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The Red Flag Mar 23, 1919

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The ultimate Wcision
or Socialism shall control the
dered to the United States. As American capitalism i* now the arbiter of international imperialism,
Oh the American proletariat will become the arbiter
of international Socialism. Thfa imposes a great
responsibility upon American Socialism, determines
ft* problems and the international character of its
policy. . . .
Even now, .after the accomplishments of the war,
the enormous power of American capitalism fa uot
fully appreciated, it is not appreciated because of
the rapid ending of the war, of America's small
sacrifice in men; one must probe below the surface
to understand the decisive role of the United State*
in the war But fact* are facts. The United States
provided the men and tnhnitions that steadied the
wavering front in France, providing means for .the
offensive; and it provided that deceptive ideology
of democracy which steadied the wavering morale
world will- be ren-   and purposes of industrial unionism, yet
jllSsw€£^ petty bourgeois
eeptfen of the revolution. To attack the
unionism has made infinitely larger strides fa proletariat rallied by the I. W. W. as a "1
Great Britain, Australia and chambers ahaa ft kos pro^terfat^titetjsia^^,
in the United States. Thi American Labor Union, of the fundamental defect of the * VP. fa.
twenty yean ago, formulated the industrial union its petit bourgeois ideology, which, while it ra-
program, but ft went the way of all flesh; the jerted the, gradual peaceful conquest of power by
Western Federation of Miners adopted industrial the Socialist ju^ris^ aeee^ « eo^ fak
unionism, waged inepiring struggle* against capi- lactone policy, ti». gradual,>e***ful ennemsA e|
un, and  then waa captured by the reaction;   power by the proletariat through orgsniring tl
the Industrial Workers of the World started wfth
groat purposes and expectetion*, contributed a
vital and sggressrra spirit; to* our movement, in
spite of all its fault*; but the I W. W. fa incapable of rallying the revolutionary proletariat, and
never builded definitely upon the bssfa of ftp
rokfagementa,;.«>>iit, .d.< .-,,
Why? Therp are a large number of reasons, material and ideologic; but one alone that can be
considered here, and that is the petit bourgeois
spirit    that    animates    American    Socialism—the
of the French, British and Italian*, t£atjeduccd   Socte^,^ Forty. Af* these■ great instinctive
large sections of the maroes. and, in Britain, Bel;   ^u. ^Jf§^S^M^W^ M
*"* ^J^^Lt^^4 '*?&£& M££ 4S WJteSiSs! i**mm organisation and
and Uborisiu. The threat of American capitalism rtrugg|e, a pew ia^ogy, *«». Wng developed,
to Socialism fa not alone, physical, it fa equally   met the open hostilftyor lack of understanding   1imt0 ■**"%* W*** to* **$ >f perttamentor-
majority of the worsting claas into industrial
unions. The Socfalfat Party majority waa even
worse—it rejected the Lt.'t. whifa sorvfag top
monstrous reaction of the American Federation of
Labor,—its attitude toward the new ides* compounded of hypocrisy and animosity. American
Soeialfam haa not yet developed a realfatic, revolutionary policy—a policy that i* instinct in the
struggle* of the proletariat—a policy able to arouse
integrate and direct the revolutionary energy of
the proletariat,, c'..ui^.x>i '»...• ;-.i w «a.- o$ ■;>'   <kl
The petit bourgeofaie i* the slave of the illusions
of democracy, ' avoids tho > implacable industrial
st i nggle, rejects movements and struggles that te>4
moral; moral, in the sense that its deceptive denu
cracy is a splendid means for promoting imperialism and seducing the masse?.      ,'■'■,
The United States has become a world power.
It will maintain that position—potential of evil—
unless the proletariat acts tor Socialism. American
capitalism is perhaps the most highly developed in
the world, the most efficient, the mightiest; it controls a large section of the world's richest territory,
bursting with natural wealth; it has tremendous
resources of raw materials within its own borders
flaaatt'  afa^tult' ■aUJlitf aa^a^^daaatfaattaafclml''^' ifaSi WaP      paginal    u4uaPi  ' fgutBITel'lm_
■•Hi  T^uWWftiteSrw.f*^^ -dpWtemawlaV arhwrnT    UJJVMl   IIIC CltlCll-
dous resources of Mexico. Central and South
America, convert them into means of conquest.
Imperialistic finance capital nowhere is a* aggressive, commands as much power, as in the United
State*. The wealth of the United States > is twice
as large as that of Great Britain—which fa much
more wealthy than its nearcat rival. And this
wealth fa ."imply a symbol expressive of the enor-
capacity tor productivity inherent in Atneri-
cf Socialism. Instead of accepting these forces a*
the initial expression of new tactics and forms of
action/ tlu; dominant Socialism tried to compress
thci' within the stulifying limits of petit bourgeois
and parliamentary Socialism—make them serve the
end* of the middle class and petty 'bourgeois,
''liberal" democracy. The Socialist Labor Party,
which was an active force in the Initial develop-
ism; thb petit bourgeofaie pursues an anaemic policy, a routine activity, chained fa the old and rejecting or camouflaging the new—refuse* to consider the actual problems of the revolution and the
violent struggles ftecfswry to realise the revolution. What the American proleteriat requires to
Soeialfam that' has snapped asunder its petit
sMasue* to the proletariat the
bourgeofa fetters, thai
ment of the new unionism .savagely attacked it   clear call to the revolutionary struggle—and which
and the I. W. W. when they did not pursue the   the proletariat will yet answer.
Pfpain, like ali8*thW ee*
the unrest of itei^woiflt In*
The worker* in Spain are very poorly organised
y-Jt all over the country strike* are occurring,
whieh, while' without apparent connection with
each other, have taken on the complexion of in-
The agreement of the Negro and native population of South A?rfe> Jo refrain f^rompotitieal agi-
tation for-the duration of the war Was formally
renounced at a mam meeting of the colored citi-
rona of Ciaremont called .by mo African Political
Organisation. An aggressive campaign of organ-
duatrial revolt*, revolutionary in their tendencies, view to combating daserrarhfarina i
Ifani^terfinv |awcr: The United State*   *» eue^ ^****} «!■*'«»**■ WwBtk
navy, ha* proved that it can easily   eiansss  appear to he pantoatrickm.  Bolshevism "*** action the African
army, and fa laying plan* for the   hs* reared it* head, they say, and it fa recalled
faatfoa and
take to
largest navy in tho world; and will retain universal military service in one form or another. Ameri-
physical reserve* for
« of the
tke^Art e^lhssW ***
- wwmmypmmwmw ■■> mm- ■ m^mmawmm.f     eaaaaw
ion may
of socislfaa-
that some year* ago, Trotsky paid a vfait to the
country whll^' a;|i^;wpBe,ago Lenine wm' re- ^jgi   SOVIETS IN GERM ANY
lMirted fa be in Barcelona. The police are round- Throe   workmen** .council*   "will   not
ing up all Bussian* and other foreigners suspect participate int
of Bolshevist tendencies, for deportation, some eight fatorJn oMormt. worlontom and factoitos, butalm
thousand having been regfatered in Barcelona Just ** ""•Ww**" *»* ***« production snd dfatribu-
so Ii Ii n ilalf BT^tiftl   „wj,!*„,   w «x *i*r tloB e^WiJro end Ukewfae
so ri minoegftttosorve the problem; just ao, the ,       ^  tendering advice
ostrich think, to hide himself by burying hfa head respecting all leatolatioToTa a
• -,   \jrnX .'( ■« i>a*J  ' >5   -                                *        '             "■ rrrm    *w^^^ss ■ rfPw.*-*'iroteWlr*"^s*roi^«us,.n» wmsumempa»..sjraennr
totoesanuV eharaetor^ tssiij*^^
.Vevcrtheles* Soviet Bussia fa serving as an in- no such fegfajetfan without prevjfasmiy consulting
spiration to the proletariat of Spain as the follow- thj Soviets The eabinct. has, further promfacd
ing quotation from* the Christian Science Monitor ^^reduce a l»w spd has ac<w|rte4 ami under-
wiH show. '?Thm ^*
1W»« .ia te.1«tMaa aaAs*^. 1^ and to.enbmlt sll offences oven by the military
Tmtro de Marvillas fa the Coatro Caminoo, nery to^civilian tribunals.'*
*ptechos were made by such advanced element* r   Thfa development in Germany ha* had a pro-
at Evaristo 43U, Manuel Sains, Garcia Cortes, and
Vfajtofa Gonsales. Gil said that Socialism was
about to triumph^all over the world;
riared that Busafa. ^ejeyfam m
was the essence, of Soeialfam, and that Spanfah
SoefaHste were disposed 1o implant it in their with the general confederation of labor, which
I   ^^"^"wHtto^ is a revolutionsry organisation, and demand nt-
eft^ti^a^                                                           .*"*■'%?- ?*»&* *• ** tfc»*te»t^ .of.ati pubtic perviem. Teaterday th#
S^^llSl!Z2*%L~5!"sfSS'*M%*^   n0t 1w *>p«*«Wn* ** % ecting and what they following resolution was adopted:
Croro^^h^                                        ^^t WM ^-^«P^poo^ m te ,  ««A^,*oy^
BWBoek^^wrll^S^^                            t^06USL,rt' « ft wro ealled by th. hour- tcrnri  greeting to the orgmifaation of waking
^a£2?£^^                                           r*** "^ U *--1 *V ^ the worhi Garcia men and unrdertake to make the neemsary propa-
aenvemrro.                                                            ^ ^ ^t H moM amane^ i^ morain9 ganda to bring incut a speedy !soee^ oftim
Te^llll,2l^2^        **""*■ ** km« ** * "" *** ■* *• *«»««ie administrative proletariat of the general confederal
The American radtoal labor move-   means, he could not be really free. tion of labor."                    ',
These physical reserve* are supplemented by
In no other large nation fa the labor
as reactionary as in tho United States;
to no other large nation fa organised Socialism as
loose, m purposeless, ss petty bourgeois, as in the
United States. Should Groat Britain, France and
Italy decide upon complete military intervention
to Bussia, the revolutionsry proletariat may march
into action—surely in France and Italy; but should
the United States decide upon thfa brutal military
adventure, the American proletariat on the whole
will atqaJsjero. and ite representatives will manufacture justidcations for the offensive against
Socialism and. the coming new dvilfaation. And all
this, not because the American proletariat fa not
pomeawd of reserves for action, but because of tho
organfaattena of thfa proleteriat—Thfa fa one aa-
■MMit  tmf m» nwMma   -
Jppw.Oa aJaw jmvutcaaa.
Thi American proletariat haa an inspiring hfa.
found effect to France. Bmployees of public asr»
>ioc*. of the railway* and of the state, dosJioiit at
winning the right of collaborating wfth the government for realisation of labor reforms and with
other kindred aims have decided to join hand*
things. .   .;-....    ..*
■ .
of the
Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic
Chapter Five
ion of the
9. The fundamental problem of the Constitution
of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic
involves, in view of the present transition period,
the establishment of a dictatorship of the urban and
rural proletariat and the poorest peasantry in the
farm of a powerful All-Russian Soviet authority,
far the purpose of abolishing the exploitation of
men by men and of introducing Socialism, in which
there will be neither a division into classes nor a
state of autocracy.
10. The Russian Repubik is a free Socialist society of all the. working people of Russia. The entire power, within the boundaries of the Russian
Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, belongs to all
the working people of Russia, united in urban and
rural Soviets.
11. The Soviets of those regions which differentiate themselves by a special form of existence and
national character may .unite in autonomous regional unions, ruled by the local congress of the Soviets
and their executive organs.
These autonomous regional unions participate in
the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic
upon the basis of a federation.
separated from the state and the school from the
church, and the right of religious and anti-religious
propaganda is accorded to every citizen.
14. For the purpose of securing the freedom of
expression to the toiling masses, the Russian Federated Soviet Republic abolishes all dependence of
the press upon capital, and turns over to the work-
19. For the purpose of defending the victory of
the great peasants' and workers' revolution, the
Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic recognizes the duty of all citizens of the republic to
come to the defence of their Socialist fatherland,
and it. therefore, introduces universal military
training. The honor   of defending   the   revolution
ing people and the poorest peasantry all technical with arm* is given only to the toilers, and the
and material means of publication of newspapers, toiling elements arc charged with the performance
pamphlets, books, etc., and   guarantees   their free of other military duties,
circulation throughout tiie country. 20. In consequence of the solidarity of the toil-
15. For the purpose of enabling the workers to ers of all nations, the Russian Socfalfat Federated
hold free meetings, the Russian Federated Soviet Soviet Republic grants all political rights of Rue-
Republic offers to the working class and to the sian citizens to foreigners who live in the territory
poorest peasantry furnished halls, and take cam of of the Russian republic and are engaged fa toil and
their heating and lighting appliances. who belong to the   toiling   class.   The   Russian
16. The Russian Federated Soviet Republic, hav- Socialist Federated Soviet Republic also recognizes
ing crushed the economic and political power of the
propertied classes and having thus abolished all
obstacles which interfered with the freedom, of organization and action of the workers and peasants,
offers assistance, material and other, to the workers and the poorest peasantry in their effort to
unite and organize.
17. For the purpose of guaranteeing to the work-
tile right of local Soviets   to grant   citizenship to
such foreigners without complicated formality.
21. The Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic offers shelter to all foreigners who seek
refuge from political or religious persecution.
22. The Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, recognizing equal rights of all citizens, irrespective of their racial or national   connections,
f>     I't, .~~.    ~'^»*.«.o    »v»   •uuwuugc,    lilt    1VU
U. lhe supreme power of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic sets itself   the' task of
Feocratcd Soviet Republic belongs to the AH-Rus- furnishing full and general   free education   to the
sian Congress of Soviet*, and, in periods between workers and the poorest peasantry.
ers real access to knoweldge, the Russian Socialist    proclaims all privileges on thfa ground ss well aa
oppression of national minorities, to be in contradiction with the fundamental laws of the republic
the convocation of the congress, to the AU-Russian
Central Executive Committee.
13. For the purpose   of securing lo the   toiler*
real freedom   of conscience,   the   church   i* to be
to Relation to
18. The Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic considers work the duty of every citizen of
the republic, and proclaims as its motto: "He shall
not eat who does not work."
23. Being guided by the interests of the working
class as a whole, the Russian Socialist Federated
Soviet Republic deprives all individuals and groups
which could be utilized by them to the detriment
of the Socialist Revolution:
tCoBttauad from Paaa
and to save another $7,000,000 on advertising.'' The '^level-headed,'' faced by similar facts
everyday recognize that competition is inefficient
and costly. The demand for economic co-operation
grows daily.
The present day tendency toward social ownership may answer the charges based on the alleged
benefits of competition, well enough ,* but at the
same time it presents a serious problem to revolutionary socialists. This tendency supports the highest of bourgeois ideals—state socialism—ownership,
through the state, by an economically dominant
class of not only the means of production but of
the very persons of the proletariat. It fa true that
state sociailsm would demonstrate that the bourgeois form a "superfluous class." but mankind is
not likely to arise to action from deductions.
On the other hand, it relieves to some extent the
necessity for revolt;
orous objection from the Socialist groups in France
Mid Great Britain. The follpwing protest by Jean
Longuet appeared in the Populaire (Paris) of January 24.
It might have been hoped that with the cessation
oi hostilities the food situation in Europe would at
once improve and rapidly become normal. The
event proves quite otherwise. The mad policy of
the ruling classes aggravates further the evil which
it was hoped might be cured after the armistice,
and there is no longer a single country on the continent where the situation docs not appear alarming. The blockade, maintained rigorously not only
against Germany and Central Europe but against
Russia and all Eastern Europe, causes a tragic
state of things. In Western Europe and in particular in France capitalistic speculation cynically
gives itself reign. The absurd slowness with which
waa voted by
Social   Revolutionary
for it is from   a glut   in the ' demobilization is effected and tile consequent reten-
4, world's labor market that a thoroughly proletarian
revolution, the realization of the ideals of the re-
- -«-'     proleteriat fa impossible.
olution is most advantageous,  and the time   is at
hand when the need of   widespread   revolutionary
and economic and   political education
urgent—FfW. T.
tion under the colors of millions of idle men explain the more and more intolerable increase in the
cost of living. In the north the lamentable way in
which the food supply is being; handled explains
the scandalous situation there. So in different ways
the continent fa filled with catastrophic*.
At Paris the suppression of price regulation, freeing the appetite for speculation, makes us pay a
franc for an egg and tea francs a pound for butter.
And all the rest is in proportion.
In Germany there fa no longer any   	
the situation is terrible The Manchester Guardian
announces that the blockade there fa enforced more
vigorously than before the armistice.   Mr.   Henry
Nevinson, an eminent journalist,  has published in
__^__^___^.   sjiverument to Bussia and had    tiie Daily News a tragic description  of  what he
sent detachment* of tre«m with no good result*    fonnd in the hospitals  of  Cologne:   "Although I
owing to the impossibility of an agreement Over    have seen many horrible   things in the world," he
aa^aa     ^aiam 4haiaaaiMaaA^Bi     mmmmmm    aaaaaa^kaawaakaUan
VLADIVOSTOK. Siberia March 17.-(Delayed)
•—The Russian proas comment on the League of
Nation* fa satirical, pointing to the results of Allied occupation of Siberia as an object lesson. Tho
Allies, ft fa pointed out, had decided to restore
order and good
the methods to bo followed. The real remit hi
loss of Allied prestige in Russia.
The situation in the country fa generally worse
than last autumn and Bolshevik pffilHtif fa apparently growing.
writes, "I have seen nothing so pitiful a? these
rows of babies feverish from want of food, exhausted, by privation to the point that their little
limbs were like slender wands, their expression
hopeless, and their faces full of pahs.''
The following resolution
Russian   congress   of the
Party,; *   •fi
Russia should only be restored by her own
efforts, independently of any foreign influence.
Only complete liberty can bring a normal
development and save the country from enslavement' by foreign capital! The attempt*
made hy the Entente Imperialists—under the
pretext of aiding Russia or combating anarchy
—to conquer by military means a parTof Russian territory, are interference fa Russia's
fnternal affairs, and are absolutely hostile to
the interest* of the working classes. Russian
democracy unanimously demands the im- .
mediate evacuation of the territories occupied
by Entente troops.
The "Temps" Oorrosnondenl Converted!
Btft it fa not only Russian Soefahate who ham.
been; denouncing intervention.  The Russian correspondent of the Temps, who fa now returning
to France, has caught Bolshevism, and an article
of hfa which the Temps would not publish fa
summarized in  Humanitc of February lt^Aftor-
declaring that the original purpose of the Allied
expedition to North Russia no longer exists, the
correspondent (M. Nadeau) points out that nine-
te.iths of the- elected member* of the eoi
assembly were representative of Socfalfat
all of which have now declared their opywuw
to intervention. M. Naudesu aay* that a surprising,
reorganization of Russia fa being effected by the
The Bolshevik*, those pitiless uWtlojeja
are gifted wfth extraordinary energy and a
rare capacity for organization. Intervention fa
regarded by the whole of Russia as an attempt
to restore the Tsarism; snd no nation haa the
ngnt to cripple tne social experiment oeguu
a year ago in Russfa.
These correspondents have a way of seeing
things In not quite the same light aa their Paris,
and, shsll we aay, when we think of Philip* Priee,
their London and Msnr tenter editors.—From tike
"Lshor Leader," February 27.
v f*tp i
* *,
[Mr. John Hickman's capacity to judge the Rus-
lian situation may be gathered from the fact that
he was in Russia from September, 1916, to October, 1918, and returned via Vladivostok. He wa»
working for the Friend*' War Victim** Relief
Fund and came into touch with the people aa a
country physician.—-Editor.)
An the Bolsheviks Fulfilling the Requirements of
the Russian People? Is Their Government
Popular? b it Stable?
The Bolsheviks came into power largely because
the other candidate*, perhaps through no fault
of their own, did not appear to be giving the
people what they wanted, because the constituent.
assembly seemed likely to repeat the faults of the
prviou* government* and to embarrass the movement toward* freedom by compromises with a class
which had alwaya held power. Having gained
power the Bolsheviks more slowly gained popularity.
The Social Revolutionary right party had on its
programme the nationalizing of the land, but it
iield the idea that the Socialist programme must
eome *lowly; it was in.favor of disposing of the
estates only when the peasants were resdy for
them. Lenin incorporated the land question into
the revolutionary movement by hi* order: "Peasant*, wise the land." Thi* did not, however, make
Bolshevism popular, the peasants remarking.
''Lenin did not give us the land; we took it." The
movement of the workmen to take possession of the
factories wa* more properly attributed to the Bolsheviks, but it did not in my opinion make that
party popular.
The General Social Programme: Ten years' Trial
It was, I think, the general social programme
of the Mcscow .Revolutionaries which commended
itself to tU^MhX which slowly took shape and
may be judged in the constitution (Fundamental
l*w)  of the^Russian Socialist Federated Soviet
Republic, adopted, July 10, 1918. The Bolshevik*
Have attempted to deal with the
fundamental problem; the abolition of exploi- _
tation of men by men, the entire abolition of
the division of the people into  classes, the,
suppression of exploiters, the establishment of .
a "Socialist  Society,"   (Constitution, Article
1, chapter 2, paragraph 3).
Great masse* of the people, of course, remained
in ignorance.of the real mjaning of "the establishment of a Socialist society." It was interpreted to
them as being the organization of a state on principles very similar to their village communes, and
the peasant* thinking that as good or better than
any alternative that had met yet, did not giro
their aJle^enee to ft  but showed e««^s. to   J£-■ ^ImnT*^^**
see whether ft would work  They knew that no   g£ gV ^ gj ^ ^^ ^ w
paragraph 4 coincided wfth the Russian sentiment* on war. Accordingly the treaty of Brest-
l.itovosk came as no surprise, and I heard in a'i
t!.e time I was in Roma no workman Or peasant
dfaparage it.
The educational programme of the Bolsheviks
commended itself to the people ss being the most
generous that had been placed before the public,
and the seal with whieh ft was carried out seemed
to the people to indicate that the energies of the
government were turning principally to internal
reform*. The wishes of the people were studied,
not only in broad principles, but to details. "For
the purpose of enabling the workers to hold free
meetings the Russian Socfalfat Federated Soviet
Republic offers to the working class and the
poorest peasantry furnished halls, and takes care
of their heating and lighting appliances." Constitution—article 2, chapter 5, paragraph 15). Libraries were opened in the villages and theatres in
all the towns and were maintained at the public
The First Baal Test of Popularity
The popularity whieh the Bolshevik government
earned by its measures was not seriously tested
till the spring of 1918, because it bad no serious
t-ivuls who could call for the allegiance of the
people on the strength of their programme for
internal reforms. In the early summer, when civil
war wa* financed from abroad and supported at
home by large sections of the upper efasses, the
Prat real teat came. Districts which had tried both
the Bolshevik regime and that set up under the
Czech* when free to do so reverted to Bolshevism.
Tlie Czechs were forced to retire from the Volga
to the Urafa because of uprising* among the people. The Soviet of Vladivostok was returned at
the July election though the "Redo** were fa
prison. From the Urals to the eastern coast the
people were discontented wfth the directorate and
preferred a return to the Soviets.
No body of people I met feared the Bolshevik
government except the rich merchant and landowning classes, and among them I noticed a phenomena not uncommonly seen in the last few years,
that supreme sacrifices are easier to ask for and
easier to make in many cases than smaller ones.
When all rich people were losing their property
it was not in accordance wfth the temperament
of the better Russian to display great grief at an
irreparable loss. I think there was hardly more
grumbling than occurred in England over jhe
budgets and the insurance act of a recent government. Through their losses some perceived, often
with  mixed    feeling*,    the    increasing    sense of
government in Russia had thus far been satisfactory so they said they would give the Bolsheviks %
-     ten year* before they would judge if it was really       The Bolsheviks, in the opinion of the writer,
good or not. Such patience waa not found in Mos-    ,|sed the repudiation of the foreign dnhte as a
j    cow, nor apparently fa foreign countries. ,neeauro~of internal petitiea, when the
In Line With FfrMT'frfi Sentiment Against War
Under the federal system great liberty wee given
to each province and county for the development
of its own ideas and government and in thfa Way
the difficult problems connected wfth mixed
populations were partly solved.
The bresking up of the empire into small unit*
and  their  reunion into tho Socfalfat Federated
Republic gave support to one of the chief mums
of Bolshevik popularity; that the war which waa
gg$he Tsar should be ended by the people;
intention of "breaking secret treaties,
of organising on a wide scale the fraternfaation
of the worhers and peasants of the belligerent
armies, and of all efforts to conclude a 'general
democratic peace without annexation** or indemnities, upon a basis of the free determination •of
the people*." (Constitution—article 1, chapter 3,
loath to assume any obligations contracted by the
Tsar, but would in time hsve persuaded the people
willingly to pay interest on the foreign loans he-
rouse they realized that no further
lent to them unless they did.
believe that the condition of finances
the Bolsheviks compares favorably wfth that of
Knssia except under JBusetere of Finance Ksnkrtn
and Reitern, or with the present sdminfatration
fa Siberia before it reintroduced vodka 4Hefff»g
a* a source of revenue. It fa possible that
criteria may ham to be formed before it is
to come to definite judgments regarding the
cial condition of a community that lasses "to
establish a Socialist society'* and eliminate the
am as far a* possible of currency."—From the
"Labor Leader."
The capitalist gutter pre** fa remarkable for its
consistency fa some respects. Concerning the work*
ers in any tend, particularly where the workers
have become-a power, ft lie* consistently, viciously
and stupidly. How many times ham we not had
rehashed the mythical story of the nationalisation
of women in Russia. Following the Western Leber
Conference, the Calgary "Herald" repeated the
story culled from the London "Times" stating
that ft MUST be true else the "Times" would
never have printed it. Now comes tho Vancouver
"Sun," organ of indisputable veracity, and gives
again, in another form, the old story of Bolshevist
immorality. Yet, truth will out, and sometimes,
per accident urn, gleams of light radiate even from
the gutter.
The Vancouver "World," for instance, (March
10th, 1919) gives tho following:
"CHICAGO, March 10.—Mrs. Rafass IsHnonsson*,
of Petrograd, who fa at present in Chicago, hap
exploded the popular impression about the "Socialization" of 50,000,000 Russian women—by lawmaking them brides of different men for a year at
s time, the men to hsve their pick.
"Russia haa a funny paper called 'Mucha.'"
explained Mrs. Lomonssoff. "It fa similar to your
'Puck' or 'Judge.' Now when the Soviet government established the revised rules of marriage,
>nore strict in the protection of the virtue of
voroen thsn the old laws, the anarchists saw their
chance to pit the church against the Bolsheviks—
the Isttcr two being enemies of the anarchists. The
anarchists began to deride the Bolsheviks and
called the marriage plan 'free love.'
"The paper 'Mucha'—which means 'housefly' in
English—saw the chance to poke a little fun, took
up the anarchists' humorous cry snd 'spread' on
it. Copies of it fell into the hands of Americans,
English and others, and translated ft seriously.
Meanwhile the Russian state church, seeing its
chance and being 'sore' over having it* monopoly
knocked out, made an issue out of it, capitalized
the burlesquing publicity, and roused the world.'*
Added to thfa can be given the denials of persons acquainted with recent Russian events, mob
as Louise Bryant, John Reed, and even the old
lady now being toted around America by John O.
Rockefeller and Cleveland II. Dodge, Madame
Catherine Breshovsky. -n
With the bourgeoisie it has been a favorite argument that competition is a source of progress,
that Socialism fail* to provide competition, and
that, therefore, Socialism is baneful to progress.
We have steadily doubted their major premise.
With its adulteration of goods, its wasteful expenditure on advertising, its disturbing short-lived
"bubble" and general cost of disorganization, as its
liability, the financial competition of capitalism did
not seem to us to have-given sufficient improvement .
in the quality of goods or the efficiency of their distribution to make up a satisfactory credit. What
improvement there has bean could better be attributed to further development of scientific theory
of theory, independent of competi-
argufag wfth the 'level-headed'' we
likely to meet wfth success; they had
point secured an evasive position.
But now the question appears in a new light. Another of Engel's prophesies is being fulfilled. Socialism will not supply economic competition; and it
gradually becomes evident that capitalism haa long
since begun to fail in the same respect Competition, being a form of disorganization, fa inefficient;
and. consequently, cannot survive, even under a
capitalist regime. The report on state operation of
the United States railroads shows that "the
abandonment of competition has made it possible
to save $1,500,000 annually on legal expenses, to
consolidate ticket agencies, thereby saving $23r
(Contlnuad on Pa*a Seven)
i m- •• *
'fc .
aaa .
e/j-i <i;«fii >trtT.
V,# $, :i     "l|
The influence of the Russian revolution, which
was at first enormous but was arrested by the
withdrawal of Russia from the WW. has revived
and been intensified by the revolutions fa Central
Europe. There fa in the working class a profound
distrust of parliament and politicians, and an increasing tendency to disbelieve fa the efficacy of
parliamentary methods. The advocates of "direct
action'' are increasing fa number daily. Them have
been striking examples of ta efficacy ha the sue-,
cessful resistance of Ulster to Home Rule for Ire-
tend, the refusal of Mr. Bavctoch Wilson to allow
Internationalist* to cross the channel, and such
successes as that of the police strike fa London and
the retaliation of the electricians against the manager of the Albert Haft when he refused ft for a
labor meeting—until his light was rut off, when he
yielded at once. The Conservative press, with
fatuous blindness, applauded Sir Edward Carson
and Mr. Havelock Wilson, forgetting that others
could play at their game.
Moreover, the result of the general election has
strengthened the hands of the advocat* of "direct
action.'' Only half thef electors took the trouble to
vote, and an illogical electoral system has resulted
fa a House of Commons which does not properly
represent the voters The poll of the Labor Party
entitled it to twice as many members as it has obtained, the Opposition Liberals are even more*
under-estimated, and the Unionist party has a clear
majority of the house, whereas the voting showed
(From New York "Dial," March 8.)
that it fa in a minority in the country. Were the
representation of the various parties fa the House
of Commons even approximately proportionate to
their respective polls, the ministerial coalftftn
would have a moderate majority instead of aa
overwhelming one and that majority would depend
on the Liberal members of the coalition, whereas
at the present moment the Unionists alone ham a
majority over all the other parties put together.
Parliament fa in consequence more dfacrodUad
than ever and it has even been propoood that the
Labor members should refuse, like the Sinn Fein-
crs, to take part in its proceedings. The proposal
has not been adopted, but it is significant that it
should even have been made Nobody suppose*
that the present parliament can fast very long. The
soldiers, very few of wht.m were able to vote, wili
demand another general election after the detnobi-
xatiou is completed. Mr. Lloyd George has threatened a dissolution if he fa thwarted fa hfa policy.
That he recognizes the necessity of a thoroughly
democratic policy is certain and there can be no
doubt as to his skill and intelligence. But ft fa unlikely that he will be able to regain the confidence
of the workmen as a body, nor has he a sufficiently
profound grasp of the factors in the situation. He
is extraordinarily skilful in dealing with the diffi-
vulty of the moment, but be sometimes does so in
such a way as to create further difficulties in the
future. Just before the poll of the general election,
he suddenly made a violent attack on the'Labor
Party and accused ft of being led by "Bolsheviks."
That will not be fosguttea fa a hurry.
The soldiers are quite as discontented as the men
engaged us mdnslry during the war. Them were
recently several mnaifestafsons of their discontent,
which did not enforce discipline. The causes were
at the svstcm of Oeaaonuxsanon and
to take part in any expedition to
Russia or anywhere else. The government waa
obliged to declare offk-falIy that ao more troops
would be sent to Russia. The announcement that
VOODOO saea are to be retained under the colors for
another year to form aa army of occupation in the
leriitories of oar fate enemies will not improve
feeling fa the army or the country. It means a prolongation of conscription. Both the army and die
eoosatry will demand peace terms which do not
make aay army of occupation necessary and, if
they do not get them, there may be trouble.
I am disposed to think that the present strikes
will not last fang; by the time that this article appears fa print ft wtil be known whether I am right
But their end will not mean the end of the industrial unrest. Rather is ft likely to extend. As demobilization proceeds the economic conditions will
become more and more difficult and the causes' of
discontent wfll increase rather than diminish. We
are entering on a period of strikes and industrial
troubles such as England has not known since the
<lay> of Chartism. What its issue will be no man
knowetb.—Robert Ddl.
'   a
Gains C^ound in Russia
(Editorial in The.Springfield (Mass.)   Daily Republican, February 19.)
In no respect las the censorship given a faker
picture of Russia than by creating the itnprcsrinn
that massacre was the monopoly of the Bolsheviki.
The mistake should be corrected, not to clear the
character of the Lenin government, which history
will in due time probe with unsparing thoroughness, but to get get a truer conception of the course*"
events. The strong recent drift toward Bolshevism
would be utterly inexplicabellf.it were really true
that the Bolsheviki dominated solely by terror.
How far tins fa from being the case is shown tlear-
ly by John Rickman, an Englishman who saw
much of the revolution, and writes of it with careful 'impartiality m the Manchester Guardian. In
particular he explains   why the   anti-Bolshevist
forces felt justified fa resorting to
f It seemed clear to some people that the longer
the Bolsheviks were in power the greater would he
■ u*au^#   aj§**^%r^.^^m      ^^a  ^a*iav^rs^aaj^%a^^aia^     *Bsa^oy      aa^  wviisiiiaiv      S4*%
metaphor, the debris would be reduced to a finer
state of subdivision. Therefore, the longer tne de-
eewT    S.SSVS  *saas\a^a    ^va^aas*a  us*^   a-ua^c   ataman ^#n   ai**»i/mas aawaaaaa^
the state from the broken* remains of the old
gime. At all costs the Bolshevik
broken at once, and however distasteful ft
be, the use of severe measures as
|, fa the end be a wise economy. Faith ii
tial soundness of the system of the old
tified the means they adopted, and appeared to
•anctify their hatred for the Bolsheviks. Orders
were promulgated that all commissaries and member* of the Soviets and all men ia the red guard
captured by them were to be shot
Thfa was the "white" or "red and white" terror,
and in the region of which he writes from observation ft did not follow but preceded the red terror,
of which alone the outside world has been allowed
to bear. But the "red" terror followed very soon
after toe issuance of this order to execute Bobhe-
viki. over 30 supporters of the old regime being put
to death in that region by way of reprisal.
But the point of importance fa not so much the
question of. blame, which fa always difficult to apportion in a savage civil war, as the consequences tor opinions, and its
of thfa resort to terrorism. The immediate effect of such as those dealing wfth education, which
this violent suppression of Bolshevism, notes Mr. people considered of vital importance."
Rickman, was its spread even in the territory con- Mr. Rickman considers that the people were too
trolled by the anti-Bolshevist forces. "We. saw the impatient and did not give the anti-Bolshevist gov-
Cossacks driving through the streets wfth .a cart-' ernment a fair chance. It worked hard at important
load of headless bodies, the peasants remarking: tasks baa opening the railways and the banks and
"Those bodies were our sons; they joined the red fa helping large business concerns to re-establish
guard to defend the revolution." Then the Cossacks themselves, but it was swept away by.popular
patrolled the town while an election on a limited rtwnluwiit before it had time to prove its worth,
franchise was held, and people began to say, This Thus tiro net result of thi* effort to ""stamp out"
is too reactionary for us." The aristocratic order Bolshevism by executing the Bolsheviki has been
began to reappear, officers were distinguished by to give Lenin millions of new converts and to corn-
insignia, ladies by their silk dresses. Public notices plete hi* control of eastern Russia. Mr. Rickman's
told the people that prosperity had returned, tost osss^ntiom Coaalrat tail bnpiisifua, drawn fro*
the people grsnnbled; in throe months the region ste*y of tittaoitory a*
had abandoned the can* oi water dmomtont: recent gate, of the Bolsheviki fa that region were
"Faced wfth toe titenmtiro of Bofahstfasa ca> frfo*- due not to ssilftary victories, but to the conversion
reSLm^ IfW^
nhontoproferBolaa^ wfth Bclshevfam fa to         '      W^
■   m7*m
^Fnder tins heading the "New York Times" has
a lengthy article by Gertrude Atherton but the
information fa disclosed in the following paragraph Sao commences by stating that "One hears
a groat deal in France about the ansswililfas of
a revolution" and then after assuring h
that there fa no real fear   comes   thfa
"It fa true that certain of the
soldiers who ham drifted to the large eftfas
will only do a minimum of work at the maximum price, and it is also true that fa 1917
there were serious  mutinies  in the   French
' naa^naa^ai        g^a^HAj]  '    '   SL^^a ^M*^a^       m*.
™vn   lormeu,   were-   was a
sfacHnation to ao on
what seemed to be
" wai^w   ajM^atMarareaV    ■raS'  ■ USW
culprit out of every ton, far France,
8a little by tittle the news leaks out. Had the
amnmr methods to
antli WQIaaat
out ef every ten" hi shot to the interests Of
of It ineidentiy months
later. These facte should he cried forth from the
by tiro worker, as ft fa mats her* of
stem who pay the penalty whenever they
to tick the hantlhet beats
to earth like dew, ye
■ £■ <'■';
-.'.. ■'.
'■' '.
ct i , „■,"■:, ;;i"aaa
FLAG i ____-*
m^owm* ^ould hare lal^ Butter,
and lard, shro'laees, buttons, pigs,
homes  and—"wealth-producers,"  all   reduced  to
of money. Thfa man Ysrrow knows what he
A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the
Working Class.
Published When Circumstances and Finances Permit
By The Socialist Party of Canada,
401 Pender Street East. Vancouver, B. C.   -
Editor C
March  22.   1919
The New Unionism
There fa some truth in the saying that there fa
nothing new under the sun. Every now and then
the organizations of Labor undergo a radical
change. Then we hear much and read much of
the new unionism. The latest new unionism has
on thfa continent been prominent since 1906, when
the I. W. W. held its first convention at Chicago.
Last week the B. C. Federation or Labor held
its annual convention in Calgary. We have not
yet *een the official account of its deliberations;
but the new* perverters, conventionally called newspaper*, carried daily accounts of what they desired u* to believe. The insidious character of
these reports suggest that the author of them
has a thorough grasp of the fundamental differ-
rnces in working class policy. The i
r.er in which the proceedings fa Calgary were
linked up with the T. W. W. shows a greater
knowledge of working islam affairs than fa possible to the mental makeup of the average newspaper nten. Thfa fa also reflected to tho dfatine-
tion made between
As prominent members of the Socialist
Cansda were saddled with tho
originating the "One Big Union."
is being made aa to what our official  attitude
might be on the matter.
There haa been a decided urge towards todua-
I rial unionism for many years, whieh has lately
become very insistent. We have referred to thfa
movement several times and have mitlefacd it and
analysed it. That fa our function. We do not initiate movements, we seek to understand them. We
realise that beyond a very transitory influence,
great movement* are not caused by individuals.
they are the result of conditions.
When we ham fuller and official information of
the Calgary conference, wa wfll have aianhthfag to
nay  In this same matter we will take up tho In-
ataraaaaaraaataov''' *t9aa**aaan - ^aafatvaaaaaaeataannt    nan     aaasaaajasaasl      *rtaaat
^m^mMmwm*p&mm'  -^^ByjBBmmm ~.m^^m'~-m^m^^mm.    aa*a»     ajpj^^^^^f**^*™*''     a^ai^a^aj
- AaV^BUtaV   aaamaaaaaaaWSah   Ue^aWat   AaaanUUaUi
T    iffalstaS ^-a— the
^-^^naap     "W^ni^ff.^.an^nap^aaaai^an^^^i^pa^ ..     ^»^^.     *r■ ■ -^    ^^*   ■ -^^^^^s*
that the policy and program of the 8
of Cansds   rests with  the  Donunk
am.       -    *aa ■ -       - ..       o *— _ ■ __-_ i___.   aaU.»    -■  ■     * ■■»■■***     **
1 jOIu     IuutV.   wnraTI Iff   uritlgr  XflE   DuUXv    CO taPta.
*""" "'"?"* "V"MW*• 'uvmmB   ■—■ *****   - -iz^".
fa talking about. Why shouldn't he, whan it fa
out of the pocket* of he and hfa class, that tho
four hundred pound* comes,for the roaring of
■*wealth-producers." Wages come out of their
pocket*, for do they not own the means of wealth
produetion and the products of the country? Taxes
come out of their pockets, for how could the working das* pay taxes if they did not get wages?
Think of the rotten investment of tho cspitalfat
when he handed over good money, in wages, to
the father or mother of s V potential wealth pro-
-doeer," for his rearing, onur to loose him to our
dear Uaele Sam. And then,/multiply him by 100.-
000. Ite all a matter of calculation—for the Tar-
rows. Of course there fa consolation to the fact,
that our "wealth producer" does not escape altogether. Dear Uncle Sam or some ether dear gate
him. Nevertheless it fa bad policy to get "rid" of
our surplus "wealth producers," because a surplus fa necessary to keep down wages. Buyers of
labor power, the Yarrows, like lots of competition
among the sellers of it. ie., among the "wealth
producers." Then they are cheap. Sometimes, cheap
as dirt. Sometimes there are no buyers on the market It fa then that a "wealth, producer" fa not a
y wealth producer. He fa only a "potential" wealth
producer. So he does not get any wages then, but
they, the Yarrows, establish bread lines and soup
kitchens and the "potential" wealth producer
gets hfa bread and soup, he gets his bread and
soup, be gets hfa bread snd soup, three times a
dsy, like they done in Vancouver, befo' the war.
What Is a Wealth Producer?
_____ ■
Sir Alfred Yarrow, head of a
on the Clyde, hss been wailing about the
emmigration of 100,000 men yearly from the Old
Country. We will quote part of the interview from
the report fa the Vancouver "Province" at Mareh
He say*: "Have yon nalfteted what a to*
that fa fa actual and potential wealth T ft fa ant
overstating it to say that it costs four hundred
pounds to bring a youth to asanhood. Whan that
amount haa been spent on hfan, and ha roaches
the point of becoming a wealth producer, he migrate* say, to the United States. If a bone fa sent
to the United States we expect payment, but wa
do not ask anyhing for he man it has cost four
hundred pounds to rear. Multiply mat by 100,000
and you see we wem giving to
forty million pounds worth of
manhood. That was wrong, yet people talked about
getting rid of our surplus
Red Guards and Cossacks
The following extract is taken from "Six Bed
to her book aha speaks from personal experience,
as an eye witness, of stirring events and waa personally acquainted with Lenin, Trotsky and Other
leading personalities, both of the Bolsheviki and
their opposing parties.
On Thursday, Mareh 27, Miss Bryant, now Mrs.
John Reed, will speak in the Dominion Hall, Vancouver, under the auspices of Local Vancouver
Xo. 1. S. P. of C, when all who are interested in
the welfare and success of Soviet Bussia will bo
delighted to hear at first hand the experiences and
opinions of a trained observer of the incidents of
the revolution and the progress of affairs fa that
"I will never forget the first time I saw the Bed
'lusrds ooine- out to battle. A cruel wind i
mw^^amammm ^^^aaaa^n ~^P~'. ~™^   ^M^^m^mm^ ■•■■V' ""tWWW*   ~*—™~a» <
wide streets and hurto-Tthe enow aemtoat the I
It wm twenty-five degrees below at
with cold under my fur coat And there
t bey came, an   amazing,  faapirod  mass  in thin,
tsttered eoata and   their   i
thousand* and,thousands of them!
the facte a mighty, snavttamons people'* army-
en and children. I saw boys in that
implements-some only armed with spades. II
wish could be granted there would bo much
sympathy and mueh less scorn for the Bed i
It took infinite courage, infinite faith to go out
untrained and unequipped to meet the traditional
bullies of Russia, the professional fighters, the paid
enemies of freedom; All of them aspeufad to die.
Suddenly they broke fate a wailing,
revolutionary song. I throw discretion to the
and followed. ...
Soldiers in the regular army used to ham contempt for the workers in the towns— the soldiers
are mostly peasant*. They used to aay that the
people fa the town* did all the tslking, white they
did all the fighting, but that wm before the lad
Guard came into being.
The city workers an smaller than tho peasants;
they are stunted and pate, but they fight like
demons. Lately they ham put up the moot desperate resistance to the Germans in Finland and tho
I Kiaine. In thfa particular battle with the Cos-
sa-ks they were so unused to warfare that they
forgot to fire off their guns. But they did not know
the meaning of defeat. When one line waa moved
down another took ite place. Women ran straight
into tho fire without weapons at all It waa terrify.
ing to see them; they were like animals protecting
their young.*        -^
The Cossacks seemed to be superstitious about fa.
They began,to retreat. The retreat grew into a
rout. They abandoned their artillery, their fine
homes, they ran back miles. . . .
It wa* a strange procession that came back into
Petrograd the next day. A huge crowd went out'
to meet them with the usual floating of red banners, singing and swinging new' revolutionary
songs. The returning victorious army bad been
without food for a long time and they were dead
weary but they were wild with joy. The tradition
of the Cossacks was broken! Never again should
they seem invincible to tho people I
The meeting announced to be addressed by
Louise Bryant, on her experience* in Russia,
in the Dominion Hall, Thursday evening,
March 20, haa been postponed for one week,
to March 27, owing to illness of the lecturer.
To Be
We were wiaihng OA the steps of the City Duma
and one of the Duma members, a cadet, said to ma:
''fatal al lbs nnolkjaiai They wfll two tike sheep.
Do you think such lasanBUTlM can fightt"
I didn't answer. I waa thinking of many things,
way back that nfade up the deepest impres-
of my childhood. For the first time I visualised WanhfaaTton and hfa starvfaa. nursed armv at
•^^*~_k       —» ^^Hawajaa "a    ^mmmr^m     aaaaaaj    ^----» "aaaaa^     m\^a^ySJa^aal    ^a>*> •_»w      ^-w
Valley Forge. . . I felt suddenly that tho revolution must Kve.fa spite of temporary military defeat, in spite of internal strife, in spite of everything, ft was the Bed Guard that made me realize
that Germany witi never conquer Bussia fan hundred years. ...
I wfah creiyuao in America could hsve seen that
srmjr as I saw it—all out of step, fa odds and ends
of ekaJring, wfth oil sorts of old-fashioned fighting
In the House of Commons, last Thursday, Commander Bellairs (C.U.—Maidstone) asked whether
Philips Price, formerly correspondent of the
Chester Guardian, had been editing a
newspaper, the Call, which waa spread L
British troops in the Murman territory;
the newspaper had incited them to revolt; and
whether full information had bom coUeeted in
regard to thfa man with a view to hfa ultimate
Mr. Cecil Harmsworth (Under Secretary for
eign Affairs)—The answer to the first cud I
parte of the question fa in the affirmative,
mation has been collected in regard to the activities of Mr. Philips Price, and will be available
in the event of hfa return to tide country, and a
decision being taken to take action to tin cam.
Mr. Philips Price (say. the
fan) fa a member of a well-known and dfatfjiewfabed
famUy, and was at one time Liberal eandk
Gloucester—"He fa a groat traveller, and.
he haa never been a regular rnretapnastent
paper, he has sent us valuable letters from
time from Persia, Armenia and elsewhere,
pear* recently to ham become a con
economic doctrines of Bolshevism, but
lie slow to believe him guilty of any
act. Since we were informed of hfa
With Bolshevik propaganda we ham requested
to cease to mil loopund tor aa."
time to
to tho I
at ■-
■•f^-'"'':' ,J \   ''" ■''.'■ ■?-"■■.-     ' . .   '"'■
The Commodity Status
force, but the proletariat, or the disinherited of
bourgeois society, though political force was used
to force them from the common lands of Europe,
Here also disinherited, directly by economic development.
The small hand tool gave way to the machine,
the hand loom weavers cottage, to the factory and
the freighter's wagon or pack horse to the rail-
toad. The day of the small independent producer
turning hfa own tools was gone for in the competition with the owner of the new expensive
uiesns of production he was squeezed out into the
ranks of the proletariat whieh grew in number* a*
the numbers of other claas relatively decreased.
The above fa a brief sketch of the procf** of
laphalfat accumulation and of the growth and
development of the proletariat as a class. And
noticing the play of economic development under
••apita'ixt production we .can see the tendency to
perpetuate add develop a class of proletarian* and
a -las* of capitalists and also to emphasize the
distinction and widen and deepen the social gulf
brtwren them ah time goes on.
Xow we most return to our problem of value and
our ftatement, that in exchange,' equal value for
value fa the law. On a superficial view of the
theory and its application to the proletarian or
wage worker, who hire* himself to the capitalist,
it appears as a fallacy. If value for value is the
rue. then it appears as though the value of his
'abor would be the value he created, which would
leave no values for the capitalist to accumulate or
even to Kve upon. The early enquirer* into this
matter asserted that the value of la!>or i* what
it rieate*.
Finally, what appeared as an experience contradicting the modern theory of value, was explained away when it waa shown that when the
worker hired out to the capitalist for a wage,
fa wm bfa power to labor that lie sold and
^Capitalism fa a system of
All the result* of it* productive labor are destined
for the market and henae become commodities:
thing* bought and sold on the market.
Exhaustive enquiry and research has finally established the truth that over a period of time these
commodities sell at their value, the fluctuations of
prices cancelling eseh other, that fa, a commodity
of a certain definite value exchanges with another
commodity of the same value. That fa the rule,
though everyday experience, however, seems to
contradict thfa.
Present day society presents a condition where
eome of it* members are rich with the abundance
of thing* and other* poor fa a descending scale
to destitution. In former times, students of thfa
problem of the unequal distribution of wealth, attributed it to various causes and sux-e^tcd varioi:-.
remedies. In the early   days   of tl.c-   capitalistic
method  of production,  before h* economic law*
were so well   understood,   it wa*   thought   that
poverty and riches were the result mainly of unequal exchanges and it was suggested that society
he established on a basis that would prevent 'this.
It was suggested that labor time be the basis upon
which commodities be exchanged and that labor
tickets be issued, instead of the usual currency
the ticket* to certify the bearers right to com
modifies on presentation in the market. For many
year* this idea waa advocated, its sponsors claiming thst inequalities of wealth and socfal position
would be reduced to a minimum. Those with ability
or especially deserving, above their fellows, as industrious, were, by some ledgerdemain. to be rewarded suitably according to their deserts,
strstions of the feasibility of this plan
attempted, but of course without
In course of time, however, a better knowledge
twa of commodity production
at And to the
discovered, that, fa'toef,
exchange on a basis of equal values and that the
source of the extremes of wealth and poverty must
be nought for in other directions than at the point
of exchange or consumption.
Be it noted that no economists hare considered
worthy of entertainment the theories of our Sunday school moralists that sin, or laziness, or drunkenness, etc., were the cause Of poverty or that such
theories were of any value fa the elucidation of
the problem, the poorer classes having no monopoly
of these vices, in fact poverty fa the greatest bar
to o^er indulgence and it also compels industry.
Attempts have alsO been made, to claim for the
rich, extra ability, and savin* habit* m tho rouse
that it Had a commodity status, i.e., that
sold us all other commodities, at its cost of production, i.e., in it* case in food, clothing and
shelter, etc., or a* expressed in the formula des-
crihing value, iu the socially necessary labor,
measured by time, involved In it* production.
It was then seen that the wage worker might
then produce in two, three, or four hour* values
equal to the value of hfa labor power, the remainder of the value* created, being what fa called
surplus values, going to the capitalist class in rent,
interest and profit.
The point of the exploitation of the proletariat
^va* shown to be at the point of production, the
point where all value* are created and following
from thi* is seen the futility of consumer* leagues
as mean* of solving the social problem of the unequal distribution of wealth. This problem along
with the economic servitude of the masses of the
people can only be swept away by socialization of
the mean* of production.
International capitalism has risen in its wrath
against Bolshevism, because it ha* uprooted tho
commodity .- tatus of labor power and of producing
wealth. In seeking to do this, the Communist*
of Russia are strikuig at the very root* of capitalism. Municipalization, state control, or nationalization, do not touch the commodity aspect of
v."alth production. By that token we know that
those things do not and cannot end capitalism.
"Communism mean* the produetion of wealth, not
for profit, but for social consumption. It therefore,
means the end of commodity production—the production of goods for the market iii oi-dcr to be
exchanged to realize profit—and of capitalism.
"Build up the Communist movement and smash
the system that reduce* men • and women to the
level of commodities. Build up the Communist
movement and become free men and women."
[By J. T. Walton Xewbold]
Americas Hold On the Allies
Unfortunately, trade necessitate* an exchange
of value*, and Britain and Faance were too preoccupied to produce commodities for export. Paper
was worth the amount of labor involved in its
production—that, and no more, and gold was too
precious to lose. Some of it had to go west, but
in two and a half years not more than £200,000
was transferred from Europe to the United States.
- »*T_1
LONDON, Inarch 19.—Official reprt* < received
in London are to the effect that a critical state of
affairs exists h> Odessa, the chief Russian port on
the Black Sea-
No confirmation could be obtained in London
of rumors that Odessa was being evacuated by
Allied force*, but the report is not denied.
I> ides, there was not gold enough to pay for
for their wealth, but the hfatory of capitalistic «** demands of the Allies. However, Britain and
accumulation  gives a. different story and fn its   fVanee had lent to the capitalists of the United
it and common sense the contention looses force.
From primitive times to the present day, enormous social powers to produetion have been developed. But them power* are a historical
representing the accumulated SfcampTfahmial at
the whole of the human race and not of one
The principles of cooperation and subdrvfaion of
labors in industry and their evcr-developrnsr application are the fruit of age*. Physics,
the sciences generally, knowledge itself, are
product*. Yet still do we find the msjority of the
people laborious, thrifty, perforce
disinherited, living a precarious existence on tite
mbsfatanee tine, while a smsll
no useful service in society,
of all the age*. Wealth and culture and an
existence theirs, while tite other* have poverty,
squalor and insecurity tor their lot
arvatfan shows that the wealthy have
and control over means of
tion. It also show* that the poor,are without
ship or control in 'these, henae their mspinillsa
£1,000,000,000. whieh had never
been repaid and, to addition, they had enormous
mortgages on Central and South America, not to
'    •"'    ^■i:'5r r'.^v'."   •'
gan to advertise in the
to buy American and' other foreign
bond*  and stock* owned  by  its  subjects,  who
hastened to exchange these for government script
at a sacrifice—to their country. The British troe-
these bonds and stocks with
Is* atnartor*, the latter
In this way the Ameri-
capital a* well a* interest
__f*w_B)    —■ 1.1 _m_———_ ^' f_H_k__fa^
■asm aupinjcav ...a-~» ^
to lend money to buy muni
to lend to the Allies the money
to buy ■iiallkma. taking .jrnAim of payment in
the form of claims en British property. So, the
with the growth of their credit holdings, their
nlhaali—  for the rights of small
waxed  exceedingly.  They  discovered,  being
LONDON, March m—Virtually all of the
Ukraine fa now fa the hands of the Bolsheviki,
according' to advices reaching London today. In
heavy fighting at Nikolaiev. northeast of Odessa,
the Bolsheviki lost between 5.000 and 8,000 men,
but forced the Pfanch garrison after fierce fighting, to withdraw to Odessa.
BERGAMO. ItalyOifjBgfc!^
men who seized the Franchi Gregorini Automobile
WOrkS here Were driven out by artillery and infantry, which attacked the plant from three sides.
After a conference it was argreed that work
would be resumed pending reexamination of the
Mrikers* demands.
'       ., I .i'i.      4      i   :
Col. Currie in the Canadian House of Commons,
Msrch 18: "The world was now engaged fa an
... k«y
dition*. But how thfa was brought about fa the sons of the TOsrim Fathers of Puritan New Eng
thing to know before a solution often. Antique tend and Psnnsylvaraa, tho profound truth of tho
slavery and feudal serfdom may be accounted for royfag, "Wheresoever toy treasure is, them W—
largely as due to superior physical and paHtfaal thy heart be abo."   .
economic war. England had slammed her door and
put an embargo on manufacture of other countries.
Prance and the United States had likewise put
on their embargoes. There wa* no country at the
present moment discussing free trade except
»»;( PPJW^^l??^^
page rtro
.,;4t ■
W& -
ua» ■
BE-; ■
1. The State Is the Product of the Irreconcilabiilty
of Class Contradictions
The teschings of Marx are "faring now as have
fared more than once in the course of history, the
teachings of revolutionary thinkers and leaders of
the oppressed classes in their struggle for freedom.
During their lifetimes, the great revolutionists have
met, at the hands of the oppressing classes, only
constant persecutions, and their teachings have encountered the most savage hostility, the most insane hatred, the most irresponsible flood of lies and
slanders. After their death the effort is always
made to transform them into harmless ikons, to
canonize them, as it were, and to surround their
names with a certain halo, so that they may be
used for the "consolation" of the oppressed classes
and for their stupefication, by emasculating the
content of the revolutionary doctrine, removing its
revolutionary edge, and vulgarizing it. At present
the bourgeoisie and the opportunists within the
workers' movement are united in the performance
of thfa "operation" on Marxism. They forget, gloss
over, pervert the revolutionary side of the doctrine,
they steal its revolutionary soul. They place in the
foreground and magnify whatever is acceptable or
appears acceptable to the bourgeoisie. And don't
forget that all Social-Chauvinists are now "Marxists"! More anymore the German bourgeois schol-
are, who but yesterday were specialists in the extermination of Marxism,, talk of our "national-German" Marx, as if he had originated the workers'
unions, so magnificently organized for the waging
of a war of conquest!
In view of this situation, in view of the wide currency of Marxist distortions, our task becomes,
first of all, to> reveal onrojsOre the true teaching
of Marx concerning the state. For this purpose we
shall have to reprint a large number of long selections from the words of Marx and Rngels themselves. Of course, it is true that long extracts make
a presentation somewhat   heavy,   and will   In no
way contribute to ite popularity. But ft is impossible to dispense with them. All, or at least all the
important, passages from the works of Marx and
Engels with regard to the. state must absolutely
be quoted in the fullest possible form, so that the
reader may form an independent idea of the whole
system of the views of the founders of scientific
socialism, and of the development of these ideas,
and also, so that the distortion of them at the hand
of the now dominant "Kautskianism" may be
proved by means of documents and made evident
to every eye.
Let us begin with the most widely known work
of Friedrich Engels: The origin of the Family,
Private Property and the State, of which the sixth
edition appeared at Stuttgart in 1894. We are
obliged to translate the quotations from the German original, as the Russian translations, although
they are very numerous, are for the most part
either incomplete, or executed in an extremely unsatisfactory manner.
"The state," says Engels. drawing the final conclusions of his historical analysis—"does not represent in any way a power that is imposed upon society from without. Nor is the state the 'realization
of the moral idea,' 'the form and reality of reason.'
as Hegel affirms. The state is a product of society
at a certain stage of its development, the state is
the recognition of the fact that society has become
lost in a maze of unsolvable self-contradictions, has
been split by irreconciliable oppositions, which it
is powerless to escape ' from. And in order that
these oppositions, these classes with contradictory
economic interests, should not consume each other
and the state in fruitless contlict, for this purpose
there was needed a power, standing, apparently,
over society, but placing itself over society, a power
which should moderate their collisions, and maintain
it within the bound* of 'order.' And thfa power arising out of society, but placing itself over society, and
estranging itself more   and more   from   it, is the
The intensity of the industrial unrest in Kng-    government, the Soviet administration of industry.
land fa shown by the convening of on "Industrial
Parliament" on February 27** This parliament,
while its purpose wss to allay the unrest, indicated
that a real industrial crisis fa on, of which the
flaring up of great, strikes fa anOtimr fadtostiotU
the "Industrial Councils" idea decided upon by
the British government about two years ago, was
composed of 500 delegate* of organized labor and
300 delegate* of the employers. The parliament
decided upon motion of Arthur Henderson, to
elect a committee of sixty composed of 30 delegates
The parliament is accepted by the union officials,
but fa being repudiated by large groups of the
workers, who want no conciliation with capital,
A delegate of the Transport Workers' Federation
bitterly attacked the resolution for an investigating
commission declaring;:"'"The conference has been
called for the purpose of side-tracking all the efforts of the men and women workers to improve
thcinselves."     k'^;f r''; ?.}'&**%
The parliament was* a temporary victory for the
union officials and the employers—for the union
officials, in that it maintained their prestige; for
cam of labor and capital, toI'Mno^ufre1*Jeite'tite'. tite employers, in that they have secured a respite
causes of industrial unrest, the general conditions
of industry, unemployment and measures for it*
prevention, and methods for co-operation between
labor and capital. The committee will report to
another session of the "Industrial Parliament*'
on- April 6/
Tho sessions of the parliament indicated that tho
official trades anions officials and the employer*
peace,'' each are fa
revolution. The union dele-
from large strikes, particularly in the case of the
•niners. Tho most serious problem of the British
government i* to maintain the apthority of the
reactionary union officials; the revolt against these
roisteadere is assuming formidable proportions,
they have bom repudiated in strike after strike,
the workers turning to mam action and they are
becoming the bulwark of capital against proletarian revolution.
are each
dread of a ,
gates went vary moderate, John Robert dynes        FORTY THOUSAND MINERS ON STRIKE
warning fabor not "to demand too much in too] .
brief a space of time.'' But Arthur S. Draper, fa
V cable to the New York Tribune, said: "The
labor leader* are much more moderate than tite
worker* and are rather doubtful of their ability
to hold mem to check."
The trades union official* at the parliament insisted upon the state ownership of mines, rail-
mands are repudiated by larger minority of the
who are insisting upon todustrial eelf-
LONDON, March 19.—While awaiting the report of the special parliamentary committee on ite
investigation of the mining situation, forty
thousand coal miners in Nottinghamshire have
gone on strike, it was announced today.
The walkout waa unexpected, as the miners'
officials had dropped the strike, recently voted
by an overwhelming majority, until March 20, so
that the committee's report, scheduled to be presented tomorrow, could be debated.
state." Sixth German edition, pp. 177-178.
JHere we have with absolute clearness the fundamental Marxist thought on the state, its historic
role and its significance. The state is a product and
an expression of the irreconcilability of class contradictions. The state comes into being wherever,
i whenever, and insofar as the class contradictions,
t as an objective fact, ton no longer be reconciled.
And, conversely, the existence of the state is a
proof of the fact that the class contradictions are
And it is at this most important and fundamental stage'of the discussion that the distortion of
Marxism sets in. proceeding along two principal
On the one hand, the bourgeois and particularly
the petit bourgeois ideologist*, under the pressure
of indisputable historical facts, recognize that the
state exists only where there are class contradictions and class struggle, and "correct" Marx in
such manner as to make the state appear as the
organ of the reconciliation of classes. But Marx
said that the state could never arise or maintain
itself if any reconciliation of classes were still possible. But the petit bourgeois and philistine professors and publicists would have it appear—and often
with condescending use of Marx as an authority I
—that it is precisely the state that reconciles the
classes. But according- to Marx the state is the
organ of class rule, the organ of tho oppression of
one class by another, the creation of "order,'' which
legalizes and perpetuates this oppression, 'by
moderating the clashes between the classes. But in
the opinion of the petit bourgeois politicians, order
is precisely the reconciliation of classes, and not
the oppression of one class by another; to regulate
the clasbes means to conciliate and not to deprive
the oppressed classes of certain ways and means in
the struggle for the overthrow of., the oppressors.
For example, the S. R.'s (Social-Revolutionaries)
and Mensheviki in the 1917 revolution, when the
question of the function and significance of the state
arose in all its magnitude, as a practical question
requiring immediate action and furthermore, action
on a mass scale—all accepted, suddenly and completely, the petit bourgeois theory of th "conciliation" of the classes by the f'stote." Countless rejp©**
lutions and articles by the politicians of these two
parties are permeated absolutely with this philistine, petit bourgeois doctrine of "conciliation." The
fact that the state fa the organ of the rule of a certain class, which cannot be reconciled with its opposite (the class opposed to it), is altogether beyond the comprehension of the petit bourgeois de-*'
mocracy. Their relation to the state is one of the
most striking indications that our S. R.'s and Mensheviki are not Socialists at aft (we Bolsheviki ham4
repeatedly pointed this out), but petit bourgeois
0'ewgSfto with an almost socialistic phraseology.
On the other hand, the Kautskian distortion of
nor that cIas* cflf^V&eA «f iitmmsrilable. But
it loses sighnjeJUrjjpBisJi tins raw; if the state
is the product of the irrecondlabilitv of class contradictions, ftjt fa uvpowe^
and "more and more estranging itself from
acty," then it fa' cornet the Isntration of the op-
pressed class fa "* ffietibfa.unfa*, there is not
only a revolution enforce, but also an annihilation
of the mechanism of state power created by
ruling class, in which this "estrangement'' fa incorporated. This inference, which fa theoretically
clear enough to stand oh its own bottom, wee
drawn by Marx wfth the utmost definiteness, on
the basis of a concrete historical analysis of the
tasks of revolution. And just this conclusion, as we
"hall clearly show in our further exposition, is forgotten and distorted by Kautsky.
(To be Continued) Vf ■
so» ?&••
' y^jsaj^g^treito^'
^eT^waiMsmreve^ What has happened in regard to Rn***a fa the stitution of the United Sutes?   Mr.   Wilson   has
l>3roroflilterscveral Pf*^fj*^*^'***: ami bftberte . meat sufafat^ca^                                  niay' .tfraaitiaxa/afaiwn us, a* 'Mr.* Ctefsnand did fy$§&'-
uVsrami wauauurwv vJTs   wagwm vi   ivi   eavsajBE,        %,       vv                v^ermaa mam mapau^ayaussaunm^ee^mn,   ifmr^^ma^uuroaoUspero^evu^ruu^ w ujaunKaaimuHjanaer vn+aMeU*   tenumup «npan*\ •/ •jfwnuroa     - a#wmasasraa|*n aamemnaw-
IDC   lsea*99C* vl   WeC    §*&*¥**». nW™J|,  f*m    mjmmmmmmmj^mmp ^•■^mmj/f^r^. *m^*WaWEIjJtr^M£m^ ' j^^mTm^^%ft^^^^^Mf^Wfm^^y9^/ V'fe^r*.. ,'      stsH/tl  pu*o      U3  * uw
mmjmatMMWm\-%m   IIUPfcJg»i,ete"^P|P»^nJP^   a^^Mrmmiml?^mm:-•mmu*WmW :  ■   *^^WTF*W,'nS^^!^|,tOT^pw^to|^ ;9w^^^^umKjm^m^mff ..d^?w^pmit*Vel*is. •■^ey^^p^ ■ frnpm^'f^
Wow   CailD^ Banal  pPw.^e^mf^s^^^aPa^^^ ^rv"V''"m  »■• I^P^«P*^ ndpynpc *>^*ioimpiUr*9rv}fv*«   ■••*;   CI IC IV   41 U   Uic 2>*lfl  VrCUCIaU   n^eswssjlp »■ sUUt"   WJ   •lalVtHlT    Mwmm£*m}
pODCMROI lOa^en eOTaols^^^aajy^pae^^^tas^ia^yw^^^aA %apW VaflpVt^pfot.ylrfF JsVW-nlrWPT'l OJF-.-ejffa.^f^wn^l- WHeV ^pafsmlpm^ avtPate^^^a^, ^^rWW^W'lT'^ fV^^W- rW¥* *o.mmnsaron WleaW isea
aaionte^WamissrtCO^ faeops^ft=>haa«hee*,^ j|ra|kfeat^ha^
alty to our institutions. Thea^ft caote otemt that «f Russia.   For months  past  only juchnews? has . pro<« wftlfcoultyfcto^                                      the
you believed our going into this war a mistake, if emanated from that country as the English censor co*Mter,m$pk* haveratopd fimtiy behind him. Sup-
yon eelft^Krromem Wilson dkUarte fa WI7. a«4,Anterican government have desired. Wireless poe* n^^i^oti^^, tr* preM.knt .hould
that the ideal outcome weald lm-^poacc without inessagea:from Fetrogsad and Moscow have been aver>timt»amKwaml^liei'llkm-tito-
it main- -fanwO«i;"dl»|^^0sbfa, despatches so withheld ence, should rouse tbe.counfry's patri<
censor- that our American Associated Press correspondents demand the support   of all   Americans   in a final
by the voluntarily wfahdrew from Rste*fa-4o their credit ugtrsto^ipd war—by breaking   the   British  naval
extraordinary powers of the d^pastoxnt of wstke, be fa *a*M>&aa*e their position .was nttedy hv nmnace and-thus leirmmgme coenplete freedom of *
by the tremendous influence exerted by ythe sec* opnnmtibfa wiUi mlMspect;             *.»>***£e'is.  '^f^-l^ennm^s^^
over banks and business, by "Qua own policy with regard to Russia was, first a* traitor to our ideals, could incite the passions of
*H'MkM - MMm^^mmn peopla^trmmgh the saetiium *mt. panpl^#ga|Bm^        leaders urging. time .for
all through propaganda of various kinds.        t \ of ti^.Root Commbs,,,, ^$yhey might to. do sobersecond thought by calling them wilful mem
^Fas^lsnhwork of propaganda our extraordinary wfthi theft newly won liberty^ T^ien, the refusal of anal having them morally   lynched, as   M
American- power of organization, came into full Lenine„4&y$rmm%*'i m>mm*$mf***> produced the Follette and Norris and the others   were
play, stimulated by the appeal to patriotism, which, S^M9g?ll|SP?ptett0d<d  to just'fy  °*T '* ^fel^MIMfej^i1*1**^" ^^
if not the fast refuge of thescoundrel, as Johnson {»^g Hussfa without a o^laration of war. Never along precisely the lines so ably utilised
fact that what can 1
thought differently from the bulk of one's articulate tite halhv of the American people still believe Trot- fa these days in the name of loyalty. The pity of ft
. ■
and Lenine to be the
pravity and wickedness,
and    etK with btood money. Bloody enough they doubt-    It has
less are; yet it is an unqualified misfortune that the , of hate.'
many good features of the Soviet republic, the^'*;1fnfa.fa an A;
wonderfid qapgj "
• glorious visic*i AatJs-.
' •: . _.   . . .^ ..       . .       unaer its mask
fftnW'ail, hnwent^tite-lno^ «faen^ hunianity, are   not atiowed  to reach   the ^^ ,■•
afc. *'<^--- ■ - ■^^asiiMiViiii^tfif /#niia*ii ^ud am   Afa       n people   For n is-
Russia, not
felfaw^itfaens, <fa the other hand,
love of a contest and of a game waa
uttermost "to put town, villsge, city,
f«*a. aciltte
IV jajiur
loyalty but also against
t   propaganda
It supports
press is nothing
»tii; ,1=
the control of
^a ouvean of props- stted fTOm R>Mia' ■?* *¥*#*• not thc troth th>*   viteTton^sSitnffi
ganda. In our civil war there were the beginning* ***** of Alltedfafervention' the Bolshevist gov-    7*,^^f^. zfi***.
of propaganda by the government in the sending to "faf** j' -a^wj"* eftonger and strongerr bu|
England by. President. Innoote ^»f Henry   Wsrd ^."^ «nv«ntion*. Bartholomew nights that never
E^b^ra^otr^top.^mtr^c^cofticnorth >WgRMm*mtr with the  wildeet rumor* of
to theffiriti»h public. But in no other war, so far <*mnwn*8m In women, and of murder  and blood-
mfweare aware, has there bem-titecreatien of of^ T& *&**-.from obscure Scandinavian newspapers,
anmlldeiautments.of propaganda, possessed of vast ««^»eti»y relayed   to the  United   States,   while
sums of .money, headed, fa Some case*, bv men of o^TX11**Mon^lt ,to tifa   SnyieteVevery   bit of
light and leading, and reOogUun^nVue important const™ct»v accomplishment,   is suppressed.   Thus
adjunct to thefighting forces. are ouropfalpns maped..
..f,^.>:l. -»j;;-..sefc^v^tei! 4'Itnmy^of.course, be said that all these thing*
■ jlll    I    IH I        ill       I    I   .1
tor *rf
'       ;       *■■/■-r'"-'
\   . r flTJuTMT. MARCH 88
^yS^m^hm Wot
9«f»;2r?«», end Hastings
TO     m\    —  •- -«. - — .«
—. ;-j—. ,,,.,..i.tw. av fTTrtonaru
are justified as temporary war measures—but when
peace cc4nm^ Shall we never see a yielding to the
temptation to use these new and vast powers of pro-
pagaede for the benefit of those in office or for the
propagatio»;of the views that they hold? The right
tpr.tsrotrol news from abroad will cease; no longer
wnl Mr. Creel ''prove" this or that a* to happenings overseas. The daily newspapers will be relieved from the necessity of approving everything
the government doe*. Yet the thought will not
down that, having discovered how easy ft fa to
"self* opinions, we may me attempts to sell them
in the years to come. And thfa is no idle fear. Have
we not witnessed this very thing to connection"
with our recent adventures in the Caribbean?
"Again, suppose that Mr. Wilson or one of hfa
successors should decide on a new war. Is there
any one who stilt believes tha| the power to make
war reside* in congress as called   for by  the con-.
on the economics of Capitalistic Production,
* being the nmthihn chapters of:
1 -.*., i|»n"^$le j- .     '
o--:t J#IWi*%«1fePpi,* wWa^ «»* eenmaaw-aai ',
th* Htotarlcal TraSuaj of CaoitallM 1naas*  . ,"'
latfaa included, abo an extract from the prcfaca
r- to the same «*»*V.^ ^*SUq«« of rooUeal
0    naSnianiK WMcaVofsAlate»4ha wateriallatle
tatersretaOan «( Siatarjr.  •'.^>Ti.:/*',:'»?.'*V':j
PrloW-faVaa par tat' fonawms gaotaiSaaa:     '
opics, paper covers, 50c.
25 copies or more, paper covers, copy, 40c.
Single copies, cloth bound, pl.00 per eopy.
10 copfas or mow, cloth bound, copy, 76e.
We await your ordera, and we hops von will «»»»
ua-boar..** aiHsceaa tothl* ventore mean* much ta
tha uiibihsMje* raters cgartS
1 faaka an ramlttaneaa parable to C.
49i Pander Btreet JBaat, yaacourer. B. C.
 '—^-»- an^pk—....... ..-..-..■   ..,■■■ .     t  .    ■ '   -.


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