogether secure. For the good of business it is
necessary to curtail production of the means of
life, on pain of unprofitable prices, at the same
time that the increasing need of all sorts of the
necessaries of life must be#met in some passable
fashion, on pain of such popular distress when it
passes the limit of tolerance.
Price, Is Essence of Case—Livelihood Is Not
Those wise business men who are charged wit:
administering the salutary modicum of sabotage
at this grave juncture may conceivably he faced
with a dubious choice between a distasteful curtailment of the free income that goes to the vested
interests, on the one hand, and an unmanaeeablt
onset of popular discontent on the other hand And
in either alternative lies disaster. Present indications would seem to say that their choice will
fall out according to ancient habit, that they v
!>e likely to hold fast by an undiminished free income for the vested interests at the possible cost
of any popular discontent that may be in pr»
pect—and then, with the help of the courts and
the military arm. presently make reasonable term*
with any popular discontent that may arise h
which event it should occasion no surprise or
resentment, inasmuch as it would be nothing nn
usual or irregular and would presumably he the
most expeditious way of reaching a "mMus IN
vendi." During the past few weeks, too. quit'
on unusually large number of machine guns havf
been sold to industrial business concerns of m
larger sort, here and there! at least so they say
3-isiness enterprise being the palladium of *
Republic, it is right to take any necessary m«-
«ures for its safeguarding. Price is of the m**
of the case, whereas livelihood is no*.
Business as Usual
The grave emergency that has arisen out of W
war and its provisional conclusion is. after ^
nothing exceptional except in magnitude and *
verity. In substance it is the same sort of thin?
that goes on continually but unobtrusively and «■'
a matter of course in ordinary times of business
an usual. It is only that the extremity of tW
case b calling attention to itself. At the san*
time it serves impressively to enfroce the brow
proposition that a conscientious withdrawal of am
eiener is the beginning of wisdom in all ^
lished business enterprise that has to do with *
dustrial production. But it has been found ^
this grave interest which the vested interests «'■
ways have in a salutary retardation of indtisti-y
at one ooint or another cannot well be loft n1^
gether to the hapharird and ill-coordinated (i'
(Continued from Page Three) THE RED FLAG
. a
(Continued from Page One)
lhat as they do IT. G. Well's latest novel—some-
hing exquisitely elegant, but almost painfully
Indeed, the capitalists, as a class, have nothing
io fear from State Capitalism. They certainly
leather their nest and feather it well, by exchang-
ng stocks, in many instances of doubtful value,
lor well secured government bonds. The dangers
je all in the side of the working class. There are
(he dangerous consequences, and they are considerable, that will ensue from the increased power
(he government will secure as a large employer of
labor. The quality of mercy which a government
}s an employer of labor has towards its employees
las been sufficiently illustrated during the war so
is not to need any further comment. The govern-
lent as the national trustee of capitalist property,
,-ill become as ultra-conservative and reactionary
such trustees always are. Besides, the govern-
lent officials, usually recruited from the ranks
if the bourgeois class, will have few sympathies
for the aspirations of the toiling masses. They
lever do. Alienated from the people by the jea-
(ousy with which they guard their prestige as officials, they will be further estranged by their over-
Estimation of their responsibility as wards of government properties. It will not make these officials
my more sympathetic because they have been
fleeted by some democratic form of election procedure. It has never had that effect in the past,
So why in the future? Especially in a land where
}he corporate interests have always succeeded in
securing the election at the polls of their political
favorites. Besides, the corporation stockholders
md the government bondholders will not relax in
[heir efforts to secure suitable and desirable officials and members of parliament. Quite the con-
liary. For under the new arrangement, even more
10 than under the old, it will be r.ecessar\ for the
loaf lei class to s?e to it that there is an obed'ent
rove^nment in power, with a suilicicntly p iable
retinue of officials, so that its pi »erty and its
lon^-" may be securely guarded. Thus, govern-
rent under the order of State Capitalism is but
more thoroughly organized hegemony of the
Capitalist class.
Accordingly the reconstruction propects as designed by the capitalist class, through its age.its.
loes not aim at making any radical changes in
Social relationships and in the machinery of government. Of course, some of the more antiquated
social forms and relations will be 'discarded, and
lew ones substituted. And as for the government
machinery, certain repairs will be made, and im-
uovements will be introduced into some of its
working parts. But all this will only enable the
lutoeracy to guide, direct and control, the more
Efficiently, the many national activities. Moreover, this governmental machine will spin long,
legal fingers that will stretch out and worm them-
selves into and direct even the simplest social relations. Indeed, its bussing wheels will Jium with
nit one tune—the siren song, direct and control.
To control the working class, that is the great
objective of the whole reconstruction policy. For
mless the working class is put under control, the
Capitalist class cannot go on with its work of ex-
fending trade, increasing profits, grabbing new
Possessions and preparing for the next war. Before a working class that it cannot control, the
Capitalist elass stands as helpless as a lnmb does
>efore a lion. Consequently, it does not take a
fery great power of insight into political matters
see how essential it is that our class government should plan on passing such legislation,
^hould seek to create such social conditions, as
'ill give it the proper control over the minds and
todies of the toiling masses.
This, at present, is the greatest problem which
confronts the government, and its array of officials and social welfare workers. And owing to
Pt« intricate complexity and the many variations
that enter in, it is a difficult problem to solve. But,
on the whole, the proletariat, is looked; upon by
the bourgeoisie as a mass of human animals that
must be given employment, must be housed, must
he amused, and whose thinking process must be
trained to run along certain cerebral grooves.
These four requirements constitute "the problem
of politicians, and professors, too, is to accept it as
a law that the measure of peace and order that
will Obtain in a state at any given moment can be
guaged by the degree to which these four fundamental requirements of the proletariat are satisfied. Evidently, politicians and professors have
their own peculiar way of sizing up the needs and
demands of the working class. They are clever
enough to know that the first thing the Avorking
class demands is employment. Indeed, employment has a double virtue. For a working class
that is employed can not only furnish itself, to
some extent at least, with all its requirements, but
it can and does also, at the same time, create
profits for the employers. The latter is, of course,
the highest virtue. On the other hand, a working
class that is unemployed is a hungry mob and
dangerous. It is not, therefore, strange that the
chief concern of the government in the coming
adjustment from a war to a peaee basis, should
be to secure employment to all the workers in
Canada. In truth, its fate does, in the last analysis, depend upon its capacity to do this.
But peradventure the government cannot provide the necessary number of jobs—what then?
Recourse will then be taken to other means. These
means easily suggest themselves. For it is a fact
that man does not live of bread alone. He has
the hunger for amusement, the hunger to bury
and to forget his personal troubles in the bosom
of pleasant imaginations, the hunger which arises
from the hope "which spriifgs eternal in the human
breast." This hunger for the ideal is certainly a
legal appeitite, and its presence promises well for
the future development of the working class. But
the capitalist class wants to use this appetite for
its own purpose, as all ruling classes have always
done. Knowing full well that as a man thinks so
he is. it wants Io get the working class to think
in such a way that this class will play right into
its hand. And by puffing up the workingman with
a sense of national pride, by indoctoring him with
a narrow patriotism, by centering his reading on
nothing more serious than the ordinary lo*t'story,
by limiting the range and the depth of his
thought to the vagaries of bowgeois ethics and
by feeding his imagination with such intellectual
treats as the tommon run of moving pictures,
the bourgeoise Nope to develop . type of workingman lhat sun be easily controikd, and Io whom
amusement and recreative pleasures will act as a
substitute for food, a stimulant to the body and a
narcotic against the pangs of physical hunger.
Such an one would indeed be an ideal working-
man. For passively and patiently he will hope
and wait for and dream about better days to
come, although he may, all the while, be wasting
away and dying in poverty and misery.
But what the government wishes to do and
what it will actually do are. of course, two different matters. It may be that the working class
has learned so much that it will not take kindly
to being indoctrined with the bourgeois ideal of a
workingman, for assuredly, it is only the most
ignorant and docile that would submit to such
an indoctrination. And so, in the way of a precautionary measure, lest the patience of the working elass runs out too soon, the government has
revived the old. and 'once disbanded. "R.N.W.M.P.
to look after the recalcitrant.
Obviously, however, all other plans and schemes
to the contrary notwithstanding, the first and most
difficult problem the Canadian government has to
solve is the providing of employment, for no one
can live any length of time on hot air and the
imagination. But as the solution of this problem
depends upon international relations over which
no one government has any complete control,
there  is  no  one  national   government  that  can
solve it. The Canadian government cannot solve
it alone—no, .not.even for Canada. So all itp
promises' and endeavors along this line appear as
so much stage play. Hence one is forced to the,
conclusion that the reconstruction policy of the
government,,so,,far as the working class in concerned, is. when boiled down to its simplest form,
the old game of the capitalist class—to keep the
working class quiet' .d apparently contented
while it develops the means whereby it can continue its parasitic existence on the body of the
♦oiling masses.
(Continued from Pajje Two)
forts of individual business concerns, each taking
care of its own particular line of sabotage within
its own premises. The needed sabotage can best
be administered on a comprehensive plan and by
a central authority, since the country's industry is
cf the nature of a comprehensive interlocking system, whereas the business concerns which are
called on to control the motions of this industrial
system will necessarily work piecemeal, inseveralty
and at cross-purposes. In effect, their working
at cross-purposes results in a sufficiently large aggregate retardation of industry, of course, but the
resulting retardation is necessarily somewhat
blindly apportioned and does not converge to a
neat and pespicuous outcome. Even a reasonable
amount of collusion among the interested business
concerns will not by itself suffice to carry on that
comprehensive moving equilibrium of sabotage
that is required to preserve the business community from recurrent eollapse or stagnation, or
1o bring the nation's traffic into line with the general needs of the vested interests.
Necessary Modicum of Sabotage
Where the national government is charged with
the general care of the country's 'business interests, as is invariably the case among the civilized
nations, it follows from the nature of the case
that the nation's lawgivers and administration will
have some share in administering that necessary
modicum of sabotage that must alwavs go into
the day's work of carrying on industry by business
methods and for business purposes. The government is in a position to penalize excessive or unwholesome traffic. So. it is always considered
necessary, or at least expedient. Ivy all sound mercantilists to impose and maintain a certain balance
or proportion among the several branches of industry and trade that go to make up the nation's
industrial system. The purpose commonly urged
tor measures of this class is the fuller utilization
of the nation's industrial resources in material,
equipment, and man power: the invariable effect
is a lowered efficiency and a wasteful use of these
resources, together with an increase of international jealousy. But measures of that kind are
thought to be expedient by the mercantilists for
these purposes—that is to say. by the statesmen
of these civilized nations, for the purposes of the
vested interests. The chief and nearly sole means
of maintaining such a fabricated balance and proportion anion** the nation's industries is to obstruct the traffic at some critical point bv prohibiting or penalizing anv exuberant undesirables
among these branches of industrv. Disallowance,
in whole or in part, is the usual and standard
The great standing illustration of sabotage ad- <
ministered bv the government is the nrotective
tariff, of course. Tt protects certain special interests
bv ohetruetin" competition from beyond the fron-
1ie,\ This is the nmm use of a national boundary.
The effect of the tariff is to keep the supply of
goods down and tbevebv keen the j>r^cf up. and
so to brltlg reasonably satisfaetorv dividends to
those special interests which deal in the protected
articles of trade, at the cost of the underlying
community. A protective tariff is a typical con
(Oontinned on Page Six)
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A Jcurnal  of News and Views Derotcd to the
Working Class.
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
by The Socialist Party ef Canada.
401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Ed;*  r
C. Stephenson
.APRIL   1?.   1<*1S*
Law and Order
Marxb:. students are acquainted with the name
, - Joaepi Priestly, if from no other source than
the   analogy   whieh   Engels   draws   between   hi"
«;.«:;.i^-al discoveries and their amplifications by
Laviooer and the manner in which Marx ampii-
fed the ecenonrie theories of Rieardo. Perhaps
they are not aware that the pioneer of modem
chemistry was driven from England, his dear,
dear, native land, by a lawless mob. intent on
preserving «iaw and order."
':-.-:<.y -,va> a« *ive ir. '.*.her fie!d> of thought:
k. :";- •:. cr.emi<ry was r.ere'y a side-line. He was
a dissenting r:Jn>*er. and finally became a Unitarian. He a*, so had very liberal riewa regarding
monarchy. However, his writing in the field of
theology had threatened the comfort of that large
and. at that time 1774-1779». powerful class
whi'di sponged upon the working population as
ministers of the established church- They could
not answer his argument: their currish spirit prevented them from attacking by other means, so
they had recourse to the means usual with such
upholders of law and order. They incited a mob
to do the work they were too cowardly to even
It was customary for the radical bourgeois of
England to celebrate the anniversary of the French
Revolution, and this event generally found Priestly
in attendance.
Of course, much trepidation was felt by the
spongers over these annual celebrations, and in
1791, Priestly was the victim of their malice to
the extent of having his house, library and laboratory destroyed, besides narrowly escaping death
at the hands of a booze-crazed mob. This mob.
however, quite like other mobs, did not stop when
the desires of its instigators had been accomplished'
Many other respectable citizens suffered. Quite a
number of the mob were killed owing to being
overcome by the booze being within burning
houses. We learn from eye-witnesses that the
rabble stood knee-deep in booze. Quite remarkable how much booze fan be found in the cellars
of our best citizens. This and the quantity of
water they imbi!>e in the morning, proves they
never drink booze. We are not without experience
so far as booze is concerned, but it seems that we
can never find closer resemblance to the 18th een-
turv mobs than by the booze route.
Just previous to the annual dinner of Birmingham in 1797 a very inflammable handbill was circulated, and although several hundred guineas
v-as offered for information as to the writer,
printer, publisher or distributor thereof, and all
the powers of state aided in the search, none of
these people were apprehended. That is very remarkable, when you think it over. However, the
mob, to the slogan of for "Church and King." did
the dirty work. Another ^markablc incident is
that at a dinner given bv the citv sbortlv after
the Birmingham riots, the sponsors of law and
order pronosed the toast of "Church and King."
and one fine -old fellow. "Dr. Parr, sprang to his
feet with these words: "No. sir; T will not drink
that toast! Tt was the erv of the Jacobites. Tt is
the cry of incendiaries.   Tt means a church without
t gospel and a Jong above the law!" Which
goes to prove that you cannot detect an anarchist
by the tolor of his flag nor the length of his
Anarchy h going beyond the leather and prunella, action without law. Of ours* a lawyer or
r parson would soon have u> in deep water by
asking, "what is law?** Wei; we "ill not answer,
but Joseph Prk-st:y. the fine>: character in ail
j. .g.ai.'i and one of her ::-■•** active and pene-
trati.'.V i:.te:.:*r>: i.^i :, z~ ::.<: ■v-i-try before a
bottjc-heaatted mob!
Xott, ordinarily, society ha- machinery for smoothing t>ver the manifold and grievou- frictions wnic.i
arise from the various e        "yiS luleresta of its
eabcrs. But on thi* continent a situation has
arisen where a '-enain section of the community
Lave   taken   upon   tbem^   - -    the    function    of
iking and enXoieing Iowa of their own. They.
ring respectable eitnens, I i I r the most part
having aid from men who have been in the army
during the late war. their actions are looked upon
- patriotic and proper. They are nothing more
nor Jess than anarchists No matter how many
wars they fought  in.  nor how  many gods they
■rship. just plain anarehi***
Comrade McKenzie has beer, run out of Cran-
brook. and money legally in his possession has
3"«een extracted from him by threats. Comrade
Xaylor has been forced out of SOverton and Trail
while there on "pursuit of Ins lawful occasions."
a* the prayer book say* And now. Comrade
Roberts, secretary of the Miners' Union at Silver-
ton, has been ordered to leave town by the twenty.
first of thi* month, by the** same anarchists
to course thi* sort of thins has gone far enough.
We suffer passively, though not quietly, the many
restriction* upon our liberty, imposed by constituted authority. But we don't propose to allow
every group of anarchists who imagine themselves
the saviors of society to drive us from pillar to
post, because our idea* do not flow in the well-
worn channel which accommodates their concept*
of citizenship
We mentioned a couple of week* back that in our
opinion, an attempt to interfere with a member
of the working class engaged in purely working
class business would be the rallying point for the
Prevailing sentiment regardine the One Big Union.
It would seem that some people were determined
to supply the seed for that which they look upon
with abhorence and dread. That, however, is
solely their affair.
To return to Priestly: King George wrote to
hi* secretary that be could not "but feel better
pleased that Priestly i* the sufferer for the doctrine, he and hi* party have instilled, and that the
people see them in their true light: yet I cannot
approve of them having employed such atrocious
means of showing their discontent.*'
Priestly wrote. '"Thi* invasion of the Goths and
Vandals. I little foresaw, and hope it will never
I* repeated, as I fancy the experiment will not be
found to answer."
He was mistaken: the bourgeois are true Bourbons: they learn nothing: neither do they ever
In his spirited letter to the inhabitants of Birmingham written July 9. 1791. he says: "Answer
your arguments and your business is done: by
your having recourse to violence, is only proof
that you have nothing better to produce. Should
you destroy myself as well as my house, library
and apparatus, ten more persons of equal spirit
and ability would instantly rise up!"
This latter assertion is. of course, somewhat
questionable as a corollary to the destruction of
one pioneer, but. as a consequence of a four di-
nensional principle of human progress, it follows,
from a basis which Priestly clearly saw and expressed in many way*, of which perhaps the following words are the best: "It was ill policy, in
T.eo the Tenth, to patronize polite literature. He
was cherishing an enemy in disguise. And the
English hierarchy (if there be anything unsound
[New York Nation]
"In discussing the proposed coercion bills ui«J«
consideration  by   the  Government   of  India. ^
London "Herald" observes that  Britain has di>
covered by bitter experience in Ireland 'how in.
possible it i> for 45,000.000 people to govern 4,000
000 again>t their will.' Obviously, the problem
becomes' even more impossible when the 4,000000
are increased to 300,000.000. as in India, when
6.000.000 lives have been lost by influenza in the
last hw months, and when the worst famine in
years i> ravaging a helpless population. "Jf*rt
prices of food grains ranging from fifty-one to
one hundred per cent, higher than last year's
record and a fodder famine threatening the cattle
>upply, it must comfort the people very little to
1 car that from a total of £>6.000.000 in the preset
annual budget, £41.000.000 is to be devoted to miii.
taxy expenses. The unrest and economic distress
now promise to be aggravated by the enactment
of two coercive laws enjoying into effect the
recommendations of the Rowlatt Commission which
investigated sedition. The two bills, which are
reported to be certain of passage, provide severe
measure* of repression and punishment :'<>• NV
tionalist agitation. The All-India National Congress has protested unanimously against the bills.
The entire native press is in opposition.   A tiding
to the "Herald." twenty-isx public meetings and
every Indian association of importance have joined
in the protest. Twenty-two of the twenty-four
non-official Indians on the India Legislative Conn.
<il are opposed to the measures. There is. how.
ever, no indication that native opposition or liberal British opinion will prevent their enactment.
Apparently Great Britain is bent upon flourishing
the whip with one hand while she offers her subject peoples sweets with the other. The Montagu-
Hielmsford proposals for reform and increased
self-government in India seem to be an honest, if
excessively cautious, attempt to satisfy the aerations of the people. They are opposed by extreme
Indian Nationalists and are supported only with
certain reservations by the moderates, hut the
unanimous opposition of the conservative British
elements in India and the Tories in England makes
it evident that they are at least liberal in intent
Great Britain, however, intend* to be prepared for
any contingency. If the Montagu reforms fail to
satisfy her Indian subjects, the sedition measure'
will be at hand to make satisfaction compulsory.'
in its constitution) has equal reason to tremble
even at an air-pump or an electrical machine.
We might suggest to the heroic gents who are
intent upon saving society, that, of far greater
menace to their so-called "law and order" U the
contemplated air voyage across the Atlantic ocean,
than all the One Big Unions and Bolsheviki extant Happily, "they never learn, neither do they
ever forget." J  H.
At 8 p.m. Sharp
Corner Gore and Hastings
******   W. W. Lefeaux '    THE RED FLAG
Source of Capitalist Class Profits
■   =a
According to the Marxian law of vale, all commodities, including the commodity gold, are exchanged at their value, taken over a period of
time during which the fluctuations of prices in
their rise and fall, cancel each other. How then,
the question arises, does Marx account for capitalist profits?
The sale of commodities results in no more
than equivalents being exchanged. Therefore we
iire forced to the conclusion that the increase must
result as Marx says: "from the use-value, as such,
ci the commodity, i.e., in its consumptioin."
In order to extract value from the consumption
.of a commodity the capitalist must find on the
market a commodity whose use-value possesses
the peculiar property of being a source of value.
Raw materials, machinery, buildings, etc., can
only contribute their own value. For instance,
a machine costing $1,000, whose life was ten years,
would contribute, to the value of the commodities
produced, at the rate of $100 per year. Each
year the value of the machine would depreciate
to that extent.
He does find on the market, however, a commodity in whose consumption there results an increased value, and that is labor-power, i.e., the
labor power of the laborer, the cost of production
of which, per day, is less than the total values
produced during his day's labor.
We shall quote Marx to show what conditions
must obtain for labor power to be found on the
market as a commodity.
"But in order that our owner of money may
be able to find labor power offered for sale as a
commodity, various conditions must first be fulfilled. The exchange of commodities of itself implies no other relations of dependence than those
which result from its own nature. On this assumption, labor power can appear upon the market as
a commodity only if, and so far as, its possessor,
the individual whose labor power it is, offers it
for sale, or sell it as a commodity. In order that
he may be able to do this, he must have it at his
disposal, must be the untrammelled owner of his
capacity for labor, i.e., of his person. He and the
owner of the money meet on the market and deal
with each other as on the basis of equal rights,
with this difference alone, that one is a buyer, the
other a seller; both, therefore, equal in the eyes
of the law. r The continuance of this relation demands that the owner of the labor power should
sell it only for a definite period, for if he were to
sell it rump and stump, once for all, he would be
selling himself, converting himself from a free
man into a slave, from an owner of a commodity
into a commodity. He must constantly look upon
his labor power as his own property, his own
commodity, and this he can only do by placing
it at the disposal of the buyer temporarily, for a
definite period of time. By this means alone can
he avoid renouncing his rights of ownership over
"The second essential condition to the owner
of money finding labor-power in the market as a
commodity in the market is this—that the laborer
instead of being in the position to sell commodities
in which his labor is incorporated, must be obliged
to offer for sale as a commodity that very labor
power, which exists only in his living self."
The condition of the laborer being on the labor
market with his one and only commodity, labor
power, is the result of a historical process. It is
the result of the development of the hand tool
into the machine, which turned the individual producers of small hand-tool production into the proletariat, dispossessed of tools of production, with
only their labor power to sell as a means of existence.
The profits of the capitalist class, or what, are
known as surplus values, arise from this, that
labor power is sold at value. This value being
determined by the food, clothing and shelter, etc.,
necessary for its production, which is a quantity
of value less than those produced by the working
class during their labors over any definite period,
leaving a surplus for the owners of the means of
The legal right of the owners of the means of
production to the products of industry lays in
that ownership, which, in the end, is guaranteed
by the State. The workers supply of the products
is obtained by purchase out of the proceeds of the
sale of their labor power on the labor market, or
in other words, wages.
Clippings From the Press
Methods of Dealing With Strikers in Spain
The strikers followed the method of calling out
new industries on each day of the continuance of
the strike.
The government first proclaimed martial law,
occupied the streets with troops, and then proceeded to mobilize the strikers. But at lea,st 40
per cent, of those mobilized refused to appear and
the conflict ended in a signal victory for the men.
Who Said Atrocities?
A. Fenner Brockway, late editor of the British
•"Labour Leader," organ of the I. L. P., who is
Imprisoned as a conscientious objector, has been
on bread and water for three months until his
health was affected. For eight months he has
been kept in the strict solitary confinement, only
being allowed out of his cell for forty minutes
each day, when he is given "exercise" alone in a
6mall enclosed yard. He is not allowed any library books, nor is he allowed any book of his
own except an Esperanto New Testament. He is
not, of course, allowed writing matreials or paper.
He is not allowed to write or receive letters or
have any visits. He is not even allowed to attend
the prison chapel.
Those Jugo-Slavs for whom we fought seem to
have some Socialists among them. A meeting at
Iailbaeh of the South Slav Social Democratic
Party has passed the following ungrateful heso-
"All these decisions of the Council of Ten, who
are representative of world militarism, are null
and absolutely not binding."
The Social Democrats are striving for a peace
satisfying all the peoples of Europe and, uniting
the proletariat of Europe. Such a solution of the
Kuropean problem could be brought about only by
a revolution of the world proletariat.—"Labor
leader," March 27.
T' e very first day of the Commission's sitting
brought out revelations which startled the public
mind.   The financial advisor to the Coal Controller showed that in June, 1918, 2s 6d a ton was
added, by the Controller to the price of coal in
order to help collieries that were working at a
loss.   When he made this advance, he knew nothing of the position for the first quarter of tho
year.    "The effect of that,"  commented Sidney
Webb, "was that consumers, in the aggregate had
to  pay £25,000,000,  out of which the Coal Controller got £10.000,000. and the exchequer £10,000,-
000, having tt.OOO.OOO in the hands of peop'c who
were already doing so well thi: they had to pay
i.»»)8S profits.    You  were  actual  putting money
into the pockets of those who c'«; not need it. The
\ ei'thiest of the coal-owners wore c'ven £5,000 000
lecsuse you wanted the poow of the mine-, to
l-fome a little more solvent "    It came out later
• hat  the extent  of the profits of many colliery
companies had been obscured by the capitaVzarion
of  reserves  and   other  readjustments  of  capital.
The most successful companies were able by these
methods and by dividends which were in reality
laruer   than   they   appeared  to   return   to   their
shareholders  every few  years   the   whole  of the
share capital originally subscribed by them, while
the undistributed reserves are still so considerable
rhat  the present  market  value  of the shares  is
several times their nominal value    For ten vears
endinj' with 1918.  a  South Walv.  company had
pai I dividends equivalent to about 243 per cent,
on the increased capital, or over 300 per cent, on
the actual capital. . ..
. . . Again and again Robert Smillie compelled
an unwilling mine owners' representative to speak
on such matters as the present housing conditions,
with their appalling consequences to the health of
the men and their families A Scottish coal-owner
had to admit that one of his companies whose ordinary shareholders had received dividends of 197£
per cent, in ten years, had over a hundred houses
with only one room. His exciue was that it was
imp* ssible to build new houses while the war was
on. When the subject of baths was introduced,
it was alleged that the miners would not use them
when they were provided. . . . And so the enquiry
laid bare one sore place after another in the
existing system. . . It was the stripping off of rag
after rag of the meretricious raiment by which
the nation covers up its shame. ... If landlords,
farmers, provision merchants and all the other
trades concerned in the supply and distribution
<?f focd were compelled to declare and justify their
enins we should indeed have some niquant and
wholesome revelations.—(The above is extracted
from an article in the New York ••Nation" of
April 12. by Herbert W. Horwill.)
The Irish Transport and General Worker?'
Cnion now embraces a multitude of trades. Its
numbers are steadily growing and it forms the
most important element of the militant Irish Trade
TTnion Congress and Labor Party.
In spite of the bankrupt condition of the country recruiting is still going on for service in the
"Russian Sanitary Cordon" among the French
troops, who are being promised five francs a day
and other advantages if they will fight the Bolsheviks, according to "L'Humanite," which bitterly remarks, "they got one franc a day for defending their native land."
Tne headquarters of the Norwegian Soldiers'
Councils (says the Gothenburg "Post") recently
issued a manifesto to those liable to military service exhorting them to organize themselves and
demand the right to determine the military arrangements and conditions at the camps and the
transference of authority from the officers to the
soldiers. Then, says the manifesto, the way will
not be long to revolution and Socialism.
. 5-
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Problems of American Socialism
Continued from Last Issue)
Socialism must have an economic l>asis—industrial power. That is one argument made in favor
cf a union Labor Parly. But doe-- conservative
unionism one its industrial power for large purposes* Is it using it for the release of Tom
Mooney.' Did the British Labor Party use its industrial power to secure for its delegates access
to conferences held in other nations?
Socialism must pw^ess industrial power. But
industrial power emerges only out of the class eon-
sciousnevs and revolutionary activity of the proletariat SoHalim must have industrial power,
but this will develop not out of parliamentarism,
not out of unity with a reactionary Labor Party,
but out of the aggressive mass action of the industrial proletariat, out of awakening the masses
to independent revolutionary activity, out of industrial unionism.
The moderate Socialist has never concerned himself with the struggle of the revolutionary Socialist to develop industrial power by means of industrial unionism: the moderate Socialist thinks
of this only when it may promote reactionary purposes, never when it may promote the Revolution.
But the task of developing this industrial power
is important. The coming period of strikes will
provide an excellent opportunity for the development of more effective forms of organization, for
the construction of industrial unionism, for the
building up of a revolutionary labor movement.
This is a task that Socialism cannot shirk. The
argument  that  the Socialist Party is a  political
pary. and therefore, cannot concern itself with
problems of union organization, is a miserable subterfuge: a "Socialist" Party is a party of Socialism, of the proletarian class struggle, of the Revolution: and it must concern itself with every prob-
5cm that affects the revolutionary struggle and the
•oniing of Socialism. The problem of unionsm. of
revolutionary industrial unionism, is fundamental,
—all the more, since in its theoretical phase, the
construction of an industrial stare, the abolition
of the political state, contains within itself the
ronns of the new proletarian state and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
A revoiuionary union movement—that must be
a«i integral phase of our activity. Life itselftwill
determine the most appropriate means of accomplishing this task: but a general revolutionary
a'iitude and activity are indispensable. The eon-
^ituent elements for a revolutionary union movement are here: unions of unskilled workers in the
A. F. of "L. who do not belong there and who are
betrayed by the aristocracy of labor: a large number of independent union*, the radical .-haraeter
of which might develop into more revolutionary
consciousness: the I. \"T. W. and *he masses of the
rnorganired industrial proletariat.
This is an important problem. But it is not the
decisive problem. The Revolution will not develop
out of industrial unionism, but out of a crisis developing into revolutionary, mass action and proletarian dictatorship Not organizations, but revolutionary class consciousness—that is the instrument of the Revolution.   Industrial unionism must
not become an end in itself; even the I. \V. \y •
becoming conservative.   The proletarian revolution
annihilates the old bourgeois order and the old
organizations. The Revolution is the act of the
organized producers; but the producers are no*
organised before, but during the Revolution—by
means of Soviets.
The revolutionary struggle by means of mag
action—that constitutes the process of the Revo-
lotion and the Revolution itself in action.
•       •       •
I am simply projecting some of the problems ol
American .•socialism; there are others, but these
;.re fundamental. My purpose is to arouse dis-
cussion of these problems. The fatal defe.-t of our
party is that there is no discussion of fundamen.
'.als. no controversy on tactics. The bureaucracy
and representatives of the party discourage flfe.
•••jsn'oh and controversy: where the spirit of en-
qniry prevails, there is potential opposition. Let
us. together and in fraternal spirit, discuss our
problems and build the new Socialism of the final
struggle, and victory!
Let us reconstruct the party. As a preliminary
let us integrate the revolutionary elements in the
party, an organization for the revolutionarv con-
qifest of the party by the party! The American
Socialist Party needs a definite, organized, vocal
left wing, a unified expression of revolutionary
Socialism in theory and practice. Thus alone shall
we prepare for the coming struggles: thus alone
shaP we become a decisive factor in the new third
International—the international of revolutionary
Socialism and the final struggle.
■Continued* from Page Three
spiia»y in restraint of trade. It brings a relatively small, though absolutely large, run of fret
income to the special interests which benefit by
it, at a relatively, and absolutely, large eost to
the r.nderiying community, and so it gives rise to
a body of* vested rights and intangible assets belonging to these special interests.
Of a similar character, in so far that in effect
they are in the nature of sabotage—conscientious
withdrawal   of efficiency—are  all  manner  of excise and revenue-stamp regulations: although they
are not always designed for that purpose.    Such
'would be.  for instance,  the partial  or  complete
prohibition of alcoholic beverages, the regulation
of the trade in tobacco,  opium, and other deleterious  narcotics,  drugs,   poisons,   and   high    explosives.   Of the» same nature, in effect if not in
intention,  are  such   regulations  as  the  oleomargarine law: as also the unnecessarily costly and
vexatious  routine  of  inspection   imposed   on   the
production    of   industrial    (denatured)     alcohol,
whieh has inured to the benefit of certain business concerns that  are  interested  in  other fuels
for use in internal-combustion engines; so also the
singularly vexatious and elaborately imbecile speei.
f.eations that limit and discourage the use of the
parcel  post, for the benefit of the express companies  and   other carriers  which   have   a   vested
interest in traffic of that kind-
Comprehensive System of Vexation and Delay
It is worth noting in the same connection, although it comes in from the other side of the case,
that ever since the express companies have been
taken   over  by  the   federal   administration   there
has visibly gone into effect a comprehensive system of vexation and delay in the detail conduct
cf their traffic, so contrived as to discredit federal
control of this traffic and thereby provoke a popular sentiment in favor of its early return to private control.   Much the same state of things has
been in evidence in the railway traffic under similar conditions      Sabotage is serviceable as. a de
terrent,  whether  in   furtherance  of  the   administration work or in contravention of it.
In what has just been said there is. of course.
no intention to find fanlt with any of these uses
of sabotage. It is not a question of morals and
sood intentions. It is always to be presumed a*
I matter of course that the guiding spirit in all
such governmental moves to regularize the nation's
tfairs, whether by restraint or by incitement, is
a ^ise solicitude for the nation's enduring gain
and security. All that can be said here is that
many of these wise measures of restraint and incitement are in the nature of sabotage, and that
in effect they habitually, though not invariably,
inure to the benefit of certain vested interests—
ordinarily vested interests which bulk large in
the ownership anl control of the nation's resources
That these measures are quite legitimate and presumably salutary, therefore, goes without saving
In effect they are measures for hindering traffic
end industry at one point or another, which may
often be a wise prer-aution.
Even the Kail Service Insufferably Efficient
During the period of the war administrative
measures in the nature of saWage have been
greatly extended in s«-ope and kind. Peculiar and
imperative exigencies have had to be met. and the
staple means of meeting many of these new and
exceptional exigencies has quite reasonably been
something in the way of avoidance, disallowance,
penalization, hindrance, a conscientious withdrawal
of efficiency from work that does not fall in villi
the purposes of the Administration. Very much
as is true in private business when a situation of
doubt and hazard presents itself, so also in the
business of government at the present juncture
of exacting demands and inconvenient limitation<.
the Administration has been driven to expedients
of disallowance and obstruction with regard t«>
some of the ordinary processes of life, as, for instance, in the non-essential industries. It has also
appeared that the ordinary equipment and agencies
for gathering and distributing news and other information have in the past developed a capacity
isr in excess of what can safely be permitted in
time of war.    The like is true for the ordinary
tacilities for public discussion of all sorts of pub-
lie questions. The ordinary facilities, whieh may
have seemed scant enough in time of peace and
shell interest, had after all developed a capacity
far beyond what the governmental traffic will
bear in these uneasy times of war and negotiations, when men are very much on the alert to
know what is going on By a moderate use of the
later improvements in the technology of transport
and communication, the ordinary means of difr
seminating information and opinions have grown
so efficient that the traffic can no longer he allowed to run at fulj rapacity during a period of
stress in the business of the government.
Kven the mail service has proved insufferably efficient, and a selective withdrawal of efficiency has gone into effect. To speak after the
analogy of private business, it has been found beat
to disallow such use of the mail facilities an does
not inure to the benefit of the administration in
the way of good will and vested rights of usufruct.
These peremptory measures of disallowance have
attracted I wide and dubious attention: but they
have doubtless been of a salutary nature and intention, in some way which is not to 1* under-
*'ood by outsiders—that is to say. by citizens of
the Republic An unguarded dissemination of information and opinions or an unduly frank call'
rearing of the relevant facts by these outsiders.
will lie | handicap on the Administration's work,
and may even defeat the Administration's aim*
At least so thev sav
Press Misinformation Sabotage on the Public
Something of much the same color has been "l1*
erved elsewhere and in other times, so that all
this nervously alert  resort  to  sabotage on  undesirable information, and opinions is nothing novel,
nor is it peculiarly democratic.    The elder states-
men of the great monarchies, east and west, hare
long ago seen and approved the like.    Hut these
older  statesman  of the  great  monarchies  of the
dynastiV regime have gone to their work of sabotage on  information  because of a  palpable division of sentiment between their government a"<*
the underlying population, such as does not exist
(Continued on Page Seven) THE RED FLAG
ji 1
Strength of Bolsheviki Government    The "white Terror- in
The Manchester Guardian of March 20, contains
a despatch from a correspondent in Warsaw,
capital of Poland, giving details of the strength
of the Bolsheviki Government, of which he has a
great opinion, and their methods for achieving it.
Since the correspondent made his report, the Bolsheviki forces have made still further substantial
gains and according to all reports the Soviet Government in Russia itself is more firmly established
than ever because of its success in reorganizing
the economic life of the country upon a new basis.
WARSAW, Feb. 21.—That the Soviet Government of Russia is engaged in carrying on a vigorous and far-reaching international propaganda
to establish a Bolsheviki republic in Europe, extending from the Volga to the Rhine, a sort of
Bolshevik "Mittel Europa," was the statement
made to me today by Georgy Gavrilowieh Ledkevich, editor of the Warsaw Russian daily, "War-
fchvskaya Riech. M. Ledkevich, who is in daily
communication with Russia as well as with the
Firssian refugees constantly arriving in Warsaw,
"There was organized in Petrograd in the las*
few weeks a committee on social uprising. At
the head of this committee stands M. Ziiuvicff, the
ohflirman of the Northern Commune of Petrograd.
ri'he object of the committee is to footer social
revolution in Central Europe. Included in the
mo.bership of th-3 committee are Socialists from
4he Spartacus group of Germanv aid Radical
socialists  from   various  other  Centr.il   European
Bolshevik proclamations and pamphlets are published in every European language in Petrograd
and Moscow. Trotsky and Lenin have set aside
entire trains, consisting of three and four coaches,
which are used for propaganda purposes. Tne
eoa.hes in these trains are fixed up as libraries
and book stores, and they travel from one part
cf the country to the other, distributing the revolutionary literature best suited to each community.
"The organization of.the army is arranged with
a view to making it effective not only as a fighting but also as a propaganda organization. Thus,
near Baranovitch, for instance, there is stationed
a Bolsheviki army of 30,000 Russian Poles. The
idea is that when the time comes for this armj
to enter Poland, every soldier, as soon as he has
stepped on Polish soil, can for a time drop his role
is n soldier and become a schoolmaster to his own
Polish people, teaching and converting them to the
Bolshevik idea."
Intellectuals and the Government
With regard to the general position of the
Soviet Government in Russia, Mr. Ledkevich said:
"It is unfortunately true that the Soviet Government is growing stronger and stronger. The ex-
tcrt to which it now feels itself secure is best
shown by the fact that it no longer has to rely
upon violence to maintain itself. Men are still
being shot summarily in Petrograd and Moscow,
but not for political opinions. Summary execution
i- now meted out to robbers, murderers and other
criminals. The last political execution of the Soviet Government was held on January 31, when
five or six grand dukes were executed. Since then
it has been very quiet.
''The Bolshevik regime is gaining in strength
through the fact that all resistance on the part of
tiie intellectual classes has ceased. The intel'ec-
tuals of Russia are exhausted. They cannot
struggle any longer and are now taking employment under Bolshevik management. FcTO-Mf
ladies-in-waiting at court, whom for a time bitterly resented the unceremonious treatment accorded
them by Bolshevik officials, are resigned now, and
may frequently be found working as clerks in
book or picture shops, or as waitress?.? in tea and
coffee parlors. ..."
(Continued from Page Six)
in the advanced democratic commonwealths. The
case of Imperial Germany during the period of
the war is believed to show such a division of sentiment between the government and the underlying population, and also to show how such a
divided sentiment on the part of a distrustful and
distrusted population had best be dealt with.
The method approved by German dynastic experience is sabotage, of a somewhat free-swung
character, censorship, embargo on communication,
and also, it is confidently alleged, elaborate misinformation.
Censorship Form of Sabotage
Such procedure on the part of the dynastic
statesmen of the Empire is comprehensible even
to a layman. But how it all stands with those advanced democratic nations, like America, where
the government is the dispassionately faithful
agent and spokesman of the body of citizens, and
where there can consequently be no division of
aims and sentiment between the body of officials
and any underlying population—all that is a more
obscure and hazardous subject of speculation. Yet
there has been censorship, somewhat rigorous, and
there has been selective refusal of mail facilities,
somewhat arbitrary, in these democratic commonwealths also, and not least in America, freely ae-
Imowledged to be the most naively democratic of
them all. And all the while one would like to
believe that it all has somehow served some useful end.   It is all sufficiently perplexing.
WASHINGTON, April 14—Bolsheviki propa-
ganad is being spread broadcast in certain Italian
cities, creating a situation of grave possibilities, a
message' to the state department intimated today.
Extra police are patrolling the streets of Turin, a
big industrial centre, and 500 cavalry troops are
reported to have been quartered there to suppress
possible uprisings. The troubles are officially
spoken of as "an impending strike," and the
Italian authorities, the state department said, have
the situation under control. Turin is 75 miles
southwest of Milan and its position at the junction of several Alpine mountain routes lends it
much military importance. Its population is about
WASHINGTON. April 15.—A mass of Bolshevik propaganda, believed responsible for undermining the morale of American troops in Russia,
has been received at the war department. The
propaganda was taken by army authorities from
letters forwarded by soldiers to their relatives in
the United States.
Much of the propaganda was directed at British
troops. All pamphlets declare that Allied troops
are in Russia as part of the conspiracy to restore
a czar to power. One leaflet, under the heading,
"All Lies," declared the Allied troops are in
Russia against the will of the people, and that
"except for a few hungry peasants." immediately
around Archangel, the Russian people wish to be
left alone to work out their own destiny.
Workers Shot by the Thousand
[From the Manchester Guardian, March 20]
'.Vc have received from a Finnish correspondent
an account of the "White Terror" wh'cli raged
in Finland at the time of the suppression of the
"Red" rebellion.   He writes:
The greatest slaughter did not take place until
the Whites, aided by over 10,000 German first-
class troops, had completely defeated the Red
Guards. It is well-nigh an impossible task in a
few lines to give an impression of the unspeakable
horrors which now followed, and which have no
counterpart in the history of any other civilized
nation in the world.
After the insurrection was over sometimes
weeks and months later, there commenced a most
frig! tful slaughter, with the permission of the
Germans and by the order, assent, and full know,
ledge of the White Government. There are more
than five hundred municipal districts in Finland,
and to each orders for "reprisals" were given
with the effect that in the following districts approximately the following numbers of workers
were shot without any kind of legal procedure:
Kichimaki, 600; Varkaus, 450; Lahti, 2000
(among them over 300 women;; Forssa, 400;
Hiuho. 100; Jamsa, 400; Vihti, 450; Viborg, 4000;
Tamn: erfors, 600; Hyvinge, 300; Lojo, 200; Kar-
ittiln; 76; Seinajoki, 70: Kokkola (Oamlakarleby)
.^O: Xurmijarvi, 80; Kotka, 400; Helsingfors,
600 H25 women); Lammi, 300; Abo, 400; Jokioi-
nen, 40; Kuhmoinen, 40; Palkane. 17; Jokela, 10;
i\a:is, 40; Asikkala. 27; Borga. 14; Teisko, 80;
Kexholm. 15; Kajama, 11; Kotojarvi, 16; Hirven-
salmi. 10; Lavia. 10: Virolahti, 10; Perkjarvi, 39;
Reirkolli. 20; Atsari. 38; Jyvaskyla. 10; Korpi-
lahti. 30: Kemi. 50; Eurajoki. 14; Lieksa, 48; Ku-
kainen, 10; Karisalmi, 13; Voikka, 114: Kymi, 42;
Jocnsun, *B0; Hoplaks, 45; Kokemaki, 60.
This makes a sum approximately 12,500 killed.
And it is to be observed that these figures refer
but to about fifty districts of the five hundred.
Also, these persons were not killed in fighting
during the civil war, but slaughtered weeks and
months after the termination of the warlike operations.
Besides, according to official figures, between
80,000 and 90,000 prisoners were taken and kept
in occasional prison camps, where the conditions,
in consequence of deliberate neglect and bad organization, proved so miserable that approximately 15,000" persons, men, women and children, died
of hunger and disease. In the barracks in Ekenas
alone died 2,821 prisoners between June 4 and
October 19. among them 2.256 without having been
brought to trial. Over 60.000 have been sentenced
to punishments between two years' imprisonment
and death. All except some 6.000 have got their
nunishment changed to a conditional one and have
been released( but remain deprived of all rights
of citizenship. About 450 have been sentenced to
death, but onlv a little over a hundred actuallv
shot. Fortv Socialist members of the Diet who
remained in the countrv have crot between eight
vcars and lifetime unconditional prison. Out of
92 members onlv one was uncomnromised and allowed to reoccupy his seat in the Diet.
The last general amnestv included also amncstv
for all those who in one form or another had behaved "too severely" aginst the workers during
thr "cleansinar" of the countrv. Accordinglv no
one can be brought to trial for having murdered
any workers, stolen their property, etc.
PARIS. April 15.—The Matin reported todav
that the Ukrainian Bolsheviki have captured Simferopol, in the Crimea, key to Sebastopol.
"We don't mind admitting that we are humanitarian enough to hope that they never find the
guy who called it the PEACE conference—there
has been quite enough bloodshed in the world of
The Manchester Guardian reports the British
Minister of Labor as saving that there were one
million unemnloved in thp<- country. And still
thev babble of chaotic Russia. 5PAGE EIGHT
::;    i*t
i I ij
'«I  ■
I it :$
M      '   'i
.Oi!! I
Russian Bolshevism--Tyranny or Freedom?
(Author of the "Red Heart of Russia")
THERE is a wide divergence of opinion among
American   liberals   concerning   the   Russian
So ;tt  Government.    There  are  even  radicals  in
this country who  are  opposed to the Bolshevist mit the criminal and the insane, the unnaturalized,
idea.    Among the  Russians in America there  is and   those    vho   are   under  twenty-one,   to   vote
bitter   disagreement,   and   this   disagreement   has Some Americans will not even agree that we are
been one of the largest contributing factors to the undemocratic when we refuse the vote to Amen-
general   chaotic American opinion.    The majority can women.    Russia has fewer election laws than
of Russians in America, in spite of the systematic we have, but  she has one fundamental one. that
campaign of misrepresentation that has been con- if you do not work you have no right to a voice
ducted against the Russian Soviet, have a rather in   the   government.    Every  man  and  woman  in
wonderful faith in the adventure which their coun- Russia above the age of eighteen can immediately
trymen across the world are making.    There are qualify as i voter by complying with the one fun
a few whose positions, in view of their economic
against them, the bayonets went down before
those formulas, and the soldiers who had eome to
overthrow remained to participate.
The Bolsheviki would not call a Constituent
Assembly because they believed the will 0f the
majority was better expressed in the more flexible
convention of the Soviets, which had already replaced the Constituent Assembly, even before its
formal dissolution.
The challenge of which Xicholai Lenin spoke jg
beginning to be recognized by the statesmen of
the world. The Russian Soviet is at tho peace
table.    Whatever the decision of the peace plenj.
background and previous preaching, is quite as
difficult to understand as any factor in the Ru>
sian situation.
Telling the story of Russia in revolt as it appeared to me, 1 am confronted again and again
with the same questions:
damental  electoral   rule  of the  Soviet—by   going potentiaries, the fact remains that Russia is there.
to work.    If he is a working producer, working Not   the   Russia   of   Prince   Lvoff:   Bakhmatieff,
with his hands or with his brains, whether he is whose   campaign   of   misrepresentation  is  lately
a ditch digger or a superintendent, he may be ad- responsible  for the  anomalius intervention policy
mitted to participation. of the Allies: not the Russia of Korneloff or Kali-
The Bolsheviki disenfranchise by different stan- den or the Czar; but the Russia of the masses of
da.-ds than  those used in  all  other democracies, feasants and workers who are fighting and starr.
"Can   the   Soviets   be   considered   democratic    The   Bolsheviki  disenfranchise  the  parasite   class    ing and dying to fling their challenge at the world.
when they deny representation to the bourgeoisie
and aristocratic classes?" "Have not the Bolsheviki suppressed newspapers and imprisoned peopb*
who disagree with them?" "Are they not an
autocracy of the proletariat?"    "Is an autocracy
of free speech, free press and inviolability of person, these questions are understandable enough,
but from the lips of the Socialist, whose conception of liberty is based upon an economic rather
than a political foundation, such sentiments are
t^ueer indeed. It seems that the divergence of
opinion among radicals in this country comes
large1*/ from confusion as to the true meaning of
soring up like mushrooms all o:.t-r that vast land
r.nd have been as short-lived as nrishrooms, offer
nq hope for any working solution It is time to
make an honest effort to find o>u the tru<> eondie
rion of Russia, and to understand what has, really
happened there.
The mest  essential  thing in  nnderstamlinsj the
just as we disenfranchise the insane and the Whether delegates of the Soviet are there in
criminal classes, on the principle of the social the flesh makes little difference. Soviet Russia ard
good. They refuse to permit any individual or that which it has unloosed upon the world is up-
group of individuals to make use of the past permost in the mind of every man who sits at the
stored labor power of the world, or to control and    board.
of the proletariat any better than an autocracy of    Profit from the present labor power. The  challenge  cannot  be  met  by  sticking the
the Czar?" It   is true   that   the Bolsheviki  suppressed  the    national   head  under  the  sand  and  denying tlie
"The Bolsheviki dispersed the Constituent  As-    press and imprisoned persons who disagree with    existence of the Soviet or the extent of its power.
sembly.   TTow is that justified on any grounds of    them.   They offered in justification the same rea-    Continued   misrepresentation   of   its   program  nr
democracy?" sons offered by the governing group in America;    its performance will not suffice to crush it.   The
'If the Constituent  Assembly was not  elected    that Jt WM a war measure which the safety of the    pathetic wail of the few anti-Bolshevist Russians
under fair conditions, why did \he Bolsheviki not    government  demanded.    A study of the Russian    in America about the suppression of the press and
call   another  election,   and   immediately   convene    PaPers sin(*e the  November revolution  will  show    the o;ssolution  of the  Constituent   Assembly will
another Constituent Assembly?" ^at, drastic as this suppression of the press was,    change nothing.    If we are to infi-t the Russian
Coming from the lips of the liberal  whose social    '* was ^ess drastic than that practiced in America,    .-'trialion. we must look ahead
vision stops with the guaranty of political rights.    l mean to say that the newspapers of Russia have        Military   intervention   has   f.tiled      It  deserved
been full of attacks against the Bolsheviki such to fail for its sheer criminal strp'd'.Ty, if f r tioth-
as would never have been permitted against the ' ing f'fg. The scarcely less singer policy of staiv-
governing group in America. It is not possible ing Kussia into submission to tuc will of other
to excuse it in America. Yet it would seem that rations can be hardly more successful. The papier-
we should be very timid about making overmuch mache governments of the opposition which have
of this charge when we consider that we have
generations of organization and stability back of
us while the new government of Russia has just
come struggling into existence out of centuries of
Xieholai Lenin, when he overthrew the Kerensky    oppression, and is fighting for its life against odd.:
government,  made  no  claim  to  being  a  creator    such as we have never known.
of a new democracy.   He scoffed at democracy as       Aa to the Constituent Assembly, I saw it come
it was practiced in the western nations.    He de-    and go, and it is my honest opinion that it would    Kinrian  situation is a  realization that it cannot
dared that  just  as the French  revolution  dial-    nave  been  dissolved if Lloyd  George,  Woodrow    be judged by any of the old measuring sticks.   We
lenged  feudal   control,  the  Russian   Soviet   f-ial-    Wilson, Cleinenceau, or any other group of Eng-    have here an experiment in governinenf which hfl<!
lenges the bourgeois political  control;  and  that    lish, French or American statesmen had been in    never before been made in the sto.y of the race*
just as the feudal control was moribund and fell,    the position of Lenin and Trotzky.    The Consti-
so the direct form of economic soeial control for   tuent Assembly was elected under rules laid down
which the Soviet stands will destroy every  form    by the government of Kerensky, and was a relic
of bourgeois political control. of the political revolution in Russia.    It was dis-
He saw that the western democracies suppressed    uolved,  not  on  that  January  morning  when  the
the press and imprisoned people for disagreeing    sailors told the delegates it was time to go home,
with them and charging them with failure in the    but on that Xovember day when the government
business  of  government,  which  is  to   house,   to    H'hich created it evaporated like a pricked balloon.
clothe, to feed and to educate its people. Tho Bolsheviki claimed it was not representative
He laid no claim to the establishment of a mH-    of the Russian masses.   Their chin seems to have
lennium  in Russia.    He said merely that Russia    been upheld by the people themse'ves, for though
had entered into the transition period  that  will    there were ♦welve million bayonet* in Russia from
lead to Socialism.   To the "parlor Socialists," who    vhich to gather a nucleus of effective protest, no
call him undemocratic. I heard him say: group in Russia has been able *o mahe that pro-
"To imagine Socialism as these gentlemen would    test.
have it. we would have to serve it to them on a       Our evidence of the vitality of the Soviet in
silver platter.   Tt is impossible.     Tt will never be.    Russia is to be found in the fact that it has sur-
There is  no other road  to Socialism  except  the    vived every form of counter-revolution from with.
dictatorship .\f the proletaria*, and the mer«»'less    in, ami Allied intervention from without. Nicholas
enpnression of the rule of the exploiter." Chaikovsky told me that it had completely swept
The Bolsheviki do claim that the Soviet form of   the country, that every time one of his delegates
government  contains the  rudiments  of a  demnc-    of  the  Peasants'  Council  went   back  to  his  vil-
rscy. mueh broader, more complete than  any  of    lage. he found the people there had swung further
the democracies of the western powers. and further to the left.   Harold Williams, in a dis-
In  America we require that a man must have    pat.jb to the London Times, written while he was
attained his najorifv. that he must he a citizen    in Russia, declared that Bolshevism had swept the
of the Fnited States by birth of naturalization, and    country, invading even the ranks of the Cossacks.
that he mwt not be either insane of a criminal.       We are told that the position of the Bolsheviki
hefcre we permit him to vote.   We do not claim    has been  maintained by force.    Yet every time
that we are undemocratic because we do not pc-    the   Soviet   formulas   met   the   bayonets   massed
on the economics of Capitalistic Production,
being the first nine chapters of:
Vol. 1 Marx's Capital with the 32nd chapter on
the Historical Tendency of ( aulinllst Accumulation Included, also an extract from the preface
to  the   same   author's    "Critique   of   PoUtlcal
Economy", which formulates the materialistic
interpretation of history.
Prices are as per the following quotations:
Post paid In all cases
Single copies, paper covers, 50c.
25 copies or more, paper covers, copy, 40c.
Single copies, cloth bound, $1.00 per copy.
10 copies or more, cloth bound, copy, 76c.
We await your orders, and we hope you will keep
us busy, as success In this venture means much to
the  publishers'  future  efforts.
Make all remittances payable to C. Stephenson.
401   Tender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.


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