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The Red Flag May 3, 1919

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■ '■  ' .'■      '.■.■:
:   * -.■"'' • • '    . ' '     .
page fjg ht
IN a discussion of the political state, whether
from the platform or in the press, it is necessary to explain the terms to be used. Failure to
do this lays one open to possible misunderstanding ami criticism. With the world in revolt as
it is today; with governments crumbling; with
the workers in this country manifesting their discontent on every hand, we must all strive to attain a better understanding of the proletarian
position. The revolution is spreading throughout
Europe, and within a comparatively' short time
may involve the whole world. Different conditions will, of course, force thc workers to adopt
slightly different tactics and methods in the various countries but the general line of progress
will l>e very much the same everywhere.
The tactics employed by labor organizations in
this country in the past have thoroughly disgusted
thinking workingmen, and we see "in many sections of the country groups forming and striving
to express their dissatisi act ion with the tendencies
' of the American labor movement. A few words
on the nature and function of the political state
ina\ prove of some assistance in clarifying the
The general run of people do not know what
the state is, and have a very narrow conception
of political action. As these terms sre being constantly used let us define them. The state is best
defined,, perhaps, as "the public power of opprea-v
sion created and maintained in society by the division of classes." We may define political action
as any action taken by or against the state.
The Socialist conception of the state does not,
of course, harmonize with that of the ruling cla/is,
which deludes itself into believing that its institutions have existed from the beginning of time
and- will last forever. Thst has been a fi
all ruling classes. Each' thought that its
tar system was endowed with perpetuity, "is
.it waa in the beginning, te now snd evermore
shall be, worid without end*! hub ever been theis
prayer. -*\\y) .•/■     .»*&•;..
The be ginning of the state is plainly discer nable
to those who will but seek for it. Previous to toe
introduction of private property rights fa the
means of wealth production there was no need
for a coercive power ay't*f*j& W4th the devel-
opment of the division of labor one person could
produce more than was necessary for his main-
[From "The Proletarian"J
f   •
of the social organization. Previously, the armed
force had been the population itself; all were
armed for mutual protection. .This special armed
force formed the basis of the authority of the
state. Armed force, in the last analysis, is the
argument which the state uses to secure obedience
to ite mandates. The police and the standing
army were the weapons thst the state used to
keep the economic system of slavery running; sn
armed force that was capable of preventing any
independent armed action on thc part of any
section of society.
Due to economic contradictions within and military pressure from without, Greece fell after hav-v
'tog reached a very high stage of civilization.
Around the Mediterranean many slave states arose
and developed to the zenith of their power and
passed away. The last and mighties of these was*
the Roman Empire.
After the downfall of Rome the development
of society took another turn. A period known as
the Dsrk Ages set in. Out of the gentile organizations df the European tribes, influenced by the
remains of the Roman Empire, there developed a
new state.   This waa the Feudal State.
Under the Feudal regime the ownership of land
was the important thing. The serf was bound to
the soil; he was robbed by forced contributions
of labor and kind. Within this economic system
yet another wss developing. Between the feudal
lords on the one hand and toe serfs on the other
wss a middle class—known 'fa France as the
bourgeoisie. Eventually their system (rapttaBsut)
eloped to the point where the conflict with tite'
ructure was no longer bearable. The bourgeoisie became revolutionary and organised for
the conquest of the po'itvnl state. In this they
were final y successfully; they secured4 control of
the state and used it to further their own ends.
The state was the strong arm that protected and
mothered the capitalist elass. In the state the
capitalists heve the guarantee of their ownership
of the tools of wealth production; fa it they have
a weapon with whteh to effectively keep the
workers  in  subjection.    Thi*  weapon  the prole- ,
cent union elections' returned the same officials,
thus evidencing thst their spirit is not broken. In
the past the master clam haa not hesitated- to use
the most extreme means when mere intimidation
has failed to accomplish the purpose, and it te
quite certain that they will do the same fa the
future. The workers will do well to be guided
by the experience of their comrades who have
taken revolutionary action in the past.
In the Paris Commune (1871) we have the first
experiment of the working claas in power. Marx
in his account of the Commune says that "the
working clsss cannot simply Isy hold of the
ready-made state machinery and wield it for its
own purposes." Because of this statement many
form the idea that it is necessary to build np an
entirely new state but if we seek a little further
we find what Marx meant when he made that
statement. He says, "The first decree of the
Commune, therefore, wss the suppression of the
standing army and the police, the physical force
elements of the old government, the Commune
was anxious to break the spiritual fonce of repression, the 'parson power,' by the disestablishment and disendowment of all churches as proprietary bodies." "While the merely repressive1
organs of the old government were to be amputated, its legitimate functions.were to be wrested
from sn authority-usurping pre-eminence over
society itself, snd restored to the responsible
agents of society." We gather from this that
Marx considered that the state was merely to
change hands and be reorganized to suit the
needs of the new ruling class. The anarchist, of
course, wants the state aboliahel out of hand, but
this we know can not be done for we must use
it ss gn instrument to destroy the resistance of the
capitalist clam. In the inauguration of the
tatorship of the proletariat the workers l
forge an instrument of emancipation
weapon to be used against the capitalists
their resistance has died out.
When the resistance of the capitalists ban
ceased, then, and not until then, will too state
cease to exist. Once the workers gain control of
the state they proceed to centralize the ownership
of the social wealth in the hands of the state,
that is. the working-class dictatorship. Whan thfa
centralization of wealth has been completed anal
all clsss distinctions have disappeared then the
state "dies out "—it to not abolished. It dies out
because there fa no longer any need for on instrument of repression in society. There is no longer
any exploited clam. Man at last is free! The
first stop the accomplishment  of this great end
< ■ ;r- ■ t .r. -_' _-j rt j , r.,: i .
tariat wfll have to take from the capitalist* if
tenance; thus slavery became possible, and society they"ever, nofa to emancipate themselves.   Every
divided into classes.   With slavery came also fa- time Urn workers get the least bit unruly in their
torna)  conflict, and toe necessity for a mesne demands for better conditions, the state Is there
whereby  that   conflict   could   be   controlled   and as tie weapon that defeats the.n fa their purpose.
regulated, making possible the development of the. Anyone who has followed the activities of labor
eeonomic system deapite tbe conflict of interest oipbmftons has seen the* tofagi| ha|>pen    The
between exploiter and exploited.   Thus the state most recent example 0* the Intimidation   of the   » """*«• *««ug clsss to raise itself to-the pon-
came into being, and it will  remain until  such Workera £ to ^ ^^^ffc^S*^°*5L.^gftgSK
time as classconflicts eease.   Wa ntust Utt tu Seattle.   There the worker* had the ehy tied up   "*F**&^™?*** eoudWeue and thus the
gerd the state ss something imposed upon society fay* general strike but the influence of the gov-    **» 1^mm,uXgi*5£ ^!'^*^^?'
from   without,  but  as  an  institution  which   de- emment was used to intimidate the workers and    P"*** ****#«^^^J^mm 2
vrioued naturallv within    There was need for an force them baek^to work.   It is worth noting at    conditions and the meaning of the momentous set
torn might function in an orderly manner. The
chattel slave state was the first to develop.   Fred-
from communism to a dave society ruled over by
0% Attic state,   fa hfa booh "The Origin of the
Zlt'^lZZXl 'mm\?M*Tm$'
a complete description of the transformation
here. Four our purpose two important points
whteh he develops are roacnJltal
In primitive communistic society membership
was based upon the blood that flowed in one's
veins. One owed allegiance to a certain group
because of blood relationship. Under the state,
however,- allegiance was demanded on the basis
of the territory in whieh a Person lived,
state wss organized upon a territorial basis.
Another important point, an£ it is very im
tent, war the crestion of an armed force ou
y.' ~.
-'•■•' ■    Sis**- 9
fnj/LMMTaytrjta Harm; aummaimojui
At 8 p.m. Sharp
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I        m'
Corner Gore and Baitings
* «AaW«ElamAa^aata»^i J-^amm^a»UMmaa4a^.;^1A4.^.*^^t ■ j-, ■,: ,   f|     UMA«<B*V
aiaa^p-. essna^M wuss^uoeu- ■ ustmaB'uunuunsnuTuu ^pul 'Sjmrae   nsmu^suvusmaeenuu   nununw ai
ment. scientific Socislism."
» ■
SOCHQafianT UtmuXA1
A rumor hss been going the rounds tba*^*to};j
government ban on Socialist literature, fa Canada,
notably Chas. H. Kerr's publication and the West
ern Clsrion, thc official organ of the !i
Party of Canada, had been lifted. A telegram of
enquiry to Colonel Chambers, chief prem censor,
elicited from that war-worn veteran the following curt reply:
"Sir: Replying to yours, our reply is in the
Carry on toe propaganda; distribute
" for educational purposes.
seam "■''■'.■
"7   ■.'.-,.■■'   <
i   Fumamme
i •;
An Afternoon at the Industrial
Relations Commission
The writer had an hour or two to spare on
Thursday afternoon and, being interested in labor
questions, took in the concluding session in Vancouver, of the Industrial Relations Commission
which was taking evidence on thc problem of industrial unrest.
In passing I might say that one notable feature
of the visit of the commission to thc West ia the
ignoring of it, in any official way, by organized
One interesting exhibit to listen to was Mr.
Weill, the chairman of the B. C. Manufacturers'
Asociation. He was the last but one to give evidence and cunningly tried to make all the previous testimony appear ineffective because,, he
said, there was nothing in it but general charges
and what we wanted was facts, facts, facts. This,
in spite of the fact that all the previous witnesses
had dealt specifically with such matters as hours
of labor, working conditions, wages, cost of living, number of unemployed, both in individual
unions and in general, also the refusal to negotiate and the breaking of contracts by the employers under the Robertson agreement. Documentary proof of such actions wss furnished by
W. L. Macdonald, thc official adjuster appointed
by the government. Mr. Neill further asserted
that the Labor Gazette's estimate of $21.50 per
week for the upkeep of s family with five children, was too high. Scientific men, said this well-
jgroomed, well-fed-looking gentleman, had shown
that it was unite possible to live on considerably
than that. The audience, at this -point got
quite restless, but this did not fosse the expounder ofeheap tiring for the. workers a bit. Facte
Waa "what he was giving, facto and figures. He
■gave me the impression that he would make a suc-
-eessful manager of a slave plantation providing
there was an unlimited supply of slaves.
All tho witnesses from the side of labor gave
it as their view that there was no solution to the
problem of unrest under the present order of society, but they easily fell into the trap of the
chairman: "But in the transition stage into the
new order, would not industrial councils act as
a bridge?" Most of them accepted the suggestion, even if somewhat dubiously, as a possibility.
It was not until the last five minutes of the sitting when Comrade Charlie Lester took the stand
that the proletarian attitude was correctly stated,
and stated in no
He said thc causes of socisl unrest were fundamental in the structure of the present organization of society. Unrest was not peculiar to British Columbia or Canada, but was world wide. In
Paris, today, the workers are marching with the
red ffag flying, in their hundreds of thousands
Nevertheless, though the revolutionsry sentiment
-waa very strung in Vancouver, it wss probably the
aetetost town la the world and that was due to
tho character and the large extent of the educa-
for many
Thai education bad
,■  -- v ■ ^^
ij.   *a^sna*BteaSB^h4ms
to build and
-of the final
but he spoke more truth, in that three minutes,
and contributed more of real constructive thought
to the consideration of the commission than all
the rest of the afternoon had furnished. And,
though the commission was not formed in the expectation of receiving such testimony and will
hardly consider it within the scope of the bourgeois government in Ottawa to give Lester's
recommendations practical effect, nevertheless,
Charlie hsd the distinction of having the final
word in the hearings of the commission in Vancouver and seized upon the opportunity with
gusto, in order to voice the aspiration of thc revolutionary west.
It is regrettable in the extreme that many
paraders on international labor day should have
been sacrificed in all parts of the world, to the
brutality of constituted authority. But we may
be assured that time will bring ite reactions. According to the accounts received from Parte the
fighting Poilu refused to fire on the workers. Thst
dirty work was done by stool pigeons, gendarme
and the hand-fed cavalry pete, most of which
cattle dodged the fighting in the trenches.
In Cleveland. Ohio, we read of tanks and motor
trucks being set charging through the ranks of
the processionists. Verily thst is one atrocity
the kept press never thought of charging np
against the uncultured Bolsheviki. I
In Great Britain, May Day appears to hsve been
celebrated without anything untoward happening.
How was that, "*• wonder?   Probably due to a
of hand-
The committee on industrial relation* opened up
in the blue room in the Vancouver Hotel. Aa ex-
missionary and ex-Methodist preacher, heed of the
"Khaki Cnion." which he said was 400 strong
snd which he characterized sa "one big allied
union" gave evidence. Asked if hb union wm a
strike-breaking organisation and according to the
Vancouver Pro inee, he said it wa< not. but if a
strike would aceur and bloodshed and suffering
might be the outcome, then the Khaki Union
might take a hand. He aiso said "that the Vancouver Trades and l.joor Council had clamed the
Khaki I'nion as 'undet>un' es.' His uni >.i d>d not
take in employers but believed it would if they
weer willing to subscrilie to the constitution of
the union." .... Asked to what he attributed
thc present industrial Mirest, he replied *ha* it
was due to lack of employment and the high cost
of living. He did not 1 now how many men were
unemployed, but he rould put them into three
groups—out of work tbroigh their own choice,
a class which was a menace to society: physically unfit, and those who could not find work.'*
His remedies to cope with the situation were that
first, industry be stabilized and also thst capital
and labor sit at a round table in a friendly spirit.
After such sound snd business-like snd startHng-
ly original advice we fail to see why the commission is lingering on ite wsy. It ought to beat
it hot-foot, to Ottawa and begin "stabilizing" Industry, taking thst prodigious economist, the ex-
missioner. along with them as a guide and councillor. However, it stayed to listen to another
"exhibit." also sn expert on the problems of the
laboring masses, L. W. Makovski. sometimes hack
journalist, sometimes anti-Bolshevist lecturer to
west end audiences and all the time secretary for
the War Savings Stamp Committee, a
enough-job. In the opinion of tote "»■■! **
: m
are more May Daya to come,
and the future is ours.   Let us see to it.
;^"!""? m*m*j**_ m) #
wrong fa so-
calmly and eonfi-
George P. West, formerly connected with the
United States Commission on Industrial Relations
snd later special assistant to Joint Chairman
Manly of the War Labor Board and one of the
best informed students of American labor polities,
hss sn article in the April 19 fame of the New
York "Nation." In it he discusses the growing
power of the Insurgent movement in the United
.States amongst the working class against the
political machine in the A. F. of L., controlled
by Gompers and his crew. The A. F. of L.
meets in convention in June at Atlantic city
and he predicts a Strong assault on the Gompers'
machine. Nevertheless he says because of the
machine running so perfectly, "the strongest
snd most promising men in the tabor movement
refuse to concern themselves with federation polities. They let Mr. Gompers go ate way white
they go theirs. In consequence, the failure of
the 'tensamaut mo
Atlmfjtefell would not*
lm,*Jhonw    mmaihursBs^aaaMod'      Yft    ^nranttaWs    sameuflam    SuuilkM M w    sashes ft
ikm% yHm^W^W9tm fa**M*9 'rem the
*g**UeVahe^mo*^s^aaek     m^Jfjf^-^L^tMMmm       'm. aE-in '     eViaa^sJaaaaasa -    assaeaBl^aaaaa)     wmrs"hau
local,  economic "and  political   movements.   These
»      ■' ■ "     -       *  .' .'m,'.  -"•»• »- ■
stole for the mess the world was now in, and he
thst, at this day, it waa the business of the
co-onerate with them fa cteautos:
tp. The business of the workers was to saiga
of the powers of the State and to use those
r, against the capitalist omsn
and rub their noses fa the mom for whieh they
were resoonsible. When the workers had newer.
It was then only thst toe transition period into the
order of society commenced. .
Unfortunately, Lester's time was vary limited,
know and the Polish name, the unrest
due to four things and there were, war. propaganda, economic conditions and—prohibition. We
believe if he had been given more time to think,
he could have thought of other things. Indeed,
later on in the profound observations whieh
adorned his tremendously enlightening testimony,
he said the New York "Nation'* was also a cause,
but at the head and front of all the offenders, he
seemed to place the leek of beer. Instead of the
work beast going and getting fuddled with bear
now, on Sunday nights, he went and listened to
Socialist lecturers, ergo, fuddle the .working elass
with beer and the social problem is solved, or as
good aa solved, which te a good-enough-job for
the exploiter and his parasites. He said he had
attended a meeting of Bolshevik propagandists
where there were about two thousand men. We
remember thst meeting. Makovski was en the pint*
form. W. A. Pritchard was on the platform. Makovski remembers that meeting, the two thousand
,men remember that meeting. Ha! Hal—but that
b another story. Anyway he says it te certain tout
"Germany sent fa the Bolshevik propaganda and
the New York "Nation." Pslaherkau have, was
was toe name as I.W.W.tem and the I.
W. W. had got control of the Vancouver Trades
snd Labor Council and Allans ikon was the cause
of prohibition sad si oh mil ten was the cause of
unrest, wnen n wumvs use wm? mr
] or the high cost of living or I.WWtem
relatedly but they must eventually form in thc
national field on orientation that wfll be the end
of Gomperism." He relates how local labor men
stepped fa and organized the meat packing and
steel industries fa the face of the opposition of
Gompers and his lieutenants who were satisfied
that only the skilled sections of tite 'employees
should be organized.
on  Socialism  or-Oh! what's the mm. Whet te
of oven a public
s man has inside hte ivory dome te the
Next week we shall deal
proceedings of the Industrisl Belstions Committee.
Propaganda *»p***"gp
Labor produces geological
•"* ■■ ■ ■ ■ ■ moY\mT%t  wnlf   flhfl*rts»   ineuct*
every   Sunday   evening,   toe, pw forms all work, and risks its life. Nature
and Gore. produces the gold snd the donkeys! _ , ...... _ ....—; .-. - ....m»j"
»      ''.      ' ■
Economic and Menshevik
All that has Wen stated under the heading of
historic incvital ility is just as true of economic
determinism, b'.i >\ith this addition: the latter
not only accepts and regards the mental development uiu) understanding as an essential cause c<<m-
tributing to social results nr.d conditions but goej
still further by explaining that the mental stage
is itself the result of .previous material conditions of which it was the outgrowth. Thus we
conceive of each mental stage not only as the
cause of what follows, but as the result of what
preceded. For each one is born in an environment, not of his own choosing, to which he must
rci-t and in which he must reach a certain maturity: he may then as the product of one environment, influence another. In short, economic determinism treats not alone of causes, but of the
causes for causes in a continuous chain, which
then constitutes a connected interpretation covering the entire sphere of history.
In this sense, therefore, the class struggle is a
necessary result and a necessary cause; not as an
eternal condition, however, but only so long as
society saw no other path of program than by
class struggles, in other words, only just so long
aa our mental development did not enable us to
diagnose the presence and nature of classes and
class-antagonisms, and by finding their causes,
remove them.
This diagnosis was made possible not alone by
the material of history, but also by the discovery
of mental methods and processes in the field of
philosophy snd science. Class struggles have made
up the entire period of known history, yet it was
only fa the nineteenth century that the clam diagnosis was made. History presented the symptoms and indications, and continued to do so with >
ever greater emphasis and incisiveness, until the
"pressure snd more pressure penetrated to the
consciousness" just as the continued presence snd
recurrence of disease in the human body led to
medics) science snd ite cures.
This development of the human understanding
to the point where it could grasp the nature of
social factors and entities, so as to be able ultimately to control them, te the accumulated result
(Continued from Last Issue)
of many centuries and many minds. First it was
necessary to make human reason a perfect instrument of observation; this made possible the accumulation of natural and historical material of
perfect accuracy and universal reliability, i.e..
scientific material. This took up to the time of
the French Revolution and reached a practical result in the exact and natural sciences.
"But this method has left us as a legacy the
habit of observing objects and processes ... in
repose not in motion, as constants not as essentially variables, in their death not in their life."
The addition of the dietetic method of reasoning
discovered by Hegel, and perfected and applied by
Marx made possible not only the perfect observation of things in repose, but of things in motion,
of forces and their underlying principles, and
consequently of social evolution. This mental development was accomplished simultaneously with
the rise in human society of a permanent industrial proletariat, and resulted in a diagnosis of
permanent causes and permanent remedies of
social and class struggles.
Ever since the time of the Communist Manifesto
the mental impediments to the abolition of the
class system has tended to disappear, in proportion as the working mass learnt the message of
final social liberation. When to the power of the
worker is added the knowledge or consciousness
of his elass relation, this combination of knowledge and power in the hands of the mass means
the vanishing point of progress by clam control
'     ia
years ago there is no reason why the class system could not have been permanently dispensed
with at the time of such realisation. In other
words whenever the producing clam is able to
analyze ite clam condition and social evolution,
when society can thereby really master the forces
of production so as to fully control them and no
longer to be driver, by them, it means thst pro-
fer a tone instead
.;        ■   •     . - ■   . t -
In last week's issue of the Red Flag we published sn advertisement to motion picture theatre
manager.* and advertising agents, under the caption, "Anti-Bolshevik Propaganda on the Cinema,
a Peep Behind the Scenes.'' This waa token from
■t the Moving Picture World, of April 19. n trade
journal, and the title of the play in question was
"Bolahevism on Trial." We had no wish to advertise either the journal or the play and so withheld both their names. However, we hare learned
since that the infiamatory advertisement has also
been exposed by the New York Call, and so there
te no necessity to withhold the names any longer,
more especially as the U. S. government is ex-
' to take action against the Chalmers Pub-
Company, SS Fifth Avenue, New York City,
gainst the Mayflower.Photoplay corporation,
president,  which is producing the
from a press despatch fa the
Daily Bulletin:
"WASHINGTON, April 26.-Benial of the mails
aunt federal prosecution for inciting to riot prob-
sbly will be meted out to the editors of the Moving Picture World, s New York msgazine, for edi-
torisl recommendations in its current issue on toe
produetion of s coining photoplay entitled "Bolahevism on Trbd.*1
"Secretary of Labor Wilson today wrote to
Postmaster General Burleson and Attorney-general
Palmer, requesting that immediate action be taken
against the Moving Picture World and against
the producers of the play, as a prise commercial
venture. In his letter to Mr. Burleson, the Secretary of Labor said that -'never in all my life
have I seen more dangerous editorial advice. It
is calculated,' he says, 'to produce violent disorder wherever the play may be advertised fa the
manner proposed.'"
In addition to the editorial advice the msgazine had four pages of cartoons in flaming colors
picturing what was supposed to be Bolsheviks run.
ning around with torches, burning factories, ravishing women and all the other atrocities that ton
fertile imaginations of the bourgeofa press agents
are capable of. It will lie remembered that this
story of "Bolshevism on TrfaL" urns token from
a book by a reverend apostle of the Prince of
***};**W*r flnnnaa Wxan, author of another
'   *   -rom whieh "The Birth of a Nation"
another play which has served the
of stirring up racial hatreds and
ing in a world already so torn
means ss to endanger civilisation itself.
It would be an invidious distinction, however,
to single out the Reverend Mr. Dixon as though
he was a solitary offender fa this respect. The
whole organized weight of the bourgeofa pram fa
sll countries is slso thrown into the struggle to
keep the working clsss divided so thst their ruling elassee may continue to rule and rob.
' John Galsworthy, the well-known English)
writer, in an interview, waa asked what he thought
about a remark of Lord Haidane'a quoted fa the
London "Times,*' Which waa to the effect "that
the worst features of the present te that the
working classes refused to believe anything we toll
them." r
"I should aay that te probably true," replied
Galsworthy. "It may not apply to tho trades
union leaders, but the rank and file—yes. It ten
curious Nemesis that a press which has ted the
people for centuries or at least decades should
come to thfa.*'
That's so; you can't fool all the people all to*
time. There esssas a tfam when the institutions
become so ratten that the has ef the propagandists who aw bolstering it up become tea obvious
for even the mo*
 ■"•""»   .
• ■ .
\ ■
ductkm will be operated and society's affairs conducted by one dam, i.e., there will be no classes.
This realization might have been possible (so far
as toe objective factors are concerned) at any
period of history from the time of the first claas
However, the abolition of classes is not absolutely necessary st any and all stages of the class
system. Fnder ai-cient slavery, under feudalism,
and under early bourgeois capitalism, there were
periods of general well-being, and not until each
stage led to a condition of oppression did the
material conditions indicate the inevitable 'necessity of a change, Thc producing mass then rebels
against the conditions of ownership as it sees
them, and the new system then corresponds to this
understanding of cause and remedy. But each
time such a change is made, it is accomplished
under the impression that the oppression of ownership has been disposed of, not in fsvor of s new
oppression, but permanently. In other words, the
world has all along been seeking the freedom of
a one-class society, only to find that it is deceiving itself each time that it thinks that it has found
it. Thc aspiration has remained unfulfilled because the mentally indispensable factors were not
yet present.
The final scute indication of *he need of removing class produetion is the presence of a permanent proletariat. Just as fever in the human body
means that there is something radically wrong,
so the existence of a proletariat is a specific indi-
cntion that there is a iangerously i>/>healthv condition of society which cannot last. Where the
proletariat ia transient, that is to say, where it
disappears by a change of class relations, the class
ta>o proletarian situations, that of the Roman proletariat and the agricultural ^proletariat, were solved in this manner.
But no class system can be made healthy by merely trying to maintain and perpetuate proletarian
conditions. It fa doomed the moment that the
necessary mental equipment b placed fa the hand*
of society.
Vert Issue: the Social Berolution
Following in the wake of the armed forces wem
— *"v
feared that they would lose the land anyway, so
as Japanese rule was estsbltehed, and if that
•"Rendu    *"^^ev    WMkM******B    ***,
lstive buyers of land and eoneesatenaires will
furnish Japan's excuse for storing in the
meamammej A
' 1" ''"TVF/^Tn^WPj^?;.
^%* ..'^^^•'it*^   emm^pmmsvenn
International Socialists
(Continued from Psge One)
•'The Working Glass Is Revolutionsry or It Is
Motbing" '
"It is all very well for the Berne Conference to
deceive itself by discussing questions of responsibility snd territory. There is only one ..question:
the Revolution. Whether one wants it or not, one
has to be either for it, with the Bolsheviki or the
Spsrtscists, or against it, with the capitalist bourgeoisie. The intermediate position tsken up by
the Berne Conference only aims at evading the
responsibility of making a plain answer. The
proletariat must force the sycophants of Social-
tern, the masqued opponents of the Revolution, the
weak and hestiating, to proclaim themselves. By
their elass action, the workers must recall to those
who pretended to speak in their name at Berne
the fact that "The working clam is revolutionary
or nothing."—P. Loriot, of the Left wing of the
French Socialist Party.
Our Goal a Socialist League of Peoples
"The revolutionary Socialist youth of Europe
must band itself together in a decisive, resolute
fight. Bourgeois reforms will not serve us. Our
goal if the creation Of a European Socialist League
of Peoples. We wish to be no longer . simply
material in the hands of generals and capitalists;
we wish to live, to live for Socialism, which for us
means aa mueh a new society, s new, clesr intercourse between man snd man, people snd people,
J)U if does sn economic transformation. We wish
to live fa order to fight for the spirit of love snd
humsnity."—Ernest Toller, Member of the Execu-
Jatetet the Bavarian
possible at this gathering, because the Conference
consisted of people who no longer take their stand
on the international clam struggle. These people
are against us and must be against us because of
their standpoint. Therefore it must now be our
task to call an International Women's Conference,
a conference of comrades who adhere to thc revolutionary class struggle and who are determined
that the proletariat shall not be led to the slaughter a second time. Not only the women of the
belligerent countries, but also those of the neutral states, have suffered so greatly under this
mass murder, that they must use every effort to
prevent its repetition. This can be accomplished
only by the most ruthless class-war against thc
bourgeoisie of c:i«'h individual so-called fatherland.—Louise Munch, Berne wiro of the secre.-ary
of the Berne So""jiUst Pviy, well-known ss a
Socialist and ie.M.'niat.
Can the Second International Bo Resuscitated?
"The Berne Conference could not be and was
no more than a mutual exchange of ideas. Therein lay its interest. The fact that the representatives of so-called enemy countries met together
—even befor peace was signed—is of great importance. This meeting, beyond ite symbolical
value, contributes to the re-grouping of all the
working-class forces of the world, i
The Second International, despite ite failings.
msy live again. The Berne Conference hss proved
it Nevertheless two conditions sre necessary. On
the one,hand, it must conform to the principles
adopted unanimously at the Amsterdam Congress;
ge| rid, in all e
working clam U revolutionary ot Hfa
?.' This Conference 'was called by the
governments of the capitalistic world, in order to
Hut the Revolution to flight. The revolutionary
proletariat did not attend the Conference; Brant-
fag, Thomas and Kbert celebrated their triumphs
there.   The revolutionary proletariat of the whole
Conquest of political power!   Dictatorship of the
uletoriat!    The arming of the working elass!
disarming end removal of the bourgeoisie!
action!   There are, and remain, our watch-
We do not put our ftrust in Wilson, but
in the class struggle.  We do not salt that beast
MnttaBam to be just, that would be Utopian. We
wmh'"'■' to   replace   Capitalism   by   Communism.
Workers  of  all  lands   unite!"—Valerin   lfareu,
Delegate of the Roumanian Socialist Partv
only when they express the fighting spirit of the
proletariat fa individual countries, and when they
induce results from this spirit.   The Berne Con-
I was satisfied with  resolutions and   prone, it wan afraid to aeund a call te arms,
fa this sgninumkfag   hour  H    was
'urns*    influence."- Grimm.
HismBsJ Deputy end formed editor of
absolutely necesssry."—Raoul Verfeint, delegate
from the French Socialist Party, Berne, February
9, Hit. ^n   ,
Hot an International Socialist Congress, But a
Congress of Nationalities
"1. This wss not sn international Socialist Con-
gress but, by the force of circumstances, snd by
faults and failings of the, Second faternationsl,
a rump congress.   Tim
zerland, Italy, and above all Bolshevik Russia,
which is at the head of a formidable Socislist
revolution without precedent in history.
"2. It was an ice-breaker, the object of whieh
was to unite in the same ball enemy brothers—
the jingo Socialist majority groups—of the different countries. It was a step forward fa comparison with the state Of wsr; it4 united, far instance. French patriotic Socialists and German
patriotic Socialists; it was the first time they had
met each other with resolutions, instead of with
band snsnsdan and ttrMrw"
wr^m^w^w-   emnn"T"""""y"f"n5^ ,■ r'   V"   :■ '™T      " "     J   a -■>"■*
•'* The majority Socialist* of all countries have
to put nationalism above the International.
the Congress did not alter this state of mind.
4 It was not sn international Socialist
but a congress of nationalities, a great
(Tne Bund b in oiaantosttou of
statement must be taken very seriously. Today
labor te likely to look upon any compromise aa
temporary. Despite the feet that discussion of the
joint industrial council wss going ahead briskly,
the workers continued to demand recognition of
the new shop-committee organization. At a critical moment in 1918 the production of aircraft and
munitions in Coventry was held up by a strike of
fifty thousand workers, the sole issue being the
recognition of the new industrial organization.
The Birmingham workers threatened to strike on
the same issue. This led the government to hold
a series of conferences—erhieh aimed, however,
merely to settle the status of shop stewards ss a
part of the regular trade-union organization. A
glance at the twelve proposals made as a result of
this conference should leave no doubt of the fact
that the object was really to restrict the activities
of the shop stewards to trade-union matters, preventing them from perfecting any general industrial organization.
Today this new industrial unity persists in large
districts even nationally. It ia still opposed by
the national trade-union executives, but it is still
sble to call large strikes in spite of this opposition. Under the impetus of events in Bussia it is
quite frankly revolutionary. Apparently nothing
short of a workers' commonwealth along Soviet
lines will satisfy a growing proportion of British
labor. The recent election served to discredit political action. [In the sense in which the writer
uses the term "political action" he means parliamentary action. ,The Marxian correctly defines
the term "political action" aa any action taken
by the slave elam sgainst the master class to obtain control of thi powers of State, or by the mmv
asa elans to ratoha eeartenLmatem-tham sma^ers^to
^^ t ^^       - ■ ■-    ■ ^5a^^^s?irfai*TsTv^'^h^^^^^^
note 1
It emphasised the contention that modern representative government te merely middle-clam government masquerading as democracy. Direct industrial action ia gaining converts as toe only
means by which the workers can achieve their
ends- On the Clyde, in Belfast, London, Wales,
everywhere the British government Is face to face
with strikes and threats of strikes whteh aim to
make it impossible to continue industry on a <
mlmam.^v*Hta-nafaaru' are iVmshdma 'mat
Twtih managaaaeaV fa toehamte of
workers. The latest strikes fa Great Britain show
that demarcation lines have' been forgotten. Tn
the tight of such developments the Whitley Industrial Councils are estimated by many radical
lenders as little more than'an effort to give per.
manence to the existing order. According to Mr.
Robert Williams, general secretary of the transport workers' organization, labor is already sus>
gearing that the trade-union leaders connected with
this scheme are agreeing to the existing capitalistic order and standardiring far al 1 time what many
is   secure
"This Conference at Berne has
ternational, but not an atom of
it. It ia the servant of the bourgeois governments
and belongs to them completely. Whilst exens-
fag and absorbing the renegades, it is destined to
sanction the ulterior revolutionary^work."—A
Bulgarian Socialist.
"What haa the International Socialist Conference at Berne done for women! Nothing, abso-
faterr nothfas.   Net a sfaaie Question waa dealt
neaassm^     aoss^i'^aasBmoj^s      ,mt*^fw    ^    «^»«^p»»f_.._ «£^*«w^^w»     w* _—     ^™" — ■w
with to advenes our position.   No
5 There were some fine internationalists at the
"*" Con gress, but they allowed themselves to be effaced
by the others.
"6. A genuine International Socialist Congress
should place in the dock the capitalist regime.
which called- up tne war-world and should lead
to the Socialist or Communist revolution.
"7. A genuine International Socialist Congress
should piece in the dock the capitalist regime,
which called up the war-world and should tend
to the Socislist or Communist revolution.
"8. With  certain  reserves such* a eeuferen*
better housed, and better
them more efficient unite fa a servile order of ae»..
etsv i_ « ■-»      -•   - - \u *•'-**•* '«- *
Tnis is s new thst essmec an ereneeemn
to estimate the forces st work fa
i'  'nanaan.
with th    Russia    and Oem.a l
uwnwPs   nuwr ausunsnnmumm»- esuneuey ^a*^a\a*mnmm% t
the an
"ia The Berne Congress was the first st which
Marx was absent with his watchword: "Workers
of the world unite.' None dared nay: M
of the world unite'!!! But that may yet
for Marx is-henceforward replaced by Wilson!
"In short the Second International is dead, We
must bare a third International of a SoeiaUst
■ fa'fc^sas^sffifakl'stf^
i :
& •:
A Journal  of  News and   Views Devoted to  the
Working Class.
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
By The Socislist Party of Canada,
Russia Uirffer the Soviets
based upon an interview with Wilfred B.
401 Pender Street East. Vancouver, B. C.
  C. Stephenson
.MAY 3, 1919
Whose Death?
WHEN Italy decided to scrap a scrap
of paper, and entered the war with the
Allies, it waa, of course, in the interest of freedom and democracy.
The events of the past week, however, seem to
suggest that freedom and democracy had less to
do with that decision than control of thc Adriatic.
President Wilson said Italy must* not have
Finnic. Premier Orlando said Italy must have
"Fiume or death."
Italy got Fiume notwithstanding the American
veto. So all is lovely until we hear from the
"young nation" our press fa shedding tears over
—the Jugo Slavs. (The "Sun" editor in his
abysmal ignorance says Czeeho-Slavs.)
Thc difficulty was overcome without our assistance, it being none of our business. We sre indifferent alike to the claims of young nations or
ancient ones. What we are interested in, however, is whose blood is to be shed.
Three decided in their wisdom to
free port or to hand it to the young
nation, what then?    Death, of course. /,'
The members of the working class of Italy
would have neon called upon to do the dying
Their death would have been the dread alternative.
The peculiar feature te that no matter how many
towns, on the Adriatic or elsewhere, Italy controls
the miserable existence of her working elam wfll
not be alleviated one into.
If it:suited the purpose of the real owners ef
Italy, Rome itself would be surrendered as was
Savoy and Nice fa 1800, and when Garibaldi, the
hero of the then aborning Italian nation came as
deputy from Nice to the Italian chamber to find
himself as an alien. They efty of hfa birth had
been ceded to France.
to study the people ef
sia, their habit, and outlook upon Bfa.
found that the former owners of great
wanted their property back, that tho f<
officers in the
forms snd all those privileges, etc., that those
uniformsh symbolised, and that the manufacturers wanted their factories. There wore
further a number of apparently sincere people
who thought the time was net ripe for the
of a working class state.
*,1 .afa i a   aa. .i. ■ ■■ ■ j■ ii ■.
jusunea tneir expropriation
of tend on the ground that they had taken it
from the descendants of expropriators, that
they had taken far tho people what had been
taken from the people. They argued that they
ware ossumostfag onto the great estates
the great Indaiteim If, fm,example, a
bad Bra thousand acres, with a
they would let him hasp the
tend for Ids
own use and they would take the rent. Their
idea was that Ite and Ids family should have
what they could
'The Bolshevists did not carry out their own
Bed Cross
What Is Being Done in This Direction How?"
"in each factory there's a workmen's committee.    Each committee mods delegates to s local
council of workmen's control.   These local councils in turn send delegates to the All Russian Congress of Workmen's Control, convened, aa a rule,
once ever}' three months. A central executive committee is elected by the congress.   It is called the
Suprme  Council   of  National   Economy.    These
Soviets of  Workmen's Control provide for   the
auditing of the books of the concerns under their
jurisdiction.    They exercise an intimate supervision over the finances.   They are particularly/ soli-
citious about regulating the supply of raw materials, seeing that they are apportioned first/to the
industries socially most useful.    They auto  look
after the sanitary conditions in the factories, regulate thc hours of labor and the wages, and settle
labor disputes.   The control fa maintained on the
principle  that  the  workmen  are  not mere em- _
ployees. they have a vital interest in their work."
"DO   Tun   Think  That  tho   Bolshevists   Really
Understand the Principles of Government?"
"They understand the principles thst  used to
be used in government snd thst sre still used to
a considerable extent.^ They are opposed to them
and intend to have little or nothing to do with
them.   All they care for fa s government that shall
function effectively according to the will of the
people that do the work.    Naturally, much that
they are undertaking fa experimental.   But a good
many of their ideas are pretty generally accepted
land program.   Tls^dhfa-t bmi^ to cutting up   dmetafa^aTm*^Li^ *Tl*2J&%\^
tW. teaat kt.-«iLWaM>    -*--.        TV*. ~   oeteimineu". to put sn end to aBiawueunuma   in
the land
cultivation done ootentrnMrnV. on a bis? scale by
the use of modern implements, including great
tractors. One farm should produce sugar only,
another should produce wheat. No farm should
produce a dozen things. Their purpose waa to
take the land for the peasants, that te, for the
people at large, all tite people, the inheritors of
tint'earth. They were following the spirit of the
Marxian philosophy. But they found that, if they
were to carry the peasants along with them, they
would have to work out the principle of small
holdings after the old-fashioned way, fa toe end
the least productive. Later they hoped to he able
to persuade the peasants that it fa farbetter from
every point of view to encourage agriculture on a
large co-operative scale. Already the Russians had
reached a pretty high development fa their co-
Beadte* sonte of the editorials in ear local   ©peuetiye niovmnento.   Many years ago great eo-
preai wtfatiton idea that Italy as a nation dates
from antiquity. As a matter of historical fact it
goes back no further than 18&). And the manner of its rise is as disgraceful as that of Poland's
decline. Cavour said, "If we did for ourselves
what we are doing for Italy we should be sad
blackguards"; and Azeglio, in advising Persano,
the admiral of the Itslisn nsvy, test to publish
his diary, said that since Poland's partition no
such "colossal Blackguardism" bad ever been pub-    «teh to take over amy those
lished by any pubUc man."
operative creamery establishments were started by
toe Danes in Siberia. Now there ate many enterprises in Russis end Sibris managed by the Bussian workmen.   The Bumisns messed to harp n
■"■eaufuun ewe    *^^^^^^^^S    *npw     ww, usm waaun^s^    nus^sjspuunmmi    ana    ^sujS*^b*js^pu sw^
five rather than ismpstltlic ways.   The Bolthe
vists aay that they don't want a government that
shall own everything.   They see the dangers that
result from tote kind of bureaucracy. They
lFuw^smemn]gnn>  laaenl   saeawfr
like to sue established am the in fallals of
_T    ^■••W    ^^P^waap^^waaaa*^   ~***m    *****w    m*****m*t*w*M*mw   m^
"   control.
itriota-all for Italy.    And    l    >     •
when the Bourbons I
tho temporal power of the Pope wrested from
Um» ware the workers of Italy any bettor off on     	
subjects of Victor Emmanuel than they were as direct ««w» of      , r^,
subjects of Francis H, Frsne Joseph, or  Pope       The workers of Italy, however, had to leave ite
PfaslXt ««M»y »btea. Bs cities of fame. Ha far-famed mae-
Here history steps in wfth one of her eharae- teepteeee of art. and slave for a dollar per day
teristic  touches  of irony.    For  notwithstanding fa the United States of America after Itely he*
the Canadian and Irish volunteers who shed their csme s nation.
blood for their church at Berne (see Daily Province       Death or Flume'   What a piece of intolerable
'editorial,' April 30), or the temperate ni increase fa tosilHUi. XBL
that tite people need.   Strong ss they are
far the workers in sn industry they don't propose
to allow even the workers to prey on the public.
They wouldn't let the Baku oil workers demand
any price they wanted for their oil. They wouldn't
let a similar injustice go on fa coal or iron.   They.
organized for tite benefit of the people tite stool
trust' of Russia.   They expected Jo achieve all the
economies that would go With a successful trust
anywhere,  without  encouraging  any of the  injustices snd tyrannies.    The steel trust b now
directly controlled by the central Soviet government and operated on a national scale. But, wherever
it is possible to make a success of toe co-operative
system the  Bolshevists prefer it to government
ownership;  success from their point of view, I
moan, wfth consideration always for the people.
"How To So Short a Time Gould the Bolshevists
Ajsjaten -fnunmnty Tun Otoe Them Credit For?"
"You must bear fa mind ton Bussian people
hare been preparing for the  revolution many
yeses.   The Soviets first showed their strength at
the tfam of the revolution in 1905.    When it
failed t hey were supposed to go out of artetonot
But, fas  sense,  they  want  on existing  under
powerful   after  the  czar
They were  the  sctusl  power
'     tent hfa grip.    The  first
1917,  was  political.    The,
second  wan  industrial.    If the   Allies  a
IT  itmA  Btaeam kaA .   «  +m^ j»_i£|^
m#aamuuwam   siswmsumam'   ssmsasw /smwmsurspmmrus> . mam ^ smmreasmesaesum
by the second revol ution
of the Bad Chios
sent word to the Allies
the United Stotes that if they would recognize tne
rouid promise not to try to over-
it. it would go an with the wsr sgainst the
nSSUmX^      ^» ^ ai Mi ■ ■ ■ a        .^— ma.       — ■■ - - ■—.—.—.M" ^ j      t a
Tins proposal waauT even repuea to.
le during tiuit tern days' interruption of
the Brest-Litovsk negottetiona, when the bsrbsrous
nature of Germany's terms became evident It fa
my belief that at Brest-Iitorek the German imperialists made one of their
In the end it proved fatal to
j_ ■ ■   —-'■_■- '.'■■'■
The SoMer and the Waf
The following passages comprise one of six
fragments appearing in the "Dreadnought"
from a novel by Dudley Howard Tripp, a
young soldier who enlisted early in the war
and here records his impressions.
 There is only one crime that  we cannot
ffitgivc, and of which we ourselves have been
guilty. Vuc i-rme of narrow pat.-io!is..i; the
crime of not having insisted on open diplomacy
and full, unvarnished facta; the crime of not extending to international relations, international disputes, the same procedure, the same judicial system of prosecution and defence as we enjoy in the
courts of eommon law. There is the world-crime
of infinite folly, infinite ignorance, infinite tragedy. . . .
It was towards the end of 1915 that I began to
see that; it was then that 1 began to think and
wonder. I had been a year in the trenches. I
said to myself one day, looking at a shivering uncomplaining man upon thc bitter parapet: "He
did not make war." It waa an astounding
thought; it burnt into my brain with sudden,
penetrating fire. It took me from him to the
Kaiser, from the Kaiser to his Generate of armies,
and his chancellors, and from those great men to
the simple, suffering, grey-coated guard in the
line opposite our own.
I pictured him then ss ignorant, as helpless, ss
uncomfortable, ss heroically uncomplaining ss the
khaki-clad figure a yard away from me. I could
see him drawing hie coat-collar round his earn as
tiw rain lashed him, hear him muttering doggedly
to himself: "It must be scan through; I must
'stick' H;itte just." 4^
l»put them side by
rain glistening on their
inf from their caps, marked'
broken nails, red-encircled eyes; listened, even, to
their terribte laughter.
Then I said: "Naked men, both of you, when
you come into the world! Today, if I sent you
l ==ssto nu ea =
and khaki-^the
forth in your multitudes, silent and uncomplaining, stripped of your uniforms, and bade you fight,
how would you say, either of you: "this is my
enemy; him will I km!*''.'
It is not in your ranks that the enemy is to be
found; it is not in your home that the spirit of
hatred and revenge makes its bed. uniform is
thrust upon you, and made symbol of racial enmity ; nationality is impressed upon you, and .made
a synonym for false pride. You have not been
taught; you have not understood that all war
is civil war, that, all men bleed red no matter what
color be their skin or their hair, that the brotherhood of man—Internationalism—is the truth of
Christ, the very key to the citizenship of the
.... So I looked deeper, and the deeper I
looked the more terror-stricken I became. For I
saw that, somehow, millions of every land were
bound by the thread of an idea to the will—if
necessary to the evil will—of a few. I saw that
they were emerging half blinded from holes in the
gronnd. from darkness and ignorance, helpless as
yet in the growing light, and flung hither and
thither in their blindness by those accustomed to
command. I saw the chains of economic serfdom,
the lack of education, the absence of the critical
faculty that made them easy slaves to an unrelenting wheel. I understood, or began to understand, how their idess snd ideals were shaped for
them by those whom, unreasoningly. they had
learned to obey; bow the Press ceaselessly hammered partisan creeds into their indiscriminating
ears; how a half-truth for lack of its balancing
_bje)jlms a aw otolites
dent on the care-free agent of mighty class and
financial interests.
. ."*. . And then I looked for light. For a long
while I saw none. For many days in this first
groping of mine I beat against dark encircling
So many things were hidden from me, so
many hooks and ideas shut away from those
blood-stained lines. Thought, dimly stirring, became agony as it moved like a child in some eon-
fined womb.   Then. . .then. Noel waa killed.
With the death of a real pal something dies,
but something newer and deeper is born. We had
Wen pals for a long time, had suffered and wept,
laughed and sworn together. We had broken s
last crust evenly, and licked at a tabtespoonfu! of
water. We had buried men—even our intimate
pals—together. I understood, for the first time,
what the love of a chum meant, the good, clean,
honest open love of a man for man. . . I saw him
die.   I had not.thought before that he could die. ..
Peter's   voice shook a little.
He did die, for he took the last spark of credulity from me. He died; ah! don't forget this,
without hsving touched the fingers of the thought
that was awakening in me. He died, having
missed, missing something. There had been no
questions on his lips. His grave faced msny s
silent German grave—in silence. He did not ask
why men should die ss he died—in agony, choking, with black, bitter blood, and silent save for
their moans. But he made me see that the living
alone can talk, that the living alone have the key
of thought, the key of "action, even though they
must pluck it from the grave.
Do you see what I mean? The chain of thought
is easy and swift When yon know, when you fool
that a dead German fa on common ground with s
dead Britisher, or a dead Frenchman; when you
comprehend that their death is similar, the stop-
pine merely of a heart-beat, you begin to understand thc significance, the similarity of their life.
Desth broadens the issues you have to face, .lines
eenerslry sneaking, te ton same; yen realise that
whether' you look, at it from the altar of tite alehouse, or the city atom and the warehouse, or the
green open fields of God. ,
Fas* Two)
power in letters from the same alphabet that the
Allies sre now trying to teach the Germans.
"Then the old Central Executive Committee
stepped down, and in their places appeared Trotsky, Kaminiev. Lunatcharsky, Madame Kollantai.
Nogin. . . . The hall rose thundering. How they
had soared, these Bolseviki. from u despised and
hinted sect leas than four months ago, to thfa
tttpreme plsce. the helm of great Russia, fa full
t*de of insurrect'o;: '
The order of Wires* at the fii3t meeting of
the Congress of Soviets ■ i Organiiation of power,
war end peaee, constituent assembly—shows further that the Bolsheviki grasp-d uai underafead
wherein *ry their str-ndh, »rd i: there was any
doubt on the mutter, at ton scare
"Organization of Power" came up for
in the
NOTE: The Editor informs me that be
let me have the whole paper. As this te an
a propaganda article ea a review, and there are
many who may net be sble to gat the been, I will
toB you some more next week of the pert ployed
by the workers fa the Bad Guard, of the
from the fleet, of the trades unions, of the
ly bouigeotete and their hireling passu, ami of the
.tireless and
history iuifag these ten daya.—W. B.
The London "Common Some," of April 12,
whose editor ia the well-known economist, P. W.
Hirst, protests, in a long article, against the criminal folly of intervention in Russia by Great" Britain. The writer of the article says "that intervention has produced three results. It has sensed
the death and imprisonment or large numbers of
persons suspected rightly or wrongly, of counterrevolutionary activities. It hss immensely aggravated the sufferings of the mass of toe people
directly, aa a consequence of the blockade; indirectly, as a result of the diversion of the productive resources of the country to militsry operations. It has strengthened the Bolshevik govern-
■..- r*"■' "v"; ■■'•;.
After reviewing, the whole political and oca-
fa Russia, the growing strength
of the Bolshevik regime in the face of foreign in-
nud at the ssnua^uuse explaining ton mm-
need for locomotives, agricultural mschin-
ery and engineers, ha closes hfa srticle an follows:
The Bevolution has gone too deep to be permanently overthrown; but for s period it might be
in blood and chaos.
Thfa, then, te the prospect to whteh those who
clamor for more war would hurry us. If we pursue it we can gain nothing of the slightest worth
to this country, while we shall assist to reduce a
vast number of people to indjostiruishlti mteery,
and shut off from any use or profit to the world
as a whole u east storehouse of potential wealth
aa well ss moral. To enter upon asge
with Lenin end Trotsky—as the Allies
to do fa
us to nothing save the opportunity of
peace and the possibility of Russia's
tion. No vital interest of ours wfll be
raised: no sound principle endangered. When we
made the alliance with the Czar we went further
in approval of an infinitely worse government.'*'
It waa an exploiters* government though, and a
fellow feeling makes us wondrous kind.
on the
being the first
of Capitalistic Production,
$100 per eopy.
bound, eopy, lee.
Mm m*nj*m*mm**ma*majamamnmm '"V1.' ■   m*rm
a  U
^■"mai*m ;,.
; +v.'.   •:.■•;. ■;.'.-■«
Our Book Review
Some wiae animal, at some period more or less
remote in history, said that, "to the writing of
booka there is no end," a fact apparent enough to
be free from debate. Ink and paper, fa inuuea-
Mirahle quantities, have been used up on the
lightest, and on no pretext at all. Every rising
of the sun, every falling of the night, every change
of the wind, every happening, in fact, provides a
fertile source for huge outpourings of words, now
the garb of ideas, now their hiding place, and at
other times concealing the lack of them entirely.
Russia is thc latest subject of such as suffer
from scribbler's itch. Since the declaration of war
in 1914. the land of the Muscovite has been the
theme of numberless volumes, most of the kind
that few will read and nobody in any case will
pay any attention to. There are a few, on the
other hand, that, because of their content, will
be added to thc libraries of the historians of the
future. To this latter class belongs the book now
under review.
To the most of the western Europeans, the real
Russia has been a closed book. The cheap novelists of the 19tk century, writing in French «nd
Eelish. could color their tales of Russian life and
character, according to the depth or vividness of
their imagination, without fear of contradiction.
Nihilist plotters, police spies snd a beautiful princess, wth a background from the Arabian Nights
were sufficient to form the basis for s thrilling
tax-shilling shocker, for the edification of the
reading public. Such waa the Bussia of the novelists and of the vast majority. Of that section
of the people known as the cultured and intellectual, we may my that their knowledge wss con-
to the works of a few great Russians: Tor-
Gogol and Dostoyevsky; Chaikovsky and
Metchnikoff, ac-
was Hter-
On a western world with thfa limited knowledge
the news of the revolution of Msrch, 1917.
Immediately scenting eopy of the human interest
variety ami wishing to gather data that would
enable our American msnufaalpHpia to know best
hew to HELP the Bussian people, correspondent*
poured into the country. A few also found their
way there from different metises. One of these
fatter was John Bead. Aeording to a pom signed
by Antenov. Chief of the Military Revolutionary
Committee. John Bold was the representative of
the New York Socialist press.
>k as be says himself te a "slice of in-
history.'' In ton preface the author
fa this struggle, my sympathies were not
In such a struggle as he describes;
we eaa take this for granted, as there are no neutrals when ton workers Ban up in a struggle for
political power, snd every fast ward fa the book
shows that this te what was happening fa Petrograd  during  these  "Ten  Days that  Shook  the
revolution of March, though hailed by many
tion, proved as wa fa the
ft to be, purely bourgeois,
 lulu-that held;away
following could not. give
of the Bussian people the things that
tmmmmw    emmmmmmmmmmaaaHem«e^Bml      ammmmM       Altai
after  thc   fall  of  the   Bomanoffs,
mmU Ion auwruumn among the
Peteograd! that the revolution wss
an the other hand toe workers
tout B had much more to seeomplfah
tt had reached tost point where
warn weB satisfied to let things
eomplfahed aa much ss the Eng-
revototions.   The field was now
or the maaateatien of a capitalist state,
political and industrial development eould
ton fines of an
That te to any,
By John  Reed.       370 pages $2.00
Boni and Liveright. Publishers. 109 W. 40th SL,
New York
can democracy and the exploitation of wage-
slaves could proceed apace.
This was, however, reckoning without the working class. Aa in all previous events of like character, the task of carrying the revolution to a
successful termination waa imposed on the enslaved masses, the workers in the factories, the
soldiers and peasants. Workers' organizations in
the cities found themselves in pretty mueh the
same fix as their fellows in less democratic conn-
tries, lockouts and strikes were an everyday occurrence. Land committees of the peasants acting
in accord with the proclaimed intention of the
government were landed in jail and the army
committees of the men continually found themselves at vartenee with their officers.
In Pctrograu the life of the city ran on as usual.
The multitude was not interested in the squabbles
of the political sects. The bread queue still shivered in the cold: theatres and moving picture
shows presented the latest in Italian melodrama:
the aristocracy indulged in pink teas and longed
for the good old days: the Intellegenria attended
its lectures on Theosophy and kindred cults:
gamblers and bejewelled prostitutes held sway by
To those actively interested in the straggles of
the contending nartiea, these were, however, busy
days. All the forces of the bourgeoisie snd the
MenahevflcR were called into nlav in their efforts
to offset the propaganda of the Bolsheviki. After
years of patient and unceasing endeavor, after
orw\1raaantmn    «»#   rKan   ltsujiJj.lte.t4HiI   "U.nrlrs*jl   litre*   tPmsmneauami
to rouse the masses to action. Those men and
women. Lenin. Trotsky. Antonov and Kollontai
and all the others whose names are now embodied
in revolutionary history, worked through lurid
days and sleepless nights till on the 7th of November the Bolsheviki secured control of the Second
Congress of Soviets of- Workmen's and Soldiers'
Deputies, proclaimed the Bussian Soviet Republic,
"all power to the Soviets." and laid the foundation for the proletarian dictatorship.
The despised and rejected Russian worker, until
now considered stolid and unimpressionable aa
the ox. took hfa destiny fa his own heads, the
greatest event fa Russian history since Buric and
his Viking brothers accepted the invitation of the
Slavic peoples to eome and rule over them, n thousand years ago.
All thfa John Reed ssw from the inside. He
describes the moves and counter-moves of the
revolutionaries and reactionaries. His iitanding as
a Socialist correspondent placed him in a decidedly
advantageous position. The proclamations, decrees, teHMh and usaspoSM quotations with
whieh the book is well furnished wfll help to an
understanding of the task the Bolsheviki est them-
selves to seeomplfah.
Bourgeois dams era cy in all countries finds it
political iiiiisaahm through parliaments and constituent assemblies and beans ite
the cornerstone of sesmntomonm law.
in Russis the cry for s        III  III sss
At the seme 1
,Q  -      aOa       al      - _>J>
lnJITlluIiOTul   OX
thamry aspirations of the mass of the
workers, a new political instrument came into
being. During the IMS revolution, the workers
had organised themselves fata local
boned on geographical
When tite involution
dynasty the soviets re-eappeared, all over Bussia;
the ssme in character in the Far Bast as fa cosmopolitan Petrograd. The sailors on the bottle-
ships in thc Meditterranean and the soldiers of
the Bussian army on the western front elected Soviets to give expression to their needs.
Between these two instruments friction immediately developed. The bourgeois constituent assembly or the proletarian Soviet, one or other but
not both!
The insignificance of the Innirgeoisie ss a political force gave added power to the proletariat;
their weaknesses being all to the advantage of
thc workers. The formless, hazy concepts of the
army and the peasants had allowed all kinds of
professionals and intellectuals to blossom forth ss
spokesmen of the new order.
With the proletarian revolution in sight we
find these people in control of all the directing
and administrative bodies of the Bepublic. the
Duma, the Central Executive Committee of the
Soviets, the Peasants' Congress and the Armv and
Navy committees. Having no understanding of
the Questions involved, they had no solutions to
the problems presented to them. To satisfy the
demands of the masses would mean to abolish
The Bolsheviks during these months were not
idle. Although s msjoritv when they acquired
their name, the Mareh revolution discovered them
verv mueh in the minority. By constant work
and ardent propaganda they explained the class
nature of the straggle snd placed their solution
before the workers.
After the July rising, many of their best members like Trotsky snd Kollantai tended behind
prison bars and others like Lenin and Snorter
went Into hiding. We can well remember the
detailed accounts of Lenin's flight thraemh..P|n-
land to Scandinavia at that time. Like most of
the eanitalist news this incident had Ite origin te
tite mind of some newspaper bonehead. as Lenin
was in Petrograd during the whole period doing
hfa share «f the work that waa to result fa the
glorious 7th November.
Having their plans perfected, the Bolsheviks
called for an armed insurrection on that date.
Thfa decision was arrived at only after long discussion ss there were faint hearts even amongst
the Bolsheviki. On October 23. armed insurrection was discussed st an all-night session of Central Committee of the Party. All the leaders, the
party intellectuals and delegates from the Petrograd workers and garrison were present. Of the
intellectuals Lenin and Trotsky alone stood for
insurrection. A rote was token and insurrection
was defeated.
"Then arose a rough workman, his face convulsed with rage. *I spesk for the Petrograd
proletariat.' he said harshly: 'we are fa favor of
Insurrection. Bare it your own way, but I ton
you now that ti? you allow the Soviets to be destroyed, we are llilQUgli with you!' Some soldiers joined him. . . after thst they voted again
^SamU'':   ^'•:«
vice-preskqnw of tbe% trades
declared.  "It's   insane. ;insanc:    the
working claas. wont more.''   So toe party wss
whipped into line in spite of the calamity howling of a few toteneetuate.   The vision ef the pre-
lecarmi waa me sjseemr so contemporary nnuary
mma^ *
the heel of the Cossack   in a merciless riot of
blood and murder snd thousands of
ported to Siberia, tim Soviets ceased .to
Immediately on toe overthrow of. the
7th esme. with the result known to
usall.   The disbanding of the Council of the Republic by the sailors,  ■mmsptlin  of l
the Second Congress of Soviets and the
fag of the Provisions! government,
factory workers, the Petrograd garrison and the i
sailors from the Baltie float, executed the mandate of the proletsrist with the modem expression of power—machine guns, srtillcry, srmored
ears  and  bstfleehips.    Tin   Bolsheviki    spelled
(ConUBU#d * *- "7» W^Ww-
,   a
j-  :-■ .".  ■ ':; -, ■
.y. - -
I. !>...,-
i4n ^/fernoon of
•* m" * Ja,
%f: -»
-r jfesj in
Wji-         M
J ■
Wt ^
■              1
bbkL'    m
• 4.™
*ZTt- -~
of News and
ia Under the Soviets
to the Interests of the Working Class
al         ""   "»■    i  ■   i ■.     '      '■
—     ■
of all factory labor to a
£ order to see the British industrial situation By LBLAND OLDS Hardly   was  the  act   signed   before  the   miners
its true peiapsctteo we must consider the,       [Prom thc New York "Nation." April 19] struck   fa   defiance . of   the   law   and    secured
movement in mUgteaUJ with reference to ite nationalization of tne mines for the period of the
From    find only * ***** voice 1**i»«d mt th* tim* fa &*▼•   wsr.   Certain shipyard workers defied the "Slave
fa point of stew there can be no doubt that it    "*»"*** °* **«• results.   In the "Economist'' of   Act" snd went to prison.   The threat of a gen-
1   1 In i ii  i i nl Inn iia sain i  ln1 j    Organised   June 5. 1915, there fa the followina^ommcnt: era! strike in the industry brought about their
hefere the aatausa|te-nnjj^ reduction In some factories, where the managers are
incompetent and aae unable to get tite best
work out of their hands, . . . there is the
masters' demand for compulsion. But employers who know the character of the Bng-
ijBJJ, Ip- fact, served to protect the skilled Ush work people snd of the trade unions know
against this very levelling process; n had       that the dangers of compulsion sre very much
greater than the difficulties which compulsion
and bureaucratic interference are supposed to
be going to aura, w. By this. means' such
voluntary orgsnJjuUioas as the trade unions
might be dealt a deadly blow, and instead of
and lockouts when masters and men
out we shall have clam movements and
the craft unions had for years been enforcing certain rules which held up the normal advance of
■mhfaf production. The labor move-
fact, served to protect the skilled
tote very levelling process; it had
maintained'htel fa whmmjght he termed a privi-
. By the rates of these slrAled-trade
the inliiiliii^pn af certain auto-
methods were prohibited, s limit to the produc-
m^r^**w     ™^"T;St. " ■mTn^mas^^smrepwjsap    ***-   »^w^^   171- ~^******7i- n***rmTaj**T*r
tion of the individual worker
tod, and
In short, trade unioma
release, and the investigation whieh followed secured the elimination -of the imprisonment clause
in the set        *
[After  describing the beginning  of the  shop-
steward movement, be
unskilled worker
meed an
toe great organizations
^nTsais wn*
of a high-speed automatic machine.   Only in
the Triple Al-
pproaching  in-
But she Bmriteh fadimtrial situation prior to the
was rasBy an ennmTsmnimm^ Digh speed mod.
wau.mareafag on, sad the predee-
tebor was falling far behind that
aa Gerasanr nnd the Hutted States.
The wer.  with ite tremendous appetite for the
a plausible
uxxaase*si s j      aa ■r^^sns ■ ^seesv*
W*SM*WM^- M        »aw^F      ^Sj^BI^^Mr      »■       8^^^^"^ ^**w ac^NK
soeiation called upon the trade unions to
der all the concessions whteh had been
Kte the craft-union movement, that
it would cause the skilled worker to
teeted proletariat. Aa a ■ result, the employers
were nnable to accompliah their purpose except
through the agency of government.   The Commit-
reported that the national emergency reouired the*
giving up by tehee of tes right to strike, of tt* \
right to osmose the iatredaetion of the latest a»
eteney maiMntu and method*, and of its right to
maintain Tinea of demswotten between various
groaps of workers. The trade-union iiaaullios -
had agreed to co-operate with the government in
the ronsjuft of the war; they were, therefore,
to accept
> tm ii - -   *
AST Saturday's papers gave the following Exchange message from Paris:
A telegram from Athens to the '"Matin"
says: A Bolshevik movement at" Varna (the
* Bulgarian Blaek Sea port) harmg been at-
tmnptod by Seeialiste and extremists from
Sofia, the Allied authorities caused the town
to be oeeuptei by British troops, and martial
law was proclaimed. All the rtogleaders sre
to b» tried by British court-martial and severely punished. Vf*? ; &M
Don* Parliament realise what this poliey
Suppose there were a Socialist move-
feunee, am British troops to be used
■l2?: JgilJifE^ y*»^*»
""Socialists and Extremists" in Russia, our
.Hy, end fa Bulgaria, our u^'enmay.    r .<**********
-are we to do the name foe eewfrmnds or
In the spring of 1917, despite the demands' of a
critical military offensive, an important section of
the munitions industry wss tied up by a great strike
led by thfa same organisation of shop stewards.
The strikers demanded the withdrawal and modification of the new Munitions Act; in other words,
tite Strike was a political one. This time the
trade-union leaders had no need to repudiate the
strike: the rank and file through its new organ*.
eir leaders.    The government   threatened  drajgm? ■nsgfasyLfjd Jl^Bttol.
-new organization
than it had been in
the previous spring, when deportation was ear-
M out wl»lW.rent succesTTne dmp earn-- 1
miftees were orgattl«4 throughout the whole district, witb telegra>hte code snd s corps of motor
dispatch riders. \fkf threat of a general strike
btonght. sbout the unconditional release of the
arrestod eommlttee, *W an agreement under whteh
the bBl was withiJrsifU unet modified.
^^^^^^1^^*a Whitley
Snb-commBtee of the Reconstruction Cbmmhtea
was born; bom simultoneamuVwttVtoe^^^
shevfat demonstration in Petrograd. Ite purpose
was to meet s hBJeM which threatened a simi-
lsr demand of the^ British proleteriat for a share
in the government of industry. The effect of the
weakening of trade-union organizations was at
test apparent The problem hud become one of
n^lipKlS ,eaders
without om^-gMga .avmrtogn. gdned by
tl'e employer m a rea^lj^ef toe war.  Trade unhm.
^ to lie tried by court-martial
not in Bnjgfand and Scotland 1
surely have enough to do in our own empire
fa India, for example, and Egypt,  and in
Palestine,    snd    the    German    cotenieat-
Sense," April In, I^ndon England.
ban must be reeetottueted % prevent
matters   already   subject  to
tion. end to prevent Ha
-how that it naananhtente regularized collective
bsrgaining, snd that ite chief purpose te to ssfe-
gunrd production -gainst strikes and the opposition of labor to emcieney methods. Excepting fa
case  of a  general  strike,  power and  sothority, '
inevitably in the course of years, for the auto-' m»der the Whitley plan, wfll remain on one
[He then relates some of the new conditions matte machine wfll not be gainsaid.   The day of of tite table.
imposed on labor.]. . . The employers had thus the great machine proletariat fa coming.   But. the vHow far must the old order go to satisfy til*
secured tim right to pram labor to the limit of war and the   employers'   war  legtelstion   have demand of labor for' a shsre in the control of fa-
pradnetfan.   Henceforth there would be but one hastened the process In England   The Munitions • dustry!   Early in 1917 a machinist organiser for
clam of general factory labor, machine tenders, Act, dubbed the "Steve Act" by British workers, tbe Binnfairham district said:   "It must be a rent
to be used as fastiuatente of the community.   A masks not only the decline of British trade union- contra).   We have tea desire or intention to be
great supply of such labor would exist after the tern,, but also the begfauig of new organization treated at the employers' table like poor rels-
war—a sure guarantee of cheap produetion. Other along industrial lines aiming nana and more dear- tions."   Beeeut events have proved that such a
to fettew; yet t have been able to ly st the conquest of industry by the workers. * (Cantm*** «• rase Wv*>


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