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The Red Flag May 24, 1919

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[By Eden and Cedar Paul]
[Glasgow Socialist, April 10]
[Being a  translation  by  E.  and C.  Paul
of a manifesto issued by the committee for
^ the Defence of International   Socialism,  and
subscribed   by   many  members  of  the  new
Majority of the French Soctelfat Party.]
Tni   ii    nrl
The French Socialist Party advises the proletariat to remain ealm, bnt to prepare manfully for
the trials whkh arc ahead.
Revolution and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat
The Party recalls the fact that it haa invariably
warned the workers against any movement inadequately prepared, and against impulsive manifestations whieh would nerve merely to give the government • pretext for repressive measures. But
ft likewise recalls the fact that it haa invariably
insisted that when, owing to the errors of the
bourgeoisie, s revolutionsry crisis occurs, it fa the
doty of socialists to take the decisive steps essential to the fulfilment of thek historic mission.
Hostile on principle to fruitless violence snd to
indiv'dual manifestations of revolt, the Socialist
Parties consistent in their principles have never
cared to promote ihe methodical organization cf
the workers. In Sands where constitutional monarchy or bourgeois icpni I'canism prevails Socialist* have made the utmost possible use of popular freedom in order to increase the powers of
proletarian activity? But Socialists have never
ceased to proclaim that there will be no true de-
morracy. that there wfll be no government by the
people, so long as a class living by ownership
exercises dominion over the world of the workers."
Invariably soeialists have maintained that the proletariat, white making toe best possible use of
sueh first elements of democracy as have been
wrested from, the bourgeofaie, is entitled, when
ever circumstance* sre favorable^^javerecourse
to revolutionary activity for the establishment of
integral socialist democracy.
'" ' jjHfiS
Onec in our innocence, we thought tie* fogy
roms were a peculiarity of jew-baiting days, in
the "dark ages"—the day. of feudal serf snd
baron and intolerant priest, or of Bussia under the
Cxars. But we were mistaken, for here we be
in the 20th century of light and learning" and democracy.* in the great free west, in, comparatively
speaking, a manleas land abounding wfth natural
resources, and we are actually reverting to the
barbarisms of our "dark" minded ancestors. So
much for boasted progress.
Anti-foreigner pogrom, are publicly advocated,
and without protest, and so tacitly encouraged,
by those who have assumed our moral and intellectual tutelage, oft other occasions. Then their
volubility filled .11 the spaces of the earth and
echoed from the aktes again when—when the
moral aspect of the issues could be made "safe"
and popular and profitable. We ought to abase
ourselves hi the duet and shower thc ashes of contempt on our heads for the shame of black reaction; for the shame of reverting back, yes, back
to the 'territorial excluaivenem of tribal days,
as a solution of the problem of unemployment.
There fa another solution, the twentieth century
socfalfat, the international proletarian solution.
Bring the earth and its resources, the means of
production and the people together through the
social ownership of the means of production snd
produce for use. Thst fa the upward snd the forward wsy. .
In connection with the agitation against the alien
the following extracts from a clipping from an
issue of the Vancouver "Province," in 1912, date
not known, will be interesting as to who fa responsible for the presence of the foreigner .in this
country and thek. reasons for bringing him here,
The clipping quotes an advertising dodger which
was circulated amongst the workers in Russia.
The extracts will indicate the nature of ft. contents: "The General Agency, 'The Tranaltiantie,'
in London, England, haa been commissioned to
m of ^^^^H^   place 1,500 men in the fuflnwing works. The Do-
by revolution. . . .   '   ^
The Clam Struggle is a Method of
, ■ nativity
No less in accordance with the consistent teaching of international socialism is the Party's decision that its activities must in future be guided
more than ever by the -principle jorf the clam
The peculiar conditions that obtained during the
war may have obscured for a time thc darity of
tins principle, but in accordance with it we now
insfat upon unflinching opposition to bourgeois
dominion; we condemn any participation in the
exercise of that dominion; we insist upon the
systematic and symbolical refusal of military snd
civil credits; we affirm the absolute autonomy of
the' Socialist Party as the political party; of the
workers; and we natnrally reject all thought of
an electoral alliance with any other political
patty during the first ballot.
Hoping to re-establish that socialist unity
which fa indispensable to the activity of the pro-
letarist. the Psrty declares thst those who refuse
to recognize the essential principles of the class
struggle and of Socialist opposition to all other
parties, and those who refuse to accept the neees-
anrfly internationalist character of Soeialfam ere
tbe declared enemies of Soeialfam
minion Steel Corporation and
Limited, in Glace Bay, and the
Steel Co., limited, in Sydney, Canada.
■    "The following men ere required:
"Miners (Cutters), possessing certificates, payments by the ton. Cujters earn from 60 to 100
roubles a fortnight (One rouble equals 51 }4
cento). . ." >
And so on through all the different occupations
around the mines, smelters and quarries. Another
1.000 to 1,500 unskilled laborers were also required at from 14 to 15 cents per hour. "No
knowledge or experience" wsa required and the
surroundings end conditions of work were characterised ea "pleasant." Knowledge of the English language was not necessary, because ea tim
circular' stated, "that in Canada there were many
Busaten. end many workers from Austria and tint
Balkan states, so that every worker could get
along with hfa mother tongue." And this fa how
the immigration laws were evaded: "Every
worker win receive from thfa office a certificate
of employment gratis.- Whosoever possesses ft
certificate wfll experience no difficulty in landing
in Canada."
That fa evidence to show what interests brought
these foreign workers to Canada from the ends of
the earth, and by what methods and specious
promises they induced them to come here, tt
was capitalistic interests that brought them here,
in the first place, In order to beat down the wage
snd the standard of living of the English-speaking
workers, and now they would instigate an "anti-
foreigner" pogrom in order to Split the working-
class forces and so retard their march to knowledge and power.
Many public men today are admitting, according to press reports, that the workers display a
knowledge of the history of society and of economic science and a power of stating their position, superior to that of'the bourgeoisie. Do not
let its tarnish that reputation by
our foreign fellow-workers the scape-]
evils of the capitalist system of production fee
profit. Bo not let us take the cowardly part of
umping on the under-dog. Let us show more economic sense, and, irrespective of the accident of
birth-place, more class solidarity. Do not let the
bourgeofa draw a red herring across their trail
bv instigating amongst us an internecine working
All friends will be pleased to hear that Comrade Aitken of Cumberland has been acquitted at
the assizes of the charge of supplying draft evaders
with food, etc. It will be remembered that he was
arrested, shortly after "the killing of Comrade
"Ginger" Goodwin, in the hills behind Come*
Lake as a draft-evader, by the Dominion policeman. Dsn Campbell. Aitken and Comrade Joe Nay.
lor, who was acquitted at the test assises, were
both arrested for practically the seme offence. The
firm of Bird, Macdonald A Eerie, of Vancouver,
had charge of the defence. Comrade Aitken wishes
us to convey his thanks to til those
him assistance in hte need.
Is British .statesmanship prepared to send British soldiers or short of that, to justify sending
noison gas, dame-throwers, guns and anuniinition
to be used on Bussian soil and to keep this unhappy people In all the torments from which
Western Europe wsa released by the armistice? . .
—Manchester Guardian.
brit^s mo„ nm
Messrs. Cathal O'Shannon' and Thomas
son, Irish delegate, to the Berne Conference, have
sent a telegram to the Hungarian Minister of Education, congratulating the workers on having
established a republic.    ,
Mistral, writing in "Humanite," tells that of
the 12,000 Germans in Nkolakff whom the Allies
tried to use against Bolsheviks, that one-hslf laid
down their, arms and the other went Over to thc
Bulgarian noctelfate to be Severely Punished
A telegram from Athens to the "Matin" says:
A Bofabevik movement at Varna having bean
"Now, more then ever, when the revolutionary   •J****.** *?■*?*£** 9nA1fsMfmmmU fc*mi8»<k*»
•fate of affairs becomes more accentuated day by
day, the proletariat needs definite guidance. ... .
"The French .Socfalfat Party speaks loudly and
clearly. Tt raises its voice against capitalist society, whkh fa responsible for the war; it advocates the complete destruction of militarism; it
labors for tbe liberation of the workers by the
establishment of collective production and collective ownership: it appeals to tbe revolutionary
enevey of tbe proletariat in whose cause it pro-
to employ every possible form of activity.
the Allied authorities caused the town to be occupied by British troops, end martial tew wee pre.
claimed. All the. ring tenders are to be tried by
British court-martial, and severely punished.
(Note.—Varna fa the ehtef port of Bulgaria.
Th. telegram seems to suggest that the Socialists
are ready in power at Sofia, the capital.)
' During the trial of the Cllosgew rioter at Ed-
inburg. a witness was sworn, and when the judge
esme to "I swear by almighty God," th. witness,
Meteebn MeFariane, asked: "whteh God do you
refer tot" Dent ask quest teas," said th. clerk,
"Well," -aid th. witness, "th. reason I ask is
thst yon appear to be the Handy Andy of the
pantomine." Tbe council decided net to ask the
witness any questions, and he wm ordered to stsnd
down. «»i
"Nothing is so terrifying to the SocteJfats of
today as the folly of their opponents."
—George Bernard Shaw.
Propaganda meetings- every Sunday night, at
8 p.m.. Empress Theatre, corner of Gore avenue
end Hastings street mortm
Being a mries of articles based upon an intervkw with Wilfred
" ' y'a'^m^jk^k'^^^M^^MM^w asaaammmma^awi^m^ato^   flbmaaay^tea-'
easmesm.   AmW*ugewemnw/    g"ewemue»ewmms»  meju^sms   emrm^sawsssw
%l saw more; opera in Petrograd during the
months it was supposed to be running knee-deep in
blood, than I ever did in all the rest of my life,"
said Wilfred B. Humphries, worker for the AmericanT. M. C. A. and later for the American Bed
Cross in Bussia during its reddest months. Humphries, young, unaffected, eager-eyed, of thc college organisation worker type, was.giving hfa first
lecture on Russia at the People's Institute. 1256
Market street, San Francisco, Thursday evening,
April 10. and to the course of it showing slides of
Bolshevik scenes that he brought with him when he
left Russia four months ago. "Besides the opera,
there were Ibsen, Shaw, Tolstoy, Shakespeare's
plays and vaudeville. In two months that Maeterlinck 's 'Blue-bird' run, I never succeeded in getting in line early enough to^get a ticket. In Moscow, I went to'night school three evenings a week
to learn Russian, and other evenings attended poii-
***n\ meetings st' Smolny Institute and othei
places. And every evening I saw women coming
opt of theaters in twos snd threes, unattended by
' men, storting out across the street, streetcarless
and dark, with no fear whatever. At this time
schools were being organized all over Russia., I
remember in Petrograd seeing a poster announcing
the opening of a kindergarten that said'the children would be served wfth a hot lunch. This wss
the chaos and anarchy you read about
■   ' v" '■./
k Lecture by Wilfred Humphries—(Reported by
Amy Oliver of People's Institute)
"What impressed most impartial observers in.
Russia. I think,'was the tolerance, the eonshlerato*
nesey I had almost said the gentleness of tite Soviets and their polices. Ton have heard mueh about
the suppression of bourgeofa newspapers. The
only ones suppressed were those that were printing absolute snd outrageous Hes shout the Bolsheviks. If s Russian newspaper said in glaring headlines that the Bolsheviki had massacred all the
prisoners snd cut them in small pieces, ft would
be Closed. But newspapers might print, all the
arguments against flic Soviet system that they
pleased. T have shown you a slide of the procession of priests, marching through the streets hi
protest against the division of church and state.
"The Social Revolutionists had planned a great
demonstration, in protest against the dissolution
of the Constitutcnt Assembly, to be held January
5. The Soviets did all in thek power to persuade
Vtiie Bolsheviks to keep away from thc streets
wherethe procession was to pass, so as avoid any
possible disturbances.   There wis fear of an up-
H heard stories of chaos and anarchy in Buaste,   .»ito$'<eeW that all public
too. From the time I landed to Vladivostok-
where then tite red flag was flying—through the
seven thousand miles of the journey to Moscow, we
were met by the fleeing'bourgeoisie and regaled
wfth stories of terror and atrocity, hunger, typhus
and murder. Typhus wm killing a thousand a day,
mid the fugitives. 'Three-fourths of Moscow wss
burned to the ground. The Kremlin was destroyed.   First we heard tost Kerensky had thor-
ft was that the issue of the battle wss stfll tn   ^ ene^ttete whetf the Social
doubt.   Nearer-the  Bolsheviks  MOmefi to;*haW &** ^ storting a reign ef
tin" advantage, temporarily.   When we got there,
the six days of fighting was over and Kerensky
was fleeing..
% saw the 'destroyed' Kremlin—with a piece of
buildings be well guarded. The manner of this
was to ask all the people in the building, including the janitor, to aid in protecting ft. The
Soviets guarded the city by placing emergency
armored cars wfth Bed Guard groups at intervals
all over the efty. *
"Another evidence of this large tolerance fa the
fact that nothing waa done about the dastardly
attempt to assassinate Lenine. who was shot st
by a member of the Social Revolutionist Party.
"A minority objects to the centralisation of in-
dustry—says there is not democracy enough and.
that the industries should be immediately and
completely handed mver to the workers.
"But remember, that the Bolsheviki do not
claim that Russia is wholly socialistic. They say '
that the co-operative commonwealth fa not immediately possible, especially tea country ** ktftta.
trially backward' sw vmnfa. They say that' ftuusm
wfll hsve to develop: tite stage known aa State
Capitalism, with concentration of industries and
formation of trusts. Mme. Kollantay said: 'W.
can't fully socialize Bussia all at Once. You other
nations have a much better chance to socialise
your industries, as industry te already partly socialized wfth you. Ton can begin khere we learn
"But cent ralizat ion of industry under' proletariat rule is a very different thing from centralization under bourgeois rule. Bussia has net
nationalised all her industries. Some are still
under private ownership, modified by Workers*
Control. Committees of workers audit tite books
of the industry, seeing that there is no watered
stock, limit the profits to five or six per cent, require the owner to, re-invest in the industry a good
proportion of his receipts, and# regulate hours and
wftges.    '■
"Lenine says the policy of the Bolsheviki is to
take over those industries that have reached tite
monopolistic stage, and then the others as fast ss
thc new government can chew and swsu*wr them.
It may be said thai the industries not owned by
tiw workers are controlled by the workers.
"Under Worker.; Control the number of stores
ite .largely decreased, naturally enough,
vanishing of competition.
(To Be Concluded Next Issue)
-.- v..
^w^^m^mmi     ^mr^^^mw^m^^^^      ^ ^^a^^^^^»^^a^^      »^^» ^^•w^^wf^mmmmm^   ^^m* ww^^^^^^^^mMpmv
statuary at the gate broken and the holes through   gy^
two of the churches—otherwise intsct.   I found
tite origin of the •three-fourths of Moscow burned.'
Five buildings had really been destroyed
"Outrages—of s sort—I did see. On one of my
departures from Petrograd, at the Nicolief station*
I saw three Bussian officers, epaulettes off, of
course, csrrying passenger baggage to the train.
Fur the, standard fee, since no tips were sllowed,
they duly carried my luggage for me. I saw a
portly Russian gentleman in sn expensive fur coat
tolling a bourgeofa newspaper. After a particularly heavy snowfsll the Petrogsd Soviet
ordered everybody out to shovel snow, with, the
eider that no one physkally able to shovel might
hire anyone else to do ft for him. And house com-
mittees enforced the ruling.
sent out to   them: 'For   every  Bolshevik  leader
killed, we shall  kill  one hundred of the  Socisl
That was ftmBmB^i'Jlls^^wns:''nft
(Continued from. Bag. Three)
outrage   I  uw.   Soon after the I warn fat tite
"Trouble between tite Anarchists and; Bolshe-
came to any more than buttles In a few
at first. In the early days
rule, many Monarchists who wanted to
new Government and also wanted to make a living
without working, announced themselves as Anarchist, and seized houses and goods. But. of
course, real j Anarchists denounced them.
"Now there ere about ninety per cent of the
population participating in the government—.nd
I dent believe that percentage votes in America.
All those that do useful work wfth hand or brain
—and that means now about ninety per cent, of
the population have representation in the Soviets.
The teachers send delegates, as do the medical
smnofatioos composed of doctor, snd nurses. What
Soviet* came into power, the bank clerks end civil
servants, encouraged end supported by the bourgeofaie, went on strike. Lenine countered suddenly and cruelly by seising all the banks and rul-
tng that no matter if a man had million, deposited
he could draw no more than one hundred and fifty up their
tunnies (fifteen dollars) a month for each member
of hte family. Thfa meant that the bourgeoise
could get an money to support the strikers and tim
ng s dictatorship of the prole-
tariat—with action begun as it always must be
begun, by . militant minority—fa now a true de-
mecreey. These mhotngtog sgetost the Betehe-
vfldin the early day. when they thought that tite
i   M.sa*^ft^aWt  mm\Mmn\     mm^fmm,'   ~Ammm     ^^a^^.sV^ a»>      mmmmmmmm\mmt
woum not last sot wee as, ere giving
position as they reetise that thfa fa a
that has come tn stay. I was in Same teaehers' aesoemtien met split tote
a left and right wing, the majority rem guesting
result wss that tim strike wan broken. But the the smoemtisn and electing delegates to the Se-
touch that added insult to injury was tho order vteta, the minority going out of the ssmristteo sl-
that each depositor must stand In line to draw his together. A considerable section of tim IntclK-
monthly allowance. He couldnt send snyone for gentete were wfth the Bolsheviks from the flrst
ft. I saw to that line a plump, deeply-furrowed, A gtenee at the Bolsheviki cabinet urfll prove
bediamoned woman with genuine team coursing that I think one might say that ft fa the most
down her cheeks at the indignity she was suffer- cultured cabinet in Europe. Many of the
tog. have been honestly converted since then.
the lodestone that holds the small
There is many a farmer win
methods than those he is practising,
who is held beck from applying them on account
of hfa lack of means. ■   ;.'; i. '
place, the development
iue under capitalism, far
having the small farmer of /hfa poverty, will, on
the contrary, aggravate it For any reduction in
the socially necessary labor time required to raise
farm products esn only result in the increase fa
'the quantity of these products. But the market
aa ban already been pointed out, is uieissaekad
More products wfll mean lem socisl value, end
accordingly a further degree of enslavement
pert of the small farmer. Hence, the decrease
the socially necessary labor time dees not
sny loop-hole of escape from the exploitation
the capitalist system. On this score, too, then, the
small farmer fa thrown into thc arms of the revo-
totiiusry mi i uuiut       ■
to so far a. he continues hfa .torts to try to ad-
just and bettor hte conditions wftbin the eapftaHst
system. The dark night of capitalisms ebbing
Hfe fa gloomy enough, especially if one just keeps
hfa eyas on the darkness about But this night
of gloom need not lent long.   Ite length atponas
vs.   wamWww    vwssm v    o^mnv    us*ua^e^uweon asmw   swaaa*   e^swm   mmmmwi^nmn t mmmm,
mer will go about to overthrow the eapftaHst system. The smsfl farmer should net shrink from
doing hte share to thfa great historical* movement
H he fa wfae he wfll do ft gladly; for, eapftaBnm
has reduced him to this strait that he, even ftf
the industrial proletariat has now "nothing to
lose, but hte etouna." . '    .
C. M. C*HB1ST1AN8BN. '
acharsky, Commfaar of Education in the Soviet G
for the Year Ending November 7, 1913
important half.
Bourgeois society not only
the masses in perpetual cold
tried continually' to' beep their
darkness; the history of the sabotage perpetrated
upon  teachers shows  graphically how  farsighted
.""■„    ,, was the bourgeoisie in this respect.
Mia            -            aj.   i.' I*® new Busste does not want teachers physi-
City and Country Schools caUy incapacitated   by   misery  and   went,   but
The Commissariat consider, it very desirable to 1eaeheni 0f a genuine culture, af high intellectual
do away in schools of secondary grade with the development, and of perfect physical vigor,
involuntary   but  excessive  division  between  the
{Continued from Last Week)
People1. Commfaarifet aH public schools went over
F W*0k\t '*% mi*rMmmimH of the Commissariat of N.tional
hunger, but alsoT EnlightoftUs^ste      due time su private school,
in atoolnte   "^i K taken ove^
Coming over to the reforms inaugurated in th.
higher schools, I wish to show that those reforms,
worked out by the Commissariat, affected feB #•
Tniversities   and   advanced   techincal   schools   of
Educating the
The establishing of the old school, the teaehers'
institutes .nd teaehers' seminaries, failed completely to produce the modern type of teacher.
And although in the above-named institutions only
experienced teachers were admitted, nevertheless,
their course of training was miserably inadequate
for serious pedagogues whose mission was to train
the youth of the country. The conference called
by the People's Commissariat in the latter part
of August this year for the purpose of preparing a
programme for teachers' preparation, worked out
new plans for teaehers' institutes as well as for
seminaries. The latter will be converted into high
pedagogic establishments, corresponding to the
pedagogic faculty in universities. In the courses
for teachers' seminaries new subjects have been
introduced, sueh as history of socialism, the basis
for the theory of law, etc.. and matters of religious instruction have been entirely removed from
the curriculum.    . y
Here follows the sum total of the Soviet's accomplishment in the province of teachers' prepa-
eity snd the village schools. Not only fa it neees-
CSTY to transform the eity«aehools in summer time.
into colonies, but to bring in pupils of the village
secondary schools, in winter time, into the factory
and cultural centres. The realization of tins
great reform, which fa outlined here but briefly,
and whieh was worked out by the Commissariat
with the co-operation of the first All-Russian Convention in'Matters of Public Instruction in a relatively detailed manner requires, of course, a considerable number of well-prepared teachers.
The school policies of. the Commissariat were
confined to the following: (1) to cheek as far as
possible the influence of the sabotaging All-Bus-
sten Teaehers' Union; (2) to unite in a broad
trade union, particularly the lower grade teachers,
upon the foundation of the so-called Union of
Teachers-Internationalists; (3) to equalize as regards their rights tne teachers of the primary and
secondary grades, bringing tim remuneration of
their work also to one level; (5) to aid by all
means the development snd the increase of educational institutions for the preparation of teachers;
(g) meanwhile to have recourse, aa far as possible,
to the organtontigl of teachers' courses.
The* policies have been approved by a number
teachers' conventions, and they have found a
expression in thek test points at the Mos-
Conference devoted to the problem of' pre-
fb' Commissariat has attained a real success
all the .points indicated. The teachers union
fa disabled and fa asking forgiveness. The ranks
of the lower teachers are being organized successfully, end the ntfeny telegrams.of greeting toefetoed
the teachers' conventions shows a growing
pathy for tite Soviet government on the part
; ji"**. wtai *****W**9*
On June 25th the Council of People's Commis-
saires, upon the representation of the People's
Commissariat for Vublic Instruction, adopted measures ^hkh stand out singularly in the annate of
school history not of Busste slone. The salaries
of publte school teachers were raised at once to
mate then double their previous amount, with back cMldren of School sge, to pursue the following
pay for three months, beginning with March. The aim: To build at every school of the first chil-
eorresponding budget item for public instruction, dren's grade a two-year prepatory snd obligatory
for the second half of 1918, increased almost to emldrens' park. The pre-school branch of the
one billion. In proportion as the ideal of univer- Commfassrist has outlined s bread programme for
sal education fa actually approached, in proportion the founding and organising of children's play-
as e system of new schools te opened, the sslsries grounds, clubs snd colonics. Among the last
of the teachers' personnel in these schools are still   especial attention must be called to the Children's
A pert of the demands of the Commfasarfat
were accepted by the professoriate, snd a part
were enforeed against the will of the professoriate,
but with the understanding that they would have
to submit to the demsnds of the revolutionsry
people. -The principal baste of the instituted reforms fa the following: Advanced sanoation to
sccamlbls to afl to Bussia. Every citizen, male or
female, reaching the age of 16, csn enter any desirable advanced institution of learning. To the
hearing of lectures all are admitted without distinction. To the practical experimentation and
work are admitted only those who prove, after an
examination, to possess a capacity for tite work
Individuals not sufficiently prepared wfll receive
thfa preparation along the plans and under the
tutelage of the professoriate of the given institution in specially prepared courses.
The professors will take their seats on the baste
of appointment at the all-Russian organised conferences to be called every 10 years by all the
universities. (It te appropriate to remark here
that teachers of schools are subject to election by
the Soviets as well ** to re-election and recall.)
Under sueh grounds the Advanced Schools have
ration.   After October, 1918, thc following estab-   advantage of a broad autonomy.   However, in the
lishments were opened anew:
tions, 4; teachers' seminaries,
gogie courses, 10; short-timed courses for tea<
110. Also 31 teachers' seminaries and six constant pedagogic schools weft accepted and regenerated by the Commissariat. The Commissariat also organised within the period of test year
central pedagogic courses based on th. new programme, which attracted mere than 800 hearers,
exclusively of mal e* and female teachers.
The courses ;proved to be a tremendous
and among the lecturers were such comrades as   people's universities, which are
Bncharin, Reisner, etc v
And   I   will   add, to   the   already   mentioned
fet first am*^**^^*/*^.^"^-toaebara, and
later for 2.000, and throughout the province 11
courses were organized, each of which was attended by from 200 to 500 hearers,
The Commissariat thinks it indispensable,  not
limiting its activities only,to the development of
self-government of the schools the teachers as well
as thc professors snd the students participate with
equitable proportion. In addition to the Educational Association, which fa responsible for the
successful operation of the above-outlined aims,
each of the Associations te obliged to organize and
develop an Enlightening Association, tite purpose
of which fa to assist in the
development  of  the
Association will first transform itself into a sort
of institution for the training of lecturers for the
ell over
Russia, and second, for the preparation of course,
to subject, not attended by specialists but  by
demands to the High Institution, of Learning the
necessity for them to establish within their organizations Scientific Associations, fundamentally
to occupy themselves with purely scientific problems and research wor. However, owing to the
strange Opposition of the professoriate to such ft
plan, the Commissariat came to realize that it was
premature for the present. ^
The enlightening associations of former educational institutions lead us to tasks of out-of-school
education which the Commissariat considers of
great importance. w^iil-^
Next Weak:
to be raised th. school worker, of tite future nnl-
fled labor school will be. as regards remuneration,
transferred to the flrst that te, to the highest
etess. Them expenditure, will have to-reach several billions; the yearly budget of the unified labor
school when Hs plan h definitely outlined, with
afl side expenditures for equipments, structures,
ete., will have to reach six billion roubles. But
tolling Busste will not spore anything in order to
have a school worthy of her hundred million of
workers and pessante. who, the first in the world.
have taken fhe power directly into thek hands.
To lift the material level of the worker in the
public sehjbl would mean, however, the comple-
Tndustrial Colonies, which were organised in
Tsarskoje Seloe, as here was laid down the first
stone of the foundation planned by the Comrafa-
ssriat. Tt fa the aim of the Commisariat to con-
vert thfa wenqerfol nlace of the province of Petrograd into a gigantic Children's Colour, where
thousands of proletarian children will be sent
yearly. This colony hss given refuge during the
psst summer to 1.500 children, and within the
year 1919 we hope to broaden the scone of the
colonv so that St will give room for 24)00 or more
children,   Jn the
Music, Art, Publte Statuary, Litera-
moving Pictures. »,
Over 100,000 term hand, in England have organized themselves. They have. 9000 locals. TJtoy
are now urging . minimum wage of fl2 per week
6 day working week of 44 hours, time and half
overtime, double thae Sundsys.
The censorship on foreign news fa heavier just
now than ever.   There's a, reason.   By accident
they let us know of a dockworkers strike far Eng-
work of nourishing and earing * tend, to telling us why the British matt was delayed.
for the children the Commissariat of tbe"People's
Enlightenment co-operates with  the Commisariat
Thus they try to segregate the workers of all countries from each other. i
The whole civilised world stands today totterms: upon thc brink of a socisl revolution. The
kept press of the ruling elass, with ite prostitute
scribblers are working overtime villifying the
Bussian workers because they have, overthrown
their parasitic masters and taken the management
of their own affairs into thek own hands.
After plunging the larger portion of the capi*
telfatk world into s cataclysmic war of sueh ferocity that the effects have well nigh depopulated
many lands to say nothing of the starvation of
women and babes and then expect those who hove
given everything end gained nothing, to help
perpetuate a system that can only live and thrive
on war, fa the height of bourgeois presumption.
To those who understand the economic basis of
society (snd it fa only by means of thst knowledge eouplcd with s proletarian view point thst
thc present day social problems can be solved)
the attempts of thc master claas to stem the tide
of socisl revolution are ludicrous hi the extreme.
On every hand the jackals of capitalism howl out
their anathemas at an awakening proletariat.
In one of our local journalistic abortions, dated
Msy 18, there was a full page scream, which in
itself fa s tissue of Iks and a complete indictment
of capitalism. Out of thek own mouth they condemn themselves:
"Liberty will be destroyed because Bolshevism
means that one clam shall rule over all other
Bight here it is as well to understand what liberty really fa. Of course, thc liberty meant by
the authors of the above caption, could not by
of the imagination mean the liberty
revof, otherwise, why
the general strike in Winnipeg? No, fellow-
workers, elam rule fa ft complete negation of liberty except for those titet rule. Liberty under
present-day society means the right of the master
etes to rule nd rob. Liberty under Bolshevism
means the right of tiw producer to own and control that which he produces, to short it means
that there shall be no shirkers. No wonder these
exploiters scream and mouth about liberty; they
would most likely perish, never having produced
anything but trouble, and trouble in a period of
eoetel revolution is a poor* thing to live on.   The
slogan of the Russian workers is that they who
do not work, shall not eat This fa the complete
negation of clam rule, it fa the abolition of clssses.
The canard of the "socialization of women"
seems to have as many lives as the proverbial cat
—and how they hypocritically howl thek infamous
lies from the housetops, both prom snd pulpit vie
with one another hi' spreading that foul slander,
in spite of the fact that It has been repudiated
again and again; ■Vladimar, Saratov or Samara,
the place is immaterial.
Thfa story wss first sent out of Russia by a
correspondent of the "New Europe." It waa published in all ite filthy details in the "kept" press
of every country. However, T. Wickhsm Stead,
editor of the London "Times," and part owner
of the "New Europe," found out that the story
hsd no basis in fact. On the contrary it waa a
deliberate lie and he made a public apology for
having spread it.
The filthy mind of the present-day ruling clam
always reverts to the popular pastime of theirs
of seducing each others' wives, etc. Te gods! if
socialization of women in Russia were true, you
could not keep them out of there with a 72-centimetre gun, they would all be Bolsheviks.
"Food will be put beyond the reach of all."
How often has it been beyond the reach of you,
fellow worker, even In the piping times of peace
and master-clam prosperityf Any shortage of
food in Russia fa due not to inefficiency, but to
the Allied intervention and blockade; an attempt
by the capitalist nations to throttle s young pro-
el tarian republic. i
We admit that wherever the proletariat seises
power thst governments will be abolished, but an
administration of industry in the interests of those
that work will take its place, which by no means
can be anything hjrt a blessing to those now governed in capitalistic countries,
"Property will be conffaetaed, your house, your
household goods, your bank account, and your
victory bond..'* Ton are going to confiscate your
own property and not compensate yourself for it.
Some logic. No, no; fellow worker, it is their
property 'tbey mean—the mills, mines, factories,
etc.; those things to which you must have
"Many of our millionaires were once workmen.
In Russia there fa no advance* for labor. All
there must work end you cannot uit your job.
Tho bom has authority to beat, you and to even
kill. Ton must obey your orders rigidly. You
receive paper money called rubles whteh was made
by a printing pveet, but you cannot buy mueh
with H. People go from the cities to the country
to get food and the poor peasants have very little,
because their surplus Is taken from them by force.
The factories in the cities cannot run if people are
hungry. H nothing te produced, there te nothing
to distribute. The agitator tits close to the money
end the men who are clinging to power. Ton wfll
be butchered without trtel if yen pretest.
"Bolshevism and socialism ere similar theories
ami ere children ef autocracy. They spring up to
defeated countries when greet hunger exfata. They
appeal best to thorn who have nothing to lens. In
Canada we cannot understand the hatred far government that you see to immigrants from despotic
to in order to live, which oven now can not be
operated owing to the inability of tiw ruling class
to dispose of the commodities which you have produced. Just at jpresent they can not find any
plausible excuse to send it to the bottom of the
ocean, snd you can not buy it back, even with that
bank account and those victory bonds. Therefore,
you must go unemployed, with all its attendant
evils, until they can find a market.
In India at the. present time there are
dying of starvation, not because of famine, but
because they have not got the price Talk about
"putting food beyond the reach of all." You
workers know how often It haa been beyond your
reach and at that in the midst of plenty. In another capitalistic advertisement we are asked to
subscribe to s fund for feeding starving Hindoos
and "we cable the money to save them from perishing." The illogical situation is that though food
must be there in plenty, without the money they
must die. And this is s system whieh they ask
you to perpetuate, the system of production for
sale, a system of unqualified anarchy.
"Religion will vanish." Bfethinks it has van.
ished, judging by the frantic efforts put forth to
get the workers back into the fold, all to no avail.
Capitalist machinery of produetion has got to ite
deadly work and already destroyed the God of our
Then, "the great Canadian idea that guarantee,
to every man opportunity for prosperity and happiness, the working man of today fa the millionaire of tomorrow." Great stuff, that; all you
have to do is to work hard (First eateh your job.)
snd be thrifty. It is nothing short of criminal
the way you workers squander your money. Fish
and chips, near beer, overalls and even movies.
No wonder you are all poor. Enough! The piffle
being written today to bolster up a tottering
ing clsss, shows their mental decadence.
Workers, tins fa your day; theirs fa pest
fere coining; they are going. Study the literature
of your own clam. Do your own thinking. They
can not think.for themselves, let alone for you.
The birth of a new society te st hand. It fa your
problem, fellow .workers; your end yours alone.
A knowledge of your clam position will make tite
birth-pangs easier.   Speed the day.
Will Crush
"The spirit of Csnsdianfam te tite best antidote
as we are all ritisens of e great and free democratic nation and do not want elass n*fathkilteiis
Employers snd employees sre getting closer to-
^^kw^Ujusw^u     oneama    sssm *   ww w/* ^m^mmt s.    wsa a*    nrwaa ema^oft^wsemnaaa     nan    aeo
dustrtel affairs mere and more every day.
fa an extract from a full-page article
and cartoon published in the May 21st issue of the
Vancouver "Sun." thfa advertisement fa one of
s series of such, which are to appear in the Canadian capitalist press. They are furnished by tiw
"Canada First" Publicity Association, and bear
the stamp of the "smart" American advertising
expert with hfa genius for making a ''scream''
out of everything he hsndles. The expense of this
campaign, when it fa realised that thfa "stuff"
will cost the advertisers about $250 a page, must
be enormous. But observe the knowledge of economic science displayed in the ad. Shades of
Adam Smith end Kary Marx! In view of the
critie.1 state of affairs, all people, anxious over
the pubUe welfare, are realising the necessity fur
a wider spread ef education, espeetefly on economies, and the free discussion, without prejudice
of any problems whieh prom for a solution. Many
publte men pome mod with a sense of responsibility, hsve lstcly given expression to this necessity. And yet look at tbe contribution of the
phsrsssiesl patriots of tite above publicity ama-
elation.   Look at thek economic science.
The existence of millionaires fa admitted and
the possibility of more held out for tite encourage
ment of the poverty-stricken and *
may be in danger of being Bolshevised. And yet
—"we sre all citizens of s greet free democratic
nation and do not want class distinctions." So it
says, but, common experience, as well ss economic science, tells Us that the basis of elass division fa an economic one. Low ss the "Caned.
First" publicity ssoscistion and the "Sun" pub-
lishers rate their intelligence, the workers
that "Nob Hill" fa not in the. habit of
bing check by jowl with "Paradise Alley." Examine the death rates.. Even the old gink with the
scythe makes hte dfatinctions upon economic lines.
Tuberculosis, typhoid, the blsck plague, etc.,
among wham ere they moat prevalent! Upon
whose children does the eld cadaver levy hte
greatest toll, and, when he has made his elections,
whose children lesve eehool early to enter mill,
mine and factory? Who Brat to one and two-
room housesT Enough! Lit tho workers, out of
the fullness of experience, answer the ''Canada
First" Publicity Association end tho "Sun" Pub-
The contributions on the farmer question ere to
be taken fee the personal opinions evthe contri- IfP      %m
km  i a       '   '■ ''  ==g*gt3
A Journal of News and View. Devoted to tbe
Working Class.
Published When Circumstances end Ftoaaem Permit
By The Socialist Party of Canada,
401 Pender Street East Vancouver, B. C.
Editor a Stephenson
test have been sent by citizen bodies to Ottawa
urging thst the'mounted police be instructed to
act. But to spite of this novel proceeding by tiw
strikers, Winnipeg has not got excited. In fact
the feeling that bloodshed wfll be .voided was
actually more general on Sunday at noon than to
the earlier days of the strike."
Those few sentences sre provocative of battle,
murder and sudden death.   Particularly sueh ele
Over 20.000 of Dundee's jute workers sre unemployed!%
They sre told that the cause of their unemployment te tbe cut-throat competition of tbe tow-
paid Indian jute mills!
Therefore, the workers in Dundee should not ask
gant English as ''Winnipeg baa not got excited"   ,or hi*hw WB*"*» •* ■hortw hmm-
snd "the feeling thst bloodshed will be avoided      But the "Dundee Courier," (11|4|19) unkindly
MAY   24.   1919^
The Winnipeg Strike
On Thursday, May 15. a general strike was
called in Winnipeg. It was carried into effect by
some 30,000 workers, representing some sixty
trades. It baa completely paralyzed industry in
that city. So far as we can learn, the only disturbance to date waa caused by some people demonstrating outride the building occupied by the
strikers' central committee. We have no information of the personel of this crowd. They were
dispersed by the police. These conditions are
common to general strikes. We do not require
the word of "a well-known Winnipeg journalist"
as assurance. There are, however, some features
whkh are not common to sympathetic strikes, in
the news dispatches from Winnipeg. The print-
tog trades, the telegraphers, and the fire fighters,
and, according to late reports, the police, have
made common, cause with industrial workers. That
must be distressing news for tite poor "public."
Particularly so. after all the nice things the "public" hss been -eying nf tote, shout the sane and
8"""""""|"""""""JP*^^"'"* W**'**'        mmmwmmm^^B - mmmrn  n,vul
then traitor*, arms," thou art sharper than . serpent's tooth—sueh snd sn forth must be tiw mental comments of the deer, long-suffering public.
The strike committee controls Winnipeg and
there has been no disorder. The "well-known
Winnipeg journalists" are very doleful. It fa difficult (aride from the opportunity riots would offer to the master claw to dub and shoot the
workers into submission) to make mueh money, at
sn much per column, out of en orderly strike.
The "well-known journalists'
was actually ..." If a twelve-year-old schoolboy handed such wretched condjmrition to. hte
teacher, bloodshed would be unavoidable. But
the direct appeal to violence eome. later: "Perhaps the news of the Soviet proceeding did cause
some of the citizens to take a firmer grip on themselves, and their jaws became a little more resolutely set." Perchance they bespoke each other,
after the manner of the gent whose wife was momentarily expecting to add to his joys and sorrows, "Be British boys! Be British!" At any
rate thc business men "districted" the town, snd
still there was no trouble. Lawyers, doctors, big
merchants, etc. enrolled in the citizens' army. For
what? All that silly Buffalo Mick, or Whalebone
Dick, the Gun-cater, stuff fa denied in the same
edition of the "Province." in whieh it appeared.
Denied in small print headings. Funny, how things
work out. Since the Commissioner of the Mounted
Poliee visited Vancouver the editorial columns of >'
our press have been remarkably free from the
riot-inciting matter which -formerly occupied
plenty of space. Well, the day after this dispatch
we are discussing appeared, the "Province" has
an editorial abjectly apologizing for the nonsensical Iks of the previous dsy, and putting the
blame on O. C. Porter, a well-known Winnipeg
journalist. We hazard the opinion that O. C. Porter .will be even better known to the future.
But again, on May 21, we arc told that tite
Winipeg  strike  fa  a  revolutionary move.    This
publishes reports of the annual meetings of the
shareholders of three great Indian jute companies
—all held upon thc one day. One company, tite
Titaghur. shows 70 per cent, dividend; one, the
Victoria, shows 60 per cent; and the other, the
Samnuggur. shows SO per cent
An Indian, with the Brahmin-Hindoo-Parsee
name of Walter W. Duff, presided st the Samnuggur snd Titaghur meetings, snd s Mohammedan
Bajsh. celled David Ilynd. presided at the Victoria Company meeting.
AB three shareholders' meetings were held in
Why that?
They sre Dundee companies, with Dundee capital and Dundee shareholders, although the mills
are on the banks of the llooghli.
The "Liberal" press, which deserted Laurier,
Overnight on tbe conscription issue, in som* instances pulling matter supporting him off the
presses snd hurriedly substituting other matter
villifying him and misrepresenting hfa attitude, fa
now professing indignation at the charges brought
against it by Lemieux, that it was "influenced. "
But. methinks B protests too much.   For In tins
test few yearn, we have become sophisticated. The
time Ernest Robinson, secretory of the Trades prom as a whole has taken our gullibility too mueh
end Labor Council, fa quoted as saying that word tor granted fend ladled out its propaganda with
has been received from all points between Winni-   more enthusiasm than discretion and in so doing
peg and the coast that they will follow tbe
example set by the Manitoba town. Tbe report
continues, that tbe "citizens' paper," whatever
that might be, said i   "It te to tite public of Win-
overshot Us mark. We became blase and worldy-
wise, and talked about "press dope" end the
♦'stunt iirem." And now we smileend snuTc,
grimly, when the "Liberal" press protests so ve-
imagine things. John Sainton at n pram dinner
in New Turk half a century ago used harsher
terms: "to pervert, to villify, to Be outright"
So our local press scare the desr public out of
Bve nights* sleep by a flaring headline, "Sovfct
Government proclaimed in Winnipeg." Horrible!
Some one ought to start a society for prevention
of cruelty to tired business men.
Monday, May 19, the Vancouver Daily Province
carried over two columns of news whteh described
circumstantially the inauguration of a Soviet government in Winnipeg at that dread hour that
Tarn O'Shanter mounted "hte beast," to the conspirators' hour, when graves yawn (and no wonder). Midnight found three thousand striker, at
some piece "en the riverfront within a atone',
throw of the poHec station, and e few blocks from
tiw City Ball," erecting the Soviet Government
A reverend gentleman was the principal speaker.
^BpWsVwmt     WAT mm      nA     JmmmmfmmmMmmm*       mmlmmmmm*     mmnmmmtmmmmmf ^m^mm*\     ft*S»l""hi
resentatives ef tiw efty council were to be invited
to sk on the Soviet directory. We pause to ex-
press our dfasent to thi. method of inaugurating
a Sovkt directory (t) and shall certainly use our
influence to prevent Winnipeg obtaining a charter.
The scheme had been "dkeaaeed far weeks by
Socialistic organs circulated, aome openly and
others surreptitiously, through tiw street, of Winnipeg. Seme protests from returned soldiers hare
been heard  but  apparently  without  provoking
there te no dispute ss to the facts brought out
by Mr. Lemieux. Two million dollars of public
money were expended on newspaper advertising
by the Union Government, and this at a time of
great depression, wee equivalent to a government
bonus." And when the "Liberal" press protests
its righteousness so much, we, remembering its
treacheries smile and smile end smile.
nipeg that we speak to stating without equivoca- hemently ks honesty and public spirit. We ration that thfafa not s strike at all In the ordinary fuse to believe in a public spirit which manifests
sense of the^term, it k a revolution It te sn at- itself to five years of uncritically unqualified ac-
tempt Ja^verturn British institutions in this eeptanee of the thousands of "orders-in-council"
western country, and supplant them with the Run- issued by the puggy bureaucrats fat Ottswa. And
sian Bolsheviki system of Soviet rule." es to honesty, the Toronto "Statesman" has thfa
All true citizens are urged to unite to defeat the   to any:   "On tiw question of government patron-
revolution—and still there fa no disorder.
If tiw wage staves of Canada do not learn to
tenure the frantic nonsense of the press, it wfll
be not tiw fault of that institution.
No doubt to the business men tot Seattle the
strike to that city, looked at through thek fear-
erased eyes, with sixty thousand staves suddenly
withdrawn from the buying, of commodities, wfth
the spring stock on hand, tiw banks demanding
payment and tbe sheriff pounding on the door,
must inecd have looked mountainous to them. On
tiw other hand toe stupid and bombastic utter-
anew of the nerve broken Meyer Hanson must
have caused mueh merriment among the sieves.
And now Winnipeg snd its lawyers, doctors fend
big merchants, arc cutting an equally luddrous
figure. The fact stands out, sbove sll thk melo-
dramatie hurly-burly, that the working clam te
being organised, disciplined end educated by the
very force of capitalist production, to a point
where they can and wfll end the mad scramble
to Ike on husks in a world of plenty.
, -Bvery strike finds themmore united, and more
minded to attend to their own business; ss it steo
finds thc businem clement that elass whteh te
neither fish, flesh nor good rod herring, more
fear-stricken, end km capable of acting the pert
of men. '■•,
Strikes snd lockouts, panics and industrial de-
are inevitable in a social system, which
is based on purchase and sale of every thing produced. And no society can continue to bear the
shocks whieh have long enough and frequently
enough, strained tiw feeble bond of cash nexus
whteh holds the contending classes together.
It may be that aome half-baked Socialist te vetoing revolutionsry phrases to Winnipeg. Wo doubt
it. We know that a bunch of workers who ere
•ble to keep thek heads in spite of the extreme
provocation to whteh they .re bring snbketod,
wfll not .How any muddle head from their own
ranks to precipitate trouble. We prefer to believe that the press te twisting snd perverting
utterances of strike oflteisls to en effort to start
something. We ask all Socialists to form e pram
clipping bureau fend forward to us sll provoeature
stuff, with the periodical and date clearly identified. We have need of it, like Christ bed for tbe
ma. JH. T JUT tiw
rest of the working
there esn be no question.  That he stands to gain by
fWon-, par kith the   It may be tHw that farming on a large scale wuT
class in human society,   become general some day. but at present tips poa-
aligning hte forces with the rest of the working    debatable points', and fa therefore, more or lem of
sibility belongs to the realm of the speculative and    sell.'his products, and he cannot get sufficient to
class, there can be no question either. That the
small farmer can gain in power, and so become a
political force, in proportion as he joins hfa forces
with the mighty forces of the wor ring class k pat-
ent. The sm.ll farmer now, has little or UO influence politically, for. tiw politksns know all too
fen Utopian ideal. Yet since our science requires us
to take "account of capitalism with all Its possibilities of development we cannot ignore this
point, more especially, since it seems such an easy
solution to the farmers' problems. Economically,
however, that  belongs  to that  category  of eeo-
buy «hat he want*, unJcntnb can sell hfa products
St s good price. However, thfa fa not possible because .the capitalist system allows the ween-weeker
only « smeil wage. 'Thus the wage worker and
thc small farmer stand on the markets of the
world, aa two men, who would gladly exchange
products, but ere prevented from exchanging but
• •
well that he can be caught by any. bait whieh they    nomiea which deals with the development of agri-   very .un.ll quantities, to th. detriment of each, by
m '
like to hand him. He k need by the capitalist
politic.us as voting cattle, easily drawn into line
by meaningless phrases which are built Oft tite
v sandy foundation of election promises. «As long as
thc small farmer occupies thfa subordinate position
he cannot hope to achieve his economic freedom;
end to ss much as the emancipation of the working
class must be the works of thfa class itself, he. composing one branch of the working elam, must give
fate support to the work of the general emancipation of the working class.
What the smell farmer needs more than bank
credit snd e low tariff te education. It therefore,
devolves upon the Socialists, the educators of the
working class, to give him* a line of propaganda
whteh wfll both interest and enlighten him; which
fa true to the facta of his economic life; end whieh
does not compromise or pervent the revolutionary
principles of tim. Socialism movement. That thfa fa
possible, the wrfter believes. Of course it must be
understood to begin with that the chief difficulty
wfth the small farmer lies not with his pinched
pocketbook, but in his brains. He. like most of the
working das*, has s very narrow vision. It te
difficult for him to see over tiw fence that bounds
the farm en which he lives end works. He has the
infernal habit, so common to all the species of the
genu. homo, of chaseing shadows and chimeras
believing that they are realities. Owing to his
continuous battle .gainst hail and frost snd drought, grim death and slippery
eera, he hss come to consider hfa
cultural organization end technique, tend so hss
nothing, strictly speaking, to do with Socialist propaganda as such. Accordingly the farmers' position, snd his rotation to tbe Socislist movement,
can best be dealt with by dividing ft into the twb
divisions Into which it .easily falls. Socialists are
of course, interested in the subject matter of both
these divisions, but in different ways.
* ■    ■.- ft-
Division 1: has to deal with the special form under which the farmer fa exploited, and the' impossibility of hfa escaping exploitation except by
uniting with the rest of the working class to overthrow the capitalist system. Thfa division also
points out the immediate gain the small farmer
will derive from the inauguration of the communal
system of economy.
Division 2 has io deal more particularly with the
developement of agricultural organisation* and the
technique of farming. Both aie%essential elements
of Socialist propaganda;'but the former fa s state-
the laws of capitalist production and exchanges
Now the wage worker wfll get tiw full value af
hte product under the communal system of economy, enabling him to buy to the extent of bis
capacity to produce. When he has the
wherewithal    to    buy,    no    products    wfll
n .
stale and rot 'on the market. Oversupply
will have become a. were figment of the
imagination. A. a consequence the small farmer
will also be able to get the full value of hte product and bo enabled to buy to the extent of hfa
capacity to produce. Thfa fa the immediate gain,
among others, whkh both branches of the walking clans will derive from the social revolution.
But this result cannot be attained except by the
mutual co-operation of the wage; worker and the
farmer. From' this ft follows that the small farmer, owing to his dependence upon the industrial
proletariat cannot achieve his emancipation by
his own efforts.   Hte only one royal rami to freeV
, 'K.4m
ment of a fixed relatioi^hlp, while the   latter  k> dom * br •liftp*ting bfa forces with those of the
more s description of the result of a tendency,in
the capitalist system.
As to division 1; The subject matter of thfa
division can best be understood in light of the
"socially necessary labor'' phase of the law of
value. It will be remembered that in a previous
article the opinion was given that the operation
ef this phare of the law of value, owing to the
large annual oversupply   of fa«m products, was
As toH.: The subject matter of this division
fa comprehended within the meaning of the efficiency phase of tite Law of Value. It comprises
all sueh subjects as the introduction of better
methods of tillage, of more efficient management,
of greater nhfeusrratten of'
 energy and the nee
of labor-saving devices, in abort, with all those
subject, that have to do wfth the lessening ef the
socially necessary labor tike required to raise
farm products, and thus, with the increase of hfa
largely responsible tor the poverty, of the small
farmer.   Overproduction,   in ' normal   times hangs
t tiw world.   «»e a Damoelean sword ow =tjTwn3n^
Natorrtytlns%t*to phase of
for that very reason he way be slow to catch,
of him by tite
overthrow of the capitalist system, so common among people who have gotten a mental glimpse of the
s generaKknowledge of social subjects, end a
grounding in Socialist principles, will teach
him to approve of the sets of those who
revolutionary act ond especially to
insidious srguments of the counter revolutionist*.
To show the sm.ll termer that hfa emancipation
from economic servitude fa inextricably bound up
tog elass.  It towers the social value of farm pro-      J^r**        *
ducts, cuts down prices snd so reduces the tewome      *•*»«*JS^1^ °* ** £**&$
ot the individue! fsrmer- -Tiw oversupply of pro-   ^JTf" ****; ***•»* mm,***** and agrV
dswte may neverIwrome jw great tl* ^ ehlefly eoueerned.   The fore-
thread wflf break.   But still the sword hangs" there   ******* ** **• »»«**•»> •Wcemfery labor tunc re-
£*i eoaatant menace, keeping the fermer to n con-   «uked Jo Jiroduce farm products fa the solution
they offer for the smell termer's problem. As an
abstract statement thfa fa true enough. But sd-
vsnee along thfa line can take place only as agricultural science, socisl experience and, more especially, socisl relationships advance. And so,-just
as the butterfly can only develop to a certain
stage in the ehfysafls, so farming, in all its dB>
ferertt branches, can only develop to a certain
stag* in the chrysalis of the capitalist system:
Thfa phase of the small farmer's problem occupies a pe^tter position in Socialist propaganda
^-a constant menace, keeping
state of fear.
The oversupply on the market fa ,of course, one
of the open sores on the body of capitalist economy. And it fa a source of worry to more than
tim farmer. It adversely affects every living being Kving? within the confines of the capitalist
system, although ft fa probably true to say that its
effect on the small farmer is enronic, while on
other classes
with the emancipation of thc rest oTtiw^^«toig_. tiitedfaeasel.te it that, tbe farmer produces too
class fa, then, the greaj object, p* Socialist pro- jj,wn'    Certainly not, because  there  are many
paganda among farmers.   What success will  at-   people who would give almost  anything .to get    *" the first place, agricultural development'fa m
tend the effort depends to a large extent on thc   the surplus farm products that vow stale on the    jrrowth whose unfolding will follow certain social
market.'  Thousands of people are actually starv-    tews according to its environment.
method of presentment. Under all circumstances
the small farmer must be addressed ss one whose
condition esn be bettered, here and now, by the
immediate overthrow of the capitalist system.
This can be done with out violating a stogie law of
Marxian economics. And ft k only on thfa ground
that we can rightly expect to gain a hearing among
farmers. The writer knows, of course.- that the
opinion fa current among, some Socialists thst the
klg amidst an abundance of products. In order
to account for thfa state of affairs one only needs
to understand the mechanics of the cspitslfat system. This is, thfet the working, clam, the great
consumer of farm- products, does not get sufficient
Thfa wflli be
as true under the communal system of economy
as ft fa under the capitalist system. No one can
say wfth spy degree of certainty what course thfa
unfolding wifl follow—whether, for instance: farming in the future will be done on a small scale aa
wages to take off the market a quantity of goods   lww; •*. whether large scale farming will become*
equivalent in value to the goods ft placed on the
market.;  In truth, the working clam.can tnfre off
small termers problem esn be successfully solved the .market only about one-fifth of the values ft
only by the introduction of the factory system on puts thereon, so that ft fa only possible for thfa dam
farm, conducted en a large scale.   Now without to buy but a meagre portion of the goods, including
questioning the contention thst production can be farm products, offered for sale.  Nor can thfa eondi-
earried on cheaper on a large farm than on a small tion be materially changed so long as production
one, the writer wishes to point out that farming
on a large scale fa not the general method of farming, nor does ft appear.in spite of the law of the
concentration of a capita), that it wfll become so in
the.new future. Farms conducted on a large scale
sre few and far between, tike an oasis in a desert
takes place under tiw capitalistic system. For
the mechanics, of this system demand just ,*u"eh
8 condition. However, this leaves the small farmer in thc serious predicament of a nun'bound
to poverty because the great purchaser of bfa
'products, the wage worker, fa too poor to buy. In
universal. But thfa really does not. mutter. We
are content to let the future- take.eare of itself.
But thfa fa the point that Socfalfat. contend, and
contend rightly. that development in agricultural
methods and organization will be more orderly
and take place more rapidly under the communal
Kvstcm than it. does now, owing to tiw more orderly management of industry as a whole, and to
the elimination of the distressing poverty thst
exists In many agricutlursl communities. Indeed,
no great advance to agriculture ran take place
until much of thfa poverty fa done swsy with.
(Continued on Page Seven) ■''•'.'{**£
introduction of
big-scie industry aa a means of abolishing clsss
rule. Even Lenin goes too far when lie says that
a revolutionary government can support national
movements In backward countries, and in colonics
against the mother country. If them movements
are in f.vor of bourgeofa supremacy' they ought
' t on, but an ever
he basis of socisl progress
And unless thfa be denied, it
cession thst progress by a
to be Just as feasible as sunder
of course, must develop fully the
i be ClifiSfu^^ thl8
Bevolution isn't asking the outside world
syetcm ought   form its r^uctim^ H Unly wants . ehanee ted*
rule.   Russia,    its own producing in ite own way without inter-
age of indus-   ference, not to mention thc most venomous sort
trial  production as it represents a superior de-    of interference at that - &m*
v/lopment. but ft i» a "coasununatten ftevoutiyjto^  Thus we must find that tho Mensherik diag-
in spite of the profound .dentine itondurd
s k
cause it would be strengthening the forces and
institutions in those same spheres, that will then
fight the Revolution itself. The backward coun.
tries and the colonies need the most improved
form of exploitation for that purpose. Marx, in
1852. writing about the Revolution of 1818, urged
the proletariat to support, the bourgeoisie as a
means of overthrowing the feudal government of
Germany. But with the uncanny keenness that he
possessed to such a rare degree, be adds, "the
preparation of such a movement otherwise than
by spreading of Communist opinions by the masses.
could not be tbe object, etc,"
Incidentally the most extreme Menshevik must
admit that should the Soeial Revolution come in
the way that he himself claims to be indispensable,
botrrgetHS 1
class state. , yjji/feji t;i'iw rgj
Finally there te also an international objection
to the wfadbm of a social revolution in Russia
at-this tune, and again based on. the economic
factor. If is feared that Banna with her inferior
productive capacity, at least at the begnttntg?e* also mskes of
the Bevolution if not later, must easily succumb   duplication
that it claims sins
(1) in transferring hfatorie inevitability intact
from one place to anetter,
(?) end thereby incorporating in economic determinism not only thc stage of production, but
also the human agency, the bourgeon
and hmtotlaftl
.^^^^™    *m***^*T**w* ^"^^» .
of an evolution.   That
to the counter-revolutionary power of the falter-   must undergo the same progress in production as
national bnurgeofak.   It is perfectly true Jhet r the bourgeoisie has accomplished in the economi-
united bourgeoisie can crush the Russiaif Revolution, not because Of its inferior productive capacity, but entirely irrespective of ft.
It is not a question of insufficient productivity
and productive capacity, foi  that does not decrease through Bevolution, but is plainly the eon-
ill •   'r  : '      r'\--  "    ■ ■
eaily advanced nations is perfectly true, but thst
this must be done by duplication ao far as the
agency is concerned, fa not true. For this does
not corse under the economic determinism but fa
merely the subjective determination of the indi-
vidual Menshevik.
nl,\'vf    •'        1.,,    •''„      '  •'     ' •', Sft
[From "Common Sense,*' London, Bug.]
He    fa    quite    a    famous     historian.      Next.    The governor (mudir) of each, province
Mr. B— declares that Lenin's wife, Oulianova, is   quired to supply so many men; he assigned
THE Foreign Office hss just issued s ''collection," or, rather a •'selection'* of Bc-
ports on Bolshevism in Bussia. It consists of 88
pages, and has been swallowed with avidity by an
innocent Press. The character of our Foreign Office and Diplomatic Service is known to those who
nave read the Report and Evidence of a Royal Commission, which reported shortly after the war began
to favor of reforming it, so that persons of liberal
views of humble origin might be allowed to enter
the service This selection of Reports is obviously
intended for the sole purpose of bolstering up the
official policy of continuing tite war with Russia.
It is just the kind of Report which Pitt would have
issued to justify his war, against the Trench Revolution for thc rc-csteblishment of monarchy in
France. Many diplomats and, offkials are pressed
into tite service. But there te no report front Mr.
Douglas Young, our late Consul at Archangel, end
nothing from the Quakers wfco have been doing Red
Social assistant to the "Central Committee,*' But
Madame Lenin has for along time been ill and lives
in the country. The name of the woman Com-
infasary is, wfe are informed, Kollontaia. Then Mr.
B—states that Stoutschka is Minister of Justice. As
a matter of fact, the Minister's name is Kursky. Mr.
Stoutschka is President of the Lett Republic. On
the next page (6$), we are told of a certain Boris
Asvinkof who is working against the Bolsheviks.
The person referred to no doubt is the wett-known
Social Revolutionary, Boris Savinkof. If our information on these points is correct, what credit is
tube attached toMr.B—?• statements, and wbatus.
to be thought about a Foreign Office,
regardless of expense, out of the taxes
five years of war and secret service does nce^oeuss.
any competent editor or editors with a knowledge of
Russia or of Russian sufficent to enable it to issue
a carefully coloured White Book for a critical
occasion-like the present?
One little bit of unconscious humor may be quoted
from page 6ft, U appears that Mr. B-— fa a Norwegian or a reiident in Norway. He tells us: "A
man named J—~, who has arrived to Norway from
Cross work in different parts of Russia.
By way of testing real value of thfa piece of pro- RUSSja/' states that Bolshevik propaganda pamph-
paganda, we may take No. 58, entitled "The Pro- iets have been printed in   Sanskrit!   Sanskrit is a
gress of Bolshevism in Russia: Memorandum by dead  language.   They might hate, been as well
Mr. B—.** This document is one ©f the latest, and fa printed tn Etruscan, Assyrian, or Ancknt Gothic!
dated January, March, 1919.   It irfakes a great show We wonder how many people besides Mr. J—have
of accuracy and of intimately correct information, been pulling the legs of Mr. B— end the.Inreign,
It starts (page64) with astetentent that Russia has office.       ■:■• '''..v '-fc^ni ;.H. ti<*~:.:~.y
been divided (by the Bolshevik Government) into
fpur Federal Republics, there fa no truth whatever, we are informed in this statement It fa true
there was once a Commune of the North; but this
bus ceased, and there fa now to Petrograd only a
Soviet, as to other towns. On the next pnge (65)
Mr. B— says: "The Central Committee ia composed
as foBows," Tumi foBow eleven names. But
there are. about 200 persons to. the Central Cotn-
mittce! Mr. B—has probably mixed it up whh the
Council of Peoples' Ccentaissaries . Even so, hfa
list is hopelessly wrong.   He does not mention the
Treatment of tim
To the Editor of the Manchester Guardian:
Ste,—May I, after over throe years in Egypt,
confirm the main statemente in Captain Guest',
account of conditions there! A. he points est,
the causes of the present unrest must be sought
for in aomething deeper then the grievances of
the Nationalist party.   The fellahto have
various districts to his sulwrdinates, snd they informed the head man (omdeh) of each village
how many fellahin he must provide. The system
was absolutely secret, and the districts thst suffered most were the country ones, where public
opinion could least express iteelf. It waa extended
to tbe towns as the* needs of the army grew, until
at last only Cairo and Alexandria were exempt
No doubt it would have reached them but for our
victories is Palestine—victories to which, according to all accounts, the work of our Egyptian
auxiliaries substantially contributed.
With regard to the treatment of these "volunteers" while they were in health opinion, vary,
but several British soldiers hove informed tee, unasked, that it wa. brutal.   With regard to thek
treatment in sickness there k only one opinion.
It was disgraceful.    TnmiUftont In number,   Hl-
equipped unsupervised,  the   hospitals   promoted
rather than checked the typhus epidemics that
were raging.   The official view, apparently,
that Egyptians were never ill, but if ill ere
tain to die, end treatment seems scarcely to barn
existed,   fn a case for the facte of whteh I
vouch, a native was sent into one at
tafa with some slight ailment and at
a fever whteh almost carried him off.   He hud to
bribe the orderly for everything, including a bed,
and   around .bun 'men  were •dying
Sm.ll wonder that the hospite
by our own troops as centres of Infect ten, and
that they dreaded being camped in their vicinity. -
into the feeUsjg of the survivors .nd realise why
tbe present dmturuanee. have occurred untie as
mueh in the country as in the town. When I arrived in Egypt the people were tatvufteMy friendly, but fat 1*18 there was a marked
from.the adults and. from the children an
atonal heating whieh, trrvtel' in Iteelf, showed how
tite wind wsa blowing.   And just at thc time of
wT.ntn.itaa * nlabittew Ufttte
embittered, for the first time In thc history of our
Ministers of Trade, Agriculture or Health, He gives   aeeupation, and there is no doubt that the mfli-   ^ ^a gang to a minor tuna about the
''My native town, oi my nstrre town!
Podrovski ad Minister of the Interior, snd describes tary suthorittes of the E. E. F. are nutoly to
him as sn ex-professor of History at Moscow. As s blame for thfa.  Beeruiting for tite Egyptian Labor
matter of fact, the name of the Minister of Interior Corps; and similar bodies wss st first popular, for
te Petrovski.  The name of the ex-professor of Hte- the pay fa good.   But before long the supply of
tary  fa  Podrovski,   who  fa   assist in t  Minister volunteers ran low, and then tite military .nth-
at Education  and  Keeper   of   tim   Archives- critics gradually adopted a system of
Tbe military suthorittes have taken my bey."
B. M. F0V8TEB.
Hsmhsm, Konument Green, Weybridge, March
rt. ■
- -
■  •.-■■.■■
I ™ "WW*© ^**"Vp *.
i ^|lOllf^^i%^
yf /01W o/JVea* W Fiott Deasla/ to /Ae /n/eresto «/ Ik JForfchc Class
. 1   NO. 18
t ..*.
kHE idee of dictatorship as a method of gov-.
ernment has ever since the revolution in
Busste become familiar in discussions concerning
national snd international politics. It has been
discussed almost as if it were something new,
whereas ft fa tbe only method of government that
has been practised in the history of organised so-*
ciety. Nearly every form of what fa called Democracy has merely been camouflaged dictator-
ship, nominally vesting the power of government
in the people or In sections of the people, but
retaining ft actually in the hands of a select
minority. In Busste alone hss Democracy frankly accepted the responsibilities of Government,
and declared itself as the Dietatorahip of the )[»%:
letariat. The unconcealed alarm of the other
practitioners of govkromental dictatorship the
wide world over, but especially in thfa country,
fa st once comical and tragic. They are
to shed tears over the danger, to the
principle of Democracy. • They arc also prepared
Jftftjraise  armies to destroy the dictatorship—in
to '"
tion ef dktoterabtea, and not devoid of humorous
[Frounthe Gtesgaw "Forward"!
th. method of government that haa hitherto prevailed, and prevail, now. And if to the whirBgig
of time, to any part of the world, the dictatorship hss tallen st last into the hands of the common people, on what ground fa ft possible to object to titem making use of itf la ell age. end
in all lands the sect, or class, or caste, or family
who have held tiw dictatorship have made use of
it to their own advantage, and to the test ditch
have defended thek. prerogative, .gainst all
comers. It has certainly been so to tide country. The Kings held the dictatorship far some
centuries, and claimed that they held ft ea ft
right Divine. The Boreas assumed tiw dictatorship, and. for as long as they were able withheld
and the Crown stand to,tins
neither Kings or Lord* he
qofahed their claim to dictotoiahin. and en
ncri we
expeditions for its destruction. So it would
that fhe objectionable thing fa not the dictatorship
bust the people or interests who wield it. The
dictatorship of the Romsnoffs wss tolerable, even
admirable, and international alliances
made with ft. but till dictatorship of
Trotsky 1 thn^1|#i^sorrible thing. No
civilfaed government esn have any truck with it
and if alliances are to be made they must be
against it, not with it or for H. The one wee
avowedly the dictatorship of a dynasty, that is to
say, of a' family. The other is, or claims to be,
the dictatorship of the people. What
logical minded persons want to know is why
nastte dictatorship should be considered tolerable,
and proletarian dictatorship should be considered
♦^tolerable, and especially why the tetter should
be held obnoxious by British statesmen, who
plume themselves as representatives of thgt most
paradoxical creation of evolutionary dictatorship,
ah Imperial Democracy. I am making no pie.
for dictatorship, either to principle.or practice.
T merely record the indisputable fact that it fa
fought for^rhe d^itorae^'over the lives' of" the
people of thfa country. They plunged the nation
into civil wars over it.   Out of the stiuggk. for
the, dictatorship of Borne in hte matrimonial af-
fairs, and so began the English Reformation. It
an exceedinly interesting study thfa
But it fa said that tbe Busman revolutionist.
refuse to allow the hourgeofak any share to tiw
dictatorship. Naturally. It wouldn't be a proletarian dictatorship if they did. It may be wrong
and reprehensible, but that k what dictatorships
have always dork. In thfa country the feudal
dictatorship refused to allow tiw new middle
cla«*_the bourgeofaie, to fact^any share in the
Government, until the middle elass nearly rose to
rebellion and threatened to play the very deuce
with the venerable British Constitution. The combined feudal-commercial dicatorship refused to
allow the working class any snare in the government; end now. if the working else.should ae-
srnne the dietatorahip; em*mould to thek turn
eietade tho* etnar** w^ alto-
get her undemocratic, but ft will certainly be .e>
the hsnds of thc majority. In the past minorities
have dictated. Cam ft be .that the dictatorship
u^rirtog eteas k merely the cotwummatiou
of the long evolutionary process gradually transferring power from the few to the many? Can
ft be that the dictatorship of the. proletariat fa
rimply fhe practical expression of the will Vf the
people? If so, the organising of military expeditions to stifle it will be not only foolish but futile.
Evolution cannot be stopped, not Oven when ft f
takes tiw farm of Bevolution.
xhjb TBIAL
mnBain  aaana   maiuai   naiaa
I see that the "Nation" to-night speaks of tiw last
interview thto~Janres had with M, Viviani a few
hours beforeWw^assasrinatcA I heard the story
a short time after the event from some who were
present and. if my memory doe. not deceive me.
Jaures bad fen interview with M. Viviani. He want
to the Foreign office and asked to see the Minister.
u_**i._ _»JL-^-u u-av^a- ■-:-.».-^'--. «»       Eniprem Theatre.under thc auspices of the Van>.
Comrades dee Knight and lira. Knight, of Edmonton, are at present on a short vteft to the const
ate pleased to see them.
18, Com. Knight gave
e short address te a isg.uftj miisltag, held under
the auspices of Iweal No. 1 of the Soldiers' and
Sailors* Council of Canada, in the National Thca-
ln the evening he took the platform at the
Corner Gore and Hastings
sm^"''^"muTfc's"""a'i-«« ■ «■».. " <** ""■*ftwl    emtanm^nalft   Wft
but the minister could not or would net are him.
A young secretary came down to explain thfa
Jaures gave Mm a message for the minister that if
tbe government did net bald Buaste back he would
raise the social revolution against them.
"I know." he said, "that I may be token oat and
shot for this, tote give mv message to tiw minister.**
"No! No! Nor said the secretary, -there fa no
question of that.'* "I know what I my,** *»d Jaures;
"give my rncssagWtotlwratokeer."
From, there Jaures drove away to a taxi with one
or two friends to the rcstamaat where he was tube
murdered. On the w.y the drirer drove reetteasfy
or Jaures thought he did. At the end of tiw joorney
someone remonstrated wfth the driver, and he
showed that he knew whom he was carrying.
"I would not risk the Hfe of citizens. Jaures,*' he
. But the sense of doom was upon Jaures and a few
minutes later his foreboding came true. He
thought of no madman—but he had made up hfa
comer Local No. 1 of the Socfalfat Party of Canada and a full bouse listened intently to hfa ^flnc
exposition of the working class position. The
lineal has secured hte services again for the following Sunday evening meeting. During the
week Comrades Mr. and Mrs. Knight will pay a
vteft to Victoria Unless thc spdl of flue weather'
we are enjoying and tite attractions of life in the',
summer time on the coast prevail upon them fa''
change thek plana, they will leave for heme
.gate on Wednesday. The eemordee here *H re-
agakt on Wednesday The oweeanea here ell re*
ahall see them here sgato before tint snsm.ii  te
M)>*DONT, May 2Z~<iksrter'n.)—The quarterly
meeting of th. Iron and Steel trades confederation
practically unanimously carried a resolution submitted by one of its branches to fever of the declaration of a general strike on July 1, to enforce
mind to challenge the whole might of Government, the withdrawal of Britten troops from Banufa


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