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The Red Flag Apr 12, 1919

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Problems of American Socialism The State and the Revolution
The Military Situation in Russia
A Journal of News and Views Devoted to the Interests of the Working CI
VOL. 1    NO. 12
Soviet Russia's Trade Representative in New York With Two
Hundred Million Dollars for Initial Purchase of Commodities
THE documents printed below comprise (1)
the letter of Ii. C. A. K. Martens, official
representative in the United States of the People's
Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the Russian
Socialist Federal Soviet Republic dated at New-
York, March 18, which accompanied the submission
of his credentials to the Secretary of State; and
(2) a Memorandum accompanying the letter. A
summary of the Memorandum was handed to representatives of the press on March 20. Mr. Martens,
by profession an engineer, was for several years
the representative in this country of the Demidoff
Iron and Steel Works in Russia. Mr. Nuorteva,
1he secretary of the Bureau established by Mr.
Martens, was for some time the head of the Finnish Information Bureau at New York, and has also
represented the interests of the Russian Soviet
Government. The temporary offices of the Bureau
are at 299 Broadway, New York.
Honorable Robert Lansing,
Secretary of State,
Washington, D. C.
Sir: 1 have the houur.to, hand, you herewith
original credentials of my appointment as representative of the Socialist Federated Soviet Republic of Russia in the United States, together
with an English translation of the same.
I also have the honor to stibmit a Memorandum
of the present political and economic conditions
of Soviet Russia, based upon information supplied
to me by my Government, and, furthermore. I en-
Jose a translation of the Constitution of the Federated Soviet Republic of Russia.   •
Holding myself entirely at the disposal of the
Cniled States Government for any additional information or for any conference, official or unofficial,
I am, Sir, very respectfully yours,
(Signed) L. A. MARTENS,
Representative in the United States.
Secretary of the Bureau.
The Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic
was established on the (ith of November, 1917, by
a spontaneous uprising of the toiling masses of
Russia. Its Government, the council of the people's
Commissars, is a government controlled by and
responsible to all such members of the population
of Russia, as are willing to perform useful work,
physical or mental. Those who, while not being
unable to work, deliberately refuse to exercise
their productive abilities, choosing to live on the
fruits of the, lajwr o£ .other people,, are elimated
from participation in the control of my Government.
Under present conditions those who are willing
to work for the common good number at least 90
per cent, of the adult population in the area con-
troled by the Soviets. All such people have full
political and civil rights.
The basis of citizenship in Russia being indus
trial and economic rather than political, and the
social system being of such a nature that every
person engaged in useful social labor is bound to
participate in public affairs, the percentage of
people directly participating in the management of
society in Soviet Russia is higher than has been
the case until now anywhere in the world. The
Russian Soviet Republic affords thereby the widest
possible field for a real expression of a conscious
popular will. While the Soviet Government is a
government of the working class, the abolition of
exploitation of labor and the elimination thereby
of class division creates a productive community
in which all able inhabitants are bound to become
useful workers who have full political rights. My
government thus becomes the expression of fully
one hundred per cent, of the people. It should also
be noted that political rights are granted in Russia
to every inhabitant engaged in useful work, though
he be not a citizen of Russia but only temporarily
working there.
The Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic
was rapidly acclaimed by. the vast maj&vity of the
laboring people throughout the former Empire of
Russia. It has maintained itself in the face of
manifold plots and opposition on the part of small
groups of former ruling classes, who in many cases
enlisted foreign help and who employed the most
unscrupulous methods in their fight against the
Soviet institutions. Yet nowhere in Russia could
(Continued on Page Three)
Trend of Opinion in Great Britain
The Independent Labor Party is to have its
twenty-seventh annual convention, beginning April
20, and to last three days, at Huddersfield, York,
England. Below we reproduce a few of the resolutions to be submitted. These will indicate to
some extent the character of the ideas and trend
of opinion of that element of the working class
of Great Britain which attaches itself to that con-
servative body, the I. L. P.:
5. That the Conference calls upon the Government to immediately nationalize the land for the
people as the first step in reconstruction.—Stret-
Conscription *
13. /That this Conference, believing that imprisonment without trial or imprisonment contrary
to the law of the land constitutes a grave menace
to the liberty of the people, and especially to.the
Labor movement, as establishing a dangerous precedent which may be acted upon in times of industrial and social unrest, demands the immediate
repeal of the Military Service Acts, the end of all
interference with the free expression of opinion
and speech, and the immediate and unconditional
release of all political prisoners and conscientious
objectors. It further pledges itself to oppose the
re-introduction of conscription or compulsory mili
tary service in any form.—Batley, Barnsley, Hull
Central, Scarborough.
Allied Intervention in Russia and Germany
41. That this conference hereby registers its
emphatic protest against the "undeclared" war
against Russia, and calls upon the government of
Britain to withdraw the British troops from Russia, and also to use its influence to obtain the withdrawal from Russian territory of all Allied armies,
whose object, we believe, is to crush the People's
Government of that country, in the interests of
financiers and capitalist corporations.—North
42. That we strongly protest against the armed
intervention of the British Government in Russia,
and demand the immediate withdrawal of every
British soldier from Russian soil, and allow Russia
to manage her own affairs.—Hartlepools, Hitchin.
43. That this conference protests against British troops being sent to Russia, asks for the immediate withdrawal of those who are already
there, and further asks for the withdrawal of the
press censorship in relation to the affairs of Russia,—West Salford.
44. That we view with alarm the continued
intervention of the Allied forces in the internal
affairs of Russia, call upon the government to immediately withdraw our military and naval forces,
as their presence there is a distinct violation of th^
principles of self-determination, and is inimical to
the peace of Europe, and that organized effort be
made forthwith to attain that object.—Aberdare.
45. That this conference views with suspicion
and aiarm the <{iw/ing hostility of '.he goHr: it.g
and capitalist clas< s in this count:*, and als-> irr
the Allied contries to the new-born democracies of
Germany and Russia. It insists upon the adhesion
of the British Government to the principle of
"self-determination" in regard to the countries
named, in regard to Ireland and to all other coun-
1 ries.
It emphatically protests against the employment
of British troops and British money in the prosecution of schemes that aim at or lead to the sub-
\ersion of the common people.—Scarborough.
46. That this conference strongly urges the
Labor Party to take drastic action to prevent the
remaining capitalistic governments of the world
from pursuing their* murderous attempts to
strangle the newly created Socialist Republics of
47. This conference calls upon the Parliamentary Committee of the Tr^de Union Congress, in
conjunction with the Labor Party Executive, to
convene a conference of organized Labor for the
purpose of considering what action to take to
compel the government to withdraw all troops
from Russia, in order that the Russian Democracy be allowed to establish whatever form of in-
(Continued on Page Four)
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Problems of American Socialism
Ontinoed from Previous Issue*
RKYoLl.TI* »\ARY limtiiliin doe* n** ■•■■I
the atoredonmcnt iff the immediate strugf.e:
it i gag ■ ajj.|-.ieariYgiy in this street * H-* *^" -
lotj      ryS w-epis that stTUffSe. or phase
struffte. which is fundamental:
and ! - •'■ * -ruffle by mean* in ***r4 «*
rei      ri nary     Socialism.—promoting     the     final
.-•  ..-   and deve   ping reserves for the revolu-
*.r? <-<'request of power.
While the icodera- S talis* nobly «ge* the
.    .      -      _~ conciliating   the    -petite  bour-
y faitrodneinf in legislative bodies
bereaueretk -*form measure*, by voflpg to
parliamentarism a creative and revolutionary significance irbieh it doe* not posse**, the revolu-
tionary Socialist accepts a proletarian ideology,
engages in the aggressive mass and industria!
to ._■■_• 6 of the proletariat, awakens in the proletariat a consciousness* b* Ha control of indGstry.
—out of the mass strike* of the proletariat the
revolutionary Socialist tries to develop more effective form* of organization and mean* of stns-
g!e. Socialism is the class struggle—thi* Is deci-
sive in our poliey. The moderate Socialist depends
upon the petty bourgeois parliamentary strafgses.
and degrades politic, the revolutionary Socialist
depends upon the proletarian ma** struggie. and
make* polities one phase, and an auxiliary phase,
of the proletarian struggle Vary as the imme-
diate eoiidition* may, revolutionary Socialism always expresses it* fundamental poliey in theory
and in action. . .
The necessity of revolutionary .Socialism in the
United State* does not depend upon the immediate coming of the final revolutionary struggle:
but revolutionary .Socialism develops the coming
of the final struggle by adapting itself to the prevailing conditions: out of these conditions emerge
revolutionary consciousness and the final struggie.
The revolutionary crisis in Europe is sureiy influencing the consciousness of the American proletariat, whieh it Is our task to empress and bring
to a focus: and thi* influence will become stronger
as events sweep on. But certain objective conation* • are developing which, in proportion a*
Socialism appreciates the opportunity, will accelerate the development of elass eonsciousnes* and
revolutionarv action.
Capitalism in the United States has profited
enormously from the war. But precisely because
of this fact, Capitalism must aggressively and
consciously accept Imperialism. T.ic new industrial efficiency developed by American Capitalism,
the lower costs, the increasing volumes of profits,
and surplus capital and goods,—all this implies
the necessity for new markets, for undeveloped
territory, for investment and markets. American
Capitalism must pursue the practice of Imperialism. An understanding of Imperialism, as marking a new and final stage of Capitalism and introducing the revolutionarv' epoch. Is necessary: and
equally necessary is the adoption of revolutionary
tactics to fight Imperialism. Yet American Socialism to these "problems" of revolutionary theory
and practice. . . .
Simultaneously, American Capitalism will itself
provide the objective conditions out of which can
be developed the spirit for the revolutionarv'
struggle. The war has sharpened imperialistic
appetites and antagonisms. Capitalism has been
shaken. Capitalism must "reconstruct" itself. In
this reco-iftruction, new and nor; acute problems
will dew. lop, new forms for 'V exploitation of
the proletariat, coincidentally with the development in tlie proletariat of a more conscious and
aggressive spirit.
But Capitalism cannot reconstruct itself. Capitalism cannot solve the multiplying antagonisms
of a system of production that is decaying, that is
i :«::.-y. each
ployment. to
■:* :'..r pro-
dust ria   dis-
i g international! wti'e its forms and control
- - <: ational DemobOization will offer enor-
■mwb prcrblens of providing employment. Adapt-
: _ ;   : >:ry again to peaee rosditions Jneans new
*.-».»^ip»iratitMi»^ -The sharpening
competition and the new industrial
*i . -..-•:' ;z* L. a „<>..> '. -
the m<i ililj of stilt ssore oppress
letarial. Crises and antagonisms.
location, will characterize Capital*
VYitbvut considering the influence of the de-
-   pinf   international    revolutionary   crisis,   the
-sing period will be characterised by giant industrial revolts, by strikes larger and more nu-
raerous than in the past, by an intense unrest of
e industrial proletariat. These strikes, which
will assume the form of mass revolts, will par-
tieulariy* affect the larger, basic indu-:ry. where
the industrial proletariat i- concentrated. Conciliation,   reconstruction,  "understanding'*  between
- iployer and employee, will not prevent the eom-
ing irf this period of great rl»iK.es. of mass industrial revolts, of potential revolutionary mass action.
Thi* situation will offer a great opportunity to
Socialism. But if. a* in the past, the Socialist
Party uses these great strikes to make political
capita*, to prove to the workers the futility of
strike*, and the power of the vote—then a great
opportunity will be wasted. That is the petty
bouigaoii policy, which tries to compress the elemental action of the proletariat within the stultifying limits of^arliamentary action, as such.
The Socialist Party, revolutionary Socialism,
should use these strikes and mass industrial revolts to develop in the proletariat the eonseiou>-
ness of revolutionary mass action, to develop the
conception, and practice of political strikes, to
rr*a*e it realize that its action should centre in the
large plants, that when it wants to act. its action
should develop out of the mill, mine and factory.
Onr political action should become part and parcel
of this mass action, should promote the aggressive industrial struggle. To broaden a strike into
a demonstration, to develop, out of these, revolutionary mass action against Capitalism and the
state—that Is the policy which will transform the
coming period of strikes definitely into a period of
revolutionary action, preparing the mass action of
the Revolution.
The proletariat must 1* made to realize that the
futility of industrial action lies not in its being
industrial action, as such, but in that it I* incomplete, does not broaden and deepen itself into
class action. Is not sufficiently general and aggressive. The proletariat must be made to realize
that its great strength lies in its control of industry; and it is necessary to develop the consciousness and forms of workers* control of industry.
The proletariat must be made to realize that its
••haracteristi*- tactics r-onslst of industrial* mass
action developing into revolutionary mass action,
and that through this t&nm struggle of the industrial masses alone can the Socialist proletariat
And Socialism must be made to realize that the
value of parliamentary action lies not in "constructive legislation" and bureaucratic, petty
bourgeois reform measures, but in revolutionary
criticlsrn. in developing the industrial action of
the masses, in awakening their revolutionary consciousness: and that when the class struggle turns
into a test of power, it is the revolutionary- mass
action of the proletariat that will conquer, parliaments and parliamentary activity will disappear: politics may resist in developing the Revolution, but can neveaf become the instrument* of
Revolution, uneea-ing practice of Socialism must
be revolutionary mafB action: the unceasing object of Socialism must be the revolutionary conquest of power, the dictatorship of the proletariat.
An iitipurtaiit problem l> the movement deveJon
if.-* among the unions of the American Feden
tion of I-a!x»r to organize a Labor Party: in some
itiea this has been done, in others the propose]
as l»een approved.
This may. in a measure, be a reflex of similar
*ction among the Canadian unions. It Is, jn g^n
arger nieasurs* an expression of the new currents
that the war and events in Europe are developing
i .'e world* working class--expressed in baau.
tire tnd conservative form It iy. a«eordinglv i
move that, while it should not meet enthus:.;.-
£!id uncritical acceptance, merits the serious >tU(j|v
of the Socialist who d-»e> not flee from realitv bj
means of phrases, nor accepts every "reality*" u
real, but who studies the social alignment, its de-
celopment and peculiar forms, as the basis for
appropriate Socialist tactics.
The organization of an American Labor Party
may prove a step forward i«r the A. F. of I... but
not necessarily a step forward for the Americas
proletariat. The A. F of I... whieh has insisted
all along upon "no politics in the unions" v.hiie
dirkeriuii and compromising with Begmbliean and
Democratic politicians, may develop a f-eaner
sense of independence by means of independent
politics, in spite of the petty bourgeois forms the«e
politics will necessarily assume. It may. moreover, by >howing the futility of A. F. of L politic,
impress upon the proletariat the necessity of revolutionary Socialist action.
The New York "Call" wails that there is no
necessity for a Labor Party, since the Socialist
Party has been in the field for twenty years. This
is either an admission that the Socialist Party in
practice Is no more than a Labor Party, or a char-
aecteristic Menshevik refusal to admit the fundamental differences between a Labor Party and a
Socialist Party. In either case, it Is counter-
What is a Labor Party! The Labor Party, in
England and Australia, has been, from t!ie standpoint of revolutionarv- Socialism, hopelessly reactionary, consistently un-proletarian. The British
I.abor Party's policy is a petty bourgeois poliey,
a counter-revolutionary policy, as has been clearly
apparent from its unity with imperialist i«- Capi-
talism in the British Cabinet, its declaration that
the war was a war of democracy, its accepting
petty bourgeois liberalism instead of proletarian
Socialism, its nationalistic proposals concerning
Ireland, its virtual asquiescence in the expulsion
of the Inter-Allied Labor and "Socialist" Con
ference favoring "democratic" intervention in
Russia, its bureaucracy through Arthur Henderson acting against every development of revolutionary energy in the British proletariat. The
liritish I.abor Party has been a typical party or
laborism, in that it struggles for a place in the
governing of things, for petty advantages to th?
upper layers of the working class, instead w
Mruggling for the overthrow of the goveruin?
bourgeois system. The British Labor Party has
been and is a party of social-Imperialism: a poliey
rharacteristii- of laborism and petty bourgeoii
Sofialism. '
A characteristic of laborism is that it a,,ts
against the broad masses of the industrial proletariat, against the unorganized proletariat of unskilled labor. "The "labor" government ot
Australia, once in pow^r. used armed force W
break the strikes of unorganized, unskilled
workers. Moreover, the "labor" government, instead of introducing Socialism, as was exported
by the gullible Socialist, strengthened Capitalism,
became the unifying centre of bourgeois reaction
camouflaged in "labor" and "liberal" color*
When the war broke out. "labor" Australia *vaS
even  more patriotic and  imperialistic  than  boo*'*
(Continued on Page Three) THE RED FLAG
(Continued from Page Two)
geois Canada, "labor" Premier William Morris*
Hughes becoming the particular pet of the ultra-
imperialistic forces of British Capitalism. There
has been a revolt in the Labor Party against the
"excesses" of Hughes, and more radical currents
arc developing under pressure of the industrial
proletariat and revolutionary Socialism, but the
tendency still remains characteristic of a party
of laborism.
An Amreican Labor Party would be an expression of the A. F. of L. The policy of the A.
p. of L. is clearly reactionary. It acts against the
great masses of the unorganized and the unskilled,
as is proven by its attitude during I. W. W. strikes.
The A. F. of L. is an organization of craft unions,
that splits the working class; an organization,
moreover, that represents only a very small part
of the working class, being largely an organized
system of "job trusts." The A. F. of L. during
the war has pursued a policy of the utmost reaction, even more reactionary than many circles of
Capitalism; it united . with Capitalism against
Socialism in the United States, and in Europe
through its "Labor Missions"; and a Labor Party
would pursue an identical reactionary, petty bour^
geois policy.
There are elements in the Socialist Party, whose
policy is not at all Socialist but the poliey of reactionary trade unionism and laborism. who would
welcome a Labor Party, and urge merging with
it. That would be suicidal: there must be an independent Socialist Party: to merge with a Labor
Parly would promote confusion, compromise and
But it must be admitted that the official majority
polic> of the Socialist party in action is. in substance, the policy of Laborism disguised with
"Socialist" phraseology. Should our party retain
this policy, it would become the fifth wheel of the
wagon, serve no necessary mission, and would
cither decay or become absorbed in the Labor
Party. The Socialist Party would have to irrevocably separate itself from a Labor Party and
wage war upon it by means of revolutionary
The movement to organise a Labor Party, all
the developments now trnasforming the world, are
a call to Socialist reconstruction, to the annihilation of moderate, petty bourgeois Socialism. The
Socialist Party must re-organize in accord with
the new conditions, must adopt the policy of revolutionary Socialism, of the Bolsheviki—accept the
ideas now developing a new pulse in international
Socialism, and which alone represent Socialism
and Marxism.
The way to wage war upon a Labor Party,
should it eventuate, is not to promise more reforms than the Labor Party, is not to plead and
placate, but to develop the revolutionary consciousness of the proletariat, to awaken to action
the great, unorganized industrial proletariat, which
is the dominant force in industry, and which will
determine the destiny of the Revolution. This
would mean a broadening of the conception and
practice of politics—a broadening fully in accord
with Marxism and fundamental Socialism. The
A. E. of L. does not represent the elements of the
real proletariat—the industrial proletariat massed
in the basic larger industry. The A. F. of L.. except in the case of anachronisms such as the
miners, represents the skilled workers, the aristocracy of labor, men who have skill and consider
this skill "property." Their ideology is a petty
bourgeois ideology, and their domination of Socialism and the industrial proletariat would prove a
calamity. The answer to the A. F. of L. compromise and petty bourgeois policy is to awaken the
industrial proletariat, and pull out of the A. F. of
L. unions, such as the Miners, which belong with
the industrial proletariat.
^s against, the Labor Party, a Socialist Party:
«ns against the aristocracy of Labor, the masses of
the industrial proletariat; as against A. F. of L.
(Continued from Page Ono)
HH-h elements of their own accord organize any
noticeable resistance to the popular will, as expressed by the Soviet Government. Only in
sparsely populated outlying districts and in such
of those districts where our opponents had access
to foreign military help, has it been possible for
them to maintain any organized opposition and
to wrest from the control of Soviet Russia some
territory. Today, after sixteen months of existence, the Russian Soviet Republic finds itself
more securely established Hum at any previous
During the current year the Soviet Government
has been particularly successful in retaking vast
territories wrested from its control during the
preceding months. By February, 1919, the Soviet
troops on the northern front had retaken the city
of Shenkursk and adjoining territory. On the
eastern front they have lost Perm, but they have
regainer Pereufa, Ufa, Stelitamak, Bellbey, Orenburg and Uralsk. The railway connection with
central Asia is at present in the hands of the
Soviet Government. On the southern front* they
have taken the railway stations at Pavorino, Alexi-
kovo. Polovaya, Kalatsk, and Begutchar. which
have assured them of a control over the railways
of that region, while on the southeastern front
the Ukrainian Soviet troops threaten the army
ef Krasnov from Ugansk in the rear. In the
"fkraine»the Soviet troops have acquired Kharkov,
Vekaterinoslav. Poltava. Krementehug, Tcherni-
gov, and Obrutch. In the Baltic provinces and in
Lithuani the Soviet power has been extended to
9 great part of the territory formerly occupied \ff
Germans, with the large cities of Minsq, Vilna,
Riga, Mitau, Dvinsk, Windau, and others in the
control of adherents of the Soviet.
These last-mentioned siu-cesses are largely duo
to the fact that, after Ihe evacuation by the German armies of the territories wrested from Russia
during the war. and the peace treaty of Brest-
Litovsk. which the Soviet Republic was foi'ced to
sign under duress, the workers in such territories
everywhere are rising to support the ideals and
the social order represented by the Soviet Republic.
The resentment against former ruling classes,
who did not hesitate at ii#iting foreign military
help against their own people, has evinced itself
by an ever-increasing popular support of the
Soviet Government, even among such people as at
first were either hostile or indifferent to the Soviet
rule. Men and women of literary or technical
training and of other intellectual accomplishments
are now in great numbers rallying to the support
of the Soviet Government, and co-operate with it
in all administrative branches. The peasantry of
Russia, the great majority of whom from the very
outset were supporting the workers' revolution,
have become more consciously attached to our
social system, realizing that in the support of the
workers' republic lies the only guarantee for their
remaining in control of the land which they have
wrested from their fromer oppressors. The economic isolation of Russia, which so far has prevented the Soviet Government from adequately
supplying the peasants with implements that they
so badly need, is. of course, causing hardship
among the peasantry; yet the peasants generally
do not place the blame for this privation at the
door of the Soviet Government, well realizing that
it is due to the deliberate interference in the af-
uirlonisni. industrial unionism; as against conciliation with Capitalism, the revolutionary struggle
against Capitalism.
There is no magic in "labor"—it depends upon
what labor represents, its tendency and action.
There is no magic in Socialism" either; both may
be reactionary and counter-revolutionary. The
great task of Socialism 's its own reconstruction—
this animates its policy on all problems.
fairs of the Russian people by hostile groups, and
that a remedy for this privation is not a weakening but a strengthening of the Soviet power. They
fully realized—aiHl their experiences in such instances where counter-revolutionary forces temporarily succeeded in overthrowing Soviet institutions
clearly' demonstrated it—that an overthrow of the
Soviet rule, if possible at all, would lead to- the
establishment of a tyrannical, reactionary, bloody
The remarkable improvement in the internal
situation of Soviet Russia appears from the negotiations which the members of the former Constituent Assembly have begun with the Soviet Government. Representatives of the former Constituent Assembly, as Tehernov, Rakitnikov, Sivatit-
«ki, Volski, Bourevoy, Tchernenkov, Antonov, all of
whom are also members of the Central Committee
of. the Social Revolutionary party, recently arrived
at Moscow to participate in a conference with the
Soviet Government with the view of giving support
to our Republic. This conference has led to an
understanding whereby these well-known Social
Revolutionists and former bitter opponents have
ceased their opposition and declared themselves
with great emphasis against the Entente intervention in Russia.
An improvement of the Soviet Government's relations with the elements formerly hostile* to it in
Russian society is also indicated by the change in
the attitude of the Mensheviki, whose conference
has likewise protested against the Entente intervention.
The army of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet
Republic   has   been   successfully   organized   and
numbers today over a million men.   A system of
universal  military training has been inaugurated
which steadily supplies the army with reinforcements, with the viewr of creating a force numbering by the end of the current year three million
men.   The forces of the Government are led partly
by officers of the former Russian armies who have
proved their allegiance to the Soviet Government,
and partly by officers developed from the rank and
n'le by the military educational institutions established by my government.    The Commissariat  of
War has been successful in establishing and maintaining a strict discipline within the ranks of the
army—a  discipline not  based on  fear of punishment or on docile submission, but on the ardent
conviction of the workers from whose ranks the
army is recruited that it is their privilege as well
as their duty to defend their social achievements
against encroachments from any source.   This same
conviction of the necessity of the defence of our
revolutionary  achievements has  made  it  possible
for us, in spite of all economic obstacles, efficiently
to organise the production of military supplies.
The Soviet Government inherited a legacy of '
utter financial disruption created by four years of
vrar and a year of revolution. This state of affairs,
and also the necessity of co-ordinating the financial
system of Russia with the new industrial and economic system represented by my government,
necessitated a complete reorganization of the financial institutions on the basis of common property
rights. This reorganization, which aims at exchanging the money system for a system repre-'
Renting labor value, is still in the state of formation. Regardless thereof the Soviet Government,
in as far as financial relations with and obligations to other countries are concerned, is prepared to offer modes of financial transactions suitable for the financial system of other countries.
The period up till the establishment of the Soviet
government also faulty disrupted the machinery
for producetion and distribution. The Soviet Government inaugurated a system of public control
and ownership of industries. It has actually taken
over many important branches of industry, and"
has established the control of the Supreme Council of National Economy over all industries. Great
handicaps have been faced because of the obstructionist methods of our opponents, lack of raw
material and machinery, and because of the geff-'
(Continued on Page Six)
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A Journal  of News  and  View* Devoted to  the
Working Class.
Published When Circumstance* and Finances Perch
Br The Socialist Party of Canada.
¥>l Pender Street Ea>:. Vancouver. B. CL
C. S
APRIL 12. wis
The history of the development of the State as
a social institution, shows it to be behind the make
believe of its apologists, but the executive committee of the economically dominant and ruling
class. In these days of the concentration of the
economic powers of modem capitalist nations into
comparatively few hands there has also accrued
a corresponding increase of power to their executive committee.
Under State capitalism, which now prevails, the
State itself has delegated to it social powers which
were formerly considered outskle its proper sphere
of operations. It now operates industries which
at one time were subject to the control of individual enterprise. It has had more and more arbitrary powers given to it for adjucating and settling the disputes which arise between employers
and employees. In addition to these greater social
powers it has also greater and more effective physical force, within beck and call, in the army, navy
and police, than was ever exercised by a tyranny
before. Built and raised on force, from foundation to coping stone, the State had its beginnings
with class society in ancient chattel slavery and
the introduction of property as a social institution.
It has thus always been the protector and bulwark
of the dominant economic class. Being organized
force itself, a conservator of things as they are, it
has never respected anything else but force.
Innumerable examples of this truth might be
mentioned. Suffice it point to the late strike in
Glasgow, when the State sent an army which invaded the city with all the paraphernalia of modern war—bombing planes, artillery, barbed-wire,
tanks, machine-guns, and horse and foot. Compare that with the attitude it assumes when a
triple alliance arrives upon the scene speaking
in terms of power.
There is a moral to be drawn from such spectacles :   Organize!
Let us call to mind that we live in the year 1919
when there are other questions besides wages and
conditions of labor, of vital interest, affecting the
proletariat of this country. Three-fourths of
Europe is under or is rapidly coming under the
dictatorship of the proletariat, though arriving at
that point ahead of other countries because
the forcing power of the abnormal conditions generated by the war, were more drastic there. Nevertheless, the proletariat of the other countries is
also stirring and forward looking towards that
deepest of all revolutions—an economic revolution.
The proletarian movement towards eraancipa
tion, however, is not of mushroom growth, is not
*a leap, hey presto! but of organic development
along the line of struggle induced by the conditions of life itself. Only the Utopian, with his
head in. the clouds, could expect the mass of men
to accept enlightenment from conversion by written or spoken word. Only a Utopian could conceive of sitting down and waiting for a hypothetical catastrophic collapse of the capitalist system.
If what Marx says is true that, in all the history of political society, class struggles have been
the chief instrument of political development and
must be so. so long as class society endures, if the
overthrow of the capitalist system is to be the result of the class struggle between the bourgeoisie
and the proletariat, then it follows that it is the
function of the Socialist to develop the class
The Socialist movement i> but subsidiary and
contributory to the broader, deeper historical
movement, that of the proletariat Its function is
by precept, cultural. 'The theoretics of scientific
Sfoeialism are a fundamental necessity of the development of the class struee!!r. and that implies.
as a matter of cour>e, their application to the
events and proMcmi that press upon us daily as a
as^, otherwise they are a> barren as the chatter
(f ape> or the interminable argumentation of the
schoolmen of the middle ages. It is to castrate
tne S>«-ia:ist MOveuaCnl to confine its labors to the
red of polemic or to the lecture room. In practice, the place of the Socialist i< in the van of the
proletarian movemer;: giving it point, marshalling
i:- Z:>tj*s towards definiteness of purpose: clarifying and sharpening all issues with the light of
Socialist knowledge.
The Socialist Party of Canada is organized on
the political field All worker-, employed or unemployed irrespective of conflicting interests on
the labor market or in industry, may find under
:*s banner a common rallying point for the seizins of the powers of the bourgeois State, which
stand* between tbem and the common ownership
of the means of wealth production.
Until the v.-.rkers are ready to take over the
machinery of wealth production and operate it
for the benefit of society as a whole, the .Sorialist
Party of Canada uses tl e political field for carry-
ing on the propaganda of revolutionary Socialism.
The members of the party realizing that, by the
process of palliatives and reforms, the workers
<-an never materially improve their lot as a class
or achieve their emancipation from wage slavery,
therefore conceive that they best serve the cause
of the proletariat and the social revolution by specializing on the education of the workers. They do
this by propaganda meetings. They publish this
paper, also leaflets, pamphlets, etc.: distribute them,
along with much other literature. They hold educational classes on history, economies and philosophy in order that members of the working class
may go out mentally equipped to educate their
The party members function as teaching the
nature of the scientific method as .an instrument
of enquiry-, as propagating the findings of scientific enquiry into society, the history of its growth
and change of form, the forces discovered that
make history, that develop or retard its progress, and the tendencies and line of social development. They explain the structure of the present
capitalistic form of society out of which issues the
problems of our day. for whose successful solution,
a knowledge of the foregoing is necessary. They
press persistently upon the workers that the world
problem is peculiarly and particularly, theirs; by
the mandate of history itself, theirs and theirs
alone to solve, and try to arouse them to a realization of this and to the disastrous consequences
involved, upon them and **>cieiy at large if they
do not. through ignorance or slavish humility or
apathetic indifference, assume the responsibility
placed upon them.
They hold that if the workers a*c ignorant, it
is our Soia'ist duty to educate them; if apathetic,
to arouv them, if lacking in leadership and initiative to supply it.
As with society itself, social classes are organi"
in their nature, and so is the class struggle, having a growth, a life history and a technique of
development. "Follow where the cannons roar,
and throw yourselves upon the enemy." said old
Blucher, when discussing the tactics of war.
So, Socialism is not for the lecture room alone.
Where the proletariat is. there is the class struggle.
The class struggle, it is Socialism Socialism it is
the class struggle.
The capitalist system, the bourgeoisie, the proletariat, the class struggle. Socialism—are a1'  the
i Continued from Page One)
ternal  government they require.—Rotton Park.
The International
50. That this conference views with alarm the
continued attempts made to form a distinct In.
ternational Trade Union movement by the American Federation of Labor, believing such a course
to be detrimental and distinctly antagonistic to
the International Socialist and Labor movement,
and we are of the opinion that this effort to divorce the workers from politics will undermine
the solidarity of the working class.—Aberdare.
Hours of Labor
52. That this conference reaffirms its belief in
the need for a reduction of the number of hours
of labor, and considers that a six-hour workin?
nav and a five-dav week should be established bv
• ■ »
53. That this conference calls upon the Gov-
ernment to frame and introduce a bill, to take effect on demobilization, making the maximum working week of five days of six hours each. 30 hours
ins all. abolishing factory home work and without
lowering the standard of living.—Tranent. Carluke. Bridgeton. Loch gel ly. College. Glasgow City,
Perth. Douglas Water. Musselburgh. Greenock,
Cowdenbeath. Mingavie. Lesmahagow. Hutcheson-
Industrial Programme for India
54. This conference is of the opinion that, while
legitimate desires of educated Indians for a larger
share in the government of their country are
worthy of sympathy, the Labor organizations of
Great Britain should promise active co-operation
and support only on condition that the various
Indian bodies desiring such co-operation incorporate prominently in their programme a demand
for an eight-hour day. minimum wages of at least
15s. weekly, abolition of child labor under 14 years
of age, and other ameliorative measures for the
industrial population of India.—City of London.
55. That this conference asks for the withdrawal of British troops from Ireland in view of
the decisive vote of the people in Ireland at the
last general election.—West Salford.
Party   Organization   and   Recommendations   and
Instruction to N.A.C.
82. This conference, recognizing that the
workers in their struggle to emancipate themselves
from the thraldom of capitalism must use every
weapon, calls upon the workers to perfect their
organizations in order that they may be better instruments for the final overthrow of capitalism.—
89. That the X. A. C. be asked to enter into
negotiations with the B. S. P. and S. L. P., with
a view to forming one united Socialist Party of
dreat Britain.—Newport.
94. That this conference protests against the
repeated appeals of the X. A. C. to the representatives of capitalistic and imperialistic governments: and is of the opinion that the emancipation of the workers will be the work of the workers
themselves, and that the time is now opportune
for the X. A. C. to call a conference of the workers
to put into full operation the principles and aims
of the Leeds Conference.—Liverpool.
99. That this conference, realizing the futility
of calling upon a capitalistic government to socialize the land, coal mines, mineral wealth, quarries,
railways and ships, is of the opinion that the propaganda of the I. L. P. should be directed towards
the absolute overthrow of the capitalist system.—
products of history, indissolubly linked together.
And it is the proletarian struggle for its emancipation from economic bondage under the capitalist system, that history provides as the key to
open the gateway that leads humanity towards a
new world. THE RED FLAG
an Capital and Labor Produce Efficiently
and Exist in Harmony?
Explanation of terms in brief:
Capital in this case represents not only capital;
L ; "go the investors of eapitai. It represents the
[niership of the means of life held by a class of
csonalities  called capitalists.    So, we have to
;<l with a class of owners.
Labor not only means labor power in action but
us labor power whether in action or not. Labor
»re means the world's workers, a class which is
'ietly proletarian, with the exception of the pea-
m t farmer and the petty craftsmen who work
their own in a two-by-four shop. The mass of
[bor is proletarian, and as such I will deal with
Produce efficiently means the elimination of
feste not only of material, such as the raw mater-
|l used in production; but also of labor power.
Exist  in  harmony  means to live  within capi-
lisict society with a minimum of friction.   This
the thermometer. Any society which fails to
roduce harmony with a minimum of friction rea-
zes its failure. It is thrust upon it by agitation
roduced out of its unevenly developed state.   It
* outlived its usefulness.
The capitalist class are the owners of the means
life, access to whieh labor must have in order
live.   Here is friction right on the start, and
produce harmony out of friction is some task,
plieve me. The capitalist class control the state
id the military machine. With this power they
lape their policies and laws as a protection to
keir property. Thus, by means of the state, the
|ilitary and the police, they control the destinies
society, including the slave portion commonly
id politely called employees. All these institu-
)ns. or manifestations of force, Ownership, state.
|ilitary, judiciary and police, are direct products
private ownership.    They are not the product
genius, but of material conditions.
Seeing that all power is vested in favor of the
ming class, and that the workers are really
jwerless,  being  non-owners  of   property,   and
ives to the owners, how can harmony be pro-
iced?   It is impossible to treat this subject from
local standpoint such as J. Coughlan's or,Walk's of Vancouver.    Although there are excepts amongst the capitalist class who have adopt-
modern ideas of efficiency long before the ave-
fpe capitalist still, those exceptions were engaged
such businesses as could be controlled easier
on the economics of Capitalistic Production,
heing the first nine chapters of:
Vol. 1 Marx's Capital with the 32nd chapter on
the Historical Tendency of Capitalist Accumulation included, also an extract from the preface
to the same author's "Critique of Political
l-'conomy", which formulates the materialistic
interpretation of history.
I Prices are as per the following quotations:
| Pott paid In all cases
Single copies, paper covers, 50c.
25 copies or more, paper covers, copy, 40c.
Single copies, cloth bound, $1.00 per copy.
10 copies or more, cloth bound, copy, 75c.
We await your orders, and we hope you will keep
uh busy, as success in this venture means much to
[the publishers'  future efforts.
Make  all  remittances  payable  to  C.  Stephenson,
[401 Pender Street East. Vancouver, B. C.
than such basic industries as shipbuilding, mining,
railroading and others. I refer to Cadburys, Lever
Bros, and others. These men did succeed in producing the maximum of harmony possible under
this system. They also increased their dividends.
All those companies, however, as their businesses
expanded, and as efficiency improved, employed
less workers in relation to the output than formerly. The workers thus thrown out of work
were absorbed by the proletarian mass who were
less securely provided with a steady job. So that
these apparent benefactors were, by using efficiency, creating friction outside its own particular
The idea of building ships in Vancouver, or in
England cheaper than elsewhere is untenable so
we must apply efficiency world wide, and in every
industry and calling, whether it be making ships,
matches, railroads, textiles, or farming.
The market is limited. By that I mean it is possible to glut it. There was a time when it was
comparatively unlimited. That is, it could not be
glutted internationally at one time. Individual
countries could keep their workers constantly employed for several years, but for the last fifty
years over-production has constantly decreased
the cycle of time and produced depressions. This
has gone on in every industrialized country, first
affecting each country at slightly different times
and gradually bringing the crises in each country simultaneously. This happened very strikingly
in 1913-14. A world-wide glut of an international
market took place. The machinery of production
had outgrown the market. The anarchy of produetion manifested itself in the form of an overstocked market and a starving working class. The
year 1914 produced the pinnacle of friction arising out of the class nature of society: Out of
private ownership and social produetion.
The centralization of capital tends to decrease
the number of capitalists and increase the number
of workers. Efficiency in production means nothing less than cheapening the cost of commodities,
and. so soon as efficiency becomes effective, it
must of necessity react uon the commodity, labor
power. Instead of "insuring the endurance" of
industry, and "sustaining the wage standard." efficiency will have the opposite effect. A given
number of men efficiently trained will produce
quicker than if they were inefficient, thereby glutting the market that much sooner. Their position
as workers changes to that of idlers—unemployed
—sooner than they would under an inefficient
plan, This is not an argument favoring inefficiency, but is an argument refuting the statement
of "insurance of work" through applied efficiency
under capitalism.
There can not be "mutual confidence between
the firmand its employees." The ninth article in
the Coughlan-Metal Trades Council's agreement
contradicts it. It excludes any mutuality in my
mind. The Big Six appear as an equal representation, but when first, the manager; second, the
firm, and third, the Royal Commission takes a
hand in the game, the workers' half of the Big
Six looks small, indeed.
A fair day's work for a full day's pay," is a
new one. It used to be a fair day's work for a
fair day's work. The workers, ever since fuedal-
ism have done a full day's work for which they
received from one half to one-eighth of the total
product. Today, with a modern machine used,
and efficiency applied, the workers will reduce
their share of pay even less than one-eighth. I
don't mean in Coughlan's, but I take the industrial
activities of an efficient working class world wide.
The same principle will apply less strikingly in
Vancouver. Many of the capitalists of this city
are  marginal  capitalists.    They have  drawbacks
which handicap them which other capitalists engaged elsewhere in similar enterprises do not encounter. Taking statistics on production prior to
the war, the workers produced four hundred per
ecnt. more than their wages represented in products. This figure has been increased alarmingly,
how much we do not know; but it is so great that
a crisis will occur in short order whenever tho
war ceases. All the worker will get is food, clothing and shelter so long as his labor power is a
commodity. As a class, in ratio with the centralization of capital and the application of efficiency,
the workers must suffer more and more from the
evil effects of over-production.
The master class may be sincere in its efforts
to bring harmony into the relations between capital and labor. They may be convinced that their
plans are practical. But their hopes are doomed
to failure ere their schemes have hardly been
tested. The private ownership of the means of
life, and the control of the produce by a few, is a
contradiction to the socialized method of production. That is why friction is unavoidable between
the owning class and the non-owners—the master
and the slave. -      ■', .t
As long as labor power is a com modify it is
liable to the rise and fall of a fluctuating market. And so long as the worker allows it to be
bought as a commodity, he is liable to experience
want when the result of his having sold himself
is expressed in the form of an overstocked1* market. Surplus values are created only at the point
of production. The worker receives less than he
produces. The master by reason of holding title
deeds gets something for nothing. The worker is
a slave, the owner a master. Friction is the only
logical outcome from such a relation.—W. B.
Manchester Guardian, Mareh 20th
Last week the number of persons in Lancashire,
Chestershire and North Derbyshire who are receiving Government unemployment donation, increased by over 12,000. The total number in
receipt of the allowance stood at 223.794 on Friday, as compared with 211.668 on March 7th.
In the last three weeks the number has grown
by more than 30,000. The Guardian says, "that
there may be some grounds for the popular complaint that men are "work-shy" and reluctant
to take up jobs immediately on return to civil
life. But an occupational analysis of the unemployment returns coincides with the broader facta
about trade conditions in Lancashire, and makes
it quite clear that industry is at present unable
to absorb the full number of men demobilized.
At 8 p.m. Sharp
Corner Gore and Hastings
Speakers—J. Vincent and A. McKenxie
M k i '<rfi''-
I j I1!  I:, i i
iV i
:i urn
Continued ironi Page Three
era! confusion unavoidably coincident with the
gigantic reorganization of the industrial life. In
spite of these great handicaps, various branches of
industry have been re-established even vita an
* Tense of productive efficiency- Many branches
of industry, however, have not so far been able
to recuperate, because of la-k or raw material and
lack of machinery. The needs of suefe idmliies
offer a wide fie'd for business transaetioBS with
Sufloa by other countries.
The state of railway communi«-ations at the out's.- of the Soviet regime was very unsatisfactory.
The demands, first of the ilfiBohilintioii of the
eld army and later of military operations against
counter-revolutionary attacks, taxed the capacity
of our railways and left little opportunity for reconstruction work in this field. The Soviet Govern] ent during the past year nevertheless has
managed to build and to complete the building of
to the eeoaekrie icmaawliiiilinn of Russia, exhausted Ir    I   rr years of war. to the defera-e of the
lountiy, but also cut off the vital source of food-
staflfB and raw material, exposing the population
-    most terrible privation bordering on starvation.
"I wi>b to emphasize that the so-called red ter-
r, whi'-h is so grossly exaggerated and misrep-
ijgsested abroad, was not the cause but the direct
outcome and  result of Allied intervention.    The
Russian workers and peasants fail to understand
how   foreign  countries,  which  never  dreamed  of
j terfering with Russian afTai-s when Czarist barbarism and militarism  ruled supreme,  and  which
even  supported that  regime,  feel  justified in intervening i?i Russia nv'J when the working people
themselves, after decades of strenuous struggling
end  eoontieas saeriiiees. succeeded  in  taking  the
)■ wee   ard   destiny   of foeir   country   into   their
own hf.nds. aiming at nothing but their own happiness   and   international   brotherhood,   constituting
o menace to other nations.'*
'In another passage of tne same note Mr. Litvin-
ofT slates as follows:
'The best means for the termination of violence
in Russia would be to reach a settlement which
would include the withdrawal of all foreign troops
about  2.000 versts of new railways.    It has also
paid great attention to the construction of other ¥lv_   Pt,   -     lJ  a      ..     -   ,.   "
. ... , irtjm   Kussia.  and the  cessation  of direct  or m-
means  of eoramumearton.  <u<-n  as  canals,  roads. ,,:-,,,► o^-»„„ ^ ♦ *, •    *> mm
~^ «iirr^-t as.sistar.ee to such groups m Russia as still
ete^  and  is  at   th*-  present   time  planning  work^
along these lines on a large scale, which will also
effer great opportunities for foreign trade.
The people of Russia, kept for hundreds of years
away from sources of popular education, have
made it one of the main tasks of my government
to reorganize the school system with a new to the
greatest possible aerievemehts in the field of popular education. In this respect extensive work has
been carried on throughout Russia during the past
year. Tens of thousands of new primary schools,
vocational schools, workers' universities, and lecture courses, especially <-oums offering agricultural instruction, have been established and maintained at great expense on the part of the Soviet
Government, and the field of the educational activities has been extended to include the making
cf th* treasures of the arts- and sciences as easily
aeeesftible to the people 2s possible.
A1J  these efforts,  incomplete  as they  still  are.
indulge in futile hopes of an armed revolt against
the workers" Government, but who even them-
telves would not think of such a possibility if they
«-<»u!d 'not reckon on assistance from abroad."
The great work of social reconstruction inaugurated by the Soviet Government as the executors
«i the people's will has been hampered by the
I ri.gtaily of military defence against opponents of
our republic, and by the economic isolation of
Soviet Russia which has been one of the weapons
of their attacks: t«iae*her with deliberate disrupting of our means of communication with important
food centres, as well as destruction of food stores:
and all this has greatly increased the sufferings of
our people. By tremendous efforts and by efficient consolidation of all economic means at its
disposal, my government has been able to stave
off the worst features of this situation. The fact
that econoniie disruption together with starvation and  lack of all the bare necessities  of life
however, have given the Russian people sufficient    prevails as poignantly, and more so. in such parts
evidence of the earnestness of the desire and of    (i{ the  former Russian  empire as have been for
the ability of the Soviet Government to fill the
needs of the population, and they have largely
contributed to the abatement of opposition. Inasmuch as opposition has '-eased in the form of active  resistance  to the Soviet Government, it  has
some time in the hands of the opponents of our
republic and have had contact with the outside
world, clearly testifies that the Soviet rule is
L'ueh more capable of insuring means of existence
<o the people than any pretenders to the power
runted commercial  relations, the Russian Uoi.K
and peasants, as Mr. Litvinoff stated in the abov!
quoted note,  "are prepared to  go to any [^1
of concessions as far as the real interests of otj
countries are concerned," of course with the umj
standing that  no agreements entered into .should
impair the sovereignty of the Russian people,
expressed by the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet
On the part of the Russian Socialist Federal
Soviet Republic there thus exist no obstacles to
the establishment of proper relations with other
countries, especially with the (Jniteu States, n.
Soviet Government of Russia is willing to open
its doors to citizens of other countries for peace.
ful pursuit of opportunity, and it invites anv
scrutiny and investigation of its conditions, *$u
I feel sure will prove that peace and prosperity ]a
Russia and elsewhere, in so far aa the prosperity
of Russia affects other countries, may be attained
by the cessation of the present policy of non-in«
tercourse with Soviet Russia, and by the estab-
liahment of material  and intellectual  intercourse.
Russia is now prepared to purchase in the
American market great quantities of the following
commodities, commensurate with the needs of 150,.
(•00.000 people: railway supplies, agricultural b
plements and machinery, factory machinery, tools,
mining machinery and supplies, electrical supplies,
printing machinery and supplies, electrical supplies, printing machinery, textile manufactures,
shoes and clothing, fats and canned meats, rubfar
goods, typewriters and office supplies. automoSilex
and trucks, chemicals, medical supplies, etc.
Russia is prepared to sell the following com-
modifies: flax. hemp, hides, bristles, furs !ti>H*r,
grain, platinum, metals,  and minerals.
The Russian Government, in the event of trade
being opened with the United States, is prepared
to place at once in banks in Europe and America
gold to the amount of two hundred million dollar!
($200,000,000) to cover the price of initial purchases.
To insure a basis for credits for additional Russian purchases in the 1'uited States. 1 suggest
that detailed negotiations with my government
will evolve propositions fully acceptable for this
1 am empowered by my government to negotiate
for the speedy opening of commercial re1 a*ions for
.he mutual benefit of Russia and America, and I
shall be glad to discuss details at the earliest opportunity.
become possible to assuage extraordinary measures j„ Russia.
such as censorship, martial law. etc. In.view of all the above-stated. 1 venture to say
Much   prejudice  has  l*en   created  against   the fbai   the   Soviet   Government   has   given  all   such
fcoviet Government by the circulation of false re- proofs of stability, permanence, popular support,
ports about the nature of the institutions and the and constructive ability as ever have been required
measures  undertaken  by  Soviet  Russia.    One  of from any government in the world as a basis for
the most  frequent  allegations has been  that  the political   recognition   and   commercial   intercourse,
rule of the Soviets is one of violence and murder, j 8m confident that the people outside of Russia
In this connection  I want  to call  your attention are becoming as convinced as the Russian people
1o the following passages in the note sent to the themselves of the futility of efforts to overthrow
Prat'dent of the United States on the 24th of December. 1918. by Maxim, Litvinoff, on behalf of the
Soviet Government in Russia.
"The chief aim of the Soviets is to secure for
the toiling majority of Russian people economic
liberty, without which political liberty is of no
avail tothem. For eight months the Soviets endeavored to realize their aims by peaceful methods
without resorting to violence, adhereing to the
abolition   of capital   punishment,   which   abolition
the Soviet government. Such efforts lead only to
Qiinere4sary bloodshed, and, if successful in any
port of Russia, lead to temporary establishment
mi' b]o<-dy. monarehial autocracy which cannot
maintain itself, and even the temporary existence
•f which will lead to bloodshed and misery.
Fully realizing that economic prosperity of the
world at large, including Soviet Russia, depends
on uninterrupted interchange of products between
various countries, the Soviet Government of Russia
had been part of their programme. It was only desires to establish commercial relations with other
when their adversaries, the minority of the Rus- countries, and especially with the United States.
aian people, took to terroristic acts against popu- The Soviet Government is prepared at once to
lar members of the g#vernmer:: and invoked the buy from the United States vast amounts of fin-
help of foreign troops, .hat the laboring masses tyhed products, on terms of payment fully satiS-
wcre driven to acts of exasperation and gave vent factory to parties concerned. My government also
to their wrath and bitter feelings against their desires to reach an agreement "in respect to ex-
former oppressors. For Allied invasion of Russian ports from Russia of raw material needed by other
.territory not only compelled the Soviets against countries and of which considerable surpluses
their own will to militarize the country anew, and exist in Russia. In order to re-establish the eco-
to divert their energies and resources so necessary romic integrity of Russia and to insure  uninter-
IEditorial From the Manchester Guardian. Manh
20. 1919
It   is  time  the   situation   in   Russia   was  taken
seriously in hand and  some definite policy adopted.    It looks as though the Bolsheviks may soon
take   Odessa.    After   the   Turkish   surrender the
Ai'ics sent i mixed force to South Russia, and it
is this forces with its Russian allies, which is now
failing  back  before  the   Bolshevik   attack.    H ''■
worth while trying to get an idea of ihe military
situa<ion in Russia, though ii can only be a v*V*
idea, since nothing precise is published as to the
armiec engaged or as to the districts being fought
over.    Roughly, the Bolsheviks control  the whole
central  mass of Russia,  from  the   Arctic  on the
north  to the  Black  Sea   on the south, from the
Lithuanian-Polish frontier on the east to the I'ra's
In the west.   On the periphery of this central mass
are various enemies of the Bolsheviks, practically
all  of  whom  are  fighting independently of one
another and most of whom are territorially separated from one another.   In the Arctic there is an
Allied force at  Archangel  and on the Murmansk
coast.    Against this the Bolsheviks, during recent
months have been taking the offensive, with some
measure of success.    On the east is the Siberian
army of Koltehak. which is now wholly Russian.
This has been advancing lately, perhaps because
the Bolsheviks have been sending their troops else-
continued on Page Seven) THE RED FLAG
The State and Revolution
(Continued from Previous Issue)
[3. The State Is the Instrument of the Exploitation
of the Oppressed Class
For the maintenance of a special social power
Iftanding above society, there is necessary the imposition   of   taxes   and   obligations   toward   the
"Ruling by social power and by the right
of imposing obligations." writes Engels, "the
office-holders, as organs of society, rise above
society.     The   voluntary,   unaffected   respect
which  was felt toward the organs of family
(clan)    society,   is   no   longer   sufficient   for
them—as   if   they   could   attain   even   that."
Special  laws  are  created,  providing  for the
sanctity, and inviolability of the official class.
"The pettiest  policeman" has more "authority" than the representatives of the clan, yet
even the head of the military power of the
civilized  state  might  envy the  elders of the
clan, who enjoy the respect  of their society
"without enforcing it with clubs."
The question of the privileged position as organs
of state power of the official class is here clearly
put.    It  is pointed  out  as  fundamental.    What
puts them over society?   We shall see later how
this theoretical question was answered in practice
I by the Paris Commune of 1871. and quashed in a
reactionary spirit by Kautsky-in 1912.
"As the state arose from the necessity of
holding in check the opposition of the classes,
and as it arose at the same time from the
very collisions between these classes,  it will
naturally become, as a general rule, the state
of the most powerful, economically dominant
class, which with the aid of the state established itself as the politically dominant class
and thus creates new modes for suppressing
and exploiting the downtrodden classes" . . .
Not   only   the   ancient   and   feudal   societies
were organs for the suppression of the slaves
and serfs, respectively, but "our present-day   .
representative government" is an instrument
for the exploitation of wage labor by capital.
Exceptional periods may occur, in which the
struggling classes attain a certain equilibrium
jof forces, so that the state power for a time has
a certain independence with  respect  to both
of them: it  is then  apparently a "mediator
between them."   Such was the absolute monarchy of the 17th and 18th centuries, the Bona-
partism of the 1st and 3rd empires in France,
and Bismarck in Germany.
And such, we may add for ourselves, was the
jKerensicy Government in republican Russia, after
jit began to persecute the revolutionary proletariat
•it the moment when the Soviets, owing to the fact
j that they were led by petit bourgeois democrats.
[wore still powerless, while the bourgeoisie was not
(yet strong enough to disperse them.
"In   a   democratic   republic."   Engels   continues, "wealth exercises its power indirectly,
hut all the more truly:"   in the first place,
simply as in America, by "the outright purchase of officials";    in the second place, by
"a  union   between  the   government  and the
moneyed interests"    (France and America).
In our day imperialism and the domination of
1he banks "has developed" both these means of
I defending  and  putting  into  force the   universal
j Tower of wealth, in  any democratic republic,  to
«n unprecedented degree.   Tf. for example, in the
[earlier months of the democratic republic in Rus-
lR*a. during the honeymoon, as it were, of the union
nf the S. R. and Menshevik "socialists" with the
jnourgeoisie in one coalition government—Mr. Pal-
j°hinsky  sabotaged  all   methods  of  checking  the
capitalists and their marauding agents, their seizures of public moneys for war supplies; and if,
after Mr. Palehinskv leaves the ministry  (to be
succeeded, of course, by another man exactly like
him), he is "recompensed," by the capitalists, with
a little job and an annual salary of 120,000 rubles
attached,—what would you call that? Is that a
direct or an indirect purchase of officials? Is that
mi alliance of the government with the industrialists, or "merely" a friendly understanding?
What is the role played by the Chernovs, Tsere-
1 el lis. Avksentyeffs and Kkobeleffs?—Are they
direct aids of the millionaire-grafters, or only indirect aids?
The complete domination of "wealth" is more
real in democratic republics for the reason that it
is no longer dependent on the awkward political
robe of capitalism. The democratic republic is the
best possible garment for capitalism, and capital
therefore, once having acquired this splendid cloak
(through the P^lchinskys, Chernovs, Tseretellis,
and associates), proceeds Avith all the greater hope.
fulness to lay the foudations of its power, since
it is assured that no change whatever, in personnel, or institutions, or parties, can, in the bourgeois democratic republic, cause that power to
We must also observe that Engles, with great
definitencss, calls the general suffrage right an instrument of bourgeois rule. This right, he says,
evidently with the long experience of the German Social Democracy in mind, is:
"An indicator of the degree of maturity of
the working class. It cannot give, and never
will give more than this with the state organized as it is now"
Petit-bourgeois democrats of the stamp of our
S. R.'s and mensheviks, as well as their true
brothers, the social-chauvinists and opportunists of
Western Europe, hope for "great things" from the
general suffrage right. They thus disseminate and
put into the minds of the people the false idea that
the general right ,pf .suffrage is calculated, "with
the state as it now is," to secure an actual reflection of the will of the majority of the toilers as
well as its enforcement.
For the present we may only call attention to
this false idea and point out that the perfectly
clear, precise, concrete declaration of Engels is
distorted at every step in the propaganda and agi-
uition of the "official" (i.e. opportunistic) socialist
parties. A complete exposition of the falsity of
this teaching, which Engels merely touches upon,
will be found in our further presentation of the
views of Marx and Engels on "the state as it is
now is."
The final summing up of his views is given by
Engels in his most popular work, as follows:
"Thus   the  state   has  not   existed  forever.
There were societies which got along without
it. which had not the slightest conception of the
meaning of the state or of state power.   At a
certain   stage   in   the   economic   development,
which coincided with the spliting up of society
into classes, the state became a necessity by
virtue of this split.    We are now rapidly approaching that  stage in the development of
production, when the existence of these classes
will not only cease to be a necessoty, but will
become an outright hindrance to production.
The classes will disappear as inevitably as, in
the past, they have appeared.  %And with the
passing away of the classes will inevitably be
associated the .passing away on the state.   The
society which  reorganizes production  on the
basis of a free and equal association of the producers, will sen4 all its state machinery to the
place  where  it   really  belongs,   namely,  the
museum of antiquities, by the side of the spinning wheel and the bronze hatchet."
We do not. often come upon this quotation in the
propagandist   and   agitational   literature   of   our
present-day Social-Democracy.    But   even   where
this extract is found, it is most usually quoted, as
it were, as an act of ceremonial piety, as a genuflexion before  an   ikon,  an  official   expression of
respect for  Engels,  without  for  a   moment  considering  what   a   broad  and  deep   revolutionary
thought is contained in this "sending the whole
pfate  machinery  to  the  museum  of antiquities."
Nor do we  meet,  for the  most  part,  with  any
understanding   of   what   Engels   calls   the   state
(To Be Continued)
Next Issue:   4. They "Dying Out" of the State
and Revolution by Force.
Military Situation in Russia
(Continued from Page Six)
where. To the southwest of Koltchak there is
another anti-Bolshevik army, whose communications with Koltchak have been cut off by the Bolsheviks. Next come the Don Cossacks and Gen.
Dennikin's army in the country north of the
Caucasus. These two groups are sundered by
hundreds of miles of Bolshevik territory from
their Siberian friends. The Don Cossacks under
Gen. Krasnoff have, during the last few weeks,
been severely defeated, so that Krasnoff has retired and the Bolsheviks have been able to recruit
Don Cossacks for their campaign. General Denni-
ken has gained some successes, which are not,
however, sufficient to balance the Don Cossacks'
defeat. By means of the Ukraine and other client
states the Germans kept the Bolsheviks off the
Black Sea and the Sea of Azof, and this policy
the Allies took over. It has begun to break down.
The Ukrainian government of Petliuria has been
driven out of most of the Ukraine, and the Bolsheviks now hold most of Russia's coast on the
Black Sea. On the western front there has been
little fighting of significance.
Such is a rough, a very rough, outline of the
military situation. It reveals, on the whole, important Bolshevik progress—important in area and
in character. The Ukraine and the Don country
can feed Russia if they have been cultivated. The
blockade in that event, though it would continue
to cause misery, would hardly starve the Bolsheviks into surrender. Among the causes of the
Bolshevik military success are the weaknesses of
their opponents and the assistance of the local
populations. The strength of the Koltchak-Denni-
ken-Krasnoff armies has been greatly exaggerated.
On the other hand, in the Ukraine large numbers
of Petiluira's own'troops went over to the Bolsheviks, and something of the kind happened in the
Don country. The anti-Bolsheviks are reactionaries and the Bolsheviks hold out to the poor
peasants the promise of the land. If it be asked
how any people would welcome the Red army, the
answer that, great as has been its crimes, there
has been no lack of atrocities on either side of
this terrible war. which is mainly a war for the
ownership of the land and other property. The
P>ols"eviks. again, recognize the nationalities as
constituent states of a Federal Soviet Russian republic. If the weakness of the opponents of the
RrlOeviks has a military significance for the
Allies, the attraction of the Bolsheviks' program
has a political significance. Rumania and Poland,
countries of great feudal landlords, are also favorable, especially as they are very hungry lands just
now also. In Paris the Allies are studying military measures to meet the danger, measures like
the sending of General Hallers' Polish army from
Prance to Warsaw. But the military problem and
the military menace are less serious than the social.
Tf Bolshevism were simply a military question it
could be disposed of easily.
, Hi
ill ifJ:
H i
:i i!;
"Six Red Months in Russia"
To the Editor The Rt4 Flag:
De-.r Comrade:   You ask a brief review oi Miss
Bryant's book.    You se: 2 rather difficult task.
Were you to allow me to be a.*  trie:  a* best
feuitcd me. I        . ■: -iirp-y s&v to v.boever reads.
ne.i«i 2*.
If it is ever possible to have the book on the
market in Canada I ean conceive of no better
agency for throwing light on the Russian situation than the v. ides* possible circulation 01 this
simple and naturally-told narrative of the Xovember Revolution and of \te events immediately
preceding and following.
To use her own description, the book is a
''bundle of narratives gathered together on the
edge of Asia."' and the bundle forms a vivid and
mc^t interesting account of what will probably
turn out to be the most momentous happening of
our times.
Scenting eopy for the various magazines and
newspapers, for which she had previously been
acting as war correspondent on the French front,
the author left New York in the summer of 1917
and went straight to Petrograd through Sweden
and Finland. It seems strange to us to hear that
the only time she esnae into anything like close
contact with what might be termed a massacre
by revolutionists was at Wiborg on the journey
to Petrograd and happened during the Kerensky
regime. It appears that Korniloff was at the time
heading a counter revolution and that Kerensky
bad sent orders to the troops at Wiborg to move
up to the defence of Petrograd. The orders had
leen received by the officers who had ignored
them, and when the troops heard this they raided
their headquarters and found the orders. About
fifty of the officers; did not survive to ever again
ignore the orders of the revolutionary government.
(We must bear in mind that at this time Kerensky
was at the head of the revolutionary movement.
which had not yet developed into the class revolution of the Russian proletariat.)
The chapter dealing with the Bolshevik headquarters at the Smolny Institute at Petrograd describes a stupendous and almost unimaginable
scene. If any conception is possible of the work
involved in bringing industrial and political order
into the chaos prevailing in this tremendous country with its many nationalities and its hundred
and eighty million people, then one can get a
glimpse of the scene.
They came there from the first-line trenches,
from the factories, from the steppes of Siberia and
apparently represented every calling under the
sun. except that of the capitalist They slept in
chairs and on the floors when they could work no
longer: no business agents disturbed their twenty-
four-hour shifts: machine guns and typewriters,
dead-weary- sentries, military revolutionary committee .Soviet delegates, wooden spoons, cabbage
•oup. black bread and a perfect tornado of problems !
Constituent Assembly came and evaporated.
Their decrees and resolutions were radical, as far
as they went. But the day of resolutions had
passed for Russia. The people were hungry, and
hungry people—if history can be believed—grow
impatient. Seven million had been killed in the
war: anarchy in every branch of the country's
administration was glaringly apparent; faced by
the alternatives of practical extermination or
taking hold themselves, the useful producers of
Russia chose the latter and we find the much-
talked-of proletarian dictatorship at the helm of
the Russian State.
The Czar, the Kerensky regime and the Constituent Assembly all melted away before the material
conditions, and went home, as the Cronstad sailors
put it, "to get some sleep"—their sleep appears
to be the sleep of all phenomena whose natural
times have passed away.
By Ijcmse Bryant. New York. 191b)
The arcount of the Women's Death Battalion
gives the lie direct to our *'news'* paper reports,
and the account of the defence of the Winter
Palace by the bourgeoisie is rerj humorous. The
dramatic request that they be allowed to die in
the defence 01 the Sa-red Edince. and the Red
'fuards" repiy that they should "go home and take
poison," sound like an afternoon picnic after the
od-curdhng reports we are told to believe.
How .such a revo3utic»3i could have been carried
«»at with such a comparatively small amount of
bloodshed is one of the marvels oi these times. It
'■an oniy be explained by that natural dislike of
:he Russian to kill unnecessarily which our author
often mentions.
Apparently there was no hesitation upon the
part of the Bolsheviki in giving passports to anyone that they thought would give a fair aceount
of the situation and Louise Bryant was given per-
mi-ssion to "get into acy battles that she could
fnd." in which she appears to have had very little
Even if we admit that the author is a S •
Democrat and possibly inclined to be sympathy
with the revolutionists; even if we suppose t?
she was kept away from some of the happen^
(of which we have no hint); allowing that T
may have been biased (I can find no trace of it)!
presuming that she has tried to present the     1
for  the   Proletarian   Dictatorship  in  a  favorahl
light  (aa a representative of capitalist newspaJl
and  magazine   syndicates,  that   would  be hichl
improbable), the book stands as a most extrao
dinary  indictment   of  the  newspaper  despatch*
that the writer has yet come across.
I think. Comrade Editor, that I will eonelud
by repeating that all who wish to help throw light
OH the Russian situation should get the hook if
jH.ssible and keep it circulating until such time ai
we can hold up our heads with our Russian coo.
1 ades.
Yours as usual,
Clippings From the Press
"In the Saar mining district negotiations between the miners* organizations and the French
military commander in regard to the introduction
of an eight hour day have been going on. The
French commander ha* given a flat refu-;:; to the
demands of the miners. He justifies his refusal
by a statement as the the coal famine that prevails in France just as in Germany; and also by
en assertion that the French miners have to work
ten hours. In reply to the plea that the eight
hour system is in force in the Palitinate, he replied- that it would be abolished as soon as the
French troops entered the district.
Quoted  by    "Common  Sense" from    "Soziale
The following letter written by Joseph King,
member of the British House of Parliament, to
the editor of "Common Sense." London. Eng.,
'peak« for itself. The Canadian press is asked to
copy. Of course it will not. because it is the kept
pre<s of the capitalist class. It will keep on repeating the slanders.
To the Editor of "Common Sense"—
Dear Sir—
Lenine and Trotsky must be congratulated!
Here is the "New Europe" apologising for starting and spreading the stories which have been
-pread ad nauseam by the Government and the
Press that women have been ''nationalized,"
meaning that all women are made prostitutes by
law. This picquant idea was first stated by the
"New Europe" several months ago. Now the
"New Europe" is a weekly magazine, very ably
run by a committee on which sit men like Mr.
Wiekham Stead. 'Editor of the Times), Colonel
liuchan. and Dr. Set on Watson, gentlemen in high
official authority. So. when the ''New Europe"
stated that the Bolsheviks had made a monstrous
decree of this kind, many believed it. The "New
Europe," after the abominable lie had done its
vork. is now brought to book by the People's
Russian Information Bureau, and Dr. Harold Williams, of the Daily Chronicle, a strong anti-Bol-
vhevik writer, and recants its error; it "withdraws unreservedly the imputation and expresses
regret for the mistake." We ought to congratulate Lenine and Trotsky, and the Bolsheviks on
meting an apology from the Editor of the "Times"
and his Foreign Office colleagues.   Yours truly,
Reform Club, March 17, 1919.
The "Social Democrat League" of New South
Wales has declared its aims to be identified with
ihose of the Bolshevik and Spartieist movements.
-The "Times", London, Eng.
From Spain disquieting tiding have reached mf
concerning unmistakeable tokens of a Bolshevist
wave sweeping over the southern provinces of
Cordova, Seville, Cadiz and especially the district*
- f San Lucas. An-aes and Puerto to Iiebrija where
ihe agricultural laborers summarily set fire to
the various farms and stocks of hay and ?rain as
a protest against low wages. My informant, who
is a land owner in Andalusta. adds that propagandists are numerous among the ill-paid labor'
frs in all parts of these provinces, and that sooner
or later Spain will be counted among the countries tainted with  Bolshevism.—Dr. Dillon.
BERLIN, April 10—The Brunswick correspondent of the Lokal Anzeiger reports a general
i-trike and a strong movement in favor of proclaiming Brunswick a soviet republic.
At a mass meeting this morning, the correspondent says, former President Merges urged a union
with soviet Russia as the only salvation for Germany "which is on the verge of a precipice."
Amid the plaudits of the crowd. Merges demanded the immediate proclamation of a soviet
republic and a union with Russia and Hungary.
The newly-elected workers' council is to meet
this afternoon to proclaim itself the sole sovercisrt*
power in Brunswick.
PARIS, April 11.—The advance of the Bolsh*
viki is likely to force the Allies to evacuate s«'
i'astopol. on the Black Sea. near the southern extremity of the Crimea, according to Intra nsigient-
COPENHAGEN, April 11.—A despatch to the
Acht Chrblatt, of Berlin, from Danzig, says that
the railway men on strike there declared a polit**
cal strike on Thursday with the object of remOf
ing the Ebert-Schcidemann government, establishing a soviet republic and entering into relation*
with the soviet governments of Russia and Hint'
Wry. Twenty thousand dock and factory worker*
in the Danzig district went on strike yesterdaf


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