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The Red Flag Jan 11, 1919

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IL. I. NoM>
A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the Interests of the Working Class
Five Cents
The New Germany
[By Ixudwig Lore]
DDDENLY as the  war  began  it  has  ended.
jAnd the military rulers of Germany, whose
le lust for power thrust a world that was totter-
>n the brink of war for years into its horrible
Istrom, have fled from the wrath of their own
]utionary proletariat. The immediate causes of
ludden collapse of a seemingly invincible na-
[are obvious enough. The German people were
ring untold misery.   They were   starved   and
ing. Their men and their boys were dying like
mi the battlefield. Their autocratic rulers, drunk
power, were showing with   brutal   frankness
[utterly they despised the men and women who
riven all they had to satisfy the insatiable greed
eir capitalist classes.   After four years of war
Bia still had its odious election laws, the Kaiser
ruled as the all-powerful lord over the German
ie.   The great enthusiasm of the first period
[given place to dumb,   helpless   apathy.   The
at the front was fighting its last desperate
They, too, were sick to death of the endless
er.   And the signs of misery at home, that
into their letters and seeped through into the
at the front in spite of the stem measures
ed by the government broke the spirit of men
lad gone without flinching through the blood-
Mtles.   The Allied forces found an army that
fnly one wish, to end it all, to be done with this
ll misery.    The military power of Germany
>roken.   A victory of the Allied a.rmies was
table.   The horrors of warfare on their own
Btared the German people in the face.   Their
mded faith in the war-lords was shattered.
n yet, today Germany is not a nation of vanned people.    In spite of hunger and military
it the morale of  the  German  people  is  not
ten.   Its working class has emerged from this
[in spite of the awful price it paid in blood and
[ring, the victor.   It has suffered complete mili-
defeat, but it has gained the mastery over its
fefeat Avas turned into victory, because, for gen-
Ions, men and women of the working class have
preaching to their brothers and  sisters  the
^r of the proletariat.    Defeat became victory
ise, through the days of darkest reaction,  a
handful of men and women nursed the weak
of revolutionary understanding in the hearts
[minds of the people, because they sowed  the
j of the revolution in the stony soil of a victor-
[nation, and waited for the fruit to ripen, with
lless faith in the ultimate awakening of the
[ing class.   Defeat became victory, because the
[did example of the Russian working class had
them that nothing can crush a proletariat
jbelieves in itself,
rould be difficult to overestimate the part that
fcussian Revolution played in the revolution of
jlerman working class.   The   appeals   of  the
an leaders at Brest-Litovsk, and the shameful
blayed by the German war party, left an un-
pense of shame in the hearts of men who had
forgotten the meaning of internationalism.
Dldiers that were sent to hold the conquered
tm provinces in subjection, came back filled
[the new spirit of their vanquished captives.
Ian aeroplanes dropped appeals and messages
upon the German soldiers.   Newspapers in the   I,
German language were printed in Russia and smuggled over the border for distribution among   the
German people.    The Russian embassy in Berlin
became the hotbed of anti-monarehial and proletarian revolutionary agitation; from the tower of
the building that only a few years ago was the horror of every social-democrat because it personified
the regime of the bloody Tsar, fluttered the red flag
of brotherhood, stirring long forgotten hopes and
memories in the breasts of the German workers.
Great printing presses turned out tons of literature,
in the halls onee sacred to the interests of the Russian Black Hundred, leaflets and appeals that were
distributed everywhere by the adherents   of   the
radical socialist movement.    German Junkers had
taken possession of Russian land and Russian  resources.   The Russian people had won the very soul
of the German nation.
Today the political fortunes of the German nation
lie completely in the hands of the Social Democratic
movement.   The capitalist system of production in
Germany was so absolutely and completely subordinated to the war interests of the nation that the
sudden coming of peace has left the bourgeoisie
utterly helpless and demoralized.   In Germany all
industries not directly necessary for military purposes were^stoppei.at^the very begmmnsL.pi, M
war.   The effective blockade of the English fleet
wiped out even such private enterprise as flourished in the Allied nations notwithstanding the
rigid demands made by the war upon the capitalist
resources of these nations.   The isolation of German capital was completed by the stringent guarantees demanded by America from the Neutrals to
prevent the importation of supplies into the Central
Empire.   Even a victorious Germany would have
passed through a terrible crisis before a return of
its industries to a peace basis could have been effected.   Defeat and the overthrow of the political and
military oligarchy that had made Ludendorff the
virtual ruler or the nation left the bourgeoisie powerless to resist its working class.   After a few halfhearted attempts to safeguard their own political
interests, the German liberal bourgeoisie, that was
always notorious for its cowardliness and its servile toadying to the monarchial rulers gave up the
struggle.   The attempt to save the tottering throne
by the appointment of the popular Prince Maximilian to the Chancellorship, with the appointment
At 8 p.m. Sharp
Hastings Street, West
A. McKenzie, Chair.; J. Kavanagh, Speaker.
W. Bennett, Chair.; J. Harrington, Speaker.
of three government Socialists to the ministry, and
a liberal political program providing for the responsibility of the government to parliament, the
right of the Reichstag to dissolve the ministry by a
simple vote of disapproval and the reorganization
of the monarchy after the pattern of that of Great
Britain came too late to save the situation. The
release of the political prisoners, chief among ♦hem
Liebknecht and Dittman, hastened the revolution
that these measures wtere intended to prevent.
In spite of the  honest  and sincere  efforts of
Scheidemann, Gustav Bauer and Dr. David, these
first socialist ministers of Germany, the revolution
grew and spread.   In a last desperate appeal directed by Scheidemann to Dr. Solf, then Secretary of
Foreign Affairs, the former "requests" that the
Emperor be "requested" to abdicate.   And in order
to leave no doubt as to the purpose of this appeal
the "Vorworts" at the same time   published   an
article, obviously written by Scheidemann, in which
he says, "Minjmtes must not be permitted t.) make
the whole situation a tool by means of which they
may accomplish their purposes, or everything will
fall to pieces. .  . .   The German people must°show
that it can accomplish the greatest steps toward
progress without exposing itself to the nameless
too^otcivil war.".. As lata as the 27th ^Oete-
ber, hardly two weeks before the outbreak of the
revolution, the majority socialist organ "Dresdener
Volkszeitung published the following:
"Out of the ranks of the Independents in these
days are sounding ecstatic cries for a revolution.   '
It may be that some of these shouters know not
what they do.    They are calling for a revolution
for the sake of a fanatic principle.   They want a
revolution for the sake of the revolution.    They
want   a   revolution according to their conception,
with barricades and the blood of citizens without
knowing what for.   If they could read the history
of the past, present and coming weeks in the light
of the history of half a century, perhaps they could
be made to realize that of which now they seem to
have not even a conception, that we are*living in
the midst of a revolution, as bloodless, but at the
same time as effective as any the world has ever
seen, a revolution that has swept away hindrances
that yesterday seemed insurmountable,   that   has-
overthrown, over night, the rule of those powers
that yesterday believed themselves invincible."
On the 5th and 6th of November there were revolutionary outbreaks in Berlin, Kiel and other places.
On the 7th Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils were
being formed all over the country.   On the 9th the
Emperor fled from German soil and Prince Maximilian was proclaimed Regent.    On Monday, the
11th, Scheidemann and Ebert demanded his resignation in the name of the German people, and Ebert
was proclaimed Chancellor of the German Socialist
Republic.    The Council oi^ Plenipotentiaries (People's Commissariat), composed exclusively of Socialists, was formed in which all   groups   of   the
socialist movemeut were represented. Scheidemann,
Ebert and Landsberg of the majority, Ilaase   and
Dittman  of the  Independents,  and Barth of the
Spartacus group.    This   de-facto   government   of
Germany is still in control but its status has already
undergone radical changes.   On the 25th of November the government officially announced that   an
(Continued on Page Two) wm^mm
V   i.
I i..
'Xhe   NeW   Germany further and further from revolutionary measures, famous Zimmerwald and Kienthal conferences, de-
(Continued From Pa *e One) Not that the German movement had become a mere manded the organization of the Third International
age    n reform party.   In no other country were the mem- on an international and anti-national basis.   The
agreement had been reached with the Workmen's bers, the rank and file, so thoroughly familiar with Moderates as firmly believed that the party had
and Soldiers' Council with the following provisions: the theories and revolutionary ideals of Marx and only taken a mistep, that it would right itself after
suppression of all counter-revolutionary activity.
3. Until the election of an Executive Council of
the Soldiers' and Workmen's Council of the
German Republic, the Executive Council in
Berlin shall carry out the functions of this
,4 The appointment and dismissal of members of
right to supervise their activity.
5. The Cabinet shall not appoint assistant ministers without previously consulting the Executive Council.
<6. A convention of representatives of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils shall be called as
soon as possible.
To understand the events that are taking place
in Germany today and their significance for the
2. Its aim shall be the defense and development    tion was there, but the radical spirit, the readiness power, whenever elections were held.    They had
of the achievements of the Revolution, and the    to act had given way to a feeling that amounted al- joined with the Spartacus group, not so much be*
most to conviction, that society would gradually cause of the community of interests between them
develop into the socialist state, that it would be but as a protest against the methods that were being
possible to bring about a socialist commonwealth, used by the majority Socialists, and the complete
at least in Germany, peaceably, by a gradual evolu- submission of the latter to the dictates of the gov-
tion into a system of social ownership. ernment.    Nevertheless the   Scheidemann,   David
Long before the war broke out,  an  opposition Ebert, Suedekum wing, who had signed away the
group had come into existence in the Social-Demo- P0,itical liberties of the working class, and Legien,
all i*,ruii.riw hndiP, nf thp Rpnnblic  and of    cratic **«* which> ™** the spiritual leadership J1? Germa11 GomPers' under whose leadership the
all legislative bodies of the Republic, and of * ' •    ;   * _        ,    H labor movement became a faultlessly functioning
Prussia, until a final constitution has   been    ***** Liebknecht, Klara Zetkin, Rosa Luxemburg of ^ war macM £J£ «
adopted, shall be in the hands of the Central    «* Fra*z Mehring opposed the tactics pursued by ^    ^ ft few ^ «
Executive Council, which shall also have the    the great majority of the party   The National Con- Ind       dent   gocial   Dem0eracy   languished   and
gresses of the party for years had been the scene fmalf {      ^ md £ *   the very s'tZ
of stormy contention between the revisionist reform ,   ,-,     » .,        ,.   , x * »uung
_ • „ anA ., -   .. .,      .,        ml holds of the radical movement,
wing and the majority on the other.   The recog-
nized leaders spoke of Liebknecht and his radical      The dlfferences that di™fed the groups of the
supporters with ill-concealed contempt, and regard- Social-DAniocracy are reflected clearly in their atti-
ed their demands for more radical and more revo- tude toward the proletarian revolution in Russia.
lutionary methods as the products of unripe, foolish Kautsky and Bernstein were sharply critical, not
propagandists. to sav oppositional in their position, Ledebour and
When the war began this fundamental difference Haase were ^P^etic, while the Spartacus group
course that the Revolution in Germany will take,    assumed gigantic importance.   Where it had for- at once enthusiastically supported and defended the
one must be familiar with the various socialist divi-   merly been limited largely to theoretical discussion ^"f™ *doPted *>? the Soviet government. After
sions existing and the history of their origin.   The    it now assumed a practical significance that deter- ?~ llb«ration, Liebknecht was the honorary chair-
differences that divide the Social Democratic Party,    mined the stand that was taken by the members of ^an of the ^Russian Congress of Soviets, held in
the Independent Social Democratic Party and the    the Reichstag group and by the  membership  at Moscow *£ the 15th November, 1918.   At this same
Spartacus group, are not new.  They were not even   large on the question of war and government sup- **n«rfs Rosa Luxemburg and Franz Mehring were
caused directly by the war, although the war first    port.   The majority felt that the socialist move- accorded an enthusiastic ovation.  The whole-souled
brought these differences to a crisis that made a    ment of Germany, in view of its achievements on °PP°sltlon which the majority Socialists evinced.
split in the forces of the German socialist movement    the national field, was interested in the defense of a*   . !unes'to the measures and tactics of the Bol-
inevitable.   The opposition of these three groups to    what they termed "German Culture" against for- shevi}cl and the Soviet Government, were only nat-
one another has its foundation not in their attitude    eign attack. .Their whole past made it inevitable u™ m men vvho looked forward to a revolution in
to the war alone.   In fact the position that the mem-    that they should feel themselves the protectors, their ?wn country with misgiving and fear.   True
bers of the different   groups  took when the war    above all, of the German proletariat, and that they to ]^eir old,faitl)in the Power of Social Democracy
broke out was the direct outcome of their funda-    should regard the interests of that proletariat as to "evolve" its ideal by a gradual system of devel-
anental conception of the aims and purposes of the    inseparably bound up in the existence and immunity °Pment> through the various political and economic
socialist movement.   The act of the party majority    from attack on the German nation.   The Liebknecht sta8es> they could see in the radical and aggressive
in voting for the first war credit on the   4th  of    wing, on the other hand, maintained that the work- measures of the Russian proletariat only ruin and
August, 1914, though it came as a shock to the    ingman has no country to defend, and that the only destruction and regarded Lenin and Trotzky as
socialist movement all over the world, was, in the    real self-defense of the proletariat lies in the revolu- wild-eyed fanatics who were endangering the cause
last analysis, the logical consequence of the atti-    tion against its own capitalist class.   In the caucus of the Russian working class.
tude into which the working class had been allowed    that preceded the vote in the Reichstag on the first      Tnus it was logical that these men, when in spite
to drift.   The Social Democratic Party of Germany    war loan, only 13 out of 110 members protested of their honest efforts, the revolution broke out in
was an example, par excellence, of that period in    against a favorable vote.   But they were bound by Germany should strain every effort to win control
the international movement that saw the growth    the unit rule that obtains everywhere in the social- of the new government iu order to save it from th
of the socialist movement as a political party.   The    ist movement, and voted unanimously in favor of hands of those radical elements m the labor m
fall of the Paris Commune and the death of the first    the first war loan, while Haase, himself bitterly op- ment who had been chiefly responsible for its out.
International marked the end of the first stormy    posed to the attitude the party had adopted,   as break    Scheidemann, Ebert  David and Suedekum
period of stress and struggle of a poorly organized    chairman of the socialist delegation, delivered the are prepared to establish order in Germany to re
and powerless proletariat.    The   second   Interna-    address explaining the vote of his party.   When the organize the demoralized industries of the country
tional was built upon a new conception of the duty    vote on the second war loan was taken Karl Lieb- while 8afegUarding the interests of the working
knecht alone voted against it; at a later vote he 0]a<iSi tn pnii _ rtnnot;tlliJnni,i .,        , .
. .    ,,    A,.   B   ,,      -.' ,     1C 1ft1_ class> to call a constitutional assembly and to con-
was Joined b! Otto Ruehle   On December 15,1915, clude ^ negotiations as early as possible, nnder
twenty sociahat deputies voted against the new war the most favorabIe emmoas that        be    ocured
loan and at the same time severed their connection from the Auied goveraments under &££ condi-
with the official group   sitting  m  the   Reichstag tions.   Th     are absolute, «
under the name "Arbeiter-Gemeinschaft." Around H-Uoni *e « nftlui».i a~ j    .,
... ,       -u     t j       j   x o   • ,  i-v .. Jisnment ot a political democracy under the contro
this nucleus the   Independent Social Democratic n* ti,- aAr-., r*arnnnr%nn        A \ .      ',   ,  :
,# ,-  . ..-...., u   * ** a *     j j ot tne bocidl Democracy, and are convinced that
which, after a comparatively short period of stormy    Party was soon afterward founded. the time hftg not yet come fa Germany for sociaI
battling against capital on the industrial field, be-       From the very beginning, however,   this   new revolution.    The   Independent   Social   Democratic
came so powerful and so well organized that strikes   party displayed no unity of purpose or standpoint. Party, under Haase and Kautsky, pursue as usual
and other forcible measures were the exception    There were two distinct groups, the so-called Mod- the middle course.   While they are opposed to the
rather than the rule.  On the political field the party   erates, Haase, Kautsky, Ledebour and Bernstein, extremely opportunistic view of the Ebert group
progressed with stupendous rapidity.   In a short    on the one hand, and the radicals, or "Spartacus and are prepared to place the power of the Govern'
time every Landtag had its Socialist delegation;    Gruppe," Liebknecht, Luxemburg, Zetkin and Meh- ment, within certain reasonable limits    into   the
large cities elected first one, then numerous Social-    ring, on the other.   The latter, from the beginning, hands of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Council*
ists to their city councils.  In the national, state and   insisted upon the complete reorganization of the while they seem to be opposed to the policy of the
SfiSf^i^K^                                                   international movement.    It recognized that   the Ebert group in retaining in office the entire bureau-
socialist movement of the whole world was headed cracy of the old imperial regime, they, too, fear that
in the wrong direction, not only in the question of radical measures will foment counter-revolutionary
militarism and war, but in its whole fundamental activity at home, and that a radical reorganization
conception of the class struggle.   They proclaimed of the economic system of Germanv rnicht influence
of the socialist movement and, under the leader
ahip of the German socialist movement, laid particular emphasis upon the winning of political power
on the national field. When the anti-socialist law
had fallen and the Party entered once more stronger than ever upon the political field, it grew in leaps
and bounds.    It organized powerful labor unions
adoption of social legislation, and the German pro
tective factory legislation, German old-age pension
■ laws, unemployment laws and maternity protection laws have been models for Liberals and Social
ists all over the world.   The Socialist movement    the death of the second International, and, together   unfavorably the sVttlemeVof "peace "terms 7ith7he
ttrew in power and influence, and in growing moved    *":41 ,;"-'  c'--:-,:■•* •   ~£   -*»----   ---**        ^^^*
with radical Socialists   of   other   nations, at the
(Continued on Page Three) THE RED FLAG
The New Germany
(Continued From Page Two)
Allied nations, For these reasons the Haase-Kaut-
Bky group is opposed to radical measures on the
industrial field. They have joined the Ebert group
in assuring the. German paople of the absolute safety
of their bank deposits and of their readiness to meet
all obligations incurred by the monarchy in the
shape of war loans. They believe that the time is
ripe for a social revolution in Germany, but desire
that & be introduced, gradually, without skipping
what they^jteve, to h€ the necessary steps in evolution.
One of the interesting figures of this group is
Kurt Eisner, the leader of the Independent Social
Democrats of Bavaria. The extraordinary conditions that confront Bavaria and South Germany as
a whole have made this strong and energetic personality the storm centre in the revived fight between the North and the South. As is well known,
Germany became a federation of States in 1870.
The South-—Bavaria, Wuerttemberg, Hessen, Baden
and a number of other smaller states—had more
democratic forms in its social and political life than
Prussia. The caste system had not become as
marked there because the class interests had not
been able to divide the people of the South as they
had the more industrially developed North. Soon
after the federalization of Germany, therefore, a
strongly particularlist movement grew up in the
South, against everything that wras Prussian. The
Prussian was more hated in the South, and especially in Bavaria, up to the late 90's than any foreigner.
Then it died out to reappear again the latter part
of the war. During the first years of the war, the
South was as belligerent and just as imperialistic
as the North. In fact, the King of Bavaria sent a
special envoy to the Peace Conference at Brest
Litovsk because it was feared that Prussia would
deal too leniently with free Russia. For this he
was loudly, acclaimed by the Bavarian capitalist
press. But the misery and starvation of the last
t *venty months has made the Bavarians forget their
own part in the war, and Prussia became the butt
of their fury.
When Kurt Eisner, in October of this year, became the candidate of the Independent Social
Democrats in the by-election made necessary by the
severe illness of the majority Social Democrat, von
Vollmar, he strongly fought this tendency, which
had found some degree of support in the official
Social-Democratic movement and its candidate,
Auer. But the queer logic of events has made him
—at least to the uninformed outsider—the expression of the separatist, particularist movement. He
belongs to that wing of the Independents which
insistently demands that all remnants of the old
regime must be thrown into the discard, and with
commendable directness he applies this not only to
the Erzbergers and the Solfs but also to the Suede-
kums and the Davids who have been just as thoroughly discredited by their imperialist activities,
lie demands that a government of Socialists be
established for Germany that is free from the domination of any one state. As this demand is naturally directed against the leading personages in
Prussia he has been supported by the particularlist
element in his own state who fail to understand the
real motives that prompt his demands.
Reports that have come from Germany in the last
weeks have been so clouded, and show such incredible ignorance of persons and conditions, that we
here must judge rather by what we know of the
most recent past of Eisner from German Socialist
papers than from the badly garbled reports that
appear in the capitalist press by correspondents
who attribute to him statements and opinions expressed by his supporters among the particularists.
Thus, for instance, we take the following from a
campaign speech made on October 23, after his release from prison where he had been held for ten
months on account of his activity in favor of a poli
tical mass strike against the war:
"When I took up the fight against the pan-Germans at the beginning of the war, I was ridiculed.
Scheidemann and Auer took up the fight against
the pan-Germans only when they became their competitors for political office. Today, under the new
(Maximilian) government we are still living in a
sea of lies. To call upon the people today to defend
their fatherland, as has been done in the last appeal
issued by the National Executive Committee of the
Social Democratic Party, is to mislead them. We
are facing today not the destruction of Germany,
but the destruction of those who bear the responsibility for the war. When the majority Socialists
demand today the abolition of the monarchy they
are only putting up a big front to cover up the defeat of their entire policy during the war. The new
era under Maximilian, based as it is upon fraud, is
not a new era. . . . Germany, that has permitted
its rulers to commit the big crime of war in its name,
must beprepared to pay the price. We will have to
be ready to give up Alsace-Lorraine as well as Prussian Poland and Polish territory. Danzig must become the new harbor of the Polish Republic. The
damage done in Belgium and in Northern France
must be at least partially repaired."
This extract shows that his whole line of thinking is in sympathy with the Haase-Ledebour rather
than with the more conservative Kautsky and Bernstein, with a strong leaningo-^oAvard the position of
the Spartacus Group. This explains the phenomenon thai the Independent Social Democracy as well
as the radical wing seem to be with him in his fight,
even in the contradictory reports of the American
In open opposition to the attitude of the two
main groups is the Spartacus group, that, under the
leadership of Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, is
conducting a feverish agitation all over the country
in favor of a government under the exclusive and
absolute control of the proletariat. They are opposed to the calling of.* constituent assembly and
demand the political supremacy of the Soldiers' and
Workmen's Councils. They favor immediate social
ownership of the means of production and the repudiation of the debts incurred by the old regime
for the conduct of the war. They are bitterly caustic concerning the peace-at-any-price position of
men who, during the entire course of the Avar, belonged to the most consistent supporters of the war
machine, and are the only element in Germany that
openly opposes the terms of the armistice.
These last two questions, the question of peace
and that of the payment of war debts are of no
mean significance for the future development of
the German republic.    In Russia, the MilyukofT
and the Kerensky governments were overthrown
because, they were not prepared to carry out the
peace demands of the people, while the Soviet Government owes its strength and its hold upon the
people of Russia to the fact that it stands ready,
at all times, to carry out their demands.   In Germany it is possible that the same conditions may
bring about exactly the opposite effect.    The soldiers and the working class, according to ali indications at the present time, will probably support
the Moderates of the Independent  Social  Democratic Party against the radical wing because they
fear, and as the experience of Russia has shown,
not without cause, that they may hope for but little
mercy, at the hands of the Allies should Germany
establish a dictatorship of the proletariat.   The fact
that even the poorest classes of the country were
made partners to the war by the clever policy of
the monarchial regime of practically forcing all
classes of society to buy war bonds—and the socialist press gave its columns freely for this purpose-
may also prejudice a considerable portion of  the
population against a wholesale repudiation of the
Avar debt of the nation.
While this1 struggle for supremacy among the
three socialist groups is occupying the minds and
thoughts of the world, the capitalist class of Ger
many is rallying its disorganized forces, Already
the call has gone forth to unite the liberal bourgeois
elements, and all non-socialist elements in Germany
today belong to the "liberal" bourgeoisie, into one
great organization, whose aim is the re-establish-
ment of "order" in Germany and the fight against
anarchism and Bolshevism. Already the leaders of
this movement have appealed to Washington for
aid, and in spite of the open sympathy that is shown
in these quarters for Ebert and Scheidemann at the
present time, the time will come, and it is probably
not far distant, when the Russian Bakmetieff will
be joined'by some equally representative ambassador of the German Republic, to safeguard the interests of the German "people." In Germany the
capitalist class is by no means the negligible factor
that it Avas in-the Russian revolution. It is a poav-
ciful body, that will be as brutal and unscrupulous
in its methods and its warfare upon its Own people
as it was in its treatment of the unfortunate peoples-
that stood in the way of its determination for world
poAver. The capitalist class of Germany, Avith ita
enormous Avealth and its manifold international
business relations that the Avar may have disturbed
but has not broken, is a formidable enemy, an enemy
that will fight without mercy and without quarter,
once it feels that it has again gained a foothold in»
the country.
The demands of this capitalist class cannot be met
with compromises and concessions on the part of a
socialist government. No capitalist class can or
will consent to exist under the rule of a Avorking-
class party, no matter Iioav moderate. The class Avar
that has produced the Social Democracy Avill go on
until classes have ceased to exist, until the proletariat has assumed control over the economic as
Avell as the political forces of the nation.
The revolutionary uprising of the proletariat. of
Germany and Russia has not put an end to class
Avar.   But the class struggle in Europe has entered
upon the last and most bitter stage of its existence.
It has grown beyond the -national l)oundatt*s.Avithm
Avhich it has hitherto fought its battles.    To the
struggle between the classes within the nation has
come the struggle betAveen nations, betAveen the
nations controlled by the capitalist, and those controlled by the Avorking class.   Instead of Avars for
national aims there Avill come the great class Wars,
Avaged on an international  basis.    Whenever the
Avorking class of one country has succeeded in over-
throAving its bourgeoisie, this counter-re vol utioi.a ry
class Avill appeal to its brother capitalists in other
nations, and in self-defense these Avill have to come
to their assistance.   There can be no harmony betAveen the opposing classes of one country.   There
can be no peace and understanding between capitalist and socialist nations.    The Avar iioav being
waged against Russia, directly or indirectly, by the
Allied as Avell as by the Neutral nations, is an outstanding confirmation of this new phase   of   the-
Avorld-Avide class struggle.
Upon this rock the ship of opportunism will
founder. The theory that the Russian and the German revolutions can be saAed only by supporting
the moderates against their radical opponents is
based upon a misunderstanding of the fundamental
class character of society. The capitalist class,
nationally as Avell as internationally, Avill compromise- with the Avorkers only so long as it feels itself
at the mercy of the proletariat, just as the class-
conscious Socialist will submit to the rule of a capitalist government only so long as he is poAverless to
overthroAv it.
The international class Avar has reached its critical stage. And whether Ave live in Germany or
Great Britain, in Russia or in America, Ave AA'ill have
to take sides. Their Avar is our Avar, their problems
are OUTS. And Ave will have to pay just as dearly
as they themselves for the mistakes they make. We
have profited by the glorious achievements of the'
Soviets; our comrades everyAvhere Avill gain from
our revolutionary understanding. p m w    i wm
I m
4 ;.■
1     VW.:
A Journal  of News  and Views Devoted to the
Working Class.
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
By The Socialist Party of Canada,
401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Editor   C. Stephenson
Vancouver, B. C, Saturday, January 11, 1919
The Censorship
Though most people know in a vague manner
that a censorship of the press exists in this country,
more especially on Labor and Socialist journals,
few are aware of the existence of a secret censorship of the mails and that the postal service has
become an adjunct of the secret service department.
A means of intimidation and of spying on those
suspected of holding views, economic, political or
social, not in favor of the official circles of Ottawa
or with the influential tribe on "Nob Hill."
Let us in some degree, though inadequately, relate the experiences which the head office of this
organization is suffering from in this regard.
The official organ of this party has been suppressed and representations to Ottawa are so far
without results.
Leaflets mailed have been confiscated and complaints ignored.
Almost every letter which arrives at this office
bears unmistakable signs of having been opened,
though no censorship mark to that effect is on them.
All such letters are unduly delayed, being some
four, five and six wreeks in the mails before delivery.
Host of such letters contain remittances for dues
or for literature, etc.
This action of the postal officials seems specially
designed to seriously impede and cripple this party,
both as an organization and in its business of supplying its customers throughout the country with
literature on economics, history, sociology and on
others of the special sciences. Be that as it may it
is having that effect.
Moreover, letters and parcels which we have
dispatched have failed to reach their destination.
The mail of individual members of this party also
suffers from the same despicable secret censorship.
Our protests and complaints to heads of departments result only in officially equivocal and
evasive replies. The greeting the writer received
from the postmaster in Vancouver on making personal representations to him was, "You are a Bolshevik," and that was all that he would vouchsafe
of definite character in his replies to questions.
Our only resort now is to make the public acquainted with the fact that this public institution,
the postal service, is being used for the purpose of
spying into the affairs, private or business, of the
public at the behest of an official clique in Ottawa.
Everyone who resents this Ochrana established
in our midst should write to the postmaster-general*
Ottawa, and to the chief press censor, Ottawa, protesting against the censorship of the press and the
secret censorship of the mails. No stamps are required. Just write "O.H.M.S." on the envelope and
insist in the letter on a reply.
An Open Letter
WASHINGTON, Jan. 6.—The state -department
let it be known today that it believes economic restrictions against Germany must be relaxed if indemnities are to be paid by that nation.
At the same time the view was expressed that the
blockade may be lifted before the peace treaty is
actually signed.
Recent dispatches from Washington are that the
Czecho-Slovaks have been recognized by the United
States as an independent nation and that they will
be given all possible aid in their struggle against
Germany. Nothing is said in that declaration about
the war between the Czecho-Slovaks and the Russian Soviets. So far the Czecho-Slovaks, with the
exception of a few regiments on the western and on
the Italian fronts, are mainly fighting Russia.
Every friend of independence of small nations
will rejoice in the recognition given the Czechoslovaks. But you must aflniit that this recognition,
given at a time when it mainly will tend still more
to complicate the Russian situation and serve as an
excuse for actual war against Russia, thereby loses
much of its altruistic color. And again I cannot refrain from comparing this act with the attitude of
the Allies toward the revolutionary Finnish workers. They are actually fighting the Germans. Some
of them are actually co-operating with the Allies
on the Murman Coast. They represent not only a
national aspiration, but an actual popular majority,
which was the Government of Finland, and would
be today, if it were not for the German occupation
in Finland, which is directly and indirectly encouraged by the Allies through the encouragement
given to the pro-German "White Guard."
But let us consider the present situation without
any regard to its political side. What do you expect to accomplish in Russia? You certainly cannot imagine that the present forces in Vladivostok
can accomplish anything in the way of a military
occupation of Russia. By sending a few hundred
thousand troops more,—and in this respect you will
have to depend on the Japanese—you may accomplish as much as an occupation of the region between Vladivostok and Irkutsk—a distance as long
as from New York to Utah, But even that is scarcely
one-third of the distance from Vladivostok to the
Ural mountains, and Irkutsk is still about six
thousand miles away from Moscow. And wrhen you
have accomplished that, what then? The Baikal
tunnels are blown up and without them it will be
impossible under even the most favorable conditions to penetrate the vast region of almost insurmountable mountains around the Lake of Baikal,
and by the time you get your hundreds of thousands
of troops to Siberia the. winter will set in and things
drag on till next May.
You are coming, of course, on the possibility of
a popular uprising of the population in Siberia
against the Bolsheviki. But is it really necessary to
indulge in such futile hopes, now that you know
better? The Allied intervention has been a fact in
Siberia for more than a month. Nothing in the way
of a popular uprising has taken place.
A dispatch in the daily press reports the joyful
reception accorded the Allies in Archangel. It tells
that the people came out to meet them and that the
Americans parading through the streets were
cheered. In accordance with an old tradition the
hospitality of the city was offered them by the
peasants who brought bread and salt. A high mass
was celebrated in thanksgiving of their arrival. But
these stories, especially that of the celebrating of
the high mass, just as well prove that the joy was
all on the side of a small minority, as it is a well-
known fact that the Russian workers have lost
their interest in high mass. Has -there been any intimation of a popular welcome to the Allies in Russia? Every Russian peasant and workman feels
that whatever "government" you may succeed in
establishing in Russia, in the place of the Soviets,
at once will proceed to deprive the Russian peasants
of the land and liberties they have acquired.
There can be no more chance for a popular uprising in Russia against the program of the Soviet
Government than there woul^ be a chance in America of a popular uprising of farmers against an in-
crease in the price of corn and milk.
It is true, of course, that the action of the Allies
in Russia, encouraging every faction which is
against the Soviets, may in the long run produce a
state of complete anarchy. Enemies of the Russian
Soviet Government do not hesitate to employ the
most desperate methods, thereby provoking desperate action on the other side. With what savage
joy did not the newspapers receive the veports of
the attempt to assassinate Lenine! The voidest anar-
chist newspapers have nothing on the New* York
Times, the Tribune, the World, the Globe, and the
whole long line of papers, which, as by agreement,
now speak of the "Russian tyranny, tempered by
assassination." If the capitalist press sees fit to degrade itself to the moral standard of thugs and
bandits in their futile rage against the Russian
Labor Republic, it is not for me to bewail it. But is
there no one among you—"the intellectual leaders"
—sane enough to raise your voice against this mad
orgy, which, as you well may understand, may in
the end prove an unexpected boomerang? The policy of assassination in Russia is led by Boris Savin-
kov, the minister of war in tne Kerensky Cabinet,
one of the "pets" of the press. I am not intimating
that the Allied representatives in Russia are employing such horrible methods. But in view of the
attitude of the Allied press you cannot prevent the
Russian people from drawing conclusions of their
own. We had recently the ultimatum of the British
Government to the Soviets because of an alleged
attack against the British representatives. The
British Government threatens to hold the Soviet
leaders personally responsible for any violence
against Allied citizens in Russia. Is it not conceivable that the mind of the Russian masses, victimized
by constant attacks upon their liberty, and upon
their chosen leaders, may react in the same way?
I do not defend violence on the part of the Russian Soviets. But, pray, have you ever witnessed
another instance of revolutionary history, where
the revolutionary government was more deliberately
provoked to commit violence? And have you ever
witnessed another instance where the outside world
published more lies and exaggerations about the
acts of the revolutionary government—not to speak
of the complete unwillingness to understand the
exasperating conditions under which the Russian
government works?
Carlyle, recording the protests of the French nobility against the policies of the French revolutionaries, remarks that the Revolutionists showed more
political tactfulness and constructive ability than
the nobility itself ever was able to show. They asked
the Sans-culottes to practise the principle of "noblesse oblige" which the nobility itself never had
practised towards anyone except those belonging
to their own class. Do we not see something similar
in the Russian situation today? You in America,
who in spite of your tremendous resources of order
and stability, cannot prevent mobs in Illinois, in
Oklahoma, in Minnesota and in the southern states
from committing unspeakable outrages against innocent people—you demand from the Russian
people, who have been kept for 300 years in a state
of ignorance, who today are living through the most
stupendous revolution the world ever witnessed,
and who are attacked from every conceivable source
you ask them to show more coolness than you are
capable of yourself!
The same may be said in regard to the attacks
on the Russian people because of their alleged social
disorder and anarchy. It took ten years in America
to establish a stable government and orderly effi-
cent rule, after you had signed the Declaration of
(Continued on Page Five) rap
An Open Letter '
(Continued From Page Four)
Independence. At that your revolution Avas mainly
a political one, involving the change from one government to another, without any considerable
changes in the social structure. Your revolution
occurred at a time when the social problems confronting you were a mere bagatelle compared with
those that the Russian people are asked to solve.
Your revolution took place among a homogeneous
nation of three millions, who had behind them
a century of self-government and experience at in-
dividual as Avell as co-operatiAre action. You Avere
alloAved to settle your problems not only without
any interference from the outside after you had
accomplished your immediate aims, but you received real help and encouragement from other nations. Even then it took you ten years to bring about
social order. And noAv you are angry and impatient
at the Russian Avorkers and peasants, because they
lack the strength to perform in a year a task a
thousandfold more difficult than that which you
could not perform in less than ten years, and under
immensely more favorable circumstances.
Where is your reputed fairness, you Americans?
Where is your sense of fair play?
Russia, a country of 180 millions of people, belonging to about 40 different nationalities, representing every conceivable stage of economic evolution, starting with savage Samoyeds on the Arctic
coast of Siberia, and nomadic tribes of Trans-Caspia
up to the educated intellectuals of Russia, a country
where the natural economic progress has been deliberately hampered by 300  years  of abominable
autocratic rule, Avhich necessitates today a relatively
longer step in the way of social reorganization than
any country has been asked to take at once, a country Avhere the so-called intellectual classes, to their
eternal disgrace, are  deliberately  sabotaging  the
serious efforts of the  Avorking people  to  restore
order and progress, a country where the government, although consciously supported by a greater
percentage of the people than is the case in any
other country in the Avorld, is attacked by all reactionaries the whole   Avorld  over,   a government
which is not being helped, but whose actions are
deliberately interfered with in eArery instance,—
this country, in spite of all this, has been able within less than a year to bring about more order than
there has been in Russia for the past three years.
But instead of expressing even the faintest  commendation of the almost supernatural organizing
ability of the Soviets, you, without protest, alloAV
your papers deliberately to withhold all news favorable to the Russian workers into disgrace and to
justify attacks on their government. If the Soviet
Government had received even a small part of the
encouragement and help Which you are today willing to give any Russian adventurer who promises
you to deliver Russia into your hands, or even if
you Avould have let Russia alone and had not encouraged the Russian reactionaries in their fight
against the Soviets, Russia todav would be a shin-
ing example of an orderly society and an eA-erlast-
ing proof of the constructive ability of the laboring
Russian, Swedish and even British neAvspapers
received in this country contain highly interesting
reports of the constructive work "which is being
done by the Soviets. In the face of tremendous obstacles they have been able quite satisfactorily, considering the circumstances, to organize the Russian
agriculture on the basis of the new conditions. They
have conducted a tremendous educational work all
around Russia. They have rehabilitated the means
of communication. Every fair observer admits that
in those parts of Russia, where the Soviets work
unhampered by the German autocracy and the various brands of counter-revolutionists, the life has
rapidly returned into normal channels.
Some time ago I sent you a copy of a speech held
by Premier Lenine at the All-Russian Congress of
Soviets. This speech, which has been commended by
the New Republic, convincingly proves that the
Russian Soviet statesmen seriously and in a conservative and responsible manner are solving the
great problems of economic rehabilitation of Russia,
and that they are eager to bring about an acceptable
"modus vivendi" in their economic, international
relations. It may interest you to know, if you have
not had this information before, that even on the
question of repudiation of debt, which is perhaps
one of the greatest obstacles to an understanding
with the Allies, the Russian Soviet Government was
willing to compromise with the Allies. The decision
to repudiate the foreign debt was held up by Lenine and Trot/.ky for almost a month, while they
Avaited for some response from the Allies in regard
to co-operation. No response was ever received.
But, is it not true, that it is that very thing which
the reactionaries of the world fear more than anything else? The Russian workers' revolution must
go doAvn in defeat. There must be chaos—because
if there were not, it would be a bad example to the
workers of the rest of the world. Otherwise your
papers  could  not  say  that  Socialism  had  been
weighed and found wanting.
, But why not call a spade a spade? If you are bent
on pursuing your present policy in Russia  AA-ould
it not be much better  for  all  parties  concerned
plainly to admit the facts and express their readiness to take the consequences? What you want in
Russia is the crushing of the Soviet Government
as such, regardless of the fact that it is anti-Ger-
and regardless of all proofs of its constructive ability. As the Soviet Government obviously is supported
by the great majority of the people, you will have
to suppress that majority. In order to do that you
must send to Russia not a small army which could
accomplish nothing but bring evidence of your hostile attitude toward the Russian proletariat, but
send there millions—to the great detriment of your
military plans on the western front. Or otherwise
you must allow the Japanese to send an army—and
leave as a heritage of your Russian adventure an
absolute   Japanese   domination   in   the   East,   a
strengthening of Japanese imperialistic ambitions.
To overcome the popular support of the Soviet Gov-
ernment you must in addition to that prepare yourself for a permanent occupation of the vast area of
Russia, because as soon as  you  should  withdraw
your troops from any region, you Avould have on
your hands new rebellions followed up with blind
revenge taken on those Russians who haA'e supported you in  the   accomplishment   of  the   coup
d'tat. You have the example of the Ukraine before
your eyes. Do you not see that the bloody rule established by the Germans in the Ukraine, although
it is partly due to the peculiarities of Prussian militarism, mostly is an inevitable natural consequence
of the fact that the poorer Ukrainian peasantry—
and in Ukraine there is a larger percentage of rich
and conservative peasants than in any other parts
of Russia—blindly revolts against attempts to deprive them of their newly Avon land and freedom?
I have many times' pointed out that most of the
program of the SoA-iets which you object to, including the repudiation of the debt, is a logical result
of the expropriation of land by the peasants. To put
au end to the policy of the Soviets you will have to
repudiate the expropriation of land, and then you
at once Avill find yourself in the same position as
the Germans found themselves in the Ukraine.
And is there no lesson for you in the dispatches
from Samara? The first dispatches from that city
about a month ago were that the Czecho-Slovaks
had occupied the city, disarmed the Red Guard and
deposed the local Soviet, Avith the result that the
local bourgeoisie at once proceeded to take a bloody
revenge upon the Avorke.rs, killing hundreds of
Soviet members, the armed presence of the Czechoslovaks making this revenge possible, although they
themselves did not participate   in the   execution.
After a few weeks the Red Guard took possession
of the city once more, and one hundred Czechoslovaks were publicly hanged in retaliation of the
execution of the Soviet members. That story will
repeat itself over and over again. And for AA'hat use
—as at the end of it all, sooner or later, there must
be, and there will be, the ultimate victory of the*
social principles represented by the Soviets today?!
I am- not a pacifist nor do I shudder at civil war,
if such must befall. But I would gladly give my
life if thereby 1 could prevent unnecessary slaughter
of people. Yet the experience of the past two years
plainly show, that however much the workers would
like to avoid bloodshed and civil Avar, they will not
be allowed to do so by their opponents,, who do not
seem able peacefully to admit the inevitable trend
of the social evolution. The workers in Russia and
in Finland today are the conscious majority, just
as the "third estate" became the conscious majority
against feudalism 150 years ago. You can not expect the Avorkers in Russia and in Finland voluntarily to renounce their supremacy in favor of the
retention of old forms of society, Avhich have
brought them nothing, and can bring them nothing
but misery.
Is it then possible at all that the former ruling
classes in Russia by sheer reasoning power should
admit this fact and thus avoid unnecessary struggles
and Bloodshed? And if it is not possible for the
Russian bourgeoisie to see it, as they personally
have been deprived of all the privileges so dear to
their hearts—is it not possible that you, their intellectual class brethren, who are not personally
as closely interested in the situation, and, therefore,
should be more able to retain your faculty of clear
judgment, would advise them, or at least not encourage them in their blind class rebellion against
forces that are unsurmountable ?
But nothing at all is heard from you, nor from
other "liberals." A most curious situation has developed. America, which was expected to be the
country to bring democracy into the world, is today politically more sterile than any other country
in the "whole world. Even from Japan Ave hear rumors and news of revolt, which cannot be without
relation to the Russian adventure. In England liberal thought is using valiantly all avenues of expression. The English liberal papers are intelligently
and radically criticizing the Russian policy. I am
enclosing with this letter for your information, if
you have not happened to see it yourself, copies of
articles in the London Nation and the Manchester
Guardian, which well deserve your consideration.
Here Ave hear nothing. One or two faint-hearted
Avhisperings in small editorials in the "New Republic" and in "The NatioV' only serve as the exception which proves the rule. Not only are you not
contributing anything of liberal thought to save the
world from the tremendous danger of a rejuA'ena-
tion of the blackest imperialism through the Russian adventure, but the "liberal" elements in America today are doing their best to squelch Whatever liberal thought there is in Europe. Today your
emissaries are in Europe on a special mission to extinguish liberalism. The presence of American troops
in Siberia is used by the reactionaries to throAV sand
in the eyes of liberals in Europe and to whitewash
anything that may be undertaken there by the imperialists.
Some time ago I Avrote to a person belonging to
the administration as follows:
"A comparative detachedness of tire United
States from European politics, which you call the
principle of the Monroe Doctrine, has been one of
your peculiarities up to the present time, as long
as you economically A\rere more or less independent
of Europe and Europe was independent of you.
When the world Avar revalued all former international values, and America became a part of the
world family not only in Avords, but in action as
Avell, and your Monroe Doctrine became more or
(Continued on Page Six)
* 1 J A\
't   1<4 PAGE SIX
■i> t>
:   lit'
I     ' Ki.il
b -•■•"
» (A
An Open Letter
(Continued From Page Five)
less a relic of the past, all lovers of international
democracy rejoiced in the fact, principally, because
they hoped that this would mean not America's
subjugation to outworn European diplomacy, but
Europe's becoming inoculated with the young.virus
of all that which is real in the democracy of
"Noav I am asking myself and I would ask you:
Shall America, now that she has the greatest opportunity ever given a country to bring new forms
and new, clean views into world diplomacy and international relations, shall she submit to stale shopkeeper considerations of European diplomacy and
not utilize the tremendous reservoir of democracy
in Russia in order to strengthen America's historical mission of bringing democracy into European
policies ?''
America, it seems, has not availed herself of that
opportunity. Instead of that she has been induced,
it seems, not only to serve reactionism, but, unwittingly, I hope, to deceive the liberal thought in
the Avorld, or at least in America, into support of
that reactionism, by giving it her indorsement—
and the result of all this has been that Ave are noAV
witnessing the paradox of the defenders of "laAv
and order" and of a "neAv freedom" engaged in
an interventionist adventure against the only force
in Russia Avhich is capable of bringing about order
and the neAv freedom.
It is not less paradoxical that I, representing the
ideas and aims of those revolutionaries Avhoni your
press is branding as the craziest fanatics, impractical and visionaries, should talk to you urging
practical and sane policies, orderliness, and political
honesty, as against chaos and disorder.
* For more than six months I have been among you
as a voice crying in the Avilderness trying to hope
against hope that rational thinking and common
sense might mean something to your society, even
the greatest class issues are involved. I have been
trying to do a Avork of persuasion, employing all
possible tactfulness and consideration of the pecu-
larities of the situation and of your psychology. I
haAre been doing it in the face of sneers and suspicion among my perhaps less polite, but surely
more experienced proletarian comrades, Avho over
and over again told me that it is entirely out of
the question to try to make a bourgeois understand
the justice and the necessity of anything which
means the lessening of the class supremacy of capitalism, and Avho for that reason regarded as useless on the part of the Avorkers everything except
the most merciless struggle in every possible manner against those A\ho rule the Avorld. You are doing,
I fear, all you can to enocurage such vieAvs.
As the representative of the Finnish Workers'
Republic I tried patiently, and using language as
considerate as possible, to make your government
understand at least something about our situation
over there. I offered you co-operation in return for
concrete helpfulness. I proved to you that if the
democratic professions of America count for anything in America, in the struggle of the Avorkers in
Finland, America has a cause Avorthy of unconditional support. We had there on our side not only
the majority of the people, but we had that majority expressed in our favor by legal parliamentary
proceedings, unequivocally proving that the cause
of the Finnish Avorkers is the cause of democracy.
We had a case Avhere the Finnish Avorkers not only
were opposed, to German autocracy, but Avere fighting it bitterly, directly aiding the cause of the
Allies, in so far as that cause involves the crushing
of German militarism. We have on the side of our
enemies in Finland representatives not only of the
minority of the people, but of a parliamentarian
minority, openly hostile to even such democratic
principles as are a matter of fact in America today
—as equal suffrage, social legislation and theoretical equality of opportunity. In Finland there Avas
not even a question of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" such as in Russia. The Finnish Avorkers
expressly wanted to call together a Constitutional
Assembly on the basis of equal suffrage for all inhabitants of Finland. The other side not only temporarily allied itself with the Germans, but Avas for
three years criminally plotting with the German
imperialists and in every A\ay Avas an accessory to
the most abominable crimes of Prussianism. Yet
that other side was the one which received all the
encouragement and still is receiving it from you.
1 was never given a fair and a serious hearing.
Some time ago I made a formal proposition to the
United States Government about co-operation betAveen the Finnish Red Guard and the Allies no the
Murman Coast, and I never received even an ack-
noAvledgment of that proposition. And, please, do
not tell me that the reason for this slighting attitude
Avas that it is not proper to confer with the representatives of unrecognized factions. Three years
ago the representatives of the state department had
all kinds of negotiations Avith all kinds of Mexican
factions not including Villa. You have had no scruples in officially dealing with and recognizing Professor Masaryk, representing the Bohemian National
Council, although his status certainly is not as official even as mine, he being the self-appointed president of some national council, which some time may
become the Government of Bohemia or may not.
but nevertheless at this time represents only an aspiration. I represent a de jure government, supported by the parliamentary majority of the peop'e, a
government which, although it is driven out from
its home land today, has not renounced its claims
and never Avill renounce them, and Avith Avhich you
Avill have to deal bye and bye, as it surely Avill once
more come into its right.
But there Avas really a difference betAveen Professor Masaryk and me. I made it a point, and still
make a point of all our co-operation with the Allies,
that they should recognize the Russian Soviets.
Professor Masaryk offered to crush the Russian
Soviet government with his Czechs and thus put an
end to Socialist rule in Russia. There lies, perhaps,
the reason for the difference in the treatment Ave
have received.
Again I ask you, hoAv in the name of common
sense can you expect any one of us Avho has gone
through the experiences Avhich I have had in these
six months of modest attempts at proletarian diplomacy not to see, that every political move is made
on the basis of economic interests and that if we,
the Finnish Socialists or the Russian Socialists,
Avere the very arch-angels of orderliness, constructive political ability and common sanity we Avould
be still branded as brigands as long as Ave did not
renounce our social aims Avhich are the natural next
step in the social progress of the AA-orld?
HoAvever, I did not write this letter in order to
criticize only. I have lived in America long enough
to become an admirer of your tremendous resourcefulness, your ability of initiative, your youthful
social vigor, unhampered by centuries of feudal
tradition, and I have dreamed, as many others have
dreamed, that America, because of these her assets,
Avill.be able to bring common sense into a world,
Avhich is noAV paying a horrible price for the inability of its ruling classes to admit that the twentieth century is a century of labor democracy. And
heaven knoAvs that I, and almost everyone of us
Avho believe in the Russian Revolution and in the
ultimate victory of Socialism, from the very outset
of the Avorld Avar have been partisans of the Allies.
Not that Ave for a moment renounced our convictions that class interests are the paramount issue
in every capitalist state. Yet Ave are no such fools
as not to see that modern industrial evolution,
Avhich inevitably leads to Socialism, is less hampered
—at least  normally  has   been—by  the   so-called
western democracy than by the rigid system of
Prussianism. Also the sentimental traditions of lib.
eral and revolutionary opportunity in France ia
Belgium, in England, in Italy and in America as
Avell as our Avhole-hearted disgust with those peculiarities of modern capitalistic materialism which
more pronouncedly than anyAvhere else are ex-
pressed in the Prussian system, have kept us distinctly in favor of an Allied victory—if this Avar
is to end in the victory of one or the other side. I
only wish that the Allies, including the United
States, Avould not have done everything in their
power to make it as difficultas possible for any real
radical to stick to those hopes!
But if the Avorld Avar is to end in an alliance of
imperialistic Germany and the Allies against radicalism and socialism all over the world—if the Russian venture is pressed to its logical conclusion-
then there of course is no choice for an honest radical betAveen the present belligerent groups. I do
not know that I can hope that this may be avoided,
Writing to you about these things, although I myself am pretty much losing any hope of response,
Ave still leave an opportunity to you to prove in some
concrete fashion that a capitalist state, confronted
Avith the problem of a rising Avorking class, has
other channeds to offer for the evolution than that
of a brutal class Avar.
Your experience in Russia up till today has, perhaps eA'en to your satisfaction, proven to you that
the best outcome of the situation Avould be to put
an end to the intervention, as long as it is not too
late. I met a government official not long ago who
told me frankly that the best hope he entertained
in regard to the Russian situation was that the Americans might be able to end the adventure at least
as easily as you ended your Mexican intervention.
I am afraid that that optimistic hope is not likely
to become a fact—if something is not done at once.
You Avere able to get aAvay from Mexico "with
honor." You Avere the masters of the situation
there, as far as your oavii actions Avere concerned.
In Russia, especially in Vladivostok, you are not—
your financial influence Avith the Allies notwithstanding. You may expect to do anything you want,
but you Avill have to do that, into which the Japanese and Russian reactionaries Avill draAV you—and
they knoAV more about how to complicate the Russian situation than your representatives knoAV Iioav
to avoid a complication.
If there is any hope of an honest ending of the>
present situation, it can be achieved only on tl.o
basis of actual negotiations Avith the ^ov'et Government. Today, I, as the representative of the Finnish
Workers' Republic, am officially sending your government a proposition of mediation betAveen Ameri~
ca and the Russian Soviets. Not that I for one moment belieA^e that such a proposition Avill be entertained, nor even acknoAvledged, but for the sake
of historic record I 'will put myself and our cause
doAvn as haA-ing done everything imaginable and-
consistent with our principles to avoid the calamity
of a general Avar betAveen the Russian people and
the Allies.
It may seem preposterous to some of your officials, and perhaps to you as well, that Ave, the unrecognized and uncouth representatives of the aspirations of the masses in the East, shall even expect a consideration of our propositions. But the
history of Avhat Ave are doing today, and of Avhat
you are doing or not doing, Avill be recorded a feAV
decenniums from now by historians of a period
Avhen the idea Ave represent today will have become the basis of the structure of the Avorld, and
it Avill be our society of tomorrow, Avhich will pass
judgment on your class of today.
(Lenin's speech Avas greeted with tremendous
enthusiasm, and a resolution Avas passed embodying
his recommendations.)
The International Revolution
[By N. Lenin]
Speech delivered before the All-Russian Soviet Executive Committee, Oct. 22, 1918.
I BELIEVE our present situation, despite all the
contradictions it contains, can be characterized
by tAvo theses: First, that Ave never before stood so
near to the international proletarian revolution as
at present; second, that Ave on the other hand never
found ourselves in a more dangerous position than
And the most serious part of our situation consists
in the fact that the broad masses of the people are
hardly aAvare of the danger that menaces them.
Therefore, it must be one of the principal tasks of
the Soviet representatives to make the present situation entirely clear to the broad masses—no matter
Iioav difficult this task may sometimes be. The
weightiest objection that Avas raised against the
Soviet Government, not only by the bourgeoisie but
also from the ranks of the loAver middle class that
had lost faith in Socialism, Avas that Ave allegedly
had begun the Socialist revolution in Russia in' a
reckless manner, as the revolution in Western Europe Avas not yet due.
Comrades, noAV in the fifth year of the Avorld Avar
the general collapse of Imperialism is an evident
fact; noAV it is clear that the revolution in all the
belligerent countries is unavoidable. We, hoAvever,
whose existence at the beginning Avas counted by
days or Aveeks, at the most, have done more in this
year of the revolution than ever has been done by
any other proletarian party in the world. The bourgeoisie no longer denies that Bolshevism is noAV an
international phenomenon. Of course, you knoAV that
the revolution has broken out in Bulgaria and that
the Bulgarian soldiers are organizing councils, or
Soviets, after the Russian model. Now comes the
neAvs that similar Soviets are in the process of being
organized in Serbia. The national bourgeoisie of the
various small states of Austria will not be able to
hold out. In Austria, too, the revolution of the Avorkers and peasants is knocking at the door everyAvhere.
In Germany the press already talks openly of the
abdication of the Kaiser and the Independent Social
Democratic Party noAV dares to speak of the German
republic. This certainly means something! The German revolution is already a fact. The military party
talks about it openly. In East Prussia reA-olutionary
committees have been formed; revolutionary slogans
are being uttered. The Scheidemann gang will not
remain at the helm very long; it does not represent
the broad masses of the people, and the proletarian
revolution in Germany is inevitable.
So far as Italy is concerned, the revolutionary
sentiment of the proletariat of that country is evident to us. When Gompers, the social patriot who
has turned himself over to the bourgeoisie, visited
the cities of Italy and preached patriotism to the
workers he was hissed out eAferyAvhere. During the
war the Italian Socialist Party has taken a big step
toAvard the Left. In France at the beginning of the
war the number of patriots among the Avorkers was
only too great, for it Avas declared that the soil of
France and Paris Avas menaced. But there, too,
the attitude of the proletariat is changing. When
a letter Avas read to the last convention telling what
mischief the Entente Avas up to in Russia there Avere
shouts of "Long live the Russian Republic" and
"Long live the Soviets!" Yesterday we got Avord
that at a meeting held in Paris 2,000 metal Avorkers
greeted the Soviet Republic.
And in England it is true that the so-called Inde-
dependent Labor Party has not openly entered into
an alliance with the Bolsheviki, but its sympathies
for us are constantly on the increase. The Socialist
Labor Parties of Scotland have even come out openly for the Bolsheviki.
This fact looms up before us entirely on its own
initiative: Bolshevism has become a Avprld theory
and the tactics of the international proletariat. And
the Avorkingment of all countries, who formerly
read only the lying and calumnious articles and
neAvs reports of the bourgeois press, are now beginning to take stock of what is happening in Russia. And when last Wednesday a demonstration
took place in Berlin, and the Avorkers—in order to
show their ill-Avill toward the Kaiser—wanted to
march in front of his palace, they then Avent to the
Russian Embassy in order thus to announce their
solidarity Avith the acts of the Russian Proletarian
So, Europe has got this far in the fifth year of
the Avar. Therefore, Ave also declare that Ave never
Avere so near to the Avorld-Avide revolution as we are
today. Our allies are millions and millions of proletarians in all countries of the Avorld.   But for all
that, I repeat that our situation never before was
so precarious as it is at present, because in Europe,
as well as in America, Bolshevism is being reckoned
Avith as a world power and a Avorld danger.
Immediately following the conclusion of the
peace of violence (Brest Litovsk) A\re began the
positive Avork of building up the Socialist republic.
As soon as as Ave gave an opportunity to the peasants actually to get along without the land OAvners,
and a chance to the industrial Avorkers to arrange
their oAvn life Avithout the capitalists, as soon as the
people understood that it could manage the State
itself, without slavery and exploitation, then it became clear to everyone, and also manifested itself
in practice, that no poAver and no counter-revolution in the Avorld Avould be able to overthroAV the
Soviet poAver, i.e., the government of the workers
and peasants. It required many months for us to
come to this conviction in Russia.
In the cities the revolution began to consolidate
itself already in November, 1917, but in the country it did not do so until the Summer of 1918. In
the Ukraine, on the Don, and in various other places,
the peasants haA*e had occasion to feel the power
of the Constituents and the Czecho-Slovaks in their
OAvn affairs. This required many, many months,
but our agricultural population comes out of the
struggle hardened. The peasants finally became
aAvare of the danger menacing them from the side
of the capitalists and the land OAvners, but Avere
not frightened, and merely said to themsebves: "We
haA-e learned much in a single year, but Ave shall
learn still more."
The West European bourgeoisie, that up to noAV
has not taken the BolsheA'iki seriously, is noAV becoming aAvare that in Russia a poAver has arisen
and stands there alone which is able to arouse true
heroism and a genuine spirit of self-sacrifice in the
masses. When this proletarian poAver began to infect Europe the bourgeoisie of the Avorld noted that
it, too, must reckon Avith this enemy. And so the
bourgeoisie began to unite more closely in proportion as Ave dreAV nearer to the proletarian Avorld
revolution which flared up, noAV here, now there.
Noav the situation for us, for the Russia of the
Soviets, has changed and events are following their
course at a quickened pace. Before, Ave had to deal
with tAvo groups of imperialistic robber States, that
were striving to destroy each other. But noAV they
have noticed, especially by the example of German
Imperialism, that their principal enemy is the revolutionary proletariat. By reason of this fact a neAv
danger for us has noAV arisen, a danger that as yet
has not quite unfolded itself, and is not yet fully
visible—the danger that the Anglo-French Imperialists are quietly preparing for us. We must keep
this danger clearly before our eyes so that we, Avith
the aid of the leaders of the masses, Avith the help
of the representatives of the Avorkers and peasants,
may make the broad masses of the people aware of
this danger.
In German Government circles AA'e may now observe tAvo lines of thought, tAvo plans for salvation,
as it were, if there can be any talk at all of salvation. One group says: "We want to gain time and
hold out until Spring; perhaps Ave may succeed in
Avinning by arms!" The other says that it is of the
greatest importance to arrive at an agreement with
England and France at the expense of the Bolsheviki. In this connection one might believe that betAveen the English and French on the one side, and
Germany on the other, a tacit agreement something
like this exists: "Don't you Germans leaA'e the
Ukraine so long as Ave haATe not arrived there. See
to it that the Bolsheviki don't get in, then every-
thing else will be adjusted." And the Germans
take great care to do so, for they knoAV that for
proved service they, too, will get some of the loot.
That is the judgment of the Anglo-French imperialists, for they very Avell understand that the
bourgeoisie of the occupied districts—Finland, the
Ukraine, or Poland—will not be able to hold its
ground a single day after the withdrawal of the
German garrisons. And the bourgeoisie of these
countries, who only yesterday sold their territory
to the Germans, are today offering their fatherland
to the English and the French. This conspiracy of
the bourgeoisie of all countries against the revolutionary workers and the Bolsheviki is constantly
becoming more clearly outlined and becomes cynically apparent. So it is our direct duty to point out
this danger to the Avorkers and peasants of all the
belligerent countries.
But for us, comrades, the German revolution is
favorable. Considering the poAver and the degree
of organization of the German proletariat, we may
believe that the German revolution -will develop
such poAver and will be so Avell organized that it
Avill solve a hundred international problems. Only
we must know hoAv to march in line Avith the German revolution, not to run ahead of it and injure
it, but to help it. And our comrades, the communists of the Ukraine, must bear this in mind. Our
principal Avork must be carrying on propaganda,
but a daring, persistent propaganda.
We must not forget that Germany forms the most
important link in the revolutionary chain. The success of the Avorld revolution depends to the greatest
degree upon Germany. We must not fail to consider the changes and excrescences accompanying
every revolution. In eA'ery country the revolution
folloAvs its particular Avays and these Avays are so
different and tortuous that in many countries thfl
revolution can be delayed one or tAvo years. Every
country must pass through definite political stages
in order to arriA-e at the very same point—the in-
eA'itable proletarian revolution. And although the
international proletariat is iioav awakening and
making important progress, Ave must confess that
our position is particularly difficult because our
enemies direct their attacks against us as their principal enemy. Noav they are preparing to fight, not
against the hostile armies, but against international
We must direct our entire attention at present to
our southern front, where the fate, not only of Russia, but also of the international revolution, is to be
decided. We have many prospects of Aictory . But
what favors us most of all is the fact that a change *
has taken place in the popular feeling. The people
have grasped the fact that in defending Soviet Russia it is not defending the interests of the capitalists,
but its own interests, its OAvn country and desires,
its factories and shops, its life and liberty. The
discipline of the Red Army is gaining, but it is not
a discipline of the club, but the discipline of Socialism, the discipline of a society of equals.
The army is turning out thousands of officers who
(Continued on Page Eight)
• i OTW
— '   i—i         ■ i»r    —t—  ■■'
Hi ■!.
■ '
i; IF (^
' fi.1
The Russian Policy in the Orient
K !/
[From New York "Nation"]
The following statement of the policy of the
Soviet Government in the Orient Avas contributed
by the chief of the Oriental division of the People's
Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, Arsene Yozne-
cienski, to the "New Orient." It is here translated
from the "New Yorker Volkszeitung of December
Our policy in the Orient has already been stated
in the peace decree unanimously adopted at the
session of October 26, 1917, of the All-Russian Congress of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. The imperial regime created in the East a
special sort of hidden annexation, based upon so-
called rights of European "concessions," or, as they
used to be called, "factories," and upon the institution of "capitulations"—the arrangement by
which persons belonging to foreign countries were
Withdrawn from the domestic jurisdiction and
thereby from the laws and regulations of Oriental
countries. Thus imperialist countries, supported by
the armed force which they had at their disposal on
foreign territory, consisting partly of their own
military forces and partly of native organizations
formed on the spot, created conditions in the Oriental states in which their citizens and their interests
were especially protected at the expense of the
Oriental state. They have their own "concessions";
that is, they have created for themselves settlements Avithin which the native population are on the
level of slaves or even are not permitted to remain
at all. They have put on the armor of complete
independence of the authority of the state in Avhich
they live, and in this Avay they have to a certain degree erected an unapproachable citadel from Avhich
they can gradually extend their poAver over the
subject peoples of the East. Although this state of
things may appear to have been sanctioned for centuries, Socialist Russia, from the first days of the
October revolution, has made known to the enslaA'ed
peoples of the East that it Avas not only ready itself
to renounce such rights," but that it Avould also
exert all its poAvers to secure, in union Avith the
peoples of the East themseh'es, the abolition of this
crying injustice and to make it possible for them
to win back again their lost freedom. We have abrogated all secret treaties Avhich the ruling classes
of Oriental countries had made Avith the Czar's
Government, Avhether from their oavh interest or
from fear of foreign violence, and by means of
which the masses Avere kept in subjection for decades and even for centuries. In the same Avay Ave
have withdrawn our troops from the occupied territory of Persia, and recalled our military instructors avIio Avere in command of a natiA'e army for the
protection of the interests of Russian capitalists and
the support of Persian absolution. We announced
to China that Ave renounce the annexations of the
Czars' regime in Manchuria, and that Ave restore
the sovereignty of China in those regions in Avhieh
lies the most important channel of trade and communication—the Chinese Eastern Railway, the
property of the Chinese as of the Russian people,
which has swallowed up many millions of the people's property and for this reason can belong only
to the tAvo peoples and to no one else. We intend
to permit China to acquire the interest of the Russian people (in that raihray) even before the date
aet by the contract that Avas forced on China, if
China repays the amount spent by the Russian
people on the construction of the road. We have
recalled all our consular guards Avhich the Czar's
Government, and the Kerensky Government likewise, had sent to China to maintain the autocracy
and arbitrary poAver of the old Russian bureaucracy. It is our purpose to renounce the right of
extra-territoriality of our citizens in China, Mongolia and Persia. We are ready to renounce all
those contributions which were imposed upon the
peoples of China, Mongolia and Persia under all
sorts of pretexts by the old Russian Government.
We wish only one thing, that these millions of the
people's property may be spent to the advantage of
the cultural development of the Oriental masses
and for the cause of Oriental democracy.
What an impression the October revolution has
made upon the masses of the people of the East is
easily conceived. The events in our country have
naturally found an echo first and foremost among
our eastern neighbors, and the great upheaval has
aAvakened in them an effort toward a new life. Not
even the official representatives of the capitalist
government are able to hide this fact from us. The
party that brought about the "coup d'etat" in
Russia is called in China, "huan-i-t'ang," the party
of the most far-reaching humanism. In Persia,
which is torn ro pieces and has no poAver in herself
to fight for her existence, there has nevertheless
arisen a movement Avhich rgeards the creation of
democratic organs, similar to our Soviets, as the
only means of salvation from the yoke of foreigners
and of the ruling classes who have sold them to
the foriegners. In south China, with its more
awakened population, open revolution already rages,
and Ave have ourselves received recently the admission of the leaders of this movement that the fact
of the eight months' existence of a Socialist gov-
ernment in Russia is alone sufficient to convince
the peoples of the East that they, too, need such a
new, firm order of society. There in the Far East,
also, the people are struggling against the secret
treaties that have been forced upon them. The representatives of revolutionary China have given public notice to all the democracies of the Avorld that
China does not recognize the recently-concluded
alliance Avith a neighboring poAver—a treaty Avhich
robs the Chinese people of the right to determine
for itself its oavii destiny and draAvs it irresistibly
into the bloody Avar.
Intelligible also is the great influence Avhich the
Russian reA'olution has had upon the capitalist system in Oriental countries. Already in February,
there Avas a rising of the Avorking masses of Tokio.
The movement was nipped in the bud by the Japanese GoA'ernment, and five of the most important
representatives of the embryonic Social-Democratic
party Avere arrested. The Japanese censorship
exerted itself morst zealously to precent any publicity regarding events in Russia. Our revolutionary Siberia is still threatened with foreign interference, and since April 5. moreover, a Japanese
detachment has occupied Russian soil. But in Japan
the struggle for the right of the people to determine their oavii destiny is slowly and surely beginning, and this struggle has also already had results
in the struggle OA-er intervention in Russia. The
man Avho must be regarded as the author of the
Japanese intervention policy—a representative of
the dying but still strong feudal system, Count
Monoto, the former ambassador to Russia, who
stands in close relation with the Russian reactionary "emigres" who have fled to Japan—Avas obliged
to leaA-e his office. Today, the chief opponents of
intervention are the moderate liberal elements Avho
Avould, indeed, be glad to get from us certain definite advantages for themselves by peaceful means,
but Avho do not Avish to create in Russia an everlasting enemy of themseh-es. ' They understand
fully that interference in Russian affairs might
shape in momentous ways our mutual relations and
also, possibly, the history of the Avhole further development of the Far East.
We are ready to concede to the Japanese citizens
who desire to develop the natural resources of Siberia opportunity to take a larger part in our industrial and commercial life. We declare ourselves
ready also, in case China Avill agree, to renounce
our rights to a part of the Chinese Western Railway
and to let Japan take by purchase the southern subsidiary lines of this road.   WTe are also ready  to
grant every possible facility in regard to both ex.
port and import of Japanese Avares to and from
Russia. We are also ready to reneAv the cummer-
cial treaty and the fishery treaty with Japan, the
latter of which is the basis of popular welfare for
Japan, the Russian fish being not only the most iin-
poriant element of the food of the Japanese public
but an almost indispensable fertilizer for their rice.
fields. The Japanese Government is informed as to
these intentions of our and a formal exchange of
AieAvs concerning them has already taken place.
The Japanese people should know this. They
should be aware how far Ave are ready to go to meet
their wishes and Avhat significance this has for them.
But perhaps it is kept secret from them, like so
much else that happens in Russia. Perhaps the Japanese people are not even aware that the Russian
people are eager to offer .them their hands to build
up Russo-Japanese relations on a sounder and firmer
basis. The Japanese public should knoAv that if
this is not done, if our outstretched hand is not
taken, the blame falls on those classes in Japan who,
knowing all this well, have kept it secret from the
Japanese people for the sake of their own predatory interests. If it should happen that Japan, fooled
and blinded by its military class, decides on a reek-
less step against the Russian reA'olutionaries in
order to stifle them, then the Avorking classes of
Russia Avill rise like one man to the defence of their
greatest and dearest good—the Avinning of the
Socialist reA'olution.
[The Paris "Populaire" of Xovember 10 has a
summary of events in Russia from Xovember,
1917, to Xovember, 1918.]
LONDON, Jan. 2.—Russian affairs are causing
the British foreign office considerable anxiety, says
the Mail. The necessity of formulating a definite
Allied policy as to Russia is extremely urgent and
it has been decided that the Russian question Avill
be the first to be discussed at the peace conference.
The International Revolution
(Continued From Page Seven)
have gone through the course of study in the neAV
proletarian military schools, and other thousands
avIio have only gone through the hard school of Avar
itself. Our southern front is the front against the
whole Anglo-French imperialism, against the most
important opponent Ave have in the Avorld. But Ave
do not fear this opponent, for we know that it wiP
soon face the struggle with its "internal enemy."
Three months ago it was said that only the half-
crazy Bolsheviki could believe in the German revolution; but today Ave see how in the course of a few
months Germany has changed from a mighty empire to a rotten tree trunk. The force that has overthrown Germany is also Avorking in England. It is
only weak today, but Avith every step that the Bng-
Iish and French advance in Russia, this force Avill
steadily rise to power and Avill even become more
terrible than the Spanish influenza.
The seriousness of the situation must be apparent
to every worker who knows what he is aiming at
and he must make the masses see it, too. The mass
of Avorkers and peasants is mature enough to be
allowed to know the whole truth. The danger is
great, but Ave must, and shall overcome it, and for
this purpose Ave must develop and solidify the Re J
Army without halting. We must make it ten times
as strong and large as it is. Our forces must grow
Avith every day, and this constant growth will give
us guarantee, as before, that international Socialism
Avill be the victor.
Propaganda meetings every Sunday at 8 p.m. at
Columbia Theatre and Royal  Theatre.


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