British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical News 1981

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Honorary Patron:   His Honour, The Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia,
Henry P. Bell-Irving
Honorary President: Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2G 2V6 392-4365(res.)
H<  S#-e*.
President: Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Rd., Campbell River, V9W 3P3
287-8097 (res.)
1st Vice-President: Barbara Stannard, #211-450 Stewart Ave., Nanaimo, V9S 5E9
754-6195 (res.)
2nd Vice-President: Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0
342-9562 (res.)
Secretary:        Frances Gundry, 295 Niagara St., Victoria, V8V 1G4
385-6353 (res.)
387-3623 (bus.) Provincial Archives of B.C.
Treasurer:        Michael Halleran, #8-1711 Duchess St., Victoria, V8R 4W2
598-5883 (res.)
Recording Secretary:Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0
295-3362 (res.)
Members-at-Large:   Naomi Miller, Box 1338, Golden, VOA 1H0
344-5000 (res.)
Graham Beard, Box 162, Qualicum Beach VOR 2T0
752-9810 (res.)
Past-President:    Helen Akrigg, 4633 - W. 8th Ave., Vancouver, V6R 2A6
288-8606 (res.)
Ex Officio:        John Bovey, Provincial Archivist, Victoria, V8V 1X4
387-3621 (bus.)
Patricia Roy, Co-editor, J3. C^. Historical News
477-6911, local 4793 (bus.)
Terry Eastwood, Co-editor, B._C. Historical News
387-6671 (bus.)
Chairmen of Committees
Constitution and
By-laws Anny Yandle, 3450 W. 20th Ave., Vancouver V6S 1E4
Historic Trails:   John D. Spittle, 1241 Mount Crown Rd., North Vancouver, V7R 1R9
Publications: (not involved with B^ C^ Historical News)
Arlene Bramhall, 5152 Grafton Court, Burnaby, V5H 1M7
433-7176 (res.)
Cover Photograph:   Arthur Nonus Birch in 1867.  PABC photo #4900 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL NEWS
vol.   V\j      no.     3 Spring 1981
Second-class mail registration number 4447.
Published fall, winter, spring, and summer by the British Columbia Historical
Association, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3.  (Printed by D.A. Fotoprint Ltd.,
747 Fort Street, Victoria, V8W 3E9.)
Correspondence with editors is to be addressed to Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3.
Subscriptions: Institutional $15.00 per a., Individual (non-members) $7.00 per a.
The B. C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance
of the Ministry of the Provincial Secretary.
The Colonial Secretary Visits Wild Horse Creek Charles Maier 1
The Indian Reserve Commission and Upper Stalo
Indian Fisheries, 1876-1890 Reuben Ware 3
"A Good Mule Road to Semilkameen" R.C. Harris  8
Book Reviews:
They Call It The Cariboo Robin Skelton  14
A Pour of Rain: Stories From A North Coast Fort. He len Meilleur 16
Summer of Promise: Victoria, 1864-1914 Derek Pethick , 17
Sacred Places Barry Downs 18
Ten Moments in History Marian Ogden Sketch 19
Conflict Over The Columbia Neil A. Swainson 20
News and Notes  21
Annual Convention  24 -1-
The Colonial Secretary Visits Wild Horse Creek:
Extracts from the Diary of Arthur Nonus Birch.
Arthur Birch arrived in New Westminster in the spring of 1864 to take up
his duties as Colonial Secretary of the colony of British Columbia. His superior,
Governor Frederick Seymour, soon became absorbed in the Chilcotin Indian rising,
which took him away from the capital and left twenty-seven year old Birch in
charge of the colony's administration.  During the Governor's absence, Birch
learned from American newspapers that gold had been discovered in the Kootenay
district.  He sent the magistrate at Osoyoos, John Carmichael Haynes, into
Kootenay to act as Gold Commissioner; however, little was heard from him, and
there was concern that Americans might challenge British authority over the mines.
On the Governor's return from the Chilcotin, Birch volunteered to undertake
a journey of discovery that would give the government better geographical information about the Kootenays, as well as a sense of the political climate at the
Kootenay gold fields. Birch's expedition set off from New Westminster on September 2, 1864. His party included two gentlemen companions, Messrs. Bushby and
Evans, a packer named Perrier and Indian guides he engaged along the way.  They
travelled by way of Hope, Osoyoos, Rock Creek, Fort Colville, Fort Shepherd and
Moyie Lake.  After spending five days at the Wild Horse Creek gold diggings,
Birch and his party re-traced their route to the capital.
There were some tense moments on the return portion of their trip. Birch
was carrying the government's gold receipts from Kootenay and he had to contrive
to "lose" two men packing pistols who seemed bent on relieving the Colonial
Secretary of the seventy-five pounds of gold with which he had been entrusted.
However, Birch and his party succeeded in returning safely to New Westminster,
the entire expedition having lasted less than two months.
Birch kept a diary of this trip which he had typed in later years. It is
from this typescript that the following excerpts are drawn, focussing on Birch's
five day visit to the newly established mining town on Wild Horse (also called
Stud Horse) Creek. Birch gives a vivid contemporary account of life on the creek
in the first flush of the Kootenay gold rush.
The writer is deeply indebted to Arthur Birch's grandsons, Sir John Pope-
Hennessy and Simon Birch, who have made this diary available for publication here.
Sept. 26th.    Lost horses, send Indian to look for them and determine to
walk in to the prairie of St. Joseph (present site of City of Cranbrook).
On our way discover them, so return to camp with them. Do the 12 miles in
3 1/2 hours, and I without boots, as I am played out completely in that
line. Arrive at the prairie, fine open country with the Rockies for a
background. Find many packers in camp, and sit round their fire waiting
our pack train, which arrives late, so we only cross the prairie and camp
on the further side, 3 miles off. Indians are hovering round, so we
expect to lose our horses. Sharp frost at night.
27th. No horses turn up, so E. and self start for the river, which
we reach in 3 hours, after crossing some find open country good for
grazing. Come upon Wild Horse Creek, cross the ferry, (at present site of
Fort Steele Historic Park) where all is bustle and excitement. Continue -2-
our way to the camp, when we meet Mr. Haynes, who cannot make us out at
all, having had no news from headquarters since he arrived, and had no
nation of our coming so far to look him up. He was greatly delighted
when he recognised who we were and declared a heavy weight of responsibility was removed from his shoulders. He had to go on to decide some disputed claim, promising to catch us up again. Cross a high ridge, where
we obtain a grand view of the back country. In front of us is a pretty
little toy town, of a few months' existence, of Stud Horse Creek, nestling
under the shadows of the Rockies. We walk up a wood-paved street, all
the work of a few months. We are looked upon by the idlers with an
immense amount of curiosity. They don't take us for miners, and I defy
them to take us for gentlemen , dirty as we are, dressed in rags, with
boots in holes. Our inquiries for Mr. Haynes' "hut" make them still more
curious. We found Haynes' hut, a small log cabin, containing 2 very small
rooms, and a lean-to for kitchen and lock-up, where they had one prisoner.
Haynes being the tax collecting officer, this was his home, office and
Court House in one. We went to a very fair restaurant for our dinner and
soon had many to see their "secretary." Shocking bad lot of loafers about.
I found that before the arrival of Haynes "Lynch law" had been established
and rules framed, one Dore being appointed Judge.  They appeared to have
done their work honestly and well, and I was pleased when they handed me,
as representing British authority, the original of the rules in force,
and expressed their gratification at my having travelled so far to look
after their interests, and all proposed to help to their utmost the British
officials. If I had had the power I would have knighted Dore on the spot.
Sept. 28th.    Went to the ferry with Haynes to see how our horses fared.
Changed several with him.
29th. Visited most of the claims, accompanied by Gregory and
Dore. Went some 5 miles up the Creek. No mining machinery had arrived on
the Creek, it was all shallow placer diggings. They were eager that I
should try my hand at mining.  I selected to work in Dore's claim, learning
that he had taken out an enormous amount of gold for the size of his claim,
and was really rich.  I duly doffed my coat and started with a shovel, and
panned and worked for about an hour, washing each panful of dirt myself.
I got nearly 3 ounces of gold in the time, not bad for a beginner. The "pay
dirt" was extra-ordinarily rich in places, the miners were full of money.
The only amusement in camp was a barn fitted up as a
dancing saloon, attached to the restaurant. There were some 15 imported
ladies from America, mostly Germans.  The miner had to pay down a dollar
for a dance; half went in refreshment and half to the lady.
30th. I intended climbing one of the peaks of the Rockies, but
it was too foggy. Were roused in the night by the noise of firearms, the
one prisoner having escaped up the chimney. He was not caught, and I was
not sorry, for it would have been very difficult to have tried him at such
a long distance from headquarters. However, we offered 250 dollars for his
capture. Everyone will persist in calling me "Our Secretary", and all are
marvellously civil.  I can't buy anything I want, as the moment I look
at a thing it is presented to me.  It is a nuisance, as I want many little
etceteras. Revenue receipts were all in "Gold dust", as there were little
or no coins circulating on the Creek.  It was taken for taxes at $20 the
ounce, and this gold was kept in a large overland canvas portmanteau. -3-
A policeman sat on it night and day, in the log cabin. He was only relieved when
Haynes was in. Haynes was very nervous over this revenue and declared he had
sleepless nights over this responsibility, so in a fit of good humour, I offered
to take it back with me to headquarters. At this he was delighted, and declared
I had added years to his life.
Oct. 1st.   Felt it was time to be homeward bound. Made a late start, many to
say farewell. We send Bushby forward on the 28th with our pack train, to rest
the horses at Peavine Ferry.  Evans started with our gold-bags, accompanied by
Haynes and the chief, Tompaspat.  Mr. Dore also came with a blunderbuss about
a foot long and a bull dog. We journey on, Haynes expecting every moment to
come upon our escaped prisoner whom he has decided he will shoot. Arrive at
camp at 6 to find Bushby, Perrier and horses all right.  Sit round the camp fire
and are enlivened by the marvellous adventures of Dore and Perrier, who send
us to bed with small ideas of our safety, with our gold bags on the wild road
we have to travel.  In fact, in their opinion, we are bound to be robbed and
Charles Maier.
Charles Maier is Government Records Archivist at the Yukon Archives in Whitehorse.
The Indian Reserve Commission and Upper Stalo Indian Fisheries, 1876-1890
For centuries prior to European settlement, fisheries were the lifeblood
of the social and economic life of the Upper Stalo Indians who reside along the
Fraser River and its tributaries between Yale and Chilliwack. Although contact
with Europeans resulted in Upper Stalo participation in other economic endeavors,
fishing has remained a vitally important economic activity.
Over the past century non-Indian regulatory officials and Upper Stalo
fishermen and fisherwomen have waged a protracted conflict. The Upper Stalo have
had to protect their fisheries from depletion through commercial over-fishing,
river pollution, and breeding habitat destruction. In this struggle they have
used the law to test regulatory powers, political protest to change policies and
extralegal methods to counter discriminatory enforcement. This continuing
struggle seems to have no easy solution. For the Upper Stalo the goal is government recognition of aboriginal fishing rights. Part of their case is based on
commitments made by the federal and provincial governments in the 1870's and 1880's.
A brief review of some aspects of the Indian fisheries question of a century ago
sheds some light on a difficult issue.
The Upper Stalo are a Halkomelem speaking people of Coast Salish culture.
For a discussion of the role of fishing in their aboriginal economy, see
Wilson Duff The Upper Stalo Indians of the Fraser River of B.C. (Victoria,
B. C. Provincial Museum, 1952), pp. 62-71. For its contemporary importance,
see Marilyn G. Bennett Indian Fishing and its Cultural Importance in the
Fraser River System (Fisheries Service, Pacific Region and the Union of B. C.
Indian Chiefs, 1973). In October 1877 I. W. Powell, Indian Superintendent
of British Columbia underscored the importance of Indian fisheries to both the
local Indian economies and the B.C. economy generally by reporting that the
$104,000 of fish and fish oil exports were "almost entirely of Indian production."
Department of Indian Affairs Annual Report, 1877, pp. 49-50 -4-
The preservation of fishing rights and the setting aside of fishing
stations by the Indian Reserve Commission is one of the most important forms of
governmental recognition of the aboriginal rights of the Indians of British
Columbia.  The Indian Reserve Commission, set up jointly by the federal and
provincial governments, began its work in 1876. The governments, through orders-
in-council, ordered that the commission was "to be careful not to disturb the
Indians in the possession of any villages, fishing stations..."-* In 1878 the
Department of Indian Affairs emphasized this policy by reminding the Department
of Fisheries that "in instructions given by both governments to the Commissioners,
great stress was laid upon the necessity of not disturbing the Indians in their
possessions inter alia of fishing stations, and on the impolicy of attempting
to make any violent or sudden change in the habits of the Indians
fishing."^ Based on this policy, the Indian Reserve Commission made commitments
to Indians throughout British Columbia that fishing rights were generally
recognized and would be respected. The Commission also recognized certain traditional fishing practices (weirs, gaffs, drift nets, and dip-nets) and designated
many specific fishing sites.
The three Commissioners were aware of the importance of their instructions
dealing with fishing rights.  Gilbert M. Sproat wrote that the "Indian Reserve
question and the buffalo question are trifles compared with the fishery question
in British Columbia."  A. C. Anderson, B. C. Inspector of Fisheries, who was
also an Indian Reserve Commissioner, recognized Indian rights and guaranteed
future protection. Anderson wrote:
I have from the first been alive to the necessity of affording
every protection to the interests of the natives in this
important particular (fishing rights), and I have carefully
watched, in as far as practicable, that there be no infringements of their rights...and as a matter of expediency alone,
omitting entirely the higher moral claim, their protection
deserves the earnest care of the government.
The Fisheries Department also recognized the validity of these rights. In
November 1877, it informed the Minister of the Interior, who was responsible for
Indian Affairs, that "arrangements be made to protect the Indians in the
possession of any fishing stations which they have hereto enjoyed" and that "the
position and wants of the Indians of B.C. will be scrupulously regarded."' .
For a complete list of these fishing sites throughout B.C., see
Department of Indian Affairs, Western Series Black, RG 10, Volume 3908,
File 107297 (part 1).
Department of Indian Affairs, Annual Report 1876, p. xvi.
Department of Indian Affairs, Annual Report 1878, p. 16.
Department of Indian Affairs, Annual Report 1878, p. 16.
Department of Fisheries Annual Report 1878, Canada Sessional Papers No. 3
(1879); Department of Indian Affairs, Western Series Black, RG10, Volume 3908
File 107297 (part 1), Anderson to Minister of Marine and Fisheries, January 26, 1878.
Department of Indian Affairs, Western Series Black, RG 10, Volume 3908,
File 107297 (Part 1). Minister of Marine and Fisheries to David Mills,
13 November 1877. -5-
The Fisheries Department instructed Anderson that Indians were not to be
interfered with while fishing in traditional ways and was given permission to
suspend the application of the British Columbia Fishery Regulations with
respect to Indian fishing.  When the terms of the Indian Reserve Commission
were altered in 1880 and Peter O'Reilly was appointed as sole commissioner, he
too was instructed to recognize Indian fishing rights and to define them
In subsequent years, the Fisheries Department broke its promises and
refused to recognize the guarantees the Reserve Commission had given to the
Indians.  In 1883, W. F. Whitcher, Dominion Commissioner of Fisheries, wrote
that his Department did "not recognize any authorized appropriations of public
fishing rights by the Department of Indian Affairs for the exclusive use of
Indians." Fisheries maintained that the reservation of fishing stations
depended on the approval of the Fisheries Department and exceeded the requirements of the Indians. " The position taken by Fisheries became the subject of
a dispute throughout the 1880's with the Department of Indian Affairs.  Twice
the matter was submitted to the Justice Department for an 'opinion' but these,
one of which had no legal basis at all, went against the Indians. The Department
of Indian Affairs showed little enthusiasm for defending Indian rights or in
upholding its own commitments and gave in to Fisheries.  Despite continuing
assurances given to the tribes of British Columbia, fishing rights were being
forfeited behind their backs in Ottawa.^ The Department of Indian Affairs
made commitments to the Indians, yet acquiesced with Fisheries' general policy
and cooperated with some of its specific applications in British Columbia.
The result was bound to be misunderstanding and confrontation. Peter O'Reilly
warned in 1897 that since "the various Commissioners, as also the Indian Agents,
have impressed upon the Indians..that their rights would be guarded" it would
be a hardship and source of regret if "faith is broken with them".
In 1879 Gilbert Sproat recognized some Stalo fishing rights. The most
important of these was the Yale fishing grounds which were used by many Stalo
from downriver villages, as well as those from the Yale reserves. This fishing
right extended from Yale upriver, on both sides of the Fraser River, for a
Department of Fisheries, Annual Report 1876, Canada Sessional Papers No. 5
(1877), "Report of the Inspector of Fisheries for British Columbia for the
year 1876." Department of Fisheries, Annual Report 1877, Canada Sessional
Papers No. 1 (1878), p. 29.
Department of Indian Affairs, Western Series Black, RG 10, Volume 3908,
File 107297 (part 1). "Instructions to Peter O'Reilly," 9 August 1880.
10  Whitcher to Vankoughnet, 9 January 1883, Department of Indian Affairs,
Western Series Black, RG 10, Volume 3766, File 32876.
Ibid.  See also RG 10, Volume 3908, File 107197 (part 1).
Department of Indian Affairs, Western Series Black, RG 10, Volume 3908. -6-
distance of five miles, to Sawmill Creek (also called Five-Mile Creek).
Yale Band
1. Yale Town.  Intended as a fishing station
2. Two places on the right bank of the Fraser River14 between
the Sisters Rocks and the first Indian reserve below Puck-a-
thole-chin  and about opposite the disused logging stable on
Trafalgar Flat.
3. Two places also on the right bank of Fraser River
respectively opposite Ay-waw-wis villagel' and the mouth
of the Coquihalla River.
4. The right of these and other Indians who have resorted to
the Yale fisheries from time immemorial to have access to and
to encamp upon the banks of Fraser River for 5 miles up from
Yale is confirmed as far as the commission had authority in
the matter.1°
Department of Indian Affairs, Western Series Black, RG 10, Volume 3908,
File 107297 (part 1.).  "List of Fishing Stations and Fishing Rights
Accorded to Indians by the Indian Reserve Commission." This list was
prepared by the Department of Indian Affairs as a basis for its negotiations
with Fisheries on the subject of Indian fishing rights. However the list
does not even begin to include all Stalo sites.  See Vowell to Secretary,
Department of Indian Affairs, February 8, 1898.
These places are just below American Creek, the location of both dip-net
and side-net sites, not included in any reserve, and are still in use today.
This is the Puckathetchin Reserve No. 11 at American Bar, now assigned to
the Union Bar Band.
These places are about one mile above the present Trans-Canada Highway
bridge across the Fraser River from Hope. There are a series of dip-net
sites at rocky promontories, some of which were damaged by the construction
of the Canadian Pacific Railway.
This is Aywawwis Indian Reserve No. 15, now assigned to the Union Bar
Band.  In 1879 Aywawwis had a population of 75.
There were no Stalo reserves made above Yale until 1906 because the land
was included in a railroad reserve.  See Department of Indian Affairs,
Western Series Black, RG 10, Volume 3667, File 10221, Sproat to Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, July 1, 1878.
When the fishing reserves were finally allotted, they were not made
continuous but scattered along both banks, subject to mining leases,
railroad and road rights-of-way, and trespassing. The Yale fishery is
one of the most important Stalo resources and is widely used today. -7-
Their right of access to these places is confirmed but in such a manner as to
be least inconvenient to the owners of the lands (at present unowned) and
these Indians are not to occupy these places except for capturing and drying
the fish in their accustomed way and only in the fishing seasons.
August 5, 1879.
Hope Band
1. A rock on the left bank of the Fraser below the saw-mill
on land which is said to be owned by Rev. A.D. Pringle. '
2. A rock on the bank not far from the house of Pierre, the
chief in the Hope town reserve.
3. A rock on the right bank of the Fraser opposite to, but about
1/4 mile below Ay-waw-wis.
4. A rock about a mile below Hope on the right bank of the Fraser. z
Their right of access to these places is confirmed but in such a manner as
to inconvenience the owners of the land in the least, and the Indians are not
to occupy these places except for capturing and drying the fish in their
accustomed manner, and only in their fishing seasons.
August 10, 1879.
In addition the four reserves of the Katzie Band were each recognized as fishing
stations in 1894.
This site is just below the town of Hope, south of and directly opposite
Greenwood Island. It was not included in a reserve, but it is near
several pit-house sites and for many years was the fishing site of Oscar
Peters, chief of the Hope Band until the early 1960's.
Sproat's described location of this is probably in error.  In 1879
Chief Pierre Ayessik (1849-1932) lived at the Hope Town Reserve and
there were no fishing sites or rocks along the frontage of this reserve.
On the opposite bank (under the present Trans-Canada Highway-Fraser
River bridge) are two rock formations formerly dip net sites and known
by elders as Chief Pierre's fishing rocks. These sites were not officially
allotted as reserve, though the Hope Indians were undoubtedly told that
the site was protected and that the right to fish here was respected.
About 1910 these rocks were included in the Kettle Valley Railroad right-
of-way, though the Band, considering them to be Indian land, protested.
This place is along the same stretch river as Yale no. 3 above (see
footnote no. 15).
This place is on the Canadian Pacific side of the river. It is a rock
in a small bay at the foot of Devil Hill and is on the downriver side of
the bend where the Fraser River turns west. It was not included in an
Indian Reserve. -8-
This brief record of Stalo fishing allotments was by no means complete
as fishing sites are numerous from Hope to Langley on the Fraser and on the
Chilliwack, Sumas, and Harrison rivers. The Stalo also used sites above
Hope that are not mentioned in the Indian Reserve Commission allotments.
As the Fisheries Department gradually regulated Indian fishing, the
guarantees of the Indian Reserve Commission and the early Federal recognition
of Indian fishing rights became the basis of much Indian protest between
1880 and 1930. The Department of Indian Affairs wrote in 1898 with respect to
fishing rights:
The matter of general rights of Indians has been
frequently brought to the attention of your
Department (Fisheries).  It is found to be difficult
to deal with this question as on account of the
frequent promises made to Indians by Treaty and by
written and verbal communications...any infringement
of their rights is considered by them to be a grievance.
The "legal" basis for the steady erosion of these rights had already been laid
in Ottawa, but the fishing "allotments" of the Indian Reserve Commission are an
important instance of the recognition of aboriginal rights in British Columbia.
Reuben Ware
Reuben Ware is preparing a dissertation on the social and economic life of
British Columbia Indians, 1900-1930, and is an archivist at the Provincial
Archives of British Columbia.
McLean to Deputy Minister of Marine and Fisheries, 7 April 1898,
Department of Fisheries, "Materials re British Columbia," RG 23,
File 583 (part 1).
"A Good Mule Road to Semilkameen/'
Later Known as the Canyon, or Dewdney, Trail
This 1860 project is well documented in Provincial Archives Colonial
Correspondence and the newspapers of the day. The route adopted is easily
defined but it is a challenge to explain the evolution of the route.  Readers
are invited to comment. We may note that successive "roads to Similkameen"
were built further and further south, until modern highway 3 almost touches
the United States border, midway between Hope and Princeton.
The "Similkameen" was one of the eleven Indian territories shown on
Archibald McDonald's 1827 "Sketch Map of (HBC's) Thompson's River District,"
a vast stretch of country centred on Kamloops.  The territory reached north of
the geographic Similkameen basin to the Nicola River. Anderson includes it on
his fine 1867 map. -9-
The Similkameen territory lies east of the rugged Cascade Mountains and
is part of the great Columbia basin, where travel was relatively easy, through
generally broad valleys, with good campsites and horsefeed.  In time, the
Similkameen name was used for the main river of the territory, at that time
taken as the north fork, since the ancient main trail went that way.  In
Anderson's day, and even as late as the first boundary surveys, 1859-61, the
south fork was considered insignificant, and given a variety of names.  Nowadays,
the main road and the name of the river, have shifted to the south fork, and
the concept of "Similkameen" does not extend north of Princeton.
The Oregon territory was partitioned in June of 1846.  The International
Boundary was set at 49 degrees north, disrupting the Hudson's Bay Company's
traditional routes up and down the Columbia basin.  Alexander C. Anderson,
then in charge at Fort Alexandria, volunteered to resume explorations for a
"Communication with the Interior" through British territory exclusively.
It may be useful to review the traffic involved in this department of the
fur trade, which served the areas based on Fort Alexandria, Kamloops and Fort
Colville, Washington Territory. Annual HBC pack trains comprised several
hundred horses, grouped in brigades of 18 to 20 horses to a man. The payload
for a horse was not less than 200 lbs; some mules were persuaded to pack 400 lbs.
Anderson began by exploring the Lillooet-Harfison route from Kamloops to
Fort Langley, then returned to Kamloops by a more southerly route. He left
the Fraser River at the delta of the Coquihalla River (where Fort Hope was
later built), and pushed east through the Cascades. His Indian guides took
him up the Nicolum, after crossing the Coquihalla twice - below and above its
formidable canyon. From the Nicolum they crossed the low divide to the Sumallo
at Beaver Lake (where the Hope Slide fell in 1965). The Sumallo led down to the
Skagit, where they turned north, crossing Rhododendron Flat when the bushes were
in bloom.  It was June the second when Anderson reached the Cascade divide,
having continued north up the Snass and its east fork.
At the divide, Anderson was the first to look down on, and record, the
"Committee's Punch Bowl", a tarn near the head of the Similkameen (now Tulameen)
River. From the Punch Bowl, Anderson followed the big bend of the Tulameen
north, and then east, towards his rendezvous with horses at Red Earth fork
(Princeton) on the long established trail up the Similkameen. Before reaching
the site of Tulameen village, Anderson met "old Blackeye, the Similkameen and
his son-in-law, on their way to visit their deer snare." Blackeye advised
Anderson that he should have cut across the big bend of the Tulameen on a wide
Indian horse road, which Anderson would have seen but for the depth of snow.
We are fortunate that Anderson's sketch map and journal for this exploration
survive in the Provincial Archives.  Numbers on his sketch map are keyed to
his comments in the journal.
Anderson's "An approximate sketch of the route on an enlarged scale" shows
"Indian Horse road, recommended by Blackeye," PABC. Anderson's manuscript:
"History of the Northwest Coast" is available at PABC as a typewritten
transcript. -10-
In 1849, for various reasons, some of which are still under study, the HBC
adopted only the two ends of Anderson's route to Similkameen; the middle section
was built further north.  A small fort, named Esperance or Hope, was erected on
the Coquihalla delta.  From Hope, the 1849 Brigade trail, built under the
direction of Henry Peers, crossed their "Coquihalla River" three times.  Their
third crossing "at the headwaters of the Coquihalla' we now call the Sowaqua.
See contemporary maps, which show their "Coquihalla" flowing due north, before
making a tight turn to the southwest.
Peers' route was a difficult one, involving a frontal attack on two mountain
ranges: a 4000 foot climb over Manson's Mountain, descending through Fools' Pass
to the Sowaqua, and another climb of 3500 feet to Campement du Chevreuil on the
Cascade Divide. There was a final 1500 foot rise onto the plateau, after
crossing the Tulameen River at Camp 3 (the Horseguard, or Corral).  Palmer's
map gives a fair profile of the route.
In August of 1859, with gold mining in the lower Similkameen and Rock Creek
promising more traffic, and more revenue, Col. Moody, Chief Commissioner of
Lands and Works, recommended re-examination and improvement of the route from
Fort Hope towards Similkameen Valley.
An official exploration was soon made by 21 year old Lt. H. Spencer Palmer,
RE, whose classic report and map are held by the Provincial Archives.  Palmer
travelled east from Fort Hope as far as Fort Colville in Washington Territory,
(the last HBC establishment operating south of the border).  He was in the
company of Angus McDonald, Chief Trader at Fort Colville.
Palmer mentions passing the bones of 60 or 70 HBC horses lost in a
difficult trip over Manson's Mountain a few years before. Winters 120 years ago
were severe; the Fraser River at New Westminster was often frozen for weeks at
a time.  With the party, as far as Campement des Femmes (near the present village
of Tulameen), was Judge M.B. Begbie on foot, with his small retinue.  Begbie was
en route to Kamloops, and judicial duties in the north.
In 1860, as prospects of trade down the Similkameen increased, Governor
Douglas instigated a further review of Anderson's 1846 exploration.  He could
not get a prompt response from Moody, whose time was spread thinly over other
works, so Douglas employed Peter O'Reilly, his trusted Gold Commissioner and
Magistrate at Fort Hope.  O'Reilly acknowledged receipt of a copy of Anderson's
sketch map, and extracts from the journal,-* before leaving on the exploration,
and responded in May 1860 with his own report and map.4
Two 1859 maps, showing the present Sowaqua River as the headwaters of the
Coquihalla River, are: Palmer's map "Sketch of Route from Fort Hope to
Fort Colville traced from Lieut. Palmer's Map" (September, 1859). Initialled
"RMP" by Capt. RM Parsons, RE, the Survey Officer; and "Reduced Map of a
portion of British Columbia compiled from the Surveys and Explorations of the
Royal Navy and the Royal Engineers at the Camp, New Westminster, Nov. 24, 1859."
1860 April 07, Fort Hope; O'Reilly to Young PABC F1278 "..everything is now
in readiness for the (trail) exploration... Mr. Anderson's map, with extract
from his journal have been duly received., will prove most useful."
Plan 12T3 Misc, Surveyor General of B.C. No title, no date, no maker. (O'Reilly
outlined his proposed route of exploration in his letter to Young, 1860 April 21,
File 1278). -11-
Soon, public tenders were called for "a good mule road from Hope to Similkameen,"
starting at a point on the Hudson's Bay Company's Brigade trail about four miles
from Hope ... and terminating at a point on the Similkameen River." The starting
point has not been exactly identified, but is was not far from the former Kettle
Valley Railway station of Othello, just above the Coquihalla and the Quintette
Tunnels.  It was on the south bank of the river, about half a mile above the
mouth of the Nicolum.
Anderson, 1846, reports crossing the Coquihalla on a log jam at the mouth
of the canyon "two hundred yards below the ford".  It is interesting to note
that this log jam reformed after the heavy rains of Christmas 1980.
The end of contract, "on the Similkameen River" was very vague, but from
bidders' responses and subsequent correspondence-*, we see the intention was to
rejoin the Brigade Trail on the Tulameen Plateau, using the Whatcom Trail beyond
the Punch Bowl where feasible.  This point, "beyond the Punch Bowl", would be
about halfway between Hope and Princeton, in what is now Paradise Valley.
The tender documents were displayed in "the magistrate's office in Fort
Hope." Nine bids " were received, including a stray one for another job.
These were opened, certified and tabulated by Capts. Luard and Parsons on July 04,
1860.  Four bids were responsive.  Young Edgar Dewdney was low at Seventy-six
Pounds per mile, next was Walter Moberly at Eighty-five Pounds per mile.
Dewdney took Moberly as a working partner.
The third responsive bidder, Ed Penberthy, later made a sketch map which
he sent with covering letter' to "Lieutenant Governor" Colonel Moody, showing
his understanding of the contract requirements, with a significant suggestion
for an improved location: "... from the Skatchet pass at the head of Paradise
Valley ... a good trail can be made to the South fork, saving an immense detour
to the Brigade trail." Others made similar proposals.
O'Reilly reported to Douglas, through the Colonial Secretary, William
A.G. Young, on July 23rd 1860: "Mr. Dewdney commenced operations on Saturday
at the second crossing of the Coquihalla.  He has at present 20 men employed."
This was nearly a month before the formal contract agreement was signed.
Sergeant Wm. McColl, RE, was in charge of trail location.  Sapper Charles
Sinnett kept the field book from which the 3 large plans were drawn.  He
started from the east bank, at the second crossing of the Coquihalla, and
reached Punch Bowl Pass on the 13th Sept. 1860.
At Punch Bowl Pass, the route chosen by the Royal Engineers pressing
ahead of Dewdney, varied from Anderson's track of 1846.  After checking the
Whatcom (Bellingham Bay) Trail up the east fork of the Snass to the pass,
This correspondence may be traced in Colonial Correspondence files F485C and
F922, in Chief Commissioner Moody's letterbook (C/AB/307J/6), PABC; and in
the Colonist.
1860 July 04, (New Westminster?); Parsons and Luard PABC F963j/2.
See Colonial Correspondence, F1279, PABC -12-
McColl backtracked, and after a week's exploration decided to use the lower
"canyon" route, west of the Punch Bowl. Old timers still refer to this as the
Canyon Trail. Unfortunately, it was soon found that the canyon section was open
to travel for only four or five months a year.  In the spring of 1866, there
were fears that the trail might not open at all. Frequent rock falls from the
steep canyon walls over the last 10,000 years have laid enough loose rock on
the valley floor that Snass Creek now runs underground for several miles,
reappearing at Dry Lake near Snass Forks during Spring runoff.
As Dewdney approached the end of his contract, Douglas, en route to Rock
Creek, began to promote the concept of a trail direct from Princeton to the
end of Dewdney's contract. Although Dewdney was to be paid by the mile, he
vigorously protested efforts to add 34 miles at the same price, and with the
same completion date. In this, Dewdney had Moody's support.
Douglas therefore had his acquaintance John Allison reopen a quick direct
connecting trail which soon became known as the "Governor's Trail," while the
Royal Engineers resumed their methodical survey, going round the base of Snass
Mountain on the south side of Paradise Valley, then east and south by the headwaters of Granite and Frenchy creeks to "Moody's Prairie," (now Hudson Bay
Meadows).  From the prairie, the trail ran down the left banks of 47 Mile and
Whipsaw creeks to the location of present highway 3, and down the long spur
between the Tulameen and Similkameen rivers to Vermilion Forks (now Princeton).
47 Mile Creek is shown as the headwaters of Whipsaw Creek on the RE plans.
Following stiff negotiations, Dewdney settled with Douglas over this very
substantial extension of the contract. The settlement must have been satisfactory, because in 1861 Dewdney was awarded a second contract. This was to
relocate the first seven miles of the trail from Hope, staying south of the
Coquihalla all the way, (just below modern highway No. 3.), but that is another
story involving the rapid conversion of the first 25 miles of Dewdney's mule
road from Hope to Similkameen into a waggon road.
Thus, Dewdney's mule road survives only beyond the 25 Mile post, which was
at the head of Rhododendron Flat, near the present Snass Creek bridge. Here
a roadside "Stop of Ingerest" sign extols the Dewdney Trail. A sign should also
mention de Lacy's Whatcom, or Bellingham Bay, trail which preceded the Dewdney
Trail here.
Two good sections of trail will be found along the west side of Snass Creek
before Snass Forks, a mile or so from the highway. The trail resumes west of
Dry Lake, beyond the slide area at Snass Forks. Pieces of the original construction
are to be found up to the summit at the Cascade Divide (Penberthy's Skatchet Pass). *
Moody to Douglas, 9 Nov. 1860.  Letterbook (C/AB/30.7/6) PABC.
Colonial Correspondence; F1278, O'Reilly to Young, 29 Oct. 1860;
Moody to Douglas, 20 Nov. 1860; Colonist 23 Oct. 1860.
*(Continued on page 14) Douolas    JH)fVoiser
0Fbrlage\/f  Canyon
head of Canoe
javiqahon "fn;
Vf Lanqley
Th lb Kamloops and norfh
.Western Timitof .„
Mex 0 Anderson \WJ
approximal'eJy pn
Cfcfecade, Dh/Hej
head of steam'
I1 the seq
 4-fQON  -
The longest section, some seven or eight miles, runs in the deep forest
on the south side of Paradise Valley, then up Hubbard Creek and by Paddy Pond
to the headwaters of Granite Creek. There is another good section of trail
benched across heavy talus, just before the trail turns south across an
extensive logged area, north of Hope Pass, where it disappears without trace.
From this point to Princeton, a few short sections survive on the sidehills
along the left bank of Whipsaw Creek.
The first accurate contour map of the area was made by G.J. Jackson, BCLS,
in 1926. This was one of the large series of phototopographic surveys made
of southern British Columbia for the Department of Lands in the 1920's,
Jackson's work was used for compiling the classic map of the area, (degree sheet
series, Hope-Princeton, 2 miles to 1 inch, 1939). The Department went to
considerable trouble to depict the major trails, old and new.
Almost before Dewdney's extended trail was finished Capt. Jack Grant, RE,
opened a parallel trail to the south and east of Dewdney's. This ran high
round Skagit Bluffs then up Skaist Creek and over to the Whipsaw. This trail
became the Grant or Hope trail, the main horse road between Hope and Princeton
for the next 80 years, but that will be the subject of another BCHN article.
R. C. Harris
Colonial Correspondence, F1280, O'Reilly to Young, 17 Aug. 1860, PABC.
Book Reviews
THEY CALL IT THE CARIBOO. Robin Skelton.  Victoria: Sono Nis, 1980. Pp. 237,
illus., $8.95.
The Cariboo has long needed a good readable book all to itself. At last
there is one, and it is well written and easy to read; the language flows
throughout its pages.  The author is to be congratulated. His book has been
selling very well in the Cariboo and he well deserves the reward. It is good
value at $8.95.
As a collector of everything Cariboo, and with a poor track record in
publishing, I am not really a fair critic. However I have been asked, and agreed
to comment. There is little in the book that I have not already read in
published sources. So I passed the book on to several oldtimers, residents in
the Cariboo for many of their eighty years to see if their opinions differ from
mine. They expressed the same opinions. There is little new in the book but
the old stuff, including all the photographs, has been skillfully put together.
Most of the photographs appeared in Howay and Scholefield 70 years ago!  The
author has been reasonably honest in acknowledging the sources of his material.
Many of his sources are at best secondhand, some thirdhand. -15-
Ninety-nine per cent of the general reading public will thoroughly enjoy
the book.  I would recommend it as a gift to all friends who want a general
history of the Cariboo.  But, for the historian who enjoys digging close to
the original sources, the old classics still retain their unique value.
I feel history should be entertaining and within a decade is close enough
for conversation and nitpicking should be left to the parasitologists. But to
prove I did read the book reasonably closely:
1. 1808 is the year that Simon Fraser descended the lower half of the
river later called after him.
2. One of the author's cousins (who shall remain nameless) told me the
family found the author had Young Willy confused with Old Willy. Most
readers would Imagine that time would rectify such confusion, that
Old Willy would eventually pass on to that great corral in the sky and
Young Willy would gradually assume the title Old Willy.  But Cariboo
logic usually gives the description Old to the earlier arrival in the
Cariboo, Young to a later arrival.  This Cariboo system tends to give
conscientious historians "The Willies."
3. Capt. Evans-Atkinson and his tales of Cedar Creek, Plato John Likely,
and the Big-6 are tinted with a little Cariboo color. Barney Boe was
the man who really took out the gold.  Reference to the B. C. Mining
Journal reports will confirm this.
My personal choices for a dozen odd books to read on the history of central
British Columbia and the Cariboo follow roughly the following sequence:
G.P.V. and Helen Akrigg, British Columbia Chronicle, 1778-1846 (Vancouver,
1975)., British Columbia Chronicle, 1848-1871: Gold and Colonists (Vancouver,
Arthur Downs, Wagon Road North (Surrey, 1973) and Paddlewheels on the
Frontier (Sidney, 1972) for the best photographs available and a large,
clear test.
Robin Skelton, They Called It the Cariboo (Victoria, 1980).
M.S. Wade, The Cariboo Road (Victoria, 1979).
For Historians, I would add:
Margaret A. Ormsby, British Columbia: A History (Toronto, 1958).
F. W. Howay and E.O.S. Scholefield, British Columbia (Vancouver, 1914), 4 vols.
For a wider, general light-hearted appreciation of Cariboo life and colour:
R.P. Hobson, Grass Beyond the Mountains (Toronto, 1973).
Eric Collier, Three Against the Wilderness (Vancouver, 1967).
Harry Marriott, Cariboo Cowboy (Sidney, 1966) list:
For a mixed bag:
A.G. Morice, History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia (Toronto,
1904) and History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada (Toronto, 1910).
These should be read at the same time as H.H. Bancroft, History of British
Columbia, 1792-1881 (San Francisco, 1887).
Then, the more local area books:
Gordon Elliott, Quesnel; Commercial Centre of the Cariboo Gold Rush
(Quesnel, 1958).
A. W. Ludditt, Barkerville Days (Vancouver, 1969).
You will notice that I have put Skelton's new book up near the top of my
I am pleased to see individuals and families receive their long overdue
acknowledgement as private sources of historical information and archival
material.  Such names as Choate, Forbes, Cowan, Stevenson (not Stephenson),
Lyne, Moffat, Rankin and others have made a conscientious effort to preserve the
lamentably few Cariboo manuscripts that have survived the numerous cabin fires
and ravages of the four-legged packrats who reduce all attic papers to an odious
confetti.  To sum up, it is a very good timely book and should sell in large
John Roberts
Dr. Roberts, who practices veterinary medicine at Williams Lake, is a keen
student of Cariboo history.
Sono Nis Press, 1980. pp. 270, illus., maps. $8.95
The community of Port Simpson, now a native Indian village, was established
as a trading post by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1834.  It was then called Fort
Simpson, a name which often caused confusion with the other post of the same name,
Three years earlier Fort Nass had been built some miles to the north and east,
nearer to the mouth of the Nass River, and when Lieutenant Aemilius Simpson died
there the name was changed to honour him.  The site of the first fort was a poor
one, and during the summer of 1834 the fort was moved to the present location on
the Tsimpsean Peninsula, north of Prince Rupert.
For many years Fort Simpson, and its successor Port Simpson, were "the
nearest approach to civilization" between Victoria and Sitka.  The choosing of
the site of Prince Rupert as the western terminus for the Grand Trunk Pacific
Railway ended Simpson's predominance, and in 1914 the destruction of the fort
buildings by fire completed the transition from trading post to village.
Mrs. Helen Meilleur came into this world in Port Simpson in 1910, and grew
up and went to school there.  Her parents, who had arrived in J.906 and who
operated a general store, remained till the early 1930's.  For her book, A Pour
of Rain, Mrs. Meilleur has drawn from her own and from her parents' experiences
in Simpson, and from the journals and other records of the HBC period. The book
is essentially, as she claims, a collection of stories from the two eras. -17-
While there are a number of good accounts from the fur trading days,
her family's experiences offer the most interesting passages. Among the best
are the account of the burning of the fort's buildings in 1914, and the wonderful
experience of Mrs. Meilleur and her sister when, as young girls, they came upon,
by accident, the headboard of the grave of Aemilius Simpson whose body had been
brought to the new fort back in 1834.  The personal touch makes enjoyable reading.
The amalgamation of her own reminiscences and stories from earlier days
into a coordinated whole is not an easy one to carry off, but Mrs. Meilleur has
succeeded admirably.  The book gives the reader a good "taste" of the life of the
fort and of the village.  There is a sense of the delicate balance between the
peoples of two cultures, between the various inhabitants of the Company fort,
and between all the community's members and their demanding environment.
The weaknesses are minor.  Mrs. Meilleur uses expressions which seem out
of place: reference is made to a nineteenth-century "arms race", a "summit
conference", and to "blood (which) was not ketchup".  The fifteen photographs
are helpful, but the maps are of limited value.  The Index has good subject
headings, and is quite extensive, yet surprisingly does not list two natives,
Dinah and Johnny Naismooht, each of whom receives a chapter in the text.
George Newell,
Prince Rupert, B. C.
SUMMER OF PROMISE: VICTORIA, 1864-1914.  Derek Pethick.
Derek Pethick describes Summer of Promise: Victoria 1864-1914 as "the
story of Victoria from 1864 to 1914" seen "through the eyes of those who lived
through them." The book is, in fact, a lively, fast-paced compendium of items
from Victoria newspapers with brief and inconclusive examination of the
colonial debate on Confederation. As readers are rushed through the years
("The new year opened..."; "So spring drew on."; "As the summer days moved by...;";
"As autumn approached ...."; "As the year drew to its close ...."), they sample
the major international, national, regional and local news items in the Victoria
Colonist and, occasionally, other papers. People, events and issues are mentioned
in passing with little introduction, explanation or sense of the links between
them. Were this gallop through the pages of the Colonist the backdrop to a
connected and well-developed account of life in Victoria, it would be very worthwhile, but the book lacks this major thread. Even the theme suggested by the
title is scarcely discussed and Pethick relies on shaky generalizations about
change, progress, the spirit of the age and what "most Victorians" thought which
are not supported adequately by newspaper accounts.
Pethick excuses his reliance on newspapers on the grounds that considerations
of space prevented him from using the abundance of other more personal sources
available. This "limitation" might have been better confronted by reversing
priorities and using the newspapers to supplement the diaries and reminiscences,
or by writing about the newspapers themselves. As it is, the readers must be
frustrated by lack of information about the newspapers, their history, ownership,
editorial bias, reportage, accuracy and so on, as well as by the lack of detail
about the items drawn from their pages. -18-
Nevertheless, Pethick's exploration of the Colonist and other papers
provides, however fleetingly, a sense of the larger and smaller context of
events within which aware Victorians functioned in this period. The volume is
handsomely produced by Sono Nis Press, although there are a few printing
errors such as the reversal of the photograph opposite page 33.  Those familiar
with the city and its history and able to overlook some weak generalizations
will find the book entertaining and perhaps be encouraged to investigate life
in Victoria much further than this volume has done.
Janet Cauthers
Janet Cauthers is a former editor of Sound Heritage.
SACRED PLACES. British Columbia's Early Churches. Barry Downs.  Vancouver:
Douglas & Mclntyre, 1980. Pp. 175, maps, photographs $29.95 hardcover.
Sacred Places looks beautiful. It is' dressed in a handsome dustcover
composed of two colour photographs, the front cover showing the second church of
St. Ann, the "Butter Church", at Cowichan, and the back cover showing a striking
view of the Church of St. Mary, Scowlitz set against the towering majesty of
the Coast Mountains. Both views are reproduced in the text. In all there are
forty color photographs, seventy full-page black and white plates and several
other views gleaned by the author from archives in Victoria, Vancouver, and the
The author, Barry Downs, a distinguished British Columbian architect
(Lester Pearson College of the Pacific is one of his many credits), is also
active in architectural restoration and preservation. The origins of this
volume, Downs confesses, stem from "a few romantic notions I as an architect
have about historic structures, their frailty and the interesting characters
who put them together." Downs focuses on churches built in the nineteenth
century and divides that century into five chapters: Those Here Before; Traders
and Missionaries; Faith, Settlement and Church Building; Gold Trail Missions; and
The Great Conversion.  Prefacing each chapter is a map showing the location of
churches Downs chooses to discuss.  Downs' narrative in each chapter incorporates
his own reflections on the sites and structures he has visited and the contemporary
observations of the clergy and others.  Interspersed between, and sometimes interrupting, the narrative are photographs showing interior and exterior views of
the structures.
The reasons for the choice of some photographs is not always clear. A
full-page black and white plate of the headstone of Peter Ogden, without a caption,
facing the Hudson's Bay Company Cemetery at Fort St. James on the opposite page,
raises a question in the reader's mind about the relationship of photograph to
subject.  The same can be said of a photograph of the Barkerville cemetery.  On
the other hand, some photographs are pieces of art in themselves and depict the
spirit of the structure far better than words, for example, the picture showing
a stained-glass window of St. George's Anglican, Langley. (p. 46).  The desired
effect of a photograph is sometimes obscured by a confusion of subjects, as in
the case of St. Andrew's, Sandwick, which is barely visible, and the cemetery in
front of it, and also St. Peter's, Quamichan. -19-
Just as an architect's design will leave behind impressions, good and
bad, for those who encounter the results of that design, so too the reader of
Sacred Places is likely to have mixed feelings about the effectiveness of the
author's design. While Downs' expressed intention is "to reveal the age and
its master builders through the architectural styles and methods they used"
this reviewer felt the connection between the narrative and the object of the
book to be tenuous in several places.  It is to be regretted that there was
not more information about architectural traditions, and more details about
certain architects mentioned throughout the book.  The absence of any architectural drawings or artistic renderings is a curious omission in a book devoted
to architectural styles and structures.  Strange too is the omission of prints
first published in the annual Columbia Mission Reports which depict several of
the early churches Downs discusses.
Sacred Places is no ordinary book.  It deserves to be contemplated.  The
photographs are the strength of the book, conjuring up a sense of the spirit,
and power, of a faith that continues today.  At the end one cannot help but
feel, with Downs, that what we view here are more than just the relics of
Kent M. Haworth
Ken Haworth, in addition to his full time work as Chief of the Audio and Visual
Records Programme of the Provincial Archives, is also the Honorary Archivist
for the Anglican Diocese of British Columbia.  The new Archives of the Diocese
will open officially on 22 April 1981.
TEN MOMENTS IN CANADIAN HISTORY.  Marian Ogden Sketch.  Victoria: Campbell's
Publications. 1980. Pp. 112, illus., paper cover $6.95: hardcover $12.95.
Mrs. Sketch who lives on Pender Island, has chosen to write of ten moments
in Canadian history she has found of particular interest. Her husband, a
sculptor, has gone a step further and illustrated each of the "moments" with
bronze figures. Finally, the sculptures have been photographed for this book
to make an attractive package.
Mr. Sketch has a reputation as a careful researcher and his work has to
run the gauntlet of critics who are apt to know when a piece of North-West
Mounted Police harness is out of period or a general's hat too feathery.  The
bronze figures should satisfy those who share Mrs. Sketch's dislike of history
when it is concerned only with dates and battles. She is interested in personalities and her husband has helped bring them to life.
Laura Secord's cow is given a place among the great men and horses and
raises the question of whether there is another statue anywhere which shows the
central figure receiving a swift kick. Everyone knows the cow was slow to get
moving to let Laura warn the British of the American troops' plans in 1813 but
the vigor of the kick in the Sketch statue is impressive. Laura, a strapping
girl, is shown sinking her boot in the cow's side and when the placid beast
receives the message it should leap like a rodeo bull.
On other pages are scenes of pathos and achievement — Gen. Montcalm's big
black horse carrying its mortally-wounded rider from the battlefield; Washington
Grimmer, the Pender Island pioneer, riding a plough horse home after a hard day -20-
on the land; and, of course, Governor Douglas, Judge Begbie, Kootenai Brown
and others riding their perpetual patrols.
Perhaps some will worry that William Lyon Mackenzie will fall off his
horse unless he straightens up quickly in the next page but by and large the
addition of horses and a cow to the usual bundle of history is an improvement.
James McCook
James McCook, who writes on a variety of historical subjects, is a member of the
Victoria branch.
Neil A. Swainson,  The Institute of Public Administration of Canada, McGill.
Queens Press, Montreal, 1979, Pp. xxiv, 476 pages. $9.95 paper.
Economists, lawyers, historians, engineers and environmentalists have
from their particular perspectives discussed the Columbia River Treaty of 1961
and its revisions in 1963. Unfortunately, as is not uncommon in interdisciplinary
debate, the discussants have rarely listened closely to one another. For several
reasons Professor Neil Swainson's exhaustive contribution to this problem
deserves a more attentive audience.
In the first place, as its subtitle suggests, Conflict over the Columbia
is not primarily concerned with Canadian - American relations. Written by a
skilled political scientist, it is rather a dispassionate (in direct contrast
to much of the existing literature on the Columbia Treaty) detailed analysis of
policy and decision making in the Canadian federal state. From this perspective, Professor Swainson considerably revises many of the assumptions common
to prior analyses. Images of the naive, ill-informed Canadian at the international bergaining table dissolve as one reads about the exhaustive technical
and professional advice assimilated over a period of years by Canada's negotiators.
By comparison, American negotiatiors were frequently the ill-informed and ill-
prepared group at the table. The views of General McNaughton, Canadian Chairman
of the International Joint Commission in the crucial years of debate over the
Columbia and an early and stalwart critic of the final agreement, are quietly
but consistently called into question.  The "inspirational" and ultimately
successful bargaining by W.A.C. Bennett on behalf of his two-river project is
skillfully portrayed.  All this, and much more, is supported both by a close
reading of all available source material and by a number of lengthy interviews
with key participants.
What is, however, ultimately most intriguing about this study is Professor
Swainson's defence of, but not apologia for, the federal system. In one sense
this is a realist perspective: we do, after all, live in a federal state and
we had better get acquainted with the mechanics of decision making within that
context. Yet his microscopic examination of the decision making process that
led to the Columbia River Treaty seems to suggest that further confidence in
that system can only be maintained as an act of faith rather than as a reasoned
judgement. Ottawa and Victoria constantly talked past each other; few believed
or were even given reason to believe at Ottawa or Victoria that Bennett was
absolutely committed to a two-river project; the copious technical advice upon
which the international bargaining ultimately rested contained no systematic -21-
evaluation of development on two-rivers with the result that the final treaty
emerged from a series of false premises; and, finally, largly because of the
above, Professor Swainson, himself, concludes that the treaty in the short and
long term was of negative benefit to Canada. Ah.'  but it is an imperfect world,
Professor Swainson implies. Alternative processes such as centralized control
are deemed too "simplistic" or simply impossible to attain. Perhaps, but the
message is nonetheless disquieting: if this case study is at all representative,
public input into such complicated decision-making processes is minimal and
the possibilities for one strong minded individual (in this case W.A.C. Bennett)
to make a mockery of the presumed benefits of composite decision-making is all
too possible.  Peter Lougheed will take great comfort from this book.
Peter Baskerville
Peter Baskerville teaches Canadian history at the University of Victoria. He
has special interests in Canadian-American relations and business history.
BCHA Publication Assistance Fund
An anonymous contribution from a member of the Society has made possible
the establishment of a publication assistance fund to assist British Columbia
Historical Association members (groups and individuals) who are engaged in
publishing British Columbia material of historical significance.
The aid will be made in the form of grants to help pay printing costs of
said publications.
It is hoped that, if the sale of the publication goes well and a profit
is realized, part or all of the grant will be returned to the publication
fund so that others will benefit in the future.
There will be two deadlines for applications, March 1st and September 1st.
Any manuscripts submitted must be typed double spaced.
Request for application forms should be addressed to:
Publication Assistance Fund Committee
British Columbia Historical Association
P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B.C. V8W 2Y3
The Publication Assistance Fund Committee is pleased to report that $1000
has been awarded to the Burnaby Historical Society to assist in printing costs
of the seminar papers delivered at the 1977 Annual Conference of the BCHA.
The Nanaimo Historical Society has donated $500 to the Publication Assistance
Donations from groups and individuals will make this fund grow and work for
all our members who are involved in publications. Individuals who wish to donate
to the fund receive a receipt for income tax deductable donations. -22-
News from the Branches
TRAIL HISTORICAL SOCIETY.  The Trail Historical Society reports an active
year in 1980 and we hope that our plans for this year are successful. Although
the Museum is open from June to September we were able to double our attendance
in 1980. This was attributed mainly to press and radio publicity.
As in previous years, we had a display booth at the Arts and Craft Fair
during "Trail Fiesta Days" held in May. Young and old alike enjoyed a slide
show of Trail and surrounding district and members were on hand to explain
and answer questions about the pictures on display of Trail in its earliest
days. In conjunction with the Trail Arts Council we contributed towards a
prize for the best craft depicting the history of Trail. The winning project
was contributed to our museum for permanent display.
Mr. Forbes' book Portraits of Trail was completed and is now on the bookshelves .
Trail has always been active in sports and so we have installed a "historical Sports" display case in the Cominco Arena for the many trophies won by
our athletes. Al Tognotti was the director. The Trail Wildlife Association
donated a display case in memory of Mr. Fred Edwards, a past president, and one
of the founders of our Historical Society.
We also have been fortunate in having many interesting guest speakers
on numerous topics.
VICTORIA SECTION.  To cut postage costs the Victoria Section now mails
its meeting notices on alternate months. Each notice announces the programmes
for the next two meetings, and includes the B. C. historical question to be
asked at the next meeting. A recent question asked, who was John Jessop and
what was his job.  For a clue check your B. C.  Historical News, Vol. 14, No. 1.
VANCOUVER HISTORICAL SOCIETY.  Our Ukrainian New Year's lunch was
PREKRASNO'. About 60 people attended and ate heartily traditional Ukrainian
fare, drank Eastern European wine, and viewed a collection of Ukrainian
crafts - carving, embroidery and jewellry.
At our January meeting, Bob Turner of the Provincial Museum gave an
illustrated address to an enthusiastic audience of members, guests, and former
CPR employees.  The topic was the Pacific Empresses which sailed between B.C.
and the Orient from the 1890's to the 1940's.
On St. Valentine's Day the Akriggs presented one of their local history
seminars at Langara College to a gathering of around 60 people from as far
afield as Sechelt and Hope.
Dr. Barry Gough of Simon Fraser University spoke to the society in
February on "A Priest versus the Potlatch; Rev. A.J. Hall and Fort Rupert
Kwakiutls." Due to the CUPE strike, we relocated the meeting in the Billy
Bishop Branch of the Royal Canadian Legion. A good time was had by all. -23-
Last fall Harley Hatfield and Victor Wilson spoke to us on the
Hudson's Bay Brigade Trail - past and present. Since then we have been trying
to help them receive more exposure in the Lower Mainland.  John Spittle of the
V.H.S. has been actively arranging the following meetings:
Burnaby Historical Society - Feb. 11 (30 people)
S.F.U. Outdoor Club - Feb. 12 (40 people)
Royal City Naturalists - Feb. 12 eve. (80 people)
Burnaby Fish and Game - Feb. 23 (75 people)
Further talks have been arranged:
North Shore Fish and Game Club
Mountain Equipment Co-op
McPherson High School, Burnaby
Capilano College, North Vancouver
Let's hope that the efforts of Victor and Harley will have some effect in
saving at least a portion of this historic trail.
On the national scene, according to the Penticton Herald, Feb. 16, 1981:
Harley Hatfield is being honoured in Ottawa with an award from the Heritage
Canada Foundation in recognition of the more than 15 years he has devoted to
the discovering, marking and preservation of the old pack trails in the
Cascade wilderness area adjoining Manning Park." _24-
Air travel to Cranbrook is via PACIFIC WESTERN AIRLINES. Usually two flights
per day.  Special rates may be available - book reservations well in advance.
It is 550 miles from Vancouver, by road, via Hope-Princeton and #3 highway.
Driving time is 12 to 14 hours and roads are good.  Accommodation for recreation
vehicles is fully serviced at the Cranbrook City Park.
Thursday, the 28th. Activities will not start until 1 p.m., when the convention
centre will be prepared for registrations. There will be exhibits, displays, etc.,
with a wine and cheese social commencing at 7:30 p.m.
Note;  staffing for registering, and information will be continuous from 1 p.m.,
Thursday, through to 10 p.m. Saturday.
Friday, the 29th.  The Cranbrook-Invermere-Columbia Valley (in the Rocky Mountain
trench) is one of the most beautiful drives on the continent.
Each bus will be manned by a commentator who is familiar with
the points of historical interst, and will acquaint us of such as the tour progresses.
There will be Kimberley, Ta Ta Creek, Skookumchuck, Squaw Lake, Canal Flat and
Baillie-Grohman Canal (site of the proposed Kootenay Diversion) Voo-Doos and Columbia
Lake, where the mighty Columbia starts.
After a super smorgasbord luncheon at wonderful Fairmont Hot
Springs - and an address by a native daughter of the Shuswap Band - we will continue
under the guidance of Winnifred Weir, along Lake Windermere to Windermere, where'
a stolen Church is situated.  In this colorful and picturesque area we will also
visit Invermere and the historic site of Thompson's Kootenay House of 1807.  We
will also visit the old Shuswap Mission where Father De Smet's cross of 1845 rests.
Winnifred will have other interesting treats in store for us before we end up at
Radium Hot Springs. Here we will have a respite before starting the 100 mile
return trip via Fort Steele to Cranbrook - anticipated arrival time is 6 p.m. Be
assured that this tour is well worth three times the price.
Council meeting 8 pm.  Archeologist's address 9 pm.
Saturday, the 30th is a work day when we all get down to the business of the Annual
Meeting. You will be supplied with an agenda for the meeting, on arrival.
Starting at 11:30 a.m. we will bus to Fort Steele to have a
Pioneer Lunch - then view the exhibits and hear an address on anthropology or a
similar subject - also one on the river boats of the Kootenays. Fort Steele is a
monument to the heritage of the Kootenays - the very spot is the cross-roads of
ancient trails and modern roads. One can sense the spirits of those who have gone
this way before us. You won't regret this visit. We start returning to Cranbrook
by 3:30 p.m., in time to prepare for a great evening.
The Annual Banquet will commence at 6:30 with a social hour.
Information on a speaker, etc., will be announced at a later date.
Sunday, the 31st.  Council meeting - 8 am.
Meals and expenses not shown on the registration form will be a "no-host responsibility."
(The   individual   societies   listed   below   are
responsible   for   the   accuracy   of   address,   etc.)
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society,  Mrs.   C.  Holt,  Box 284,  Port Alberni,
V9Y 7M7.       723-3006.
Atlin Historical Society, Mrs. Christine Dickenson, Box 111, Atlin, VOW 1A0.
BCHA, Gulf Islands Branch, Elsie Brown, R.R. No. 1, Mayne Island, VON 2J0
^ BCHA, Victoria Branch, Frances Gundry, 255 Niagara, Victoria, V8V 1G4.  385-6353.
1 Burnaby Historical Society, Una Carlson, 6719 Fulton Ave., Burnaby, V5E 3G9.  522-8951.
' Campbell River & District ((Historical^ Society, Julie O'Sullivan, 1235 Island Highway,
et~~y~\ K""~-~ Campbell River, VOW 2C7.
Chemainus Valley Historical Society, Mrs. B. W. Dickie, Box 172, Cheaminus, VOR 1K0.
Cowichan Historical Society, P. 0. Box 1014, Duncan, B. C. V9L 3Y2.
Creston & District Historical and Museum Society, Margaret Moore, Box 253, Creston,
V0B 1G0  428-4169.
District #69 Historical Society, Mrs. Mildred Kurtz, Box 74, Parksville, VOR ISO.
fJ^tuM. l^JU^ 248-6763.
, Elphinstone Pioneer Museum Society, Box 755, Gibsons, VON 1V0.  886-2064
•V Golden & District Historical Society, Fred Bjarnason, Box 992, Golden, VOA 1H0.
Gulf Islands Branch: BCHA, Mrs. M. Ratzlaff, Box 35, Saturna Island, B. C. VON 2V0
t\  Historical Association of East Kootenay, Mrs. A.E. Oliver, 670 Rotary Drive, Kimberley,
^ Oc^, t^J   rfs^. V0A1E3.  427-3446.
Kettle River Museum Society, Alice Evans, Midway, V0H 1M0.  449-2413.
+.  Ladysmith New Horizons Historical Society, Mrs. B. Berod, Box 130, Ladysmith, B. C.
Maple Ridge & Pitt Meadows Historical Society, Mrs. T. Mutas, 12375-244th Street,
Maple Ridge. V2X 6X5.
£  Nanaimo Historical Society, Linda Fulton, 1855 Latimer Road, Nanaimo, V9S 2W3.
Nootka Sound Historical Society, Beverly Roberts, Box 712, Gold River, V0P 1G0.
£ North Shore Historical Society, Doris Blott, 1671 Mountain Highway, North Vancouver
V7J 2M6.
I    Princeton & District Pioneer Museum Society, Eleanor Hancock, Box 281, Princeton, B. C.
— Sidney and North Saanich Historical Society, Mrs. Ray Joy, 10719 Bayfield Road, R.R. 3,
Sidney, V8L 3P9.   656-3719.
%  La Societe historique franco-colombienne, #9, East Broadway, Vancouver, V5Z 1V4
- Trail Historical Society, Mrs. M. Powell, 1798 Daniel Street, Trail, V1R 4G8  368-9697
C  Vancouver Historical Society, Irene Tanco, Box 3071, Vancouver, V6V 3X6.  685-1157
.. Wells Historical Society, Ulla Coulsen, Box 244, Wells, V0K 2R0.
■ Williams Lake Historical & Museum Committee, Reg. Beck, Box 16, Glen Drive, Fox
Mountain, R. R. iii,  Williams Lake
Windermere District Historical Society, Mrs. E. Stevens, Box 784, Invermere, VOA 1K0


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