British Columbia History

BC Historical News 1980

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Honorary Patron:   His Honour, The Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia,
Henry P. Bell-Irving
Honorary President: Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2G 2V6 392-4365 (res.)
Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Rd., Campbell River, V9W 3P3
287-8097 (res.)
1st Vice-President: Barbara Stannard, #211-450 Stewart Ave., Nanaimo, V9S 5E9
754-6195 (res.)
2nd Vice-President: Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0
342-9562 (res.)
Frances Gundry, 295 Niagara St., Victoria, V8V 1G4
385-6353 (res.)
387-3623 (bus.) Provincial Archives of B.C.
Michael Halleran, #8-1711 Duchess St., Victoria, V8R 4W2
598-5883 (res.)
Recording Secretary:Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687,. Princeton, VOX 1W0
295-3362 (res.)
Members-at-Large:  Naomi Miller, Box 1338, Golden, VOA 1H0
344-5000 (res.)
Ex Officio:
Graham Beard, Box 162, Qualicum Beach VOR 2T0
752-9810 (res.)
Helen Akrigg, 4633 - W. 8th Ave., Vancouver, V6R 2A6
288-8606 (res.)
John Bovey, Provincial Archivist, Victoria, V8V 1X4
387-3621 (bus.)
Patricia Roy, Co-editor, 1$. C.  Historical News
477-6911, local 4793 (bus.)
Terry Eastwood, Co-editor, B. C.  Historical News
387-6671 (bus.)
Chairmen of Committees
Constitution and
By-laws Anne Yandle, 3450 W. 20th Ave., Vancouver V6S 1E4
Historic Trails:   John D. Spittle, 1241 Mount Crown Rd., North Vancouver, V7R
Publications: (not involved with B.   C.  Historical News)
Arlene Bramhall, 5152 Grafton Court, Burnaby, V5H 1M7
433-7176 (res.)
Cover Photograph:  Beaver Lake School, Cariboo District, 1923.  This school is
the ones described by T. D. Sale in this issue.
vol. 14, no. 1 Fall 1980
Second-class mail registration number 4447.
Published fall, winter, spring, and summer by the British Columbia Historical
Association, P.O.  Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3.  (Printed by D.A. Fotoprint Ltd.,
747 Fort Street, Victoria, V8W 3E9.)
Correspondence with editors is to be addressed to Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3.
Subscriptions: Institutional $15.00 per a., Individual (non-members) $7.00 per a.
The B.C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance
of the Ministry of the Provincial Secretary.
Marching to Different Drummers Jean Barman 2
Culture and Credentials John Calam 12
One Room Schools of Fifty Years Ago T. D. Sale 16
The Hope-Nicola Trail R. C. Harris 18
Book Reviews:
Schooling and Society Chad Gaffield 25
Caledonia: 100 Years Ahead Jean Friesen 26
Railway Stations Ian Baird 27
The Salish People Marjorie Mitchell 28
The Court House of New Westminster J. Gresko 29
Historical Portraits of Trail Elsie Turnbull 30
God's Galloping Girl Sylvia Van Kirk 31
One Century Later Barbara Mayfield 32
Bibliography Frances Woodward 34
News from the Branches 35
Contest  37 -2-
Marching to Different Drummers:
Public Education and Private Schools in British Columbia, 1900-1950
In the half century after British Columbia's entry into Confederation,
the province developed from an isolated outpost into a complex society. An
1871 population of 36,000, two-thirds of whom were Indians grew to well over
half a million. And, in this transformation, no aspect of life more successfully kept pace than did public education.  From a handful of one-^room schools
held together by the perseverance of individual teachers, British Columbia
achieved by 1920 a uniformly structured network of multi-level schools
accessible to virtually every child.  The increase in average daily attendance
exemplified the accomplishment.  In the 1870's and 1880's even those youngsters
with a school to attend had done so only half the time; in 1920 the average
child appeared four days out of every five. Moreover, as recent historians of
education have demonstrated, the public schools' role had grown from mere
literacy training to a prime responsibility for socializing the young into
acceptance of the principles upon which society was based.  Thus, the first
formal evaluation of public education in British Columbia, undertaken in the
mid-1920's, declared "a fundamental aim" of the school to be "the development
of a united and intelligent Canadian citizenship."l
Public schools did not, however, represent the totality of education
available to British Columbians.  Concern by contemporaries—and, indeed, also
by historians—with the achievements of the public system have tended to
obscure the existence of very real private alternatives. While the enrollment
of British Columbia's private schools has never much exceeded five per cent of
the total, they did represent choice and, moreoever, one espoused by several
distinctive elements within British Columbia society.  Paradoxically, these
private alternatives first appeared when the public system seemed to be successfully accomplishing its perceived mission.  To understand this apparent contradiction, it is necessary to go back to the beginnings of education in the nineteenth century.
Before Confederation in 1871, the difference in British Columbia between
"public" and "private" education was vague.  The Hudson's Bay Company, whose
west coast operations were from 1849 centred in Victoria, turned, as was its
practice elsewhere, to the Anglican Church for clergyman teachers.  Thus, employees
and settlers who took advantage of these first subsidized "public" schools were
perforce subjecting their children to a church-based education. The young
Ontario school teacher John Jessop offset this "distasteful" situation by opening
a private school modelled on the public system of Ontario, "conducted exclusively
on non-sectarian principles . . . according to the admirable system of Canada
West."^ The first of several Catholic schools established by the intrepid Sisters
J.H. Putman and G.M. Weir, Survey of the School System (Victoria: King's
Printer, 1925), p. 38.  For recent research on British Columbia educational
history, see J. Donald Wilson and David C. Jones, ed., Schooling and Society
in Twentieth Century British Columbia (Calgary: Detselig, 1980), which has a
bibliography of British Columbia educational history.
F. Henry Johnson, John Jessop: Goldseeker and Educator (Vancouver: Mitchell
Press, 1971), p. 38. -3-
of Saint Ann opened in Victoria in 1858.  As newspaper advertisements made
clear, "difference of religion is no obstacle to admission;" among the first
non-Catholic pupils were the daughters of Governor James Douglas. The
Anglican Church founded the most exclusive schools, charging $5-8 per month as
compared to the $3-4 of the Sisters or the $5 per year fees of the subsidized
schools. Private ventures came and went, Jessop's school disappeared as
did such bargains as the "Victoria Colonial School", which for a mere $1.50
per quarter promised "a sound, thoroughly English education" fitting its pupils
for "a general business life."
The 1860's were characterized by the persistent efforts of a vocal,
Canadian-born contingent, including Jessop, to undercut Anglican influence over
education in favour of the practices in Ontario and the Maritimes.  Their campaign culminated in the passage of the 1872 Public Schools Act which provided
for a centralized, publicly financed system of non-denominational schools. Not
unexpectedly, the first Superintendent of Education was Jessop himself.
Jessop unquestionably patterned the British Columbia system on that of
Ontario.  As his biographer has made abundantly clear, Jessop lived and worked
in the unrelenting shadow of his fellow Methodist Egerton Ryerson, who, during
long years as Ontario's first Superintendent of Schools, had almost singlehandedly
fashioned public education in that province.  Thus, when he needed more teachers
in British Columbia, a profession then occupied primarily by British immigrants,
Jessop advertised in the Toronto Globe and Mail.
Jessop established a very clear relationship between public education and
religious belief.  Like Ryerson, a man known to his detractors as "the Pope of
Methodism," Jessop believed firmly that public education could—and indeed must—
be at one and the same time "non-denominational"and visibly moral. As Ryerson
explained, "by religion and morality I do not mean sectarianism in any form,
but the general system of truth and morals taught in the Holy Scriptures." "To
the ardent Methodist," explained Jessop's biographer, "teaching was a noble work,
affording an opportunity of improving the minds and morals of the young and of
re-making society."-*
A commitment to public education was not limited to good Methodists but
extended, in Jessop's mind, "to non-conformists of all denominations." "The
Holy Scriptures," so dear to Ryerson, formed the basis of faith for several
denominations — Methodist, Presbyterian, Congregational and Baptist — that
together may be termed Evangelical Protestant.  The personal history of some of
British Columbia's early teachers indicates both their deep religious commitment
and the limits of the schools' acceptance of it. No one seriously questioned
the appointment of an Ontario-trained Presbyterian minister, once he had resigned
his ordination, as head of the province's first high school in 1876. However,
when Alexander Nicholson conducted "religious exercises" at Victoria High
School, both local newspapers leapt to the attack, charging he was "acting
in opposition to the spirit of non-sectarian forms of education." Nicholson
resigned on principle and the provincial Board of Education decreed that henceforth all such activity be limited to "the Lord's Prayer & Ten Commandments."
The school's next principal, Edward Paul, a graduate of the University of Aberdeen,
was the son , grandson and great-grandson of Presbyterian ministers and the
brother of the Moderator of the General Assembly for the Church of Scotland.
Ibid., p. 5. -4-
Despite these clear denominational ties he held his position for sixteen years,
until 1908. Albert Pineo, educated at Baptist Acadia University in Nova Scotia,
taught for twenty years at Victoria High School before his religious convictions
led him to resign in 1911 to enter the Baptist ministry. Mainland teachers also
possessed visible ties with Evangelical Protestantism. A Dalhousie graduate,
Hector Stramberg, was, in 1884, named principal of British Columbia's second
high school after he held a similar position at a private Methodist school, also
in New Westminster. He remained principal until 1910.^
These individuals' ties with Evangelical Protestantism were not unique
but rather reflected a general emphasis among teachers holding academic degrees.
As high schools were established, a university degree became the practical prerequisite for a high school teachers' certificate.  Since British Columbia did
not have its own university until 1915, high school teachers had to be trained
elsewhere. An examination of their academic degrees indicates that the majority
graduated from Ontario or Maritime institutions, usually ones with an Evangelical
Protestant outlook. Even the formal link established in 1906 to permit college
work in British Columbia to form part of a degree programme at non-sectarian
McGill University did not markedly alter the situation.  Fewer than fifteen per
cent of teachers with degrees were McGill graduates; at least two or three times
that number were graduates of universities with an Evangelical Protestant ethos.
These institutions, also dominated by what their foremost historian has termed
a "native Canadian influence," clearly imbued their graduates with a teaching
mission in the same spirit assumed by Ryerson and Jessop.
So long as British Columbia developed out of the same traditions as those
from which its university-trained teachers came, the linkages these teachers
exemplified and the perspective they brought to the province were generally
acceptable within the society.  Once the transcontinental railway was completed
in 1885, settlers from Ontario and the Maritimes moved steadily west. As
Table A demonstrates, the percentage of Ontario-born in the population of British
Columbia more than doubled between 1881 and 1891 to nineteen per cent of the
total white population. The proportion of Maritimers similarly doubled to nine
per cent. A British Columbia historian, writing in the early 1890's, had no
hesitation in proclaiming the achievement of a "Union of East and West."°-
British Columbia seemed on its way to becoming an integral part of Canada, its
identity carefully honed by a steady influx of settlers from the country's more
established areas.
The fate of British Columbia's original private schools in the last decades
of the century was perhaps inevitable given the province's growing Canadianization.
Only the Roman Catholic schools survived the establishment of an attractive
system of public education.  Their continued existence was predicated on the hard
The place of Evangelical Protestantism in British Columbia is made clear in
F. E. Runnalls* history of the United Church, It's God's Country (1974).
Information on early teachers comes from Runnalls, the annual Public Schools
reports, and Peter L. Smith, Come Give A Cheer'. (Victoria, 1976.)
D. C. Masters, Protestant Church Colleges in Canada: A History (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1966), p. 13.
Alexander Begg, History of British Columbia from Its Earliest Discovery to
the Present Time (Toronto; William Briggs, 1894), p. 434. -5-
reality that 13-14 per cent of the white population was Catholic. Yet, unlike
other provinces, British Columbia made no provision to encompass church schools,
so integral to Catholicism, within the public system. Moreover, while the
public system proclaimed itself non-denominational the predominance of teachers
of the Evangelical Protestant tradition made it appear unrepresentative of the
province's religious composition.  Although Catholic graduates of non-sectarian
universities may have taught in British Columbia schools before the turn of the
century, no teacher educated at a Catholic university was employed in an urban
area or at the secondary level until after World War I.  It is therefore not
surprising that many Catholic families turned to private or parochial education.
Besides the St. Ann's schools, which had early been established at Victoria,
Duncan, Nanaimo, New Westminster, Vancouver and Kamloops, other orders opened
a steadily expanding number of Catholic schools.
By contrast, the non-Catholic private schools lost much of their appeal
with the establishment of a public system. Even the Collegiate, a Victoria boys'
school founded by the Anglican bishop in 1860 to be a "first-class grammar
school" comparable to those "in the mother country," at times existed in name
only before its formal closure in 1929.  New schools opened from time to time
but none gained sufficient appeal to endure long.  One close observer of the
late nineteenth century in Victoria neatly summarized the situation by recalling
that in reference to boys' schools, "there was a blank." Emily Carr, born in
Victoria in 1871, confirmed this impression.  During her childhood, she wrote,
the "old ladies' type of private school faded out of existence because education
required a certain standard set by our Public School system if people expected
to obtain positions in Canada."
The reappearance of non-Catholic private schools in the first decades of
the new century reflected a fundamental shift in the province's socio-demographic
structure as a result of the national immigration policy initiated in 1896.
The face of British Columbia was transformed as its white population virtually
tripled. Most significantly, while on the prairies the greatest increase came
through immigration from the United States and continental Europe, British
Columbia attracted primarily settlers from Britain.  In the decade, 1901-11,
the number of British-born in the population almost quadrupled; in the two
decades, 1901-21, the number grew from a little over 30,000 to almost 160,000.
As Table A indicates, by 1911 one out of every three British Columbians was once
again British-born.  By comparison, the proportion of British Columbians born in
central or eastern Canada dropped steadily after the turn of the century. By
1921 only 11 per cent had been born in Ontario, another 4 per cent in the
Viewed from the perspective of education, the effect of this demographic
shift was to interrupt the steady Canadianization of British Columbia. No
longer was a single system of public education, characterized by a distinctly
Canadian, Evangelical Protestant ethos in its top ranks, considered acceptable
to virtually all non-Catholic British Columbians. The introduction of private
A graduate of a Catholic university briefly taught in the Comox elementary
school at the turn of the century.
W.Wt Bolton, "Looking Back," The Black and Red (Victoria), no. 38 (June 1920),
p. 43; Emily Carr, The Book of Small (Toronto: Clarke Irwin, 1966), pp. 117-8. -6-
alternatives was an integral concomitant of British immigration. While the overwhelming majority of British settlers were from labouring backgrounds, a small
minority brought a very different experience to British Columbia.  Their expectations and lifestyle were, quite simply, not at ease with the province's system
of public education.^
An examination of differences in religion provides part of the explanation.
The denominations Jessop considered "non-conformist" and here termed Evangelical
Protestant, while including the Presbyterian state church of Scotland, differed
fundamentally from the Church of England.  To the ordinary Anglican, like the
Catholic, the Church as a corporate structure was indispensable to faith.  Continued participation in its sacraments and good works were essential to salvation;
these concepts were best conveyed to the young as an integral part of school life.
The heart of Evangelical Protestantism lay rather in personal salvation with faith
capable of being practiced as easily in a "non-denominational" classroom as anywhere else.  Religion was, moreover, integrally related in Britain to social background. By the late nineteenth century Anglicanism had become largely a class
religion so that the "better" an individual's background the more likely he was
to belong to the Church of England rather than to one of the non-conformist
Immigrants of Anglican faith had also more likely undergone the type of
education of which some of the pre-Confederation private schools had been a pale
copy. While the vast majority of British children attended state-supported day
schools not that different in form from those established by Jessop, a critical
minority studied at private boarding schools that were consciously designed to
prepare their students for what was still generally accepted to be their preordained duty to rule. ° Attendance at first at a "preparatory" and then a "public" school was frequently, but not always, followed by acquisition of a degree
from Oxford or Cambridge.
Among the British immigrants to British Columbia were both settler families
who preferred to have their children privately educated and privately schooled
young men and women who sought a livelihood in a new land. A few university-
trained immigrants entered public school teaching but their numbers were low in
relation to the number of British-born in the population. A decision to enter
private education was greatly facilitated by the complete absence of any regulation of such schools or their teachers.  Superintendent Jessop had soon lost
interest in private schools; his successors had also ignored them.  Until 1977
when the provincial government offered some financial support to such schools in
return for their acceptance of some controls, a "private school" involved only
an act of will.  One or more individuals simply decided to start a school.
A survey of the major boys' schools founded in British Columbia in the first
David Mitchell and Dennis Duffy, eds., Bright Sunshine and a Brand New Country:
Recollections of the Okanagan Valley, 1890-1914," Sound Heritage, vol. VIII.
no. 3 (1979).
See particularly J.R. de S. Honey, Tom Brown's Universe: The Development of
the Victorian Public School (London: Millington, 1977); Jonathan Gathorne-
Hardy, The Public School Phenomenon, 597-1977 (London: Hodder and Stoughton,
1977); and T.W. Bamford, The Rise of the Public School (London: Nelson, 1967). -7-
decades of the twentieth century demonstrates the nature and extent of this
phenomenon and the close connection of schools' origins with British immigration
and the British tradition of private education.  Some schools called themselves
Anglican; others, although officially non-denominational, identified closely with
Anglican beliefs and tended to assume that their pupils were Anglican except when
parents designated otherwise.
University School of Victoria, the first major school to be established, was
also one of the most influential. Organized in 1908 to "maintain the best
traditions of the English Public Schools and at the same time keeping in view the
special needs of colonial life," it was the brainchild of three English immigrants
who had each been teaching privately in a small way. The Rev. W.W. Bolton, an
Anglican cleric, and R.V. Harvey were Cambridge graduates while J.C. Barnacle
had attended London University. They formed a limited company and constructed
an ambitious physical plant.  Success was predicated on the belief "that Victoria
must become recognized as the educational centre of the west," that "there is a
demand for a private institution of the type found throughout the old country."
And, indeed, in the halcyon years before World War One, University School lived
up to its promise. At its peak, it enrolled well over 200 boys from Victoria,
Vancouver and such centres of British settlement as the Duncan-Cowichan area,
the Gulf Islands, the Okanagan Valley, and the ranching foothills of southern
University School was staffed by privately educated British immigrants, some
of whom later began their own small schools — St. Aidan's, Cranleigh, and
Glenlyon1 — for younger boys in Victoria. Another master, G. B. Benson, left
to teach on Saltspring Island and then moved to the Kerrisdale section of Vancouver
where he established a school proudly named after his own university, Trinity
College, Dublin.
Several immigrants who began teaching in British Columbia's public school
system were lured away by the growing demand for private instruction.  In 1910,
concerned fathers seeking tuition for their sons virtually bought Kyrle Symons,
a graduate of the English public school, Dulwich and of Oxford, out of his first
public school teaching post. Within the year Symons began St. Michael's, which
many years later joined with University School to form St. Michael's University
School.  The story of the first headmaster of Victoria's Brentwood is similar.
In 1923 a group of businessmen, both Englishmen and descendants of Victoria's
older British element, decided to establish a superior senior school "modelled
on the great Public Schools of England and Scotland but adapted to western
requirements." By convincing H.P. Hope, principal of the prestigious Oak Bay
High School, to head Brentwood, they scored a double coup. As the prospectus
declared, he not only understood the dominant public system, his students having
"unqualified success in Public Examinations," but through his own education at
Charterhouse and Cambridge was "steeped in the traditions of the great Public
Schools and Universities."
Boys' schools began both in Victoria and in the other major clusters of
British middle and upper-class settlement.  Shawnigan Lake School, begun in 1916,
Glenlyon, founded by J.I. Simpson, a Glasgow University graduate, still exists
in its original home, the Oak Bay beachfront house built by architect Francis
Rattenbury as his private home. -8-
grew out of the desire of British gentleman farmers and retired military officers
living in the Duncan-Cowichan area of Vancouver Island to have their sons properly
prepared for entry to the English private schools which it was still assumed they
must attend. With his training in the well-known Westminster school of London,
CW. Lonsdale seemed the man for the job.  Shawnigan Lake's subsequent shift from
a junior into the secondary institution it is today was facilitated by the appearance nearby of the Duncan Grammar School to prepare boys "for the English Public
Schools or similar schools in Canada." In 1935 yet another school opened on
Vancouver Island when R.I. Knight founded Qualicum Beach School which he patterned
on his own distinctive "public" school, Oundle.
One man, A.H. Scriven, was associated with three boys' schools in North
Vancouver and one school in the Okanagan.  Little is known about Scriven except that
he was born in England, spent his childhood in New York and the Maritimes,
graduated from the University of Manitoba, and through it all remained, in the
judgment of a fellow headmaster, "definitely an Englishman." The first of the
North Vancouver schools, Chesterfield, opened in 1907.  Shortly thereafter a
Cambridge-educated Anglican cleric took it over and Scriven moved with his ailing
wife to the Okanagan where he promptly began a second Chesterfield. During
World War One Scriven returned to North Vancouver and, after teaching at the
local high school, opened Kingsley school.  Its popularity soon prompted two of
its masters, a Nottingham University graduate and a fellow Northcountryman
educated at Sandhurst, to split off their own school. Like its competitors,
North Shore College proudly proclaimed that it was run "on the lines of the best
English Preparatory Schools adapted to produce good Canadian citizens."
The demise of Kelowna's Chesterfield in the early 1920's went largely
unnoticed; by then the Okanagan had another private school "conducted, with necessary
modifications, on the lines of an English Preparatory School." The Vernon
Preparatory School was located at Coldstream, an area settled almost exclusively
by English and Scottish gentleman fruit farmers.   The school's founder, the
Rev. A.C. Mackie, was another Cambridge-educated Anglican cleric. He was
possibly unique among the founders of the province's boys' schools in that he
came out from England with the intention of establishing a boys' school and
eminently succeeded.
For a time Vancouver remained somewhat apart from this flurry of activity,
an indication possibly of the more heterogeneous character of its population.
Small schools appeared from time to time, and older boys were generally sent to
the Island.  The situation was radically altered in the early 1930's with the
opening of St. George's.  The school was begun in a rather ad hoc manner by an
English promoter passing through the city from a headmastership in Mandalay, but
was soon taken on by the two extremely resourceful Harker brothers. The elder,
educated at the leading "public" school of Rugby, served as headmaster with his
younger sibling, who had attended Cheltenham, as his assistant. In a very short
period St. George's, whose reliance on day boys made it especially attractive
to local parents, was on its way to the position of eminence it enjoys today. J
See Jean Barman, "Growing up in British Columbia: The Vernon Preparatory
School, 1914-1946," in Wilson and Jones, eds., Schooling and Society, pp. 119-138.
The story of St. George's has been
(Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1979).
The story of St. George's has been recounted in Douglas E. Harker, Saints -9-
To the private boys' schools mentioned here could be added the names of yet
others and, more importantly, of a whole range of schools educating girls and
sometimes very young boys as well.  Many of these began and remained as simple
undertakings, one or two unmarried, well educated ladies would offer a little
learning, some music and art, and a bit of refinement.  Emily Carr's older
sister quietly ran such a school for little boys and girls for half a Century in
Victoria, putting her imprint on some 800 British Columbians. Other schools in
Victoria included The Poplars, Queen'sAcademy, St. George's, St. Margaret's,
Norfolk House, St. Christopher's, Sefton College and Uppingham House.  In the
early years of British settlement of the Duncan-Cowichan area, girls had been
privately educated primarily at The Cliffs, whose closure in 1918 was soon
followed by the beginning of Queen Margaret's and Strathcona Lodge in the same
general area.  Vancouver had girls' schools earlier and in greater abundance
than those for boys, perhaps because parents were more concerned to have their
daughters close to home. The Gordon sisters began what eventually became Crofton
House in 1898; their first real competition began in 1911 with the opening of
Miss Seymour's, later renamed St. Marina's.  The two decades after World War One
saw the beginning of St. Raphael's, University School for Girls, York House,
St. Anthony's, Taunton House, and Queen's Hall.  Crosby School, the most significant girls' school in North Vancouver, began in the mid-1920's.  Girls' schools
were also dotted across the interior. All Hallow's at Yale, founded by an
Anglican missionary order to teach young Indians, had from 1890 also accepted
"Canadian" girls in a separate school.  Its closure in 1916, when the sisters
returned home to England to aid the war effort, was offset by such schools as
St. Michael's in Vernon, King Edward's at Cranbrook, and Miss Beattie's^ in
The appearance of so many non-Catholic private schools would have been
significant for British Columbia even had they remained primarily identified with
the British-born in the population.  Their importance, however, greatly increased
in the inter-war years, as the base of clientele steadily broadened. World War
One halted large-scale immigration. By the mid-1920's the children of what had
been essentially a single massive generation of immigrants were reaching adulthood.
The schools' survival depended on recruiting students more widely and they
looked everywhere—from the ranches of southern Alberta to British business
houses in the Orient and even down the Pacific coast for Americans disenchanted
with education in their own country. Almost every school discovered, however,
that the best source of clientele lay nearest home, in British Columbia itself.
The schools' identification with all things British—and, more importantly,
with all things British of a particular social class—was, paradoxically, a prime
factor in their expanding appeal.  The very principles and practices which had
made these schools so essential to British immigrant families attracted many
British Columbia families neither British by birth, Anglican by religion, nor
themselves privately educated. Training for leadership through maximizing the
potential of each student and developing an esprit de corps among students could
not but appeal to upwardly mobile families.  Conversely, some families who already
occupied top business and professional positions valued the schools' ability to
endow their offspring with an outlook and conduct befitting that status. Many
parents saw the schools' insistence on deference and good manners as an effective
counterweight to American brashness and egalitarianism.
Thus, through the interwar years these schools, particularly those for boys,
remained British in structure, staff and ethos while at the same time moving into
the British Columbia mainstream. Teacher recruitment is indicative. A few of
the more determined schools sought teachers directly from Britain through personal -10-
visits, newspaper advertisements, or agencies; others simply relied on the services of immigrants who happened to pass their way. As former students reached
adulthood, they too became part of the acceptable pool from which a teaching
staff attuned to a school's best interests could be drawn.  Shawnigan Lake's
academic staff during the 1930's was, for instance, almost entirely composed of
Oxford and Cambridge men.  The lone Canadian-born and Canadian-educated teacher
of any consequence taught science, not a traditional subject and by all accounts
the most difficult to fill with a qualified instructor.  Only after World War
Two, by which time many of the schools had folded with the retirement or death
of their founding head, did most of the surviving schools measurably shift their
orientation and begin to reflect in outlook and staff their Canadian environment.
The existence of private alternatives to British Columbia's public system
of education must not, then, be discounted. Both the Catholic and the non-
Catholic schools presented, during the first half of this century, a distinct
choice for British Columbians. The Catholic schools, which had never been
oriented toward the Canada of Ryerson and Jessop, remained under the control of
teaching orders centred in Quebec, Ireland or the United States. The public
system, while becoming independent of external sources for academically-trained
teachers after the opening in 1915 of the University of British Columbia, retained
much of its earlier ethos through the inter-war years. Well into the 1920's, all
of the thirteen school inspectors with academic degrees had graduated from central or eastern Canadian universities, three-quarters of them from institutions
with an Evangelical Protestant outlook. The two normal schools and even the
university were in significant part staffed by individuals in this tradition,
many of whom had begun their teaching careers in the public schools of British
Columbia.  The changes occurring in the public system during the inter-war
period came primarily from the United States and, if anything, accentuated
existing differences in outlook between public and private.  Public education
and private schools, quite simply, marched to different drummers.
Jean Barman
University of British Columbia
(Mrs. Barman has sent along an appeal for assistance, as follows. Editors.)
Information on the history of private education in British Columbia is
sadly lacking.  I am still attempting to gather together all of the pieces
which have survived, both for my doctoral thesis and so that they can in fact
be saved.  Details on small schools run by one or two individuals are particularly
difficult to trace down, since a printed record was often never kept in the first
place.  I would be pleased and delighted to hear from anyone who can suggest new
leads or perhaps knows something about the history of a school or teacher, particularly in the years up to 1950. Personal reminiscences, school-day letters, and
prospectuses are especially welcome.  I will, of course, acknowledge all assistance,
return personal materials promptly, and where desired treat information with
complete confidentiality. I can be reached at 4243 W. 12th Avenue, Vancouver,
V6R 2P8. I am grateful for all suggestions and assistance. -11-
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A Note on Late Nineteenth Century Teacher Certification in British Columbia
Between the ebullient days of the Cariboo gold rush and the steadier times
of the early 1870's, British Columbians reflected on the educational needs of
their children.  A Free School Act of 1865 furnished Vancouver Island with a
General Board of Education and a Superintendent.  Following maritime union, a
Common School Ordinance of 1869 provided the amalgamated colony of British
Columbia with an Inspector-General of Schools responsible to the Governor-in-
Council and charged, entre autres with teacher certification.  In 1872, the
new province of British Columbia passed a Public Schools Act which clearly
stated that: "No person shall be appointed as a Teacher in any Public School,
unless he shall hold a first, second, or third class certificate of qualification
from the Board of Education."*
In his Third Annual Report, John Jessop (named Superintendent under provisions of the 1872 Act) elaborated on the meaning and implications of this
section.^ Briefly, certification was to be determined as a result of annual
examinations based upon knowledge of "Education and the Art of Teaching" as
well as of subjects of instruction.  The Superintendent or Board members set
these examinations.^ Candidates could attend school or study independently.
Upon presenting themselves for testing, they might be asked to cite examples of
primitive, derivative, simple, and compound words; express in writing and add
together 702006043, 9704500, 88405009, and 6006006; give the exact position of
Boston, Quito, Liverpool, and Bangkok; indicate the year in which the French
lost their possessions in Canada; describe the use of the eccentric fly-wheel
and governor of a steam engine; explain transposition in music; spell catastrophe
and sentimental; identify the source of animal heat; x-y
simplify x - 1+xy
1 + xy
calculate the length of a circular road which touches the four angles of a square
field containing 3 acres, 2 rods, 16 perches; show all cases in which Euclid
proves two triangles to be equal to one another; state what the account of
charges contains on the debit and credit sides; write a composition; and weigh
the advantages gained by writing from dictation on paper against writing from
dictation on slates.3 Achievement on these examinations determined the class of
An Act Respecting Public Schools, 1872, Appendix A, Section 33, in Superintendent of Education, Third Annual Report on the Public Schools £f the Province
of British Columbia for the Year Ending July 31st, 1874 (Victoria: Government
Printer, 1874), p. 41
See "Rules for the Examination of Public School Teachers and the Issuance of
Certificates of Qualification." Appendix C, in Superintendent of Education,
Third Annual Report, pp. 48-51.
See "Examination Papers," Appendix D, Third Annual Report, pp. 51 - 57 -13-
certificate. expressed as six categories in descending margins of ten from
80% to 30%.  The certificates themselves, moreover, were endorsed with a
statement of marks in the various subjects of examination "for the satisfaction
of candidates as well as of the Board and for general convenience in any future
A distinctive feature of these qualifying examinations was the role of
moderately well educated Board members in the setting and making of examination
questions. Thus, in 1874, A.J. Langley offered questions in English Grammar,
R. Williams in Arithmetic and Algebra, M.W.T. Drake in Geography, Dr. W. F. Tolmie
in History and Literature, Alexander Munro in Spelling and Book-keeping and Edgar
Marvin in English Composition. Langley, who came to Victoria from England in
1858 was a successful drug wholesaler and was prominent in business and civic
activities. Marvin ran a hardware store and ship chandlery on Wharf Street.
Munro, an accountant, was chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company.  To their
collective general knowledge and practical grasp of trade and commerce was added
the professional experience of three Board colleagues. Williams held a Cambridge
M.A.; Drake, educated at Charterhouse School, was a practicing lawyer and held
several elected positions before being named to the Provincial Supreme Court in
1889.  Most versatile of all, Tolmie, a reknowned surgeon and Hudson's Bay
Company trader, had graduated in Medicine from Glasgow University and had competency in botany, biology, zoology, anthropology, geography, Latin and French.
Here, then, were men of considerable cultural breadth who, together with the
Superintendent, their ex officio chairman, were in direct cultural contact with
teachers through the examinations they devised and read.0
As for the content of the examinations, the questions rarely probed knowledge of the history and current affairs of British Columbia.  Hence, candidates
in Geography were asked to locate the islands of Bourbon, Ascension, Socotra,
and Chiloe, or the Niger, Irrawaddy, Indus, Rhone, Volga, and Amazon Rivers.
They were likewise asked to supply the names of the British West Indies islands
with their capitals, the names and capitals of the French possessions and colonies,
the departments, rivers, and chief towns of France, the states and territories
of the United States, and the countries of Asia.  Similarly, those writing History
and Literature needed to know something of English, Scottish, and Irish constitutional and economic history, Catholic Emancipation, the Reform Bills, Britain's
fourteenth century loss of possessions in France excepting the Channel ports,
the Edict of Nantes, the American War of Independence and the War of 1812, early
North American colonization, and the union of Upper and Lower Canada, and show
knowledge of the works of Shakespeare, Ben Johnson, Milton, Defoe, Pope, Swift,
Robert Burns, Robert Nicoll, Macaulay, and Thackeray.  Such was the case in 1874.
In 1875, one of fourteen questions called for a description of British Columbia's
physical features.  The 1876 examinations were devoid of any reference to Canada
or British Columbia and those of 1877 settled for some knowledge of provincial
river systems and sedimentary, organic and igneous rocks.  Clearly, an assumed
central responsibility of the qualified British Columbia teacher was to keep alive
First Class A, 80%; First Class B, 70%; Second Class A, 60%; Second Class B,
50%; Third Class A, 40%; Third Class B, 30%.  First Class certificates were
valid until revoked by the Board of Education; Second Class certificates, for
three years; and Third Class certificates, for one year.
See Third Annual Report, Appendix C, p. 49.
Specified in the Public Schools Act of 1872. Jessop, of course, was the
experienced teacher of the group. -14-
a very broad western tradition reaching back to the ancients.  The Board took
no chances on popularized localisms.
A third arresting feature of the early examinations was their paradoxical
differentiation between men and women candidates.  Initially, "gentlemen" were
excused the first six questions of Mr. Williams' Arithmetic test — items requiring only direct manipulation of figures as opposed to setting up problems —
which implied that there was an essential contrast between men's and women's
minds.  Composition questions also differed.  In 1874, men had to write on
"Science and Peace" and women, on "Water as an element of beauty in nature."
In 1874,, men discussed how the Californian and Australian gold rushes influenced
civilization and women expressed opinions on any good results which might emerge
from agitation for women's rights.  The latter may have been a risky question;
in 1876,   gentlemen wrote on politics and ladies on manners.  In 1877, such
discrimination disappeared coincidental!/ with a decline in the propertion of
women teaching in the province.
If early certification examinations may be considered as a function of
British Columbia teacher education in its pristine state, several generalizations
apply.  Through controlling examinations, the government exercised direct
scrutiny of candidates for certification.  The tests themselves show that
performance expectations were decidedly content oriented. Although Jessop's
practical questions about classroom management and general pedagogy reflected
the Ryersonian influence, they were a mere inkling of normal schools in the
offing. Meanwhile, the content of questions, apart from their value-free subj-ect
matter (simple arithmetic, grammar, book-keeping and the like), drew upon the
wider themes of classical antiquity; European, especially British, institutions
and culture; North American, particularly eastern, settlement and development;
and the global reach of empire beside which British Columbia affairs paled by
The various papers also presumed that men and somen differed in their
intellectual makeup and interests, and implied that this stereotypical difference
had an important bearing on which sex should teach which grade level of children.
Indeed, the notions that women should teach elementary grades and that the
curriculum for elementary and secondary school teachers should differ markedly
have persisted to this day..
As Superintendent Jessop was quick to point out, legislation was no
guarantee of "qualified" teaching in every public school. In fact, rigid observance of the 1872 Act would, he noted, result in the closure of nearly a dozen
schools, for want of properly certificated teachers.  The solution, he believed!,,
was either to import professional teachers from eastern Canada or Britain or to
According to the annual reports of the Public Schools, there were 17 men and.
16 women teachers in the system in 1874. In succeeding years the ratio was-
as follows: 1875, 29:18; 1876, 37:21; and 1877, 48:23.
The tests were, of course, in a very real sense, tests of book learning. The
hooks included Collier's Outline of General History, British Empire, and
British History, Hodgson's Easy Lessons in Geography,, and Campbellls Modern
Geography and Atlas.. Their orientation was extra-provincial. Texts oa
British Columbia subjects did not appear for many years. -15-
educate and train resident candidates. Official statistics indicated substantial dependence on the former alternative. Of 33 teachers active in 1874,
15 were English, 6 Scottish, 2 Irish, 2 American, and 8 Canadian. Of the 25
qualified teachers listed in 1874, 7 were English, 3 Scottish, 2 Irish, 1 American
and 5 Canadian.  (The nationality of the remaining seven was not indicated as
they were not actually teaching in 1874.)"
Jessop touched upon the second option — training British Columbians —
in an 1874 reference to a Teachers' Institute which might encourage, among other
things, "more uniformity in the methods of teaching."^ Subsequent Reports
told of papers read and discussions held at these government-initiated sessions
on arithmetic, grammar, reading, graded and mixed schools, teachers' examinations,
the advantages of public over private education, the art of teaching, school
law, the golden rule, Indian children, compulsory education, the teachers' life,
and sundry related topics.   For the next two decades, however, teacher education consisted of high school or independent study, government-sponsored conventions, and challenge examinations.
John Jessop was not to initiate a more specific proposal.  It is certain,
however, that a vision of the ideal approach was never far from his mind. He
envisioned making the Victoria and New Westminster high schools into provisional
teacher training centres pending establishment of a provincial normal school.
Under the Consolidated Public School Act of 1876, the government provided five
allowances of one hundred dollars per annum each in aid of teachers in training
at high school. Beneficiaries were to be pupils "having a natural aptitude for
teaching." They would gain practical experience performing teaching duties in
the junior divisions of the school, and, as Jessop advised his superiors, thereby
save the government nearly $1,000. But at best, the Superintendent saw the
arrangement as makeshift until such time as "the Province could afford a Normal
School . . ."" The model for such an institution was at hand. If references
in his later Reports are any measure, the model was to be that Mecca of training
institutions, the Toronto Normal School. Until 1901, when the province established its own Normal School, British Columbians had to learn to teach elsewhere
or by their own devices.
John Calam
John Calam, a member of the Faculty of Education at the University of British
Columbia, is currently preparing a history of teacher education in the province.
Third Annual Report, pp. 23-24 and pp. 57-58.
Third Annual Report, p. 11.
Third Annual Report, p. 11; Fourth Annual Report, p. 17; Fifth Annual Report,
p. 90; Sixth Annual Report, pp. 10-11.
12 Third Annual Report, p. 9.
Sixth Annual Report, p. 11 -16-
One Room Schools of Fifty Years Ago
By 1929, a considerable number of one room schools had become well
established in many localities surrounding Williams Lake. While each individual
school had its own distinct characteristics there were many basic items common
to these small but vital cells of education.
In order to be entitled to a school the School Law of those days called
for the community to have eight pupils of school age and that the average
monthly attendance must not fall below six.  School boundaries frequently had
to be altered if a one room school was in danger of closing for want of pupils
or for some other reason.  On the other hand, frequently one room schools had
as many as thirty pupils or more.
A suitable size field, often donated by a public spirited resident or
sometimes purchased at a ridiculously low figure, became the site of the school.
Logs a foot or more in diameter were hewn locally by contract amounting to
$200.00 to $300.00.  These logs were expertly notched and were correctly "chinked"
for warmth.  The roof was then added and covered usually with cedar shakes or
shingles. The correct pitch was necessary to shed the winter snow and repel
the storms.  Most of the windows were located along the south side to take
maximum advantage of the sun.  Usually the single door opened onto a lean-to
porch which was reached by three or four stairs. The floor, which was close to
the ground, was made of sturdy planks.
As many as three well built cast iron legged desks were nailed to heavy
wooden runners for ease of moving and cleaning. The floor was well oiled and
kept clean by liberal applications of "dust bane" by the teacher, a parent,
a neighbour or a senior pupil designated as janitor and who received a small
monthly sum for the daily performance of the janitorial duties. A blackboard
stretched across the front of the classroom and often extended down the north
side.  Other furniture included a teacher's desk and chair, a set of book
shelves, and a locking cupboard.
A few pictures adorned the walls. If the school had won a physical education award, or a music award, the certificate was framed and displayed in a
prominent place. All one room schools received the 1867-1927 Metal Confederation
Plaque which was mounted in a prominent place.  A bulletin board displayed
pupils' work on a rotating basis, announced the seasons and foretold local events
of interest.
The schoolroom was heated by a barrel type heater which devoured cordwood
rapidly during the winter. Many feet of stove pipes made their way from the
heater through an exit in the roof. Coats and hats of the pupils were hung on
hooks close to this drum heater. Cocoa or soup in large syrup pails were
placed on the heater at recess to heat up for lunch. It was necessary to see
that the lids had been loosened or there would be a loud bang as the lid was
blown loose by the heat.  On dark days the schoolroom was lit by an Aladdin
lamp as electricity had not yet reached these rural areas.
On the school ground was a well to provide water for drinking and washing.
The barn with its supply of hay housed the horses that were ridden by pupils
who lived three to five miles or more away.  The Outhouse had a prominent place
on the school ground. A good supply of stacked cord wood was readily available
for a senior pupil to carry into the schoolroom each day as required. -17-
A meagre supply of prescribed text books were available for reuse over
several years.  A Register of Pupils, Monthly Report Forms, Pupil Reports, and
Pupil Progress Forms were all in constant use.
Teachers of these one room schools boarded with a local family for
approximately $25.00 to $30.00 per month.  The recognized minimum annual salary
was $780.00 per annum less the Jones Tax.l Most pioneer teachers had received
their training either at the Vancouver Normal or the Victoria Normal and were
expected to upgrade their Second or First Class Certificates by attending
summer school each July and August. Usually a Provincial School Inspector
visited each school once during the fall term and once during the spring term.
Three of the local residents served as School Trustees. Occasionally the
Department of Education appointed an Official Trustee.
Teachers were expected to teach Grades One to Nine. All Eighth Grade
Pupils had to be prepared for Departmental Examinations and were expected to
make at least sixty per cent. Beyond Grade Nine pupils often went to board in
Williams Lake to complete their High School Education.
The traditional Christmas Concert was held in the schoolroom each year
with every pupil participating. The concert was usually followed by a dance.
The music was generally provided by one or two fiddlers of local renown with
pupils and parents having a most enjoyable evening.
For their Christmas Holidays, Easter Holidays, and Summer Holidays the
teachers of the Cariboo schools travelled to their homes at the Coast by P.G.E.
Railway (Pacific Great Eastern) (now B.C. Railway) or by I.T. (Interior Transportation) Stage which was a large car of the late twenties or early thirties
operated by the well known pioneer Clarence Stevenson.  This stage made regular
trips between Quesnel, Williams Lake and Ashcroft.  The journey to and from the
Coast was completed by C.P.R. train.
Since the Cariboo Highway was not paved in those days travel at Easter had
to be made at night when the mud road was relatively frozen.  The trip at
Christmas was usually made over a snow-covered road.  These trips were most
enjoyable and usually ended by the singing of the "End of a Perfect Day."
The school frequently served as a meeting place and community centre.
On Sundays ministers of almost every denomination would upon request hold a
service.  Travelling Sunday School vans would visit the schools on a regular
basis May through September.
In 1945 Dr. Maxwell Cameron organized B.C. into a number of large school
districts which began to bring about the end of the large number of one room
schools that had surrounded Williams Lake.  Today a fleet of modern school
buses can transport many pupils of all ages to and from Williams Lake over
modern paved roads from the hinterlands that were once served by the fast
disappearing one room schools.
T. D. Sale
Mr. Sale was a teacher at 100 Mile House in 1935 and 1936 -and at
Springhouse: 1937, 1938 and 1939.
The Jones Tax was a one per cent provincial income tax introduced by Finance
Minister J. W. Jones in 1931. -18-
The Hope-Nicola Trail, 1875-1913
A principal task of the Hudson's Bay Company and subsequent colonial and
provincial governments was to develop trade routes through the Coast and
Cascade mountains to the interior of British Columbia.  The Coquihalla valley,
and especially its lower end, were explored many times for trail and rail.
The first record is by A.C. Anderson, on 31 May 1846,  as he searched for
a route to Kamloops for the Hudson's Bay Company.  From the Fraser river, his
Indian guides led him over the broad divide east of KawKawa Lake to a point
about five miles up the Coquihalla, just above the lower canyon, near the future
site of Othello station on the Kettle Valley Railway.  They crossed the Coquihalla
on "driftwood, 200 yards below the usual ford" and went a short distance downstream before turning southeast up the "N'Calaownm", now the Nicolum.  Here
Anderson was 100 years in advance of highway 3, the "Hope-Princeton", which was
opened to through traffic in 1949. This is also the point where the new four
lane Coquihalla highway will leave the Hope-Princeton highway in the 1980's.
In 1848, Henry Peers, hoping to improve on the HBC's Kequeloose route from
Fort Yale to Kamloops, followed Anderson's track over the KawKawa divide to the
Coquihalla. However, instead of taking the first valley to the east, he took
the second (now Peers creek) and developed the difficult Manson Mountain brigade
trail to Kamloops and Colvile.  One wonders if Peers had intended to follow
Anderson's easier Nicolum route, but mistakenly turned up the Coquihalla, rather
than down, before going east.
Trail construction was pushed 18 miles further up the Coquihalla valley
in 1859 when the trail to Boston Bar was built by the citizens of Hope, aided
by the Royal Engineers.
In September of the same year, Lt. H.S. Palmer made his important journey
to Fort Colville over the 1849 Manson Mountain brigade trail, and noted the
Boston Bar trail continuing up the Coquihalla.^ Palmer's map accompanying his
report, and several other maps of this period, show the modern Sowaqua river as
the source of the Coquihalla.  This has led to some misleading statements that
brigade trails went through Coquihalla pass.
A.C. Anderson, Journals and MS "History of the Northwest Coast", rough typewritten transcript in PABC, Add MSS 559, v.3. and 4. Anderson's sketch map
"An approximate sketch of the route upon an enlarged scale ... showing
Blackeye's trail" PABC, CM A357 (negative photostat).
R.C. Harris, "The Boston Bar Trail, 1859-60," B.C. Historical News. February,1979.
"Report on the Country between Fort Hope on the Fraser and Fort Colville on
the Columbia River, by Lieutenant H. Spencer Palmer, Royal Engineers."
Palmer diverged from the Boston Bar trail 17 September 1859 , and travelled
up Peers Creek on the Hudson's Bay Company's Manson Mountain brigade trail,
opened 1849. -19-
There are two references in 1861 to an exploration to the summit of the
Coquihalla by a Mr. Craigie, but his report and pencil sketch have not survived.
Walter Moberly proposed "a road from Hope to Williams Lake via Lake Nicola" early
in February 1862.
The definitive report of colonial days was made by Sapper James Turnbull
of the Royal Engineers, who was well qualified for this duty, having already
located and sketched most of the new pack trail and waggon road in the Fraser
Canyon.  He explored the "defiles of the Coquihalla" in April and May 1862
rather early in the season, but he noted fourteen major avalanche tracks, and
that a great deal of rock work would be required.  In his report,  dated "Camp
New Westminster May 1862" he recommends against building a trail or waggon road
through the upper Coquihalla canyon.  The report is accompanied by his one inch
to one mile sketch map, drawn in two sections.
The last Royal Engineers* map of southwest British Columbia, published
September 1863, and Launder's unfinished sectional 10 mile map,  ca. 1865, for
the Lands and Works Department, do not show any trail up the Coquihalla above
the mouth of Boston Bar creek.  It was not until 1875 that trail construction
resumed up the Coquihalla, in response to cattle ranchers demands for access to
the coast market.  Cattle ranching on the interior grasslands became established
as a consequence of the Cariboo gold rush.  New markets were needed as the gold
rush subsided.
Thus, in 1874, ninety-one settlers in Kamloops, Okanagan and Nicola Valley
petitioned* Robert Beaven, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works (forerunner of
our present Ministry of Transportation and Highways, and several other ministries)
for a more direct route to the coast.  If the Coquihalla route could be opened,
its length would be only 80 miles, about 44 miles shorter than the old route
via Princeton (but it would run 41 miles without feed, and would be closed longer
in winter).
O'Reilly to Young, 17 October 1861, PABC, Colonial Correspondence, F1280
Parsons to Breckenridge, 29 November 1861, PABC, CAB 30.6 Jl
Turnbull to Moody, PABC, Colonial Correspondence, F1783
Surveyor General (B.C.)  The old plans have been renumbered.  The present
identity is 1 and 1A Tl Old Maps.
A copy of this map was received by the Royal Geographical Society, London,
England, 4 November 1867, and is filed there as D52.  It is two sheets
joined, the upper is sheet 5.  The scale is 20 miles to 1 inch, and the map
extends 119° to 125° W, and 48° to 53° 50* N.
This map was the basis of the 1871 "Trutch" map, drawn by Launders.  The
Surveyor General (B.C.) has a few sheets.  A complete set of seven sheets is
held by the Royal Geographical Society, London, England; their D56, (received
6 May 1867).
B. C, Sessional Papers, 1874, p. 326-27. -20-
Later the same year, the Report of Public Works  gives a definitive survey
of the route, made by George Landvoigt of Hope.  He details,  chain by chain,
the work required to build the cattle trail from Hope- to its junction with the.
Nicola Valley road (where the village of Merritt now stands).
Construction of the trail was let as three contracts in the summer of 1875,
each signed by the contractor and Robert Beaven.  The length of each contract was-
roughly matched to the anticipated difficulties of construction:
SECTION 1, 18.5 miles: John Gordon Todd ($8,800)
From mile 4% on the Similkameen road (parallel to, and just below, modern
highway 3) to the mouth of Boston Bar creek, where the Boston Bar trail
left the Coquihalla.  23 culverts and 15 bridges, all 21 feet wide, were
required., the largest being the 210 foot crossing of the Coquihalla at the-
natural: bridge (a. variation from Landvoigt's recommendation of reusing
the old HBC/Boston Bar trail bridge site, closer to Hope).  The first 4
miles- of Section 1 were new construction.
SECTION 2, 14 miles: John Gordon Todd ($11,850)
From the Boston Bar- trail turnoff to the summit of Coquihalla Pass, all
new construction.  37 bridges and 41 culverts were needed.
SECTION 3, 47.5 miles:.. Hayward and. Jenkinson ($5,930)
From the Coquihalla summit down the full length af the Coldwater valley to-
the Nicola Valley road.  The first part was new. construction; from Mile 52^1
to the end of contract at Mile 80 the HBC 1848 Kequeloose trail firom Yale
to Kamloops was reused.  11 bridges and 29 culverts- were specified.
Thus,, the initial cost of opening the Hope Nicola trail was, bid as $26„580,
a small fraction of the curifent estimate of $265,000,000 for the Four lane
Coquihalla highway now undeii construction.
The 1875 Public Works Report shows the trail as complete, except for part
of Section 2.  This was finished, in 1876 by James Mcintoshy  who took over Todd's
contract.  Following unusually high spring freshets„ Mcintosh als.o made- some
repairs to Section 3, and heavy repairs, totalling $1439,, to S-ection 1. Eleven'
of the fifteen bridges had to be replaced... At last,, the government was "pleased
to- state large bands of cattle have been brought through firom the Nicola country
during the past season."
B. G. ,. Sessional Papers, 1874, p. 33Q-31
B. C, Sessional Papers, 1874, p. 334-42
A "chain" is 66 feet.  There are 80 chains in a statute mile
B. C. Sessional Papers, 1875-
p- 144-,J45 gives amounts tendered? by all bidders;
p. 451 ,,452 details work done, andi notes, the trail would have- feeaa
complete but for the early winter.
The eatrttract documents are filed in PABC,. 76r-G-17, file 9-33.. -21-
The year 1877 saw a further $1100 spent on opening and repairing the trail
for the season. The expense for 1878 was'rather heavy, amounting to some $1,500."
Parties were sent from Hope and Nicola towards the summit early in May, to open
the trail as early as possible in the spring. Annual snowfalls over 65 feet
deep were recorded at the summit in some years.^
Dr. G.M. Dawson of the Geological Survey of Canada gave an independent
report on the trail in 1877. "A good trail has been constructed, and is maintained
by the Government of British Columbia, from the Nicola Valley, by the Coldwater
and Coquihalla Rivers to Hope, on the lower Fraser, a total distance of about
75 miles. This route is that by which most of the cattle exported from the interior
of the Province reach the coast."
Dawson also furnished a detailed description of the country along the trail,
heading south. He camped at the Coquihalla summit on 8 June, and noted the
absence of feed and the presence of snow slides, and later, the Coquihalla bridge:
"Near the mouth of the Nicolume, the trail crosses the united streams at a
picturesque canyon by a good bridge, ..."*°
There was more heavy maintenance expense in 1879, after which the trail
settled into routine middle age, with only regular minor maintenance recorded.
It was usually opened to traffic by June of each year.
Some time after 1887 the natural bridge section of the trail was abandoned
and the start of the trail reverted to the original HBC route past Kawkawa lake
pioneered by Anderson in 1846, recommended by Landvoigt in 1874 and used today
by the Othello road. This was by no means a trouble free route as the Coquihalla
bridge washed out frequently, but it was the only way on which suitable grades
and width for a waggon road could be developed.
Use of the trail by cattle diminished when the CPR main line started operating
down the Thompson and Fraser valleys in 1884.^ It was then easier to drive
cattle down the Nicola Valley road to the main line at Spences Bridge.  By
1889, the trail "was only used for driving over loose horses."
For example:
1879 p. 270 "the Hope Nicola trail has been kept in fair condition"
1884 p. 263 routine repairs: "the trail cleared five feet wide the whole
1887 p. 157 "September - Opened trail, via the natural bridge, 5 miles
from Hope; repaired bridges, cribbing and corduroy; removed
windfalls, slides, etc."
1893 p. 837 "Cut out fallen timber, repaired corduroy, cleaned slides
and loose rock, maintained in passable condition during the
Geological Survey of Canada, Report of Progress, 1877, p. 38B-41B
Geological Survey of Canada, Report of Progress, 1877, p. 41B
Inland Sentinel, 14 February 1884. -22-
Mining developments about 1900 at Summit City on the Tulameen/Coquihalla
divide ensured the lower part of the trail was kept open from Hope as far as
Mile 16, the mouth of Dewdney Creek.  A good bridge was built from the Nicola
trail across the Coquihalla for the Summit City trail up Dewdney creek in
1904.   Later, as mining and logging development worked up the Coquihalla from
Hope, the Hope Nicola trail was converted, in stages, to a waggon road via
Kawkawa Lake.
The railway building era led to several more explorations * of the Coldwater/
Coquihalla route, culminating in the laying of track "through the defiles,"
(and the destruction of the Hope Nicola trail), by the Kettle Valley Railway
between 1913 and 1916.
After difficult battles with rock and snow, the Kettle Valley Railway
officially opened their Coquihalla line on 31 July 1916.  The Great Northern, who
had retained running rights through their subsidiary the Victoria, Vancouver and
Eastern Railway and Navigation Company (W and E), ran one perfunctory train
only on 27 September 1916.
The epitaph for the Hope Nicola trail was written by Charles Camsell^0 of
the Geological Survey of Canada in 1919: "... over 40 years ago only a very
poor pack trail existed ... and in the building of the (Kettle Valley) railway
this trail was destroyed and has not been rebuilt. There is, therefore, at this
time, no means of travel along the valley except by rail."
o 1
The tracks were washed out in several places, 23 November 1959,  and the
line never reopened, due to heavy maintenance costs and minimal revenues.  For
many years the line had not been kept open in winter.
A through tote road, incorporating parts of the Hope Nicola trail and
later, sections of the abandoned KVR grade, was built in the 1950's by the
Trans Mountain Oil pipe Line Company for installing and servicing their pipeline.
In the 1960's, West Coast Transmission built their natural gas line down
the Coquihalla but avoided the difficult upper canyon condemned by Sapper Turnbull
by staying above it on the west side, going from the upper Coldwater to the
upper Boston Bar Creek valley, which it followed back to the Coquihalla.  The
same route will be used by the new four lane Coquihalla highway.
There are several accessible remnants of the Hope Nicola trail up the
Coquihalla.  The finest runs from the natural bridge to the Kawkawa/Othello
divide.  Starting from Mile 4% on the Similkameen waggon road the faint trace of
the trail leads down west to cross 4% Mile creek. A few rotting bridge stringers
lie in the creek. The trail continues down a few yards before fading out in the
steep sandy gravel sidehill leading round to the natural bridge, a rocky sub-
canyon in the main Coquihalla canyon, where the gap between the overhanging rock
B. C. Sessional Papers, Minister of Mines Report, 1904, p. H 185.
Report of Progress, CPR Surveys, 1874, p. 147-149. B.C. Sessional Papers,
1902 notes several of the surveys: p. 801-819.
Geological Survey of Canada,.Summary Report, 1919, p. 318.
21 Barrie Sanford, McCulloch'sWonder, (1977) p. 238. -23-
is less than 10 feet.  Here the trail crossed about 30 feet above the river on
a timber bridge 12 feet wide and 210 feet long.22 Until 1979, one rotting timber
still spanned the gap; now the only relics are embedded anchor bolts which held
the sills to the rock on the south side.
Beyond the bridge, the trail is buried under railway construction and does
not show again until about a quarter mile west, where it reappears above the
railway cut.  From here, the trail is intact for 1 3/4 miles, leading over the
saddle between Lt. Palmer's "two conical hills." The contract for the
construction of this piece of trail called for 100 chains (1 1/4 miles) of
"walling, cribbing and blasting." Several good sections of walling remain.  The
trail joins the HBC/Boston Bar trail on the broad Kawkawa divide, whence it is
lost under subsequent developments.
The Kawkawa divide is of geological interest, being a dam of coarse glacial
gravels which diverted the Coquihalla to the south, where it cut the present box
canyon.  There are several large, but dry, kettles in the divide, left by great
ice blocks stranded in the gravel.
The next substantial remnant of the trail will be found well up in the
upper canyon of the Coquihalla.  Here, a 50 yard length of trail is supported by
rock walling on the east bank, just beyond a rock spur.  At this point, the tote
road crosses the Coquihalla for the last time, on a Bailey bridge to the west
And thus, the 38 year life of the Hope Nicola cattle trail began and
R. C. Harris
See the illustration with this article, and references 11, 13. -24-
Sec 5 op
Hope NiaoLA tkail
Hope Nicola tnail
n j J Mile
!*C  1648   J     jj|
sec 2,
Ulf »T5-7t
Sec      miles o
km    0
icreon I&44)
itnilkomeen f^ad I8o0,ol
deck   IZ1 Wide x Z\Of long
tCoauihalla River*} -25-
Book Reviews
Wilson and David C. Jones.  Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1980. Pp. 19]
$11.25 (paper).
Schooling and Society is a well-produced collection of six essays based on
masters' and doctoral research done at the University of British Columbia.
The topics of these essays range quite widely over the history of schooling in
the province. Timothy A. Dunn addresses the public school expansion of 1900-1929
while David C. Jones relates educational thought to the ideology of land settlement during the same period. The careers of G.M. Weir and H.B. King are reconsidered by Jean Mann who raises questions about the nature of progressivism and
its meaning for schooling in B.C. between the Wars. Three other essays focus
on specific topis: Diane L. Matters examines the Boys' Industrial School;
Jean Barman analyses the Vernon Preparatory School; and Gillian Weiss explores
the debates surrounding the establishment of kindergartens in various areas of
the province.  In addition to these essays, the vplume includes a very useful
bibliography prepared by Frances M. Woodward and a stimulating introductory essay
by J. Donald Wilson.
The essays are generally written with a good deal of pioneering fervour and
the tone of the collection is set by Wilson's introduction. Wilson sees a
developmental process at work in the recent writing of Canadian educational
history.  Over the past fifteen years, Wilson perceives a three-stage progression
in which the traditional perspectives of those such as F. Henry Johnson were
first replaced by Wilson, Robert M. Stamp and Louis-Phillippe Audet and then by
the radical revisionism of Michael Katz. The Schooling and Society essays
generally reflect the Katz influence and some authors attempt to advance this
context, most notably Jones' emphasis on the "myth of the land". However, none
of the essays offers any critique of sources or the kind of systematic analysis
germane to recent social historical writing. The general strength of the
collection is in its contribution to the history of ideas. All the essays attempt
to establish a broader theoretical context for these ideas and it is this fact
which supports the claim of innovation.
The one unfortunate aspect of the otherwise exceedingly helpful introduction
is Wilson's surprising underestimation of the role which educational historians
have played in advancing "mainstream" historical thought during the past fifteen
years. Wilson suggests that, in recent years, educational historians have been
struggling to catch-up with other Canadian scholars. In fact, it was educational
historians who were often responsible for drawing attention to the importance
of topics such as the history of ethnicity, labour and women and, thereby, it was
they who breathed new life into a sometimes moribund discipline.  It is simply
not accurate to suggest that educational historians had to learn theory and
methodology from their mainstream counterparts; rather, the reverse was generally
true. Similarly, Wilson seriously downplays the impact which research on the
educational history of Canada has had internationally and he is unnecessarily
apologetic about accomplishments to date. While Schooling and Society is in many
ways only a tentative first step in terms of the educational history of B.C.,
its general focus and analyses immediately carry it near the forefront of current
historical thinking about the province.  The volume should be used both in introductory and upper level university courses and will undoubtedly also attract a
more general readership.
Chad Gaffield, a graduate of the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education,
teaches Canadian social history at the University of Victoria. -26-
CALEDONIA:  100 YEARS AHEAD.  Hugh McCullum and Karmel Taylor McCullum.
The Anglican Book Centre, Toronto 1979.  154 pp. illus. $10.00.
"Write us history in the present tense; . . . say something to the wider
church," was the task presented to the McCullums by the Diocese of Caledonia
as it sought to celebrate its first one hundred years. The choice of authors,
not surprisingly, determined the kind of diocesan history which has emerged.
The McCullums are journalists, Christians and native rights activists—
the authors of a highly successful and useful account of native land rights
issues across Canada, This Land is Not For Sale, and the less well known
Moratorium dealing with the issues raised by the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline
proposals. Their sympathies for native peoples are vigorously evident whilst
their work has always been within the framework of 'established' Christian
institutions. They are not historians and their mission was not to write
They did, however, attempt to present an historical perspective to the
contemporary issues facing Anglicans in northern B. C. As memorialists they
also offer the usual 'snapshots' from the North Pacific, the biographies
of ecclesiastical dignitaries and the numerous tales of physical courage and
sheer breathtaking "gall" which characterised the nineteenth century missionaries
in Caledonia as elsewhere. Nor have they shied away from the dissensions which
have so dramatically and permanently divided the Anglican Church in British
Columbia; although the cantankerous William Duncan is perhaps treated more
sympathetically than he would have been by orthodox Anglican recorders.
The pedant would be easily satisfied with picking at the book's minor
errors such as Angelina (Angela) Burdett-Coutts (p. 29), and confusing references
to Venn's "Church Native" Policy, but perhaps would be surprised at the McCullum's
interest in the irrelevant detail of those old favourites — "arrival of first
white woman and birth of first white child." More significant from an historical
and cultural point of view are the careless statements that the "fur trade was
virtually concluded by 1850" (p. 25) or that the "potlatch was primarily a means
of redistribution of wealth" (p. 76).  And, in spite of a conscious and largely
successful effort to avoid boosterism and self-congratulation, the odd reference
to the "mighty Fraser" (p. 108) and the rich magnificent valleys does slip in
and indeed seems an inescapable part of any writing in British Columbia history.
Such critiques are, however, largely unimportant for this is "history as
backdrop" or, more kindly, "as prelude." The focus of the study is clearly the
mid-twentieth century and in particular is an attempt to present the problems
of the church in Caledonia as part of a broader perspective. The emergence of
the Nishga from a dependent relationship within the colonial framework of the
church is seen as part of a world wide movement which the church has faced elsewhere. The decline of church membership, the difficulties of securing parish
staff, paying salaries and supplying physical facilities are ones common to the
Anglican Church around the world. The particular challenges of twentieth
century Caledonia—the roller coaster economy, a continuing tension between native
and European, sparse settlement, boom towns and ghost towns and a minimum of
educational and cultural institutions are echoed in other frontier dioceses across
Caledonia's response has been unusual and does indeed have something to say
to the wider church, although the highly personal style of Caledonia's missionaries has sometimes obscured the utility of their goals and methods.  From -27-
Duncan and his model Metlakatla where Christianity and Tsimshian values
shared an uneasy bed, to the pivotal role which the native version of the Church
Army has played in some parishes (sometimes to the dismay of the more orthodox
churchmen), to the recent adoption of the present Anglo-Catholic clergy into
Nishga families, and the move to a wider concept of ministry with the ordination
of men and women with little theological training but selected by their respective
communities as worthy of the pastorate, the Church in New Caledonia has sought
accommodation with a confident and assertive indigenous people and culture.
That the Tsimshian have retained their sense of self worth and their economic
and political strength is due in part to the flexibility and willingness to
experiment that the Anglican Church has often demonstrated in this northern diocese.
It is also due to the unusual participation of clergy and native laity in
political affairs, from Duncan's earliest moves to raise the issue of aboriginal
land rights to the recent Church support for the Nishga land settlement.
The dual image of, on the one hand, the Tsimshian leader in the legislature,
in Trade Union and political affairs, and on the other hand, of Caledonia's
European priests dressed in the dramatic blue and red decorated stroud blankets
summarises the experience of the first century.  Herein lies the message of
Caledonia for the wider church.
Jean Friesen, the biographer of William Duncan, teaches history at the University
of Manitoba.
RAILWAY STATIONS OF WESTERN CANADA.  J. Edward Martin. White Rock: Studio E.
Martin, 1980. Pp. x, 118, illus., no price given.
The publication of J. Edward Martin's Railway Stations of Western Canada
is indicative of a growing interest in that most Canadian of buildings, the
railway station.  Charles Bohi's Canadian National's Western Depots (1977)
is the only other comprehensive text on western Canadian stations; thus,
Martin's book is a welcome addition.
Martin, whose interest in railways is lifelong, has sought here to provide
an overall view of railway station architecture from the early days of western
Canada to the present.  He divides his topic in three phases: 1875-1900,
1900-1940, and from 1940 to the present.  The book's clear organization makes the
chronological development of railway station architecture easily understood.
Martin traces station architecture from the initial portable type (usually a box
car) through the traditional to the international style.  Following a historical
introduction, the stations are described by company.  The names of many architects
and many fine interior photographs and floor plans are included. Unfortunately,
a map of railway lines showing station locations is absent.  The photographic
illustrations are excellent with a few minor exceptions.  For example, the Vernon,
B. C. station would have been better presented with pictures of the front and
rear facades showing its tower. Moreover, while it is interesting to see
stations as shown here in original form, a contemporary photograph of those
buildings still extant would have enhanced the presentation.  The station at
Melville, Saskatchewan, exemplifies this lack.  The international style as represented in the present station at Cranbrook, B. C. would have been an interesting
comparison with its predecessor. Although Martin mentions "station gardens and
the spelling out of station names in whitewashed stones," no photograph illustrates- -28-
this.  However, these omissions are relatively minor considerations.
Although the text basically deals with Western Canadian stations, Martin
draws interesting parallels with station construction in other areas.  For
example, he compares the Grand Trunk Pacific's eaves brackets in Western Canada
with the Grand Trunk's mid-nineteenth century stations in Ontario.  The treatment
of the Prairie railway stations is thorough and many standard station plans are
included.  The major termini such as Winnipeg and Vancouver are also well
examined.  British Columbia railway stations, generally, are less well covered
than their Prairie counterparts.  For example, no mention is made of the Great
Northern (now Burlington Northern) stations at White Rock and Salmo. A minor
omission is the Esquimalt and Nanaimo extension to Courtenay in 1914 and the
station there.  The Castlegar, B.C. station, which reflects a strong north
German architectural influence as seen in its recessed dormers, should have been
considered. Although their sheer numbers prevented the inclusion of all
stations, more examples reflecting regional variants might have been included.
Nevertheless, Martin's study will appeal to those interested in railroad
architecture.  A detailed index and bibliography are provided for those who wish
to pursue the subject further.
Ian Baird, a Fine Arts student and librarian at the University of Victoria, is
currently working on a book on British Columbia railway stations.
Maud, editor.  Vancouver: Talon Books, 1978.  Vol. I, Pp 167, illus., maps;
Vol. II, Pp. 163, illus., maps;  Vol. Ill, Pp. 165, illus., maps;  Vol. IV, Pp. 181,
illus., maps, $6.95 each volume.
By compiling the scattered ethnographic field reports of Charles Hill-Tout
in a four volume series, editor Ralph Maud provides a useful set of resource
materials on the Salish people of British Columbia, including the Thompson and
Okanagan (Vol. I), the Squamish and Lillooet (Vol. II), the mainland Halkomelem
(Vol. Ill), and the Sechelt and South Eastern Vancouver Island Lekwungen
(Songhees) and Cowichan (Vol. IV).
Perhaps one of the most interesting aspects of each volume is Maud's
introductory remarks on Hill-Tout as "pioneer anthropologist." His discussion
of Boas' lack of interest in Hill-Tout's work is not belaboured but does permit
a sympathetic view of Hill-Tout's rather lonely efforts in the budding science
of anthropology.  In Volume II, the description of Hill-Tout's method of
translating Salish myths into "stately Victorian prose, where scientific objectivity combines with lofty sentiment to ennoble his subject matter" is somewhat
at odds with Maud's following statement that "we are attracted inside a story,
and learn the dimensions of its world from the inside." Undoubtedly, Boas, had
he bothered to read Hill-Tout's translations, would have disagreed.  Boas' own
meticulous and often wearisome collection of myths in the native language with
only a perfunctory transliteration was also an attempt to get inside the storyteller's world, but with as little interference from English as possible.
Undoubtedly, the aims of the two ethnographers differed markedly.  Boas' objective
was to avoid ethnocentric bias at all costs, including the cost of interesting
the general reading public. Hill-Tout, on the other hand, according to Maud, was
concerned chiefly with collecting Indian stories that would appeal to a non-
scientific, if well-educated, English-speaking audience. -29-
With this understanding of Hill-Tout's primary aim, both the ethnographic
data, covering such topics as place names, social organization, life cycle customs,
potlatching, and warfare, and the translation of Salish myths that follow each
ethnography can best be appreciated for their interest to teachers, high school
students, and others who wish to acquire general information about the Salish
This reviewer's only real quarrel with the editor concerns the inclusion,
in Volume IV, of some of Hill-Tout's correspondence with Boas, I.W. Powell, and
others, a personal account of his dabblings with seances and spirit mediums, a
review of Boas' second report on the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, a rather
outdated and relatively inconsequential article on the origins of totemism among
the native people of British Columbia, and an assortment of Haida stories and
beliefs.  Since the Haida material, as Maud acknowledges, is taken second-hand
from notes published by Harrison in Ancient Warriors of the North Pacific,
contains little more than a page of previously unpublished Haida songs, and is
unrelated to the series' focus on Salish peoples, one wonders if the first 92
pages were not added simply to flesh out a scanty fourth volume.  Given the total
cost of the four volumes, a more economical plan might have been to produce only
three volumes , with Hill-Tout's correspondence included in Volume I and the
ethnographies and myths on the Sechelt and South-eastern Vancouver Island cultures
included in Volume III, thereby deleting altogether the remainder, which adds
little to an otherwise worthwhile collection of Hill-Tout's research.
Marjorie Mitchell teaches Anthropology at Camosun College, Victoria.
THE COURT HOUSE OF NEW WESTMINSTER. L.B. Chambers.  New Westminster: Heritage
Preservation Foundation of New Westminster and the B.C. Heritage Trust, 1979.
Pp. 77, illus., $5.00.
The Heritage Preservation Foundation of New Westminster deserves the thanks
of British Columbia historians for producing The Court House of New Westminster.
This compilation of information about the courthouse architecture and history is
valuable both as a proposal for preservation and aS a source book for local history.
In the first chapters Mrs. Chambers sketches the city's early history as
background to the historical importance of the courthouse and its designer.
From its birth in gold rush days, the city of New Westminster was a centre for
the local judiciary but not until 1891 did the lobbying of her citizens for a
proper court building cause the provincial government to commission George William
Grant to design one.  Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie opened the Victorian Romanesque
edifice at the Spring, 1891 assizes. Although the 1898 city fire gutted the
building, Grant restored it the following year using the original walls and the
same general plan.  Today, it is classed as one of his "most imposing achievements,"
and it is "the only major Court House left on the mainland in which Chief Justice
Begbie ever passed judgment." It "has stood in the city of 88 years", and there
the residents have "met and made up the fabric of British Columbia's history."
This heritage proposal is fairly well supported by the description of Court
House construction and function accompanied by good reproductions of photographs
and original documents.  The author also surveys Grant's career and notes
some of his other local works. -30-
Students of local history will be more interested in Mrs. Chambers
discussion of the social history of New Westminster in chapters on "The Judge",
Begbie; and those he judged.  In ten pages Mrs. Chambers can only hint at Begbie's
long, complex relationship with New Westminster's newspaper editors and its
citizens.  She skims over Begbie's differences with John Robson, editor of the
British Columbian in 1862 regarding the Cottonwood scandal and with the same newspaper in 1891 on the Greer case.  In both instances the populace supported the
press not the judge.  Space limitations also prevented the citation of more
trials of Indians 'chicken oaths' by Chinese, and performances by prostitutes
from brothels of 'the swamp.'  Students will be intrigued by the latter evidence
regarding the underside of Victorian New Westminster and the possibilities
for historical research in court records.
The extant works on New Westminster history rarely mention such salacious
themes and do not seem to have inspired much other research on British Columbia's
first city. Most recent British Columbia history has focussed on New Westminster's
outer harbour at Burrard Inlet.  It is good to see the city back on the historical
map, and even better to note local historians raising questions of race, class,
and sex.
There are, however, some disappointing aspects to The Court House of New
Westminster.  It lacks even a timeline of New Westminster history after 1873.
Developments in the courts need to be set in the context of the community's
growth, A map of the city and district showing 'the swamp' in relation to
commercial and residential areas would be helpful.  Furthermore, referring to the
British Columbian as the Columbian, calling Charles Wilson an American, and
including only a casual source list detract from the prupose and value of the book.
Jacqueline Gresko, an active member of the B.C.H.A., teaches history at Douglas
HISTORICAL PORTRAITS OF TRAIL. Written and edited by Jamie Forbes.  Trail: Trail
City Archives, 1980. P. 93, illus. $5.95 paper. (Available from the Trail City
Archives, 1394 Pine Avenue, Trail, B.C. V1R 4E6)
This is a timely volume—long overdue in a period when so many towns and
cities have been the subject of pamphlets and brochures.  Somehow Trail has been
over-shadowed by the large industrial complex to which it owes its existence.
It is all too easy to dismiss such a place as just a "Company Town" without an
identity of its own, but now Jamie Forbes has presented a portrait of the historical fabric of the town, its ethnic heritage, its business and social life and
the individuals who were its leaders.
The story is told by photographs arranged in casual grouping with brief
explanatory captions and occasional longer accounts carrying the sequence of events.
After a brief mention of the Lake Indians who lived along the Columbia River,
the Hudson's Bay post of Fort Shepherd and the Dewdney Trail, the author details
the rather unusual birth of the town as the site for a smelter treating copper-
gold ores from the Rossland mines.  Then follow pictures of its growth and
development—street scenes, celebrations, methods of transportation, its hotels,
churches, schools, bank and hospital buildings. There are photographs showing
people at play, theatre groups, bands and orchestras, famous hockey and curling
teams of early years, baseball players and skiers.  Neighboring Tadanac, East Trail
and Warfield suburbs and dramatic photos of disastrous floods of the Columbia
River are shown. Choice and arrangement of photographs has been done with imagination but the reproduction of some panoramic views is blurred and indistinct. -31-
A brief outline of the B.C. Smelting and Refining Co., the Canadian
Smelting Works and early days of the Consolidated Mining and Smelting Co. Ltd. is
included with pictures of plants and staff.  I would offer a few minor criticisms.
A more accurate caption for photograph No. 94 would be: "The O'Hara furnaces were
used to roast low grade copper matte in order to drive off some of their sulphur
content so that on re-smelting in the blast furnace the iron could be slagged
off and the copper content upgraded for shipment."
The date for picture No. 108 should probably be 1925 , while in No. 103 the
St. Eugene tailings which were re-treated in 1925 were taken from Moyie Lake
where they had been originally dumped.
All told, Historical Portraits of Trail is a worthwhile attractive volume,
easy to read and easy to peruse. Although disclaiming any intention of presenting
a detailed history editor Forbes has offered a wide selection of the interests
of a town important in the economic life of British Columbia.
Elsie Turnbull is the author of the recently published volume, Trail Between
Two Wars.
Edited with an introduction by W. L. Morton. Vancouver, University of British
Columbia Press, 1979. Pp. xlix,  307,  illus.
God's Galloping Girl is the third volume in the promising series,
Recollections of the Pioneers of British Columbia. While previous volumes have
provided considerable insight into the early history of Victoria and the interior
region of the Okanagan, this volume records the experience of a woman on a
more remote frontier—the B.C. section of the Peace River country. When Monica
Storrs first went to the district around Fort St. John in 1929, pioneering was
still proceeding in this, the last agricultural region of the province to be
This Englishwoman of 'exquisite but sturdy refinement' did not go to the
Peace to homestead; she went as a missionary, having felt the call to carry both
the cultural and religious values of the Church of England to this distant
frontier. The experiences of her first ten years on the Peace were recorded with
charm and humour in the form of lengthy diaries which were sent to England for
the edification of friends and supporters of mission work. The first two years,
which are printed here in full, are essentially a chronicle of progress—both
personal and communal.
As the 41-year-old daughter of an Anglican clergyman, Miss Storrs initially
found much about her new environment that was disheartening, if not shocking.
She described Fort St. John as "a perfectly hideous scattered dump of about a
dozen wooden shanties1'; there was no hospital, the nearest sober dentist was
150 miles away, and worse still there were no churches, the people showing little
sign of any interest in things spiritual. Yet Storrs plunged resolutely into her
work; she set up Sunday schools and adult services in the few local schools and
organized enthusiastic little troops of Girl Guides and Boy Scouts. These
activities, and her visiting of families far and wide, took her hundreds of miles
by horseback, foot and car. Her dauntless forays into the bush, braving all the
elements, seem all the more remarkable because as a child she had been an invalid
with tuberculosis of the spine.  By the end of 1931, this dedicated churchwoman -32-
had had the satisfaction of assisting in the procuring of a permanent minister
for the area and had witnessed the consecration of Anglican churches at Fort
St. John and at Baldonnel.  By this time too, Storrs had fallen in love with
the grandeur of the country and the sense of freedon it imparted.  She was
particularly proud of her rustic log home, christened The Abbey, which became
the center for continuing mission work.  Here she was joined by other committed
women, some friends from England, who would earn the epithet—God's Galloping
The diaries provide vignettes of many of the settlers who have ably been
identified by the editor with the help of Vera Fast.  Miss Storrs had praise
for the pioneer women of the district, most of whom seemed to be coping admirably
with the loneliness and hardships of homesteading.  Of the sterling characters who
emerge, one of the most noteworthy was the indomitable Miss May Birley with
whom Storrs lived for the first year. Efficient and hospitable, May Birley
managed her own place but was never too busy to rush off to attend the people in
the area as her nursing training made her the only medical person around in the
early years.  For the historian, however, comments on the people and the
developing social structure are maddeningly brief. One wishes that Miss Storrs
had recorded more of the many non-Anglo-Saxon newcomers or the stories of such
old-timers as the ferryman Herbie Taylor, whose photo album contained "all the
halfbreeds there can ever have been since Columbus."
This volume adds an interesting chapter to the history of the Anglican
Church in Canada, particularly as it underscores the valuable role played by
women church workers.  In his introduction, W.L. Morton shows how the mission
work in the Peace was supported by a network of dedicated lay groups.  Storrs
herself was recruited by Miss Evan Hasell, another Englishwoman of adventurous
spirit, who founded the Sunday School van service which toured widely throughout
the West.  In terms of general church history, however, the volume offers only
a vague sense of the actual impact of the Anglican Church in the Peace, especially
in relation to the other denominations.
The Storrs' diaries provide useful, but quite selective insight into the
early settlement of the Peace River area. The account of the first two years,
however, presents the routine of life in such detail that it eventually becomes
rather monotonous.  While an interesting description of Monica Storrs' later
life and work is included in a moving biographical sketch by the late R.D.
Symons, a personal friend who was originally to have edited the diaries, perhaps
posterity would have been better served if the admittedly onerous task of
condensing and editing the complete set of diaries had been undertaken. The
present text is complemented by a series of charming photographs of people and
Sylvia Van Kirk, who teaches history at the University of Toronto, is the author
of the recently published book Many Tender Ties, a study of women in f.ur trade
and Donald B. Smith, eds. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1979.
Pp xxviii, 153, illus., $16.50 cloth: $6.95 paper.
The publication of One Century Later, the proceedings of the ninth annual
Western Canadian Studies Conference (1977), has made available a collection of -33-
essays which offer a comprehensive discussion of Indian and non-Indian relations.
Certainly events of recent years have shown that the course of Indian-White
history in western Canada can no longer be relegated to the back-burner.  One
Century Later, an allusion to the centenary of the signing of Treaty Seven (1877) ,
confirms the complete inadequacy of this approach and asks for the recognition
of the Native Peoples' points of view as integral to our history.
Chief John Snow's introductory comment sets the central theme.  The centennial
is not just a celebration of Treaty Seven's hundredth year but is a commemoration.
It is an examination of the original Treaty and an assessment of Indian-White
relations "not only to reflect back but also to look forward to the next hundred
years" because for the Native Peoples of the western provinces the treaty is more
than a legal instrument.  The treaty is part of a process of growth and adaptation
which is important to the whole of Canadian society.
Following this lead, in "The Canadian Government's Termination Policy" Marie
Smallface Marule reflects on the past with a clear, incisive look at the present
and future.  She argues that the focal point of government policy has remained
the "reserve" and the primary concern of the successive administrations has been
to limit the cost of all programmes.  The rationale behind this equation is found
in Canada's traditional Indian policy.  The original treaties with the Native
peoples were not the specific terms agreed to, but a policy which by 1857 - a
full twenty years before the western treaties - had determined "to remove all
legal distinctions between Indians and other Canadians, and integrate them fully
into Canadian society." Legally proclaimed wards, Indian Peoples could only
be recognized legally, through enfranchisement.  Furthermore, the goal of
enfranchisement was, and is, accompanied by an equally consistent programme of
economic "self-sufficiency." Marule contends that economic "self-sufficiency"
is a euphemism for forced assimilation which ensures deprivation for the broad
sector of Native society.  Concepts such as economic and cultural self-determination have never been a part of Canada's Indian policy.
Many readers may think this view smacks of a reverse prejudice, but the
historical record will not support such a reaction.  When the first Indian
Act was officially tabled in 1857, a farming programme with a view to no more
than basic self-sufficiency accompanied it.  An alternative was containment.
The Native Peoples of the prairie provinces, particularly the Plains Cree, felt
the brunt of this approach.  When completely inadequate farming implements and
climate combined to defeat the agrarian ideal before 1914, greater degrees of
so-called "self-sufficiency" were imposed along with a pass system designed to
regulate the movement of Indians on and off the reserves.  These early years
established a pattern of failure and economic stringency, somehow justified by
the government's adherence to wardship first, enfranchisement second. This was
the special status which the Native Peoples experienced. Marule's argument that
the treaties must guarantee the necessary base for furthering Native self-
determination is the necessary counterpart to the government's formula - a
counterpart articulated by the Native leaders a century ago, a counterpart still
confronting the same government formula.
By the early twentieth century, the Indian Peoples' determination to have
their political and economic arguments heard had spawned the growth of a Pan-Indian
Movement.  Both E. Palmer Patterson's essay on "Andrew Paull and the history of
Indian Organizations in British Columbia" and Stan Cuthand's contribution on the
prairie Indians' political endeavours during the 1920*s and 1930's highlight this
growth. Patterson reveals how Andrew Paull persistently sought solutions to
enable Indians to retain their identity, grow as individuals and coexist within -34-
Canada.  Likewise, during the 1920's and 1930's the League of Indians met annually
in Alberta and Saskatchewan.  Cuthand points out that in all aspects - politics,
economics, education - the League sought equality, equal privileges and responsibilities.  Their proposals also sought redress of oppressive policies; the right
.to travel without passes and religious freedom.  As yet, the Native Peoples'
argument is coined "citizen plus," a sadly ironic slogan for the history of
The main thrust of One Century Later is a series of statements leading
concretely towards an understanding of the validity of the Native Peoples'
comprehension of Indian-White relations.  The one disappointing contribution is
that of Dr. Hugh Dempsey.  In presenting the events surrounding the original
signing of Treaty Seven (1877), Dempsey succumbs to the romantic image of the
"noble savage." He assumes that Father Scollen's contemporary observations
represented the Blackfoot Peoples and then asks, "Did these Indians, or do they
now, understand the real nature of the treaty made between the Government and
themselves in 1877?" A more careful reading of the documents makes it clear
that in 1877 the Blackfoot leaders rejected ambivalent policies and addressed
the principle of justice.  Their position was consistent with the continuing
argument for self-determination.  This goal must be recognized as an important
element in the development of Western Canada.  It is an element which the
contributors to this collection have commemorated.
Barbara Mayfield recently completed an M.A. thesis at the University of Victoria
on The North West Mounted Police and the Blackfoot.
Bibliography—Recent British Columbia Books
BOHI, Charles.  Canadian National's western depots: the country stations in
western Canada. (A Railfare Book.) Toronto, Railfare Enterprises, 1977. 128p.,
ill. $10.00
DAVIES, John.  Douglas of the forests: the North American journals of David
Douglas.  Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1980. 194 p., ill. $14.95
DOBCO, Al.  Western Canada ghost town atlas.  Langley, Stagecoach Publishing,
1979. 80 p., ill. $5.95.
DRAYCOTT, Walter Mackay.  Early days in Lynn Valley: recollections of a. pioneer's
early days in Lynn Valley.  North Vancouver, Author, 1978. 108 p., ill. $7.00
HOUGH, Richard.  The last voyage of Captain James Cook. New York, William
Morrow, 1979. 271p., ill. $10.95.
of Kimberley, B.C. Marysville, Committee, 1979. 357 p., ill. $20.00
MORGAN, Roland.  B.C. then &  now: Okanagan / Kootenay / Cariboo, volume one;
introduction by Martin Segger. Vancouver, Bodima Books in association with
British Columbia Heritage Trust, 1978. I42p., ill. $7.95.
SCOTT, David, and Edna Hanic. East Kootenay chronicle. Langley, Mr. Paperback,
1979. 170p., ill. $3.95 -35-
News from the Branches
Windermere District Historical Society    The first half of 1979 was an
exceptionally busy time for the
Society, preparing the interior of the CPR log station building to be used as a
museum.  After the walls and floor were finished the display for the summer was
set up, featuring the theme, "The River and the People." Opening day was a great
success.  Many visitors came to see what had been done with the building.  Through
the summer, also, many tourists came and the first season of the Museum, in its
new building and on the new site, was a real success.
The Society continues to look to the future and is making plans to move to
the museum site the original log school house from Brisco, which has been donated;
also, we hope to work with the Ministry of Forests to take steps to preserve
the Earl Grey Cabin.  An extensive photographic department is being prepared.
Mr. J. C. McKay, a former resident now living in Ontario, has a keen
interest in the Society's activities and sponsored a genealogy contest in memory
of his mother, Judith Larson McKay.  This generated an enthusiastic response.
First prize went to Mrs. Margaret Christensen; second prize to Mr. Roy Lake.
We look forward to another similar contest in the near future.
A bike-a-thon in May proved a successful fund raising effort.
Local residents have been very generous in the past year and have donated
interesting artifacts and archival material, for which we are grateful. An
open house was held in October, with special invitations to residents, as a
means of expressing our thanks for the help and support we have been given.
Creston & District Historical and Museum Society    The past year has
been very eventful
in the life of the society, not so much because of what was accomplished but
because of the amount of sustained work in three major areas: the Yahk Pioneer
Museum, the West Kootenay Power and Light Company dam and power station at Canyon,
and the proposed construction of a museum building.
During the year and shortly after the annual meeting, the president resigned
and dropped his membership on the Board. We were in a difficult position and
imposed upon Frank Merriam to serve in that capacity since no sitting board member
felt equal to occupying the chair.  Frank was accordingly taken on the Board and
has served the Society well by his able and energetic direction of activities.
His wide range of interests and connections with other organizations have also
been of benefit.  We were sorry to lose Charlie however, since he had been an
active and productive member of the executive since the establishment of the
Society.  Charlie was interested in all phases of our work and also provided a
very useful contact with the East Kootenay Association of which he was a longstanding member. We hope he will be able to serve again when his personal
pressures and committments ease.
The struggle to restore the articles in the Yahk Museum that were obtained -36-
in Creston and related in some way to our history had been going on for several
months and a good deal of research and much letter writing had been engaged in.
The problems were several: (1) to determine what items were of merit as far as we
were concerned (2) to establish a connection with somebody or department that
would assist in the purchase (3) to raise the very considerable sum asked for
the collection of artifacts in whole or in part. This came to a head in the late
fall with the foreclosure of Wedgewood Manor and the loss of the Pioneer Park
Museum by the new owners, Mr. and Mrs. Alex Wood.
At our last general meeting the problem of acquiring the public use of the
Canyon damsite which had been generously offered by the West Kootenay Power and
Light Company was reported on. Here again several problems were involved (1)
The administration of such a project (2) The physical requirement to safeguard the
plant and equipment (3) The nature of any downstream liability (4) The possible
uses of the property and the local organizations that might utilize it. Mr.
Colonel did a great deal of work on this through the Chamber of Commerce and we
are very greatly indebted to him and to them.  He will be reporting on this aspect.
The struggle to obtain suitable quarters for a projected museum has been going on
for several years.  Various buildings have been looked at and sites considered,
but we did not have the means to acquire property and the costs of construction
were too much to contemplate.  Furthermore, while there are grants by senior
governments to support museums, these require a facility to be in operation; they
do not assist in the establishment of a museum.  Mr. Carr took a look at the
problem through the Chamber of Commerce and by a great deal of work succeeded
in bringing forth a proposal for a building to be be sited where the old Civic Centre
once stood.  A suitable long term lease was acquired from the School Board.
Because of the desirability of including other organizations in such a project
and thus increasing the public support available, the Arts Council, headed by
Art Snyder, became involved.
Since we were working so very closely with other organizations, it was
decided to have representation from them on our Board. Accordingly, Mr.
Colonel, Mr. Carr and Mr. Snyder all were brought in.  This increased our strength
above that specified in the constitution, but greatly assisted in our deliberations.
As the year draws to a close we regret that Mrs. Gidluck has tendered her
resignation as secretary.  She has served faithfully and effectively for six years
and only accepted this last term under great pressure. We thank her very much for
her great contribution.  The Society will always be in her debt.  Mr. Rollins
has tendered his resignation as treasurer.  He finds that he is unable to attend
some meetings because of conflict with his work hours.  We thank him for his services and hope for his continued interest in the Society. Mr. Merriam has found
it necessary to be out of town the last three months and the chair has been
assumed by Herb Dodd as Vice-president.  This is expected to be a temporary
situation and no change in officers here is contemplated.
Of all the organizations in town the Historical Society probably has the most
active and dedicated executive.  One hundred per cent attendance at meetings was
pretty well the rule, and careful consideration of the often complicated questions
that arose was always given.  If our public profile was sometimes rather low, it
did not mean that much meaningful work was not being undertaken.  The officers thank
the various committee members for their unselfish work on behalf of the general
membership.  It is our hope some or all of this may come to fruition in 1980.
Herb Dodd
Vice-President. -37-
VlCTORIA   BRANCH      The Victoria Section's Table Officers  for 1980-1981 are:
President, Tom Carrington; First Vice-President, Ruth
Chambers; Second Vice-President, Geoff Castle; Corresponding
and Recording Secretary, Frances Gundry; Treasurer, Bruce Winsby; Assistant
Treasurer, Ted Belt.
Because one of the B. C. Historical Association's aims is to encourage a
public interest in history, the Victoria Section has been contributing a series
of historical notes to the Victoria Times.  These 200-word notes, called Victoria
Landmarks, appear at the bottom of the editorial page in the paper's Monday issue.
Forty-two had been published by Labour Day.  Each carries a credit line,
"Contributed by the Victoria Section, B. C. Historical Association."
The Regional History Committee of the Canadian Historical Association
wishes to announce that it is soliciting nominations for its 'Certificate of
Merit' Awards.  These annual awards are given for meritorious publications or
for exceptional contributions by individuals or organizations to regional or
local history.  Nominations should be sent to:
Professor Robin Fisher, History Department, Simon Fraser University,
Burnaby, B. C. V5A IS6
before 1 December 1980.
Could you have qualified as a teacher in British Columbia in the 1870's?
One of the requirements was a good knowledge of spelling. Printed below is the
1875 spelling examination.  If you think you could pass, please complete the
examination and send your answers to us at P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B. C. V8W 2Y3
so that they arrive before December 15, 1980. The winner will receive as a prize
a copy of The Colour of British Columbia by Bill Brooks, a book of handsome,
coloured photographs of various parts of British Columbia.
"No. 3.—Spelling: Mr. A. Munro.  Time, h  an hour.  Total Marks, 200
(8 Marks to be deducted for each word returned misspelt or passed over.)"
(The individual societies listed below are
responsible for the accuracy of address, etc.)
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society, Mrs. C. Holt, Box 284, Port Alberni,
V9Y 7M7.   723-3006.
Atlin Historical Society, Mrs. Christine Dickenson, Box 111, Atlin, VOW 1A0.
BCHA, Gulf Islands Branch, Elsie Brown, R. R. #1, Mayne Island, VON 2J0.
BCHA, Victoria Branch, Francis Gundry, 255 Niagara, Victoria, V8V 1G4.  385-6353.
Burnaby Historical Society, Una Carlson, 6719 Fulton Ave., Burnaby, V5E 3G9.  522-8951
Campbell River & District Historical Society, Julie 0'Sullivan, 1235 Island Highway,
Campbell River, VOW 2C7.
Chemainus Valley Historical Society, Mrs. B. W. Dickie, Box 172, Cheaminus, VOR 1K0.
Cowichan Historical Society, P.O. Box 1014, Duncan, B. C. V9L 3Y2.
Creston & District Historical and Museum Society, Margaret Moore, Box 253,Creston,
V0B 1G0.  428-4169.
District #69 Historical Society, Mrs. Mildred Kurtz, Box 74, Parksville, VOR ISO.
Elphinstone Pioneer Museum Society, Box 755, Gibsons, VON 1V0.  886-2064.
Golden & District Historical Society, Fred Bjarnason, Box 992, Golden, VOA 1H0.
Historical Association of East Kootenay, Mrs. A. E. Oliver, 670 Rotary Drive,
Kimberley, VOA 1E3.  427-3446.
Kettle River Museum Society, Alice Evans, Midway, V0H 1M0.  449-2413.
Maple Ridge & Pitt Meadows Historical Society, Mrs. T. Mutas, 12375-244th Street,
Maple Ridge, V2X 6X5.
Nanaimo Historical Society, Linda Fulton, 1855 Latimer Road, Nanaimo, V9S 2W3.
Nootka Sound Historical Society, Beverly Roberts, Box 712, Gold River, V0P 1G0.
North Shore Historical Society, Doris Blott, 1671 Mountain Highway, North Vancouver,
V7J 2M6.
Princeton & District Pioneer Museum, Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0.
Sidney and North Saanich Historical Society, Mrs. Ray Joy, 10719 Bayfield Road,
R. R. #3, Sidney, V8L 3P9.  656-3719.
La Societe historique franco-colombienne, #9, East Broadway, Vancouver, V5Z 1V4
Trail Historical Society, Mrs. M. Powell, 1798 Daniel Street, Trail, V1R 4G8 368-9697
Vancouver Historical Society, Irene Tanco, Box 3071, Vancouver, V6V 3X6.  685-1157
Wells Historical Society, Ulla Coulsen, Box 244, Wells, V0K 2R0.
Williams Lake Historical & Museum Committee, Reg. Beck, Box 16, Glen Drive, Fox
Mountain, R. R. #2, Williams Lake
Windermere District Historical Society, Mrs. E. Stevens, Box 784, Invermere, VOA 1K0 B.C. HISTORICAL
Honorary Patron:  His Honor, The Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia,
Henry P. Bell-Irving.
Honorary President: Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2G 2V6.
1st Vice-President:
2nd Vice-President:
Recording Secretary:
Members at large:
Past President:
Ex Officio:
Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Road, Campbell River, V9W 3P3.
287-8097 (res.).
Barbara Stannard, 211-450 Stewart Avenue, Nanaimo, V9S 5E9,
654-6195, (res.).
Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0.
342-9562 (res.).
Arlene Bramhall, 5152 Grafton Court, Burnaby, V5H 1M7.
433-7176 (res.).
Michael Halleran, #8-1711 Duchess, Victoria, V8R 4W2.
598-5883 (res.).
Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0.
295-3362 (res.).
Len McCann, Vancouver Maritime Museum, 1905 Ogden Street,
736-4431 (bus.).
Frank Street, 6176 Walker Street, Burnaby, V5E 3B4.
521-4529 (res.).
Helen Akrigg, 4633 West 8th Ave., Vancouver, V6R 2A6.
228-8606 (res.).
John Bovey, Provincial Archivist, Victoria, V8V 1X4.
387-3621 (bus.).
Kent Haworth, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News.
387-6671 (bus.).
Patricia Roy, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News.
477-6911, local 4793 (bus.).
Terry Eastwood, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News.
387-6671 (bus.)
Cover photograph:  View of Princeton, B.C., 1902.
Provincial Archives of British Columbia photo No. 9692, BRITISH   COLUMBIA   HISTORICAL   NEWS
Vol. 13, No. 3 Spring 1980
Second-class mail registration number 4447.
Published fall, winter, spring, and summer by the British Columbia Historical
Association, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3.  (Printed by D.A. Fotoprint Ltd.,
747 Fort Street, Victoria, V8W 3E9.)
The B.C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance of the Ministry of the Provincial Secretary.
Alexander MacLeod:  Tofino Lifesaver Debra Barr 2
An Infernal Triangle.. etc Sheila Keeble 8
President's Letter Ruth Barnett 14
News from the Branches 15
Old Routes and Trails:  Jumbo Pass...etc R.C. Harris 19
News and Notes 23
Letters 25
Book Reviews:
Chinese Pioneers. ..etc Barry Gough 26
Our Nell.. .etc Rudy Marchildon 27
Captain James Cook. . .etc John Norris 28
Painting during the Colonial Period Kathryn Bridge 29
Bibliography Frances Woodward 30
Manuscript the Scottish
Record Office Graydon Henning 31
BCHA - Annual Convention 33 -2-
Alexander MacLeod:   Tofino Lifesaver
Alexander MacLeod, whose unpublished dairy lies in the Provincial Archives
of British Columbia, served as Leading Seaman of the Tofino Lifesaving Station
from 1925 to 1930, then as Coxswain until 1951. When he arrived from Scotland
in 1912, the Lifeboat was stationed in Ucluelet and had only been in service
for two years.  It was transferred to Tofino in 1913.
The community of Tofino was first settled in 1888 by an Englishman, John
Grice, and later took the name of the inlet upon which it was situated.
A stream of settlers, predominantly of Norwegian and British descent — Jacob
Arnet, Anton Hansen, George Fraser and George Maltby, among others - soon
followed.  These pioneers of the west coast soon learned to cope with
adversity:  isolation, a dangerous coastline, and a rainfall of amazing
proportions.  Coupled with poor soil conditions, this rainfall made farming
difficult and forced the majority of settlers to turn to the ocean for their
For many decades the ocean also served as the only basis of transportation
for the inhabitants scattered along the coast; a road linking the centre
of Vancouver Island to Tofino and Ucluelet was not completed until 1959.
The water route to Port Alberni weaves through the many islands of Barkley
Sound, and is extremely hazardous in fog or in stormy weather. In addition,
the early residents of Tofino had to contend with the strong currents of
the open Pacific. By the time Alex MacLeod joined the Lifeboat crew in 1925,
there had already been many tragedies in this "Graveyard of the Pacific".
The coastline between Port Renfrew and Barkley Sound offers no safe anchorage
for boats in any weather;  it has been the site of at least forty major
shipwrecks, along with countless small craft accidents.
The wreck of the American passenger steamer Valencia in 1906, in which
more than a hundred lives were lost, made the lack of lifesaving services
in the Barkley Sound area painfully obvious. Two lighthouses had just been
completed farther north at Lennard Island and Amphritite Point; as a result
of the Valencia disaster, a third was built at Pachena Point in 1907.  A
pair of lifesaving stations was subsequently established in 1910, with one
boat moored at Bamfield and the second one at Ucluelet, until its transfer
to Tofino three years later.
George Nicholson, Vancouver Island's West Coast, 1762-1962 (Victoria: Moriss
Printing Company Limited, 1962), p. 276. Nicholson adds that the inlet was
named in 1792 by the Spanish explorers Galiano and Valdes.
Nicholson, West Coast, pp. 278-279.
Nicholson, West Coast, p. 149.
R. Bruce Scott, People of the Southwest Coast of Vancouver Island (Victoria:
R. Bruce Scott, 1974), p. 58.  Another account of the Valencia disaster is
given in R. Bruce Scott, Breakers Ahead! (Victoria: R. Bruce Scott, 1970),
Chapter 13. -3-
From their inception, the Bamfield and Tofino Lifesaving Stations worked
very closely with the nearby lighthouses, carrying supplies to the lightkeepers
and checking upon their well-being. Telegraphed messages from lightkeepers
who had spotted vessels in distress were acted upon promptly by the lifeboat
nearest at hand. A year rarely passed without the need for service:
...the stout crews of these little boats never hesitated to put
to sea, day or night, and in any weather. Department of Transport records credit the saving of many lives and much valuable
shipping tonnage to their prompt action, courage and seamanship.
The original crews worked without the use of radios, radar, depth sounders
or cabins for shelter; until the substitution of gasoline engines in 1913,
they had only "sails and ten long sweeps" for power.
Alexander MacLeod was not a stranger to the sea when he moved to Tofino
in 1912. The ancestral home of the MacLeods is Scotland's Isle of Skye, set
in a mountainous region much like Vancouver Island; Alex was born on the
nearby Isle of Raasay on July 28, 1885. He followed his brothers Ewan and
Murdo to Canada's west coast at the age of twenty-seven, and helped to
build the original Tofino road; he also worked for over a year at the
Dominion Hatchery on Kennedy Lake, a few miles south of Tofino.
Alex returned to Scotland on a munitions ship in 1915, and when World
War I ended he remained at sea, sailing to South America and other
destinations. In 1925 he moved to Tofino once again, this time with a
Scottish wife and five of what would become his family of seven children.
He joined the Tofino Lifeboat crew as Leading Seaman the same year, and
became the Coxswain-in-Charge in 1930. His journal covers his twenty-one
years as Coxswain from 1930 to 1951.
From MacLeod's official diary, a great deal can be learned about the
operations of a lifesaving station.  Much of the work was routine:  tending
buoys, fixed lights and beacons;  recording daily rainfall and tide levels;
and keeping the boat, station and grounds in good condition.  The most
important duty was, of course, quick response to calls for assistance. The
Tofino Lifeboat was responsible for an area stretching from Ucluelet north
to Nootka Sound, and up to twenty-five miles out to sea; keeping a close
watch over the hundreds of fishboats and other vessels in these waters provided year-round work.  The ignorance of some of these boaters caused a
great deal of trouble for the lifesaving crew. MacLeod relates many such
May 15, 1949:  21:45 hours.  The Lifeboat received a call from the
Lighthouse stating that a boat was anchored at the entrance to
Templar Channel in a dangerous position.  The Lifeboat left her
station at 22:00 hours, proceeded to position given, and found the
USA Troller "Martel" riding at anchor, with two men on board. The
Lifeboat guided the boat to safe anchorage.
The Lifeboat was also routinely called upon to come to the aid of disabled
craft, or to stand by until a tugboat arrived at the scene: -4-
April 15, 1949:  09:50 hours. Beam Trawler "Hummingbird" in
distress fifteen miles S.W. of Lighthouse, with three men on
board.  10:00 a.m.:  the Lifeboat left her station for the
position given, and arrived at the vicinity at 12:00 noon.
Towed the disabled boat to Tofino; ?arrived back at station
at 7:30 p.m.  Net in her propeller.
Much of the work of a search and rescue station was, however, far from
routine.  In emergencies, the crew had to operate under very dangerous
Sunday, March 31, 1946:  14:45 hours.  Received a distress call
from Constable Redhead stating that a small lifeboat from a Naval
Vessel blowing up a mine drifted ashore on Wickaninnish Bay. The boat
had capsized with five men on board. One man, the gunner, lost his
life when the boat capsized, and another, Mr. Whittaker (a local
resident), was also drowned trying to rescue the men in the water.
Everything was done that was possible in the rescue, in view of the
heavy surf and shallow waters.  The Lifeboat returned to her station
at 19:30 hours.
Occasionally, MacLeod was forced to weigh the risk to his own crew during
rough weather against the safety of a disabled boat.  In the following
incident, a large boat drifting well away from the rocky coastline was
actually in less danger than was the smaller Lifeboat:
Thursday, January 27, 1947:  11:00 hours. The following
message was received from the American Coast Guard:  "The
Beam Trawler 'Recovery', sixty-foot seine boat, broken down
about fourteen miles South South East of Lennard Island
Lighthouse; request you render assistance, and report action
taken." The Lifeboat left her station at 11:30 a.m. for the
position given, with a gale wind blowing from the North West.
The Lifeboat continued for a distance of ten miles, but on
account of a heavy sea which damaged the upper structure, the
Coxswain decided for the safety of his crew to return to station,
and reported to the Coast;Guard accordingly.
Nicholson, West Coast, p. 205.
Nicholson, West Coast, p. 206.
Alexander MacLeod, "The Diary of Alexander MacLeod" (British Columbia Provincial Archives, Add.MSS. 196), p. 50. The Archives holds only a typed
copy of the diary, which seems to have been edited. The "Lighthouse" which
MacLeod refers to in this entry is the Lennard Island Lighthouse. All
quotations, unless otherwise noted, are from this diary.
This was in fact Mr. Richard Whittington, who lived on Wickaninnish Bay at
the time, and who tried to rescue the crew from the beach.  The error in
his name may have been in transcription. -5-
As the international border was for many years only three miles off-shore,
the station often received similar calls for help from the United States
Coast Guard.
The work of the Lifeboat crew was sometimes frustrating and often
inconclusive.  False alarms were frequent:
September 19, 1948:  11:30 hours. Call from Lighthouse:
a disabled troller was drifting in Templar Channel. The
Lifeboat searched the vicinity but could not find any trace
of the boat. False alarm. The Lifeboat returned to her
station at 12:15 noon, in light winds.
And a search did not always end with a rescue:
Friday, November 5, 1948:  09:30 hours. The Lifeboat left
her station searching for a U.S.A. plane reported missing in
the Tofino vicinity with a crew of seven on board, but could not
find any trace of it.
In December, 1948, Alex MacLeod recorded this brief entry:
Searching for the body of my son Donald, feared drowned,
vicinity of Armitage Point. Six times.
Although the diary does not refer to him again, Donald's body was found
two weeks later at Armitage Point.
Alexander MacLeod was a thorough and untiring rescue worker. In
November, 1950, he began an extensive search for the body of a local man,
Reece Riley:
Friday, November 3, 1950:  13:00 hours.  Received wireless message
from Mr. Morrison, Agent, Department of Transport, Victoria, as
follows: "Captain Reece Riley left Port Alberni on October 24
for Port Alice in the speed boat 'Maureen R' and has not reported
since. Advise the Lifeboat to proceed as far as Zeballos in search
of Captain Riley."
Captain Reece Riley was born and raised in Tofino, and later moved to
Port Alberni, where he based a water-taxi business serving the Barkley
Sound area. He also ferried deep-sea pilots between Port Alberni_and
Cape Beale, and eventually became Harbour Master at Port Alberni.
When he set out on October 24, 1950, Riley was making his last trip
in the "Maureen R" (which was named for his daughter). He had sold it to
British Columbia Forest Products, Ltd., and was delivering it to them at
Port Alice. Although MacLeod's diary states that Captain Riley was last
seen in Port Alberni, he spoke to Robert and David Barr in Tofino later the
same day.  A hard wave had broken his cabin window, soaking his matches, so
he stopped at Tofino to buy some new ones.  Because he hoped to reach Hot
Springs Cove (thirty miles away) by darkness, he was too rushed for
conversation. He knew the difficult stretch of coastline extremely well,
but the weather was stormy.  There was a strong southeasterly wind blowing,
typical in October, and daylight was disappearing, so it was very reluctantly
that Robert and David helped him cast off. -6-
When the Tofino Lifesaving Station received the message that Reece
Riley was missing, over a week had passed; the possibility of finding him
alive was not strong.  The Lifeboat crew searched, nevertheless, for
several days:
Friday, November 3, 1950:  13:00 hours.  The Lifeboat left her
station bound for Flores Island, but on account of the heavy sea
running, had to take shelter at Refuge Cove for the night.
Arrived at Refuge Cove at 4:00 p.m.
Saturday, November 4: At 8:00 a.m. the Lifeboat left Refuge
Cove, searching the shore line around Estevan Point and vicinity
against heavy seas and S.W. winds, as far as Nootka Sound and
vicinity, from hence to Zeballos. Arrived there at 3:30 p.m. and
contacted the local police and the two Fishery Inspectors, who
advised the Coxswain that the coastline north of Zeballos had
been searched by sea and air. The Coxswain decided to stay in
Zeballos for the night.
Sunday, November 5: 8:00 a.m. The Life boat left for Nootka
Sound and vicinity, from hence to Estevan Point, and continued
along the coastline to Sydney Inlet and through Miller Passage
to arrive back at her station at 7:35 p.m.
Monday, November 6:  9:00 a.m. The Lifeboat left her station
for Rafael Point with extra local men, and landed a party east
of the point. On account of a heavy surge, the landing was very difficult. The landing party found some wreckage of the "Maureen R" on
Rafael Point with the name painted on one piece, but could not
find any trace of Captain Riley. The Lifeboat returned to her
station at 7:25 p.m.
Tuesday, November 7:  9:00 a.m. The Lifeboat left her slfcation for
Rafael Point with Constable Drapper, David Clegg (Captain Riley's
brother-in-law) and other local parties, searching for Reece's body,
but without any results. Found the engine of the "Maureen R"
between huge boulders near the wreckage. On account of weather
conditions, the search had to be called off. The Lifeboat returned
to her station at 6:30 p.m.
Captain Riley's body was never found. The cause of the wreck of the
"Maureen R" remains a mystery.
For many years, the Lifesaving Station had obligations beyond searches
and rescues. The Lifeboat was often required to make "mercy runs", carrying
sick or injured persons from isolated places to the nearest doctor or
Friday, August2, 1946: Lifeboat proceeded to Lennard Island
Lighthouse, for Lightkeeper's wife, Mrs. Kelly, for medical
attention at Tofino Hospital.
Nicholson, West Coast, p. 260. Douglas Riley still operates his father's
water taxi service in Port Alberni. -7-
Wednesday, June 29, 1949:  10:30 hours. Call from C.G.S. Estevan:
two men hurt landing annual supplies at Hesquiat, for wireless
station. The Lifeboat left her station at 10:35 a.m., but had to
return on account of engine trouble. The Lifeboat, after necessary
repairs, left her station again, and brought the two men to Tofino
Hospital. Ten hours at sea.
During MacLeod's early years as Coxswain, "the nearest doctor or hospital"
meant a hundred-mile trip to Port Alberni in an open boat; several
agonizing hours for a person in pain.
In 1950 the Tofino Lifesaving Station received a temporary new boat, 1Q
when its original Lifeboat (built in 1913) finally went out of commission.
Under the auspices of the R.C.A.F. Rescue Co-ordination Centre, new official
Lifeboats were acquired in 1951 by both the Tofino and Bamfield Stations:
They were built and launched in 1951 by Chantier Marine de St.
Laurent, Isle of Orleans, Quebec, to specifications of the latest
type of lifeboat in use by the United States Coastguard. Each 40'
■in length and powered by 110 h.p. G.M. diesel engines, they are
the last word in seaworthiness... Equipment includes a radiotelephone-- line- throwing rocket gun, powerful searchlight and first
aid kits.
The new equipment made rescue work more efficient, but the basic operations
of the station remained the same.
Alexander MacLeod retired in 1951, after twenty-six years of service.
On his last day of work, he recorded:
This will conclude my years of service with the Dominion of
Canada, as follows:  21 years in charge of the Lifesaving
Station at Tofino, B.C., 5 years and 5 months as Leading Seaman, a
total of 26 years and 5 months.  I also worked for 16 months in
the Dominion Hatchery at Kennedy Lake, Clayoquot District. I
acted as over-seer of the Government wharf, public floats and
navigation lights since my appointment as Coxswain-in-Charge.
In conclusion, I have no recollection, or any record, that
in all these years of service the Lifeboat neglected any calls
of distress under any elements of weather...nor of any accidents as far as saving lives is concerned. I must also state
that I have had the greatest admiration for the crews that
worked under me, for their loyalty in carrying out their
required in saving lives, under whatever circumstances at sea.
He received thanks from the Department of Transport for the "honesty and
integrity" with which he performed his duties  and an Imperial Service
Award from Queen.Elizabeth II in recognition of "the meritorious service"
he had rendered.
"The old type of Lifeboat was built at Vancouver in 1913, the first Lifeboat built in Canada:  a power boat with sails and masts, 35 feet long
overhaul, 9.9 beam."  Diary, p. 50. -8-
Alex and his wife Flora contributed a great deal to the community of
Tofino. From Scotland they brought a Presbyterian culture: psalms set to
old Scottish tunes, the chanter and the bagpipes, sword-dances, oat-cakes
and ancient Gaelic stories. Upon Alex's retirement they moved to Vancouver
to be near their Presbyterian church, which originally had Gaelic-
speaking ministers, and they enjoyed eighteen years together there. Alex
died in 1969 at the age of eighty-three; his wife lived to be ninety-one.
They outlived three of their sons: Donald drowned in the winter of 1948,
Norman (Donald's twin) drowned later in a tugboat accident, and Murdo
died after an illness at the age of forty-six.
Alexander and Flora MacLeod were survived by their son Ian and three
daughters: Islay, Margaret (who still lives in Tofino), and Mary Hardy
of Mill Bay (who donated Alex's diary to the Provincial Archives.
Their grandson Stewart currently works at the Tofino Lifesaving Station,
now part of the Canadian Coast Guard. Lifesaving has become a MacLeod
family tradition.
Debra Barr has aninterest in B.C. history and archives and is
a graduate of Simon Fraser University.
"Tlicholson, West Coast, p. 204.
T.E. Morrison, District Marine Agent, Department of Transport, to
Alexander MacLeod, July 24, 1951.
Ivan de la Sere, Brigadier, Registrar of the Imperial Service Order,
to Alexander MacLeod, August 22, 1952.
Mrs. Hardy supplied a great deal of information for this paper.
An Infernal Triangle:   How Richard McBride Became Agent-General
In 1873, British Columbia created the post of Agent-General in London
to promote the development of British Columbia by advertising the province,
its resources, and products to potential British immigrants, investors and
consumers.  From time to time, the post was used to reward friends of
the government or to provide a comfortable place for politicians who had
outlived their usefulness or popularity. In 1901, the government appointed
John Herbert Turner, a former premier (1895-1898) as Agent-General at a
salary of "not less than ten thousand dollars" per annum. As Agent-General
during an era of extensive British immigration to British Columbia and
investment in her industries and public works, Turner hdd a busy career.
The Agent-General was appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor in Council
and held office "during good behaviour" but,could be removed by the Cabinet
"on address from the Legislative Assembly."  Such a procedure made it difficult
British Columbia, Statutes, 1901, c.l. -9-
for the cabinet to create the vacancy it desired in 1915 when Sir Richard
McBride desired to resign the premiership and move to his beloved London.
Ever since the economic boom collapsed in 1912-13, the problems of the provincial government had been increasing. It seemed likely that the province
might be called upon to honour its guarantees on the Canadian Northern
Pacific Railway's bonds;  the Pacific Great Eastern Railway required seven
million dollars to complete even its minimum plans but there were rumours
of a caucus revolt against any further aid to the PGE. Indeed, the Premier
had to cancel an announcement that he would call a provincial general
election in the spring of 1915. Moreover, McBride was already suffering from
Bright's Disease, a kidney ailment. In London he could have access to the
finest medical care. Equally important, he had many influential friends
there including Winston Churchill, whom.he had met during his many visits
to the Imperial capital on provincial business. McBride had sought a
federal appointment to liaise between the Canadian and British governments
on war-related matters but Prime Minister Robert Borden had tactfully
rejected his request. The office of Agent-General, however, was also
attractive. It offered automatic ingress into London society, was fairly
undemanding, moderately lucrative, a point of some importance to McBride whose
personal finances had suffered as a consequence of the collapse of the real
estate boom.
To get McBride to London involved a complicated shuffle, a kind of
infernal triangle. Attorney-General W.J. Bowser would persuade Turner to
retire; McBride would then go to London as Agent-General; and Bowser would
succeed to the premiership. There were, however, two complications. Though
Bowser had served in McBride's cabinet since 1907, there was no love lost
between the two men.  Indeed, Bowser had led a clique which threatened to
revolt against McBride early in 1915. Nevertheless, as senior member of the
cabinet, Bowser was the heir apparent to the premiership. Perhaps McBride
was attempting to protect his own reputation and to punish Bowser by giving
the Attorney-General the sordid task of removing Turner. Bowser was
caught in a cleft-stick between his intense dislike for McBride which made
it unpalatable to arrange a comfortable sinecure for him, and his overweening
desire to be premier himself, which necessitated compliance with McBride's
scheme. Thus, the conflict between McBride and Bowser was easily overcome;
the real difficulty was in persuading Turner to retire. Though he was
eighty years old and was offered a handsome retirement allowance, Turner
was reluctant to vacate his office quietly. The surviving correspondence
from these pre-trans-Atlantic telephone days and contemporary newspaper
accounts contain nearly all the clues necessary to reconstruct this strange
Although the first surviving document dates from August, the plan
apparently began to evolve in July 1915, when McBride cabled Turner.  In a
cable on August 4, Bowser enigmatically referred to a plan detailed in McBride's
earlier cable and urged Turner to accept the offer contained therein "as any
other decision seriously hinders plans here which we deem is (sic) immediately
necessary and which depends (sic) entirely on your favourable decision."
The message ended with a threat that the terms in the original cable were -10-
"based on present conditions" and would not be so generous "if present plans
In his non-commital reply, Turner seems to have elected to play for time.
He insisted he was unsure of the plan since he had not received the
communication from McBride with the full details of the scheme, and he
complained that the last sentence of Bowser's telegram was incomprehensible.
Bowser provided a blatantly clear reading in his reply: "Bonus one thousand
pounds in addition to retiring allowance." Bowser also requested that
Turner reply as soon as he received McBride's letter of July 27. This was
an unfortunate move for the non-arrival of this mysterious letter gave
Turner valuable time for procrastination even through he was well aware of
McBride's intentions through other communications.
Turner's failure to commit himself drove an exasperated Bowser to write
on August 17:  "From cables and letters already received you must know our
offer. What do you propose to do?" But Turner stuck to his guns and
replied with a long, coded cable, containing an elaborate list of all the
correspondence he had received. He assured Bowser he was awaiting McBride's
letter in accordance with Bowser's instructions. He did admit, however, that
he thought he had been asked to consider the following terms, "$6,000 self
$2500 wife annually for our lives in addition to son retained," as well as
a $3,000 bonus which he mentioned in an addendum. Turner justified his
resistance to resignation by pointing out that he had accepted the Agent-
Generalship for life and that McBride, among others, had signed the Order-in-
Council to that effect.
Bowser jumped at this opportunity to pin Turner down to this specific
set of terms (with the palliative of a significant increase in the bonus)
and cabled back:
Will accept your terms as follows $5000 cash, $6000 annually during
your life, after your death $2500 to your wife during her life, son
retained. Undertake to secure legislation next session confirming
these terms.
In order for the plan to come to fruition, Turner would have to resign no
later than November 1. Once again, Bowser enjoined Turner to hasten his
decision as future plans entirely depended upon him.
Turner was not taken in by these unsubtle tactics. When he replied four
days later, he stressed that "the terms are not mine but the only ones I
had to consider as offered by premier and yourself." He conceded he was
inclined to accept if bonus considerably increased," but sensibly insisted
that his resignation "must be contingent on these terms being confirmed by
legislature." Despite his advanced years, Turner also contended that "to
retire from my work now is very painful to me."
Bowser, trying a new tack, expressed surprise at Turner's intransigence
and his proposal to raise the bonus. He claimed Turner's telegrams
suggested finality of terms and, as a deterrent to further procrastination,
Bowser assured Turner that he was "confident that Legislature will not
agree to additional amount but will ratify offer of August 22nd." He was
effectively making Turner an offer he could not refuse and Turner, who had
finally received McBride's letter, had presumably discovered that it
contained no new hope. Thus, on August 31, he ungraciously accepted the
deal. He again denied that the terms were of his formulation but advised
Bowser that "in view of political exigencies you name" he would resign and -11-
accept the terms offered. In order to salvage something from the wreckage,
Turner insisted his resignation could not come into effect until the end
of December. Even with this condition, Bowser, who was becoming anxious about
a possible upset in the delicate timing of the scheme, gratefully accepted
Turner's resignation.
Turner had many reasons for wanting to delay the date of his effective
resignation. He feared that a sudden end to his tenure "would have a very
bad appearance here...and affect me very injuriously."  He believed that
many people here will wonder - they will say what is the Cause?
What has he done - he is as active as ever and always at his
place - the other Agents-General all recognize me as a fixture
and treat me as their leader - so that it is imperative that it
should be known I retire with honour.
Turner's sense of social injury was scarcely mollified by the large financial
settlement and even the letter accompanying his formal resignation contained
a scrawled postscript telling Bowser and McBride to "take care to have
something done to let the public in B.C. and London know I am not disgraced
and had to leave for shady reasons."  Oddly enough, Turner does not
seem to have conceived of the idea of old age as a reason for retirement.
On a more practical level, Turner expressed concern about the provision
for ensuring the financial statement. As he pointed out to Bowser, "if I
resign November first how can I be guaranteed act referred to will be passed
and agreement Pension and Bonus carried out." It also seems that Turner had
been kept in the dark about at least half the McBride/Bowser plot for he
wondered, if "Sir Richard retires, how can you be certain of his successor
or of the Legislature in January?" Bowser, as the designated successor, could
of course be quite positive on this score and Turner would have been less
than thrilled had he realized that Bowser was hardly an impartial intermediary but a substantial beneficiary of his resignation. Turner's objections
I had quite understood that my resignation should be in your
hands but not accepted before the Legislature met - when you could be
sure. Thus Sir Richard would not retire until afterwards - as it
is now proposed it appears that I take all the risks and am unable
to do anything to secure myself.
W.J. Bowser to J.H. Turner, 5 August 1915. Copy in Provincial Archives of
British Columbia, Premier's Papers (Bowser) Box 168.  (All other references
to correspondence are from this collection.)
It is indeed. A tentative reading is "S. & Wilson will advance (now)
bonus involved."
Unfortunately, this letter and all other communications attributed to McBride
are missing. Unlike Bowser, McBride was an able exponent of realpolitik
and kept potentially damaging correspondence secret.
Turner's son acted as the Agent-General's secretary.
Turner to Bowser, 21 August 1915. Bowser's correspondence in this exchange
is missing. -12-
Turner was even more correct than he then knew in supposing himself to be
the "fall guy".
Turner was also peeved by the timing of his resignation because it
threatened to rob him of the opportunity of opening a new British Columbia
House in London. Turner had expended much effort and diplomacy in persuading
the provincial government to provide funds for a permanent British Columbia
residence, and had been finally given permission to build one in 1913.
The building, on a prime site in lower Regent Street, was nearing completion
and the move to it was planned to take place on December 22. Turner was upset
that McBride would reap the rewards of his exertions:  the prestige of opening
British Columbia House and the comfort and convenience of working in
the new extablishment. Fortunately, McBride or Bowser found a compromise.
McBride's announcement of his retirement, originally scheduled for
November 1915 was postponed to a more auspicious date, Degember 15, 1915,
McBride's forty-fifth birthday. Therefore, Turner was still Agent-General
when the new building was opened and McBride moved straight into the new
British Columbia House when he took office, January 1, 1916.
Turner's other outstanding objections to the manner of his removal were
dealt with by Bowser's promised Act "to provide for the Payment of an
Allowance to John Herbert Turner."  The preamble to the Act made it clear
that Turner was by no means in disgrace and also provided some justification
for the size of Turner's pension:
Whereas the Honourable John Herbert Turner has retired from the
public service of British Columbia after many years of service as a
member of the Legislative Assembly, Prime Minister, and Agent-General
for the Province in London, England, and it is fitting that the Legislature and the people of British Columbia acknowledge his great public
services by making the grants hereinafter provided.
The "grants" were, of course, the $5,000 bonus and "thereafter the sum of
500 dollars a month during his lifetime," or $208.34 to Mrs. Turner on her
husband's death. All the payments were to be tax free.
Inevitably, the grant was controversial and it fixed public, and
particularly opposition, attention on the mounting costs of the London
operation. The 1901 grant of $10,000 a year had been gradually increased
so that by 1916 it was $30,000 per annum of which $10,000 per year, tax free,
was Turner's salary.   (The reduction in his income alone accounts for
Turner to Bowser, 23 September 1915.
Turner to Bowser, 12 October 1915.
Turner to Bowser, 23 September 1915.
British Columbia, Statutes, 1916, c. 69.
Victoria Times, 6 April 1916; Victoria Colonist, 4 April 1916. -13-
Turner's anger at being removed.) When McBride became Agent-General, the
Legislature was asked to approve an annual expenditure of $35,000 for the
London office, The whole increase was to be used to augment McBride's
salary on the grounds that the cost of living in Britain had risen because
of the war and because, unlike Turner, McBride would have to pay British income tax on his earnings. Opposition members claimed McBride now earned more
than any other Agent-General in England, the Prime Minister of Canada or
Lord Jellicoe, the commander of the British Navy. Furthermore, the opposition noted the cost of the debt incurred for building British Columbia House
and the allowance to Turner should be added to the cost of the Agent-General's
office. Bowser, who appears to have become Turner's sworn enemy (no doubt
the feeling was mutual) offered little defence of the pay-off beyond
explaining that the $5,000 bonus was required to cover Turner's private
debts - a questionable and derogatory assertion as Turner never mentioned
such a reason for a bonus - and emphasizing Turner's advanced years, which
ensured that the allowance would soon be unnecessary.
The opposition in the Legislature was obviously aware of the
underhanded negotiations which had produced this expensive situation.  The
Victoria Times stated:
The taxpayers must pay this enormous salary to the man who is
largely responsible for the unfortunate condition this province
is in to-day because it was stipulated in the McBride-Bowser
bond; because it is the price of Mr. Bowser's translation to
power. Those two men put their heads together, appointed themselves to the positions to which they aspired, settled the details of salaries, pensions etc., and bound the people to pay
the bill... Altogether this province is going to have a fine
fling in good Old London Town.
Opposition members voiced similar suspicions in the Legislature. When
they asked to see the papers and correspondence relative to Turner's
resignation, Bowser claimed he had no correspondence in his possession apart
from Turner's resignation since McBride had conducted the negotiations.
The ultimate outcome of the tangled plot has many of the elements of
Greek drama with political hubris being rewarded by nemesis. Bowser served
as premier for only a few difficult months before the September 1916 general
election when the Liberals, under Harlan Carey Brewster, defeated his
administration in what the Canadian Annual Review described as perhaps "the
most complete overthrow in political history." " While McBride undoubtedly
foresaw the election results, he was apparently surprised when the new
Liberal government turned on him. After some debate, in which McBride's cynical
manipulations were bitterly attacked, the new government asked him to resign
the Agent-Generalship on the grounds that he was an unsuitable person to
represent the province abroad. McBride was by now too ill to resist; on May
20, 1917 he resigned. As the final fitting irony, the government asked Turner
Victoria Times, 4 April 1916. The Times estimated the total cost of the
London office at $100,000 per annum.
J. Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review, 1914, p. 780. -14-
to act as interim Agent-General for serveral months. Among his duties
were making the funeral arrangments for McBride who died in August 1917
before he could return home to British Columbia.
Sheila Keeble
Sheila Keeble is a graduate student in History at the University
of Victoria.
President's Letter
Dear Fellow-members,
In my capacity as president of the British Columbia Historical Association,
may I wish you all success in your varied and particular projects in this
New Year. Activity in local history continues to burgeon and enjoys the
additional support given by the provincial government under new legislation.
The B.C. Historical News is now well into the second year of its new
format, production of which was co-ordinated by our immediate past-president
Helen Akrigg, an experienced publisher. The News has been edited by i) .
Dr. Patricia Roy of the University of Victoria and Kent Haworth of the
Provincial Archives, and in its first year BCHA treasurer, Michael Halleran
acted as business manager. I wish to express my appreciation, on your
behalf, of the standard achieved by the News, and at the same time, to point
out to you that this has been brought about by a collaboration which has been
entirely voluntary. So, we are doubly appreciative.
Kent Haworth has resigned as co-editor of the News. He has performed
a great service in that position. Terry Eastwood of the Provincial Archives
will now edit the News with Dr. Roy.
Costs of publishing the News have escalated to the point where the annual
fee of two dollars, adequate in 1978, provides approximately one-half its
cost. Your executive has applied to the Lottery Fund for financial
assistance which would give us the time and means of stabilizing our
financial situation. An increase in fees seems inevitable.
The BCHA Council has set fees for new categories from time to time and
I recapitulate, now:  First, I must stress that each of the following provides
for only one subscription to the News, and while welcoming attendance at our
activities, allows no voting privileges.
individual member-at-large (for those unable to participate in the
activities of a member society) $5.00 per year
institutional membership (libraries, schools, etc.)  $10.00 per year
affiliate membership (for committees and groups which do not comply with full
membership in the federation of the BCHA)  $15.00 /year -15-
Our Princeton members have set the dates of May 29, 30, 31 and June 1
for the 1980 convention, details of which appear in this issue of the News.
The BCHA has a fund of $400.00 on which societies planning conventions may
draw. We shall be looking eagerly for an invitation for the 1981 annual
gathering when we meet in Princeton.
While financial considerations are my chief concern this term, I should
welcome suggestions made for the betterment of our organization.
Ruth Barnett,
News from the Branches
NANAIMO HISTORICAL SOCIETY  Every year on November 27th at 11:00 A.M.
there is a ceremony at Nanaimo to commemorate
the landing of the settlers who sailed on the Princess Royal from Brierly
Hill, England in 1854. Last November marked the 125th anniversary of the
landing of the Princess Royal. Descendants of many of the passengers
gathered at the Bastion. Mrs. Flora McGirr read the original passenger
list and descendants of those early settlers stepped forward as their family
was named. Greetings were also read from the governor of the Hudson's Bay
Company and from the mayor of Dudley, Staffordshire, England, which includes
the town of Brierly Hill. A cairn behind the Bastion marks the landing
spot of the first settlers. Inscribed on the cairn are the names of these
pioneers. A "crystal Chalice" was commissioned by an historical society in
Brierly Hill and was presented in June 1979 to commemorate the journey of'
Brierly Hill colliers to Nanaimo in 1854. To perpetuate the memory of these
settlers, their names were etched on the chalice. The Gough family first
commemorated this remembrance as an informal gathering of the pioneers and
their families. In 1953, the Nanaimo Historical Society initiated the more
formal ceremony which continues today.
BCHA - VICTORIA BRANCH The Victoria Branch of the B.C. Historical
Association closed the meetings of 1979 with
their Christmas dinner, held on December 11 at the Faculty Club of the University of Victoria. After dinner, Dr. M.H. Scargill of the University faculty
drew on his studies in the semantics (linguistics) of Canadian-English idiom
to give a sparkling address on the origins of some of our uncommon words.
He called his address "Hootch, Screech, Redeye, Forty-rod and other Canadian
Drinks". His hearers were delighted.
The new year was opened by a very interesting talk by Mr. Michael Halleran
who spoke on a pioneer of B.C.  Mr. Halleran called his address, "Thomas
Basil Humphrey:  a Cat in the Bird Cage", and, as one may imagine, it was a
pleasure for his audience. -16-
The February 28 meeting was truly different. Several members of the
Association worked on developing "A Family Capsule", a brief synopsis of
histories of local pioneer families and their descendants. The subject was
thought up by Mr. Ainslie Helmcken, City Archivist, and grandson of a noted
pioneer, Dr. J.S. Helmcken. Many members of pioneer families were present
and were later guests of the Association for coffee and cakes, and for the
chats that naturally follow the introduction of a fascinating subject.
Creston and District Historical and Museum Society    The creston
and District
Historical and Museum Society had a busy 1979, with more special meetings
than during any other year since its organization in 1971. The four
projects were in the wind prior to 1979 and at present are far from
1. Our Field Committee was involved with other groups to complete
a search for missing parts of the Dewdney Trail through our
valley. The disignation of this part of the trail is already
proving to be a tourist attraction.
2. A dam that was built in the 1930s by West Kootenay Power and
Light Company on Goat River to provide power for Creston, but now
obsolete, is considered a good area for a park. Negotiations with
Provincial officials, West Kootenay Power and Light Company, the
Chamber of Commerce and the Rod and Gun Club are progressing nicely.
3. People in our valley are being alerted to the need for and the
probability of successful negotiations for a Museum.
4. In the 1960s a private museum of artifacts, cheifly from this area
was constructed at Yahk. The property and collection have since
passed into other people's hands. The Creston and District Historical and Museum Society has now resorted to legal action to get possession
of these artifacts.
We are anticipating a year of much activity to develop these projects.
District 69 Historical Society   Although it is stm without a museum,
District 69 Historical Society is steadily
building up a collection of historical items which are donated from time to
time by residents of the Parksville-Qualicum Beach area. These artifacts
are stored in a small archives room provided by Parksville Town council and
monthly meetings are held in an adjoining meeting room.
The Society has had an active spring and summer highlighted by the visit
of the Provincial Museum Train to Qualicum Beach in August when members were
invited to operate the sales counter on the train. This proved both
enjoyable and lucrative and provided an opportunity to publicize the work
of the Society.
During the spring a small pictorial history of Parksville was produced
through the co-operation of the Provincial government and the Town council. -17-
Peggy NichoUs and Mildred Kurtz collaborated on the project assisted by
Graham and Tina Beard.
With a museum as the main objective, the Society has also considered
establishing a site for a heritage village in which to preserve several
old buildings including the Knox Heritage Church building which was saved
from demolition in 1978.
Marjorie Leffler was re-elected president at the recent annual meeting
and Mildred Kurtz was re-elected as secretary-treasurer. Graham Beard is
vice-president and museum trustees are Peggy NichoUs, Anne Moore and
Mike Miller.
Kettle River Museum Society   on June 12, 1977, Mrs. Kathleen Dewdney
cut the ribbon to open the Kettle River
Museum. In its first three seasons the Kettle River Museum Society has .
realized many of its objectives.
In 1977, Mrs. Alice Evans, the curator, with three assistants, created
the displays, accessioned all the donated articles and set up all the
necessary filing systems.
In 1978, with the aid of the Museum and Archival Development Fund Grant,
history, picture and tape files were set up, and much research done. A
Japanese garden was created in front of the Musem and donated to the
community by Mr. George Kakuno in "gratitude for his fifty years in Canada".
A 30' x 60' equipment shed was constructed on the grounds in a large area i
fenced with chain link fencing.  Frank Western Smith, a local artist,
supported by local residents and businesses, spear-headed a successful drive
to purchase the last remaining Kettle Valley Railway caboose in the area
and to move it onto tracks laid in the museum grounds.
In 1979, Mrs. Margaret Beddall took over the post of curator. Working
with four Young Canada Works students, she completely repainted the interior
and exterior of the caboose and created a railway display inside it. An
extra track, complete with speeder and hand-car, was placed in front of the
caboose and flanked by appropriate railway signs. With the help of the
Village of Midway and a further Museum and Archival Development Fund Grant,
the old 1894 school on the grounds was given a new foundation and roof.
Farm equipment was hauled in to the equipment yard and a start made on its
restoration.' A cabin donated by C. Ericson was dismantled and hauled onto
the grounds where it will be reassembled to hold a display of small farm
equipment. Verdun Casselman restored a horse-operated drag saw from the
Boltz ranch and set it up on the grounds, even composing a poem about it which
he painted on a sign which forms part of the display. An Open House was
held at the end of the season, when the caboose was formally opened and
visitors enjoyed refreshments in the meeting room where photographs by a local
man, Brian Gibbard, were displayed. ■18-
Golden and District Historical Society   The Golden and District Historical  Society had had a very
active year in 1979-80. Speakers and panels have covered such varied topics
as tourism in the valley, the R.C.M.P., working for the C.P.R. prior to
1930, early Victoria Day celebrations, the proposed Canadian climb up Mount
Everest, the Swiss influence in the Selkirks and the Rockies, and memories
of one-roomed schools. We have considered such matters as the Kootenay
Diversion and the markings of Historical Sites and hiking trails. Our meetings
are never dull!
Fund raising occupied some of our time and energy. First there was a
door to door blitz canvassing money for our proposed museum expansion. This
canvass was done largely by volunteers from the local Lions Club. Next
we had a raffle of a beautiful painting which was donated by a local artist.
This netted close to a thousand dollars. Members spent'many hours selling
tickets on Fridays and Saturdays at a table in a local supermarket. Last
but not least, members compiled a cookbook of pioneer type recipes. The
sale of the cookbooks has netted $650 thus far. Our museum usually qualifies
for a donation of $200 from the Golden and District Arts Council. In 1979
we managed to acquire a small surplus above our annual expenses.
Most of the Golden Historical Society budget is applied to the
operation of our museum. Heat, light and insurance are the major expenses.
Summer staff has always been hired through one of the Youth Employment
programs, but a contribution by the Society raised the pay to a more
worthwhile level. Dues are forwarded to the B.C. Historical Association and
the B.C. Museum Association. The ongoing activities of the Society such
as accumulating histories, archival material or artifacts are all done by
volunteers and could never be measured in monetary values. Plans for 1980
include working on a revision of the 1958 publication "Golden Memories",
compiling a history starting about 1930, and restoring the Brisco log school.
There are a variety of "points of interst" in or near Golden. Some
of these could be considered historic. The Swiss village still stands on the
hillside where it was placed by the C.P.R. in 1912. The uppermost house is
still occupied by Walter Feuz, one of the original Swiss guides, but the
rest are rented. The exterior of these houses remains much as when they
were first built, but the interiors have been considerably modernized. To
the east of Golden is Yoho National Park with Wapta Falls, Emerald Lake,
Takkakaw Falls, the Spiral Tunnels and many magnificent scenes. To the
west of Golden in Glacier Park there are traces of the C.P.R. line before the
Connaught Tunnel was built. The stone bridge about the eastern portal, and
the stone pillars on Loop Creek to the west are both within sight of the Trans
Canada highway. There are many beauty spots, and hidden historical sites
close to four community.
We- look forward to meeting many of you and swapping ideas, experiences
and historical yarns.
(Ed. note:  This report is from a circular letter prepared for
distribution among historical society members in the Kootenays.) -19-
OLD ROUTES AND TRAILS:   Jumbo Pass in the Purcell Mountains
Jumbo Pass lies on one of the old routes through the 3000 metre Purcell
Mountains, between the East and West Kootenays, and more specifically between
the headwaters of the Columbia River and the north end of Kootenay Lake.
The pass crosses the 2270 metre divide between the broad valleys of
Glacier Creek to the west, and the north fork of Toby Creek to the east. Dr.
Toby was a part time prospector from Washington Territory in the early 1860s.
Two creeks were named after him, Toby No. 1 and Toby No. 2; these are now
Dutch Creek and Toby Creek, respectively.
Toby Creek joins the Columbia River at the site of David Thompson's
"Kootenae House", near the "Salmon Beds". Its valley seems to have been a
prehistoric route through the Purcells. The first recorded travellers over this
section of the mountains were Shuswap chief Peter Kinbasket and tribe who are
said to have migrated to the headwaters of the Columbia in the 1840s.
Thereafter, Kinbasket is reported not only as a frequent traveller on the trail,
but also as clearing and building parts of it. He acted as guide to Walter
Moberly in the 1860s.
Two valleys only about 10 kilometres apart bring trails from the west to
Toby Creek; Hamill Creek, via Wells (later Earl Grey) Pass, and Glacier
Creek via Jumbo Pass. Most old reports do not properly define which pass is being
described.  It is helpful to have a list of equivalent place names:
Modern Names       Old Names
Duncan Lake       Howser / Houser / Hauser Lake, or North Kootenay
Lake, or Upper Kootenay Lake
Glacier Creek      Grizzley Creek
Kootenay Lake      Flatbow Lake
Lardeau River      Ill-com-opalux valley (Turnbull)
The Sessional Papers of the B.C. Legislature give firm information on the route
which became Jumbo Pass:
1893 exploration up Toby Creek;  trail building started
1894 trail built up Toby Creek, and over the summit
1895 48 miles of trail built from the east
1896 a good cattle trail was completed along Toby Creek and its
north fork to Houser Lake, West Kootenay.
1898 the trail is shown on the Lands and Works Department map of
the East and West Kootenays.
The name derives from the Jumbo mining claim, a galena (lead/silver)
prospect, near the junction of Toby Creek with its north fork.  To the prospector,
"Jumbo" signified or invoked enormous potentialities in the claim, comparable
with such extravagancies as Bonanza and Eldorado. At times, there have been up
to a dozen Jumbo mining claims in force round the province.
This Jumbo claim was surveyed 25 October 1890, crown granted (as lot
293) on 7 June 1892 and crown granted again 22 August 1919.  It is believed
to be still in good standing.  Soon, the North Fork became known as the Jumbo
Fork of Toby Creek, then Jumbo Creek. The name was then extended to the pass,
the mountain, and the glacier.  The "Bugaboos" to the north took their name
from a mining claim in the same way. columbia
The SaWnori
PASS    A    ~A
Kduncan lake
••••M ait.
The first official exploration of access to the head of Kootenay Lake was
made by surveyor James Turnbull in the fall of 1865. It was recorded as part
of Walter Moberly's "Columbia River Exploration", a 34 page printed report     g
accompanied by at least 3 maps, and published by the Lands and Works Department.
Turnbull, formerly part of Col. Moody's detachment of Royal Engineers, came up
by canoe from the Dewdney Trail ferry at the south end of Kootenay Lake, looking
for a waggon road route eastwards to the Columbia headwaters.
He noted 3 likely valleys; now named Hamill, Glacier and Howser creeks.
He also recorded the latitude and longitude of the start of Kinbasket*s trail
to the Columbia, which, to his disappointment, ran up the bare ridge between
Hamill and Glacier creeks, in the Indian tradition of avoiding timbered valleys.
Turnbull sent his assistant to the summit of Kinbasket's trail, and later
reported: "Kinbasket, the chief, who is nearly always encamped about the
headwaters of the Columbia, has made a horse trail from the mouth of Toby Creek,
which continues along its bottom for 2 days' journey, then he follows a foot
trail which passes over the summit traversed by Mr. Howman (Assistant), and
reaches the Kootenay Lakes in 2 days more, thus taking 4 days to complete the
journey. I have questioned a great many Indians who know this route, and they
all agree as to Toby Creek being a very large, long and low valley..."
Turnbull concludes by recommending either Glacier or Howser creeks for
further examination. It was now October 21st and the snow was getting very low
on the hills; he still had to return to the coast, via the Dewdney trail.
The Purcell divide at Jumbo Pass is a narrow north-south ridge at about
timberline, about one and a half kilometres long. The trail crosses at a
slight notch about halfway along the ridge. Mountains rise steeply at either
end. At the north end stands a small well kept ski cabin, near a tarn fed
by trickles from the slope to the north. The guest book in the cabin records
recent work on the trail;  a BCFS fire suppression crew from Lardeau cleared it
in 1977, and brushed it out again in July, 1978. They also erected a heavy wooden
sign "Jumbo Trail" where the trail leaves the Glacier Creek forestry road.
There is a good section of original trail, well benched into the sidehill,
and moss covered, about halfway up from the Glacier Creek road. Several good
sections can be found on the Jumbo Creek side, particularly across the talus
below the cliffs on the north face of Bastille Mountain.  Generally, however,
the trail has almost slipped away.
The trail and pass were last in the news in the mid 1950s when the location
of the Trans Canada Highway was being debated. The Jumbo Pass route was
promoted by the Chambers of Commerce of the East and West Kootenays, but the
federal and provincial governments adopted the Rogers Pass route of the Canadian
Pacific Railway.
The suggested Jumbo Pass route would have had a grade of less than one
and a half percent from Radium Hot Springs to Kootenay Lake, provided a
4 kilometre tunnel at about elevation 1440 metres was driven through the rock
ridge under Jumbo Pass.
This route is shown as a possible highway on the "road and transmission
route" map in the Purcell (Range) Study, prepared for the Environment and Land
Use Committee in 1974.  It would be preferable to the steep sidehill above
Toby Glacier, near the Earl Grey Pass. At present, 1980, both passes remain
much as Peter Kinbasket knew them.
R.C. Harris -22-
Notes and References:
B.C. Sessional Papers, 1893, p. 863 Public Works Report
"Explorations were also made up Bugaboo Creek and down House Creek on the
West Kootenay side with a view to obtaining a direct trail connection
between the two districts; also up Toby Creek, with the same object in view."
B.C. Sessional Papers, 1894, p. 414 Public Works- Report
"A trail was built up Toby Creek and over the Summit with a view to
establishing a connection between the steamboat navigation on Columbia
River and lakes with that on the Kootenay Lakes, and opening up a most
desirable and direct route between the East Kootenay and West Kootenay
districts. A portion of this had been build some years ago by the miners
interested on Toby Creek..."
B.C. Sessional Papers, 1895, p. 448 Public Works Report
Cost of construction, east of summit, 33 miles 1,047.77
Cost of construction, west of summit, 15 miles 1,471.74
Explored 7 miles further west, removed windfalls 211.00"
B.C. Sessional Papers, 1896, p. 532 Minister of Mines Report
"A good cattle trail was completed in 1896, from the Columbia River, along
Toby Creek and its North Fork to Kauser Lake in West Kootenay; there is
also a trail up the South Fork to the summit of the Selkirks"
Other Lands and Works Publications:
1865 Columbia River Exploration (Walter Moberly in charge)
Correspondence between Moberly and Trutch, Green, and Turnbull
Journals by Moberly, Green and Turnbull - See p. 31, 32 for Turnbull
at the head of Kootenay Lake.
Maps by Turnbull
1866 Guide Map to the Big Bend Mines on the Columbia River
shewing the Route from New Westminster
embodies the explorations of the previous Fall reference 5.
shows the full length of Kinbasket's trail, with 2 starts at the west end.
1898 Map of Southern Portion, East and West Kootenay Districts;
C.B. Martin, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Victoria, B.C.
shows trails up Hammill and Glacier Creeks, the latter goes by
"Jumbo Fork" (of Toby Creek).
Maps by others:
i i
1893 Perry's Mining Map of the Southern District, West Kootenay
First edition, Copyright 1893 by Rand, McNally Co. shows "Hudson
Bay Trail" up Grizzly (Glacier) Creek. No trail shown up Hammill Creek.
1898 Map of the Lardo-Duncan District
compiled by Harold Rolph for the Lardo-Duncan Improvement Association,
Kaslo, B.C. 1898. Locates 448 mining claims by name, shows "trail for
horses", "trail for man only". The trails up Hamill and Glacier
Creeks are "for man only". -23-
News and Notes
B.C. STUDIES CONFERENCE  The second B.C. Studies Conference will be held
at Simon Fraser University, October 30 to
November 1, 1981 and proposals for conference papers are now invited. Enquiries
should be directed to H. Johnston, Department of History, Simon Fraser
University, Burnaby, B.C., V5A 1S6; Alan Artibise, Department of History,
University of Victoria; or R.A.J. McDonald, Department of History, University
of B.C.  The deadline for submission of proposals is May 15, 1980.
CORRECTIONS Several gremlins sneaked into the article on pioneer land surveyors
in the Winter 1979 issue.
Page   Paragraph   Line
10 1 4  "teamed" should read "steamed"
2        15  after "experiences" insert "was"
23  "novel" should read ''noble"
11 4 6  "Muellen" should read "Mueller"
9  After "Lawrence' delete "a pioneer surveyor"
13      4 5  "Jo" should read "J.O." (for John Ogilvie)
15      4        17  "views" should read "viewed"
We apologise to Lt.-Col. G.S. Andrews, the author of the article.
HERITAGE CANADA Early this fall, the Heritage Canada Foundation launched an
all-out campaign to try to make Heritage Day — the third
Monday in February — a national holiday.
Few Canadians, I suspect, will quarrel with the idea of a midwinter
holiday to help battle the February "blahs".  But why Heritage day? And why
a national charitable foundation, entrusted with the preservation of our built-
up heritage, asking for a holiday?
Why, for that matter, should the average Canadian give a hoot about
Maybe I should answer the last question first:
It's simple:
Preservation is the wave of the future. And preservation is a labour-
intensive industry.
We are nearing the end of the great post-war construction boom, which
provided so many jobs. We are also seeing the bankruptcy of a philosophy, which
held that once a building was written down on the company books, after a brief
life of 30 years, it could be dispensed with and replaced by another.
We can no longer afford the luxury of that philosophy. Nor can we afford
the enormous waste of energy and manpower that it involves.
It simply doesn't make sense to destroy a building - any building: church,
warehouse, bank, railway station or private home — that is still structurally
sound. -24-
All over this country such buildings are being preserved. A church in
Toronto becomes a haberdashery shop. A bank in Ottawa becomes a restaurant.
A warehouse in Vancouver becomes part of a shopping complex. A railway
station in Kleinburg becomes a Boy Scout headquarters.
The past lives on, giving our cities an historical texture, a feeling of
continuity and, incidentally, providing new jobs for thousands of workmen.
Why a holiday?
Because the heritage movement will not come of age nor be taken seriously
until we give it an official stamp of approval.
A holiday makes people sit up and take notice.  It provides a chance for
celebration — in this case the celebration of our history.  For buildings are
living history lessons.  They tell us something about our roots. They remind
us of who we are.
On July 1 we celebrate our political past. On Heritage Day we celebrate
our build-up past — the cultural landscape that enriches our lives. And
it is especially valuable because, unlike Canada Day, it falls during the
school year when the youth of the nation can become involved.
That is why Heritage Canada wants a holiday. Our job is to act as a
catalyst to ensure that something from the past is saved. Surely we can
take one day out of the year to drive that lesson home.
Pierre Berton
Chairman of the Board
Heritage Canada
PARKS CANADA - Historic Sites< and Monuments Board Appointment
The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada has a new B.C. member.
On the occasion of the 60th anniversary meeting of the Board in Ottawa, November
15th to 17th, Hon. John Fraser, environment minister announced the appointment
of Dr. Charles Humphries of Vancouver, British Columbia, as member of the Board.
The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada advises the Minister on
matters of national historic and architectural significance for Parks Canada.
Since its founding, the Board has recommended the commemoration of more
than 700 persons, places and events, ranging from William Aberhart to the
Yukon Gold Discovery. Acting on the Board's advice, the Government of Canada
has established almost 60 National Historic Parks and Sites ranging from the
Fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island to the cabin where Robert
Service lived at Dawson City.
The winner of the contest in the last issue is N.T. Porter of Victoria who
identified Dr. Carrall as follows:
Dr. R.W.W. Carrall, a mainland supporter of Confederation, was appointed
by Governor Musgrave to the Executive Council in 1870 to consider the
Resolution for Union of British Columbia with Canada. Subsequent to the
passing of that motion, he was selected, along with J.W. Trutch and Dr.
Helmcken to go to Ottawa to negotiate the terms of confederation.  The
delegation did even better than thay had hoped. -25-
Subsequently, Dr. Carrall went to Ottawa as a Senator for British
Columbia and might also well be remembered as having (reportedly) said
in his haste, what no doubt many British Columbians have said or thought at
their leisure, that "all Ottawa men are intensely stupid"  (Margaret A.
Ormsby, British Columbia: A History, p. 255. Dr. Carrall is included in
a group picture facing this page).
Dear Editors:
In reviewing Ladner: Above the Sand Heads (News, Vol. 13, no. 2) I made
the statement on page 38 that "neither of the half-brothers indicates any
knowledge of the other's existence." I have been prompted to check that
statement again. Leon Ladner, though he lists neither of his half-brothers
in the index, does say on page 159, "one day ... I happened to meet my half
brother, Ellis Ladner", and goes on to tell us that Ellis lent him money to
go to Europe.
On page 32 of your last issue Gerald Savory says, "'Memories' are not to
be trusted." Alas'. I thought I remembered Edward Ladner, the older
half-brother, lending the money to Leon, much in keeping with the character
Ellis gives his brother, so did not go back to the book. I am indebted to
Garry Colchester for bringing the error to my attention and offer my
apologies to all concerned.
John E. Gibbard
Dear Editors:
Mr. R.C. Harris's excellent article on the Akamina area ("Old Trails
and Routes in B.C.") had special appeal for me, having been chief-of-party
on the Flathead Forest Survey, 1930. This job covered the whole Flathead
river watershed in Canada, including the Kishinina and Akamina tributaries.
This survey was narrated at some length in "A Traverse of East Kootenay Survey
History", B.C. Historical News, Vol. 8, no. 2, (February 1975), pp. 21 ff.
In that article I also quoted the charming account by Lieutenant Charles Wm.
Wilson, R.E., of his visit to Monument 161 (now 272) in August 1861.  In my
official report "Survey & Preliminary Management Plan of the Flathead Forest", 1930,
I recommended the establishment of Kishinena Park, some 80 square miles of
the upper Kishinena watershed, contiguous to Waterton Lake Park in Alberta
and Glacier National Park in Montana. I endorse Mr. Harris's mention of
beauty spots like Forum and Wall lakes, and his explanation of the complicated
geology caused by the over-thrust of ancient sedimentaries eastward in the
up-building of the Rocky Mountains. This accounts for hard earned dollars,
including my own, invested in oil prospecting there, lying at the bottom of
some of the deepest (dry) holes on record!
G.S. Andrews -26-
Book Reviews
ANDSINO-CANADIAN RELATIONS, by Ching Ma. Vancouver: Versatile Publishing Co.
1979. pp. xii, 112, 7 plates, bibliography.
Near the Victoria waterfront at Harling Point, Gonzales, a large
cement altar with its twin incinerators still stands though the storage vault
for exhumed and reassembled bones has disappeared.  It was a testament to the
Chinese whose remains were shipped to China until the 1930s when the
events in China halted the practice. The remains were shipped in Canadian
Pacific Empress vessels, at $16 to $18 a set, and although the number sent is
not known, the unceasing imagination of my childhood historical-site-investigation days counted in the thousands. More recently I had the occasion to
ask an aging Victorian what, in her estimation, the contribution of the
Chinese to the building of British Columbia had been. She answered,
"Invaluable!" And so it was, from the time John Meares brought the labour
of China to help exploit the resources of the trans-Pacific east. This
theme is the basis of Mr. Ma's book, though his compass extends beyond
British Columbia to Canada as a whole.
The Volume begins appropriately with the story of the first Chinese
immigrants and the Fraser River gold rush, followed by chapters on the
construction of the CPR and the Chinese contribution to Canada. A brief
account of the Chinese Exclusion movement precedes a survey of the history of
Chinese immigration to Canada <including a vignette on Canada's best case of
reverse emigration to China'—Norman Bethune), descriptions of Chinatowns and
Chinese communities, and a survey of Sino-Chinese relations, past and present.
Fully a quarter of the book's pages comprise a six part appendix.
In style and substance, this volume is stiff and stolid. If p.9 serves
as a sample, the correctness of fact is not to be relied upon. Halifax to
Vancouver is more than 4,000 kilometers; the United States grasped California
in 1846 and bought Alaska in 1867; very few British Columbians sought
annexation to the republic; and the reasons for B.C. receiving a promise of
a railway from the Dominion in 1871 are far different and more complex than
given here. I cannot vouch for the accuracy of the "Chinese material"
included here but surely opium deserves some mention and the overt and
covert activities of the Chinese Benevolent Association deserves fullsome
treatment, at least more than is given here. This is Whiggish history from
the Chinese view, a pleasant relief of course from recent contributions to
this branch of historiography. This book, important in itself, will interest
many readers (as it should because of the importance of the subject) but the
ample execution of this great theme linking Orient with Occident still awaits
the historian.
Barry M. Gough
Wilfrid Laurier University. -27-
Saskatoon: Western Producer Prairie Books, 1979. pp. 253, illus.
This book represents the first attempt at a comprehensive biography of
Nellie Letitia McClung, author, feminist, politician and social reformer who
played such a dynamic role in the history of Western Canada. As Candace Savage
notes in the Preface, the purpose of Our Nell is to bring before the reading
public a complete life history of a woman "who, not long ago, thought and
laughed and cared deeply about the world in which she lived." Thus, Ms. Savage
traces Nellie McClung's life from her birth in Grey County, Ontario in
1873 through to her death in Victoria, British Columbia in 1951. The ten
chapters in the book each deal with an important stage in Nellie's career and
can be arranged into three broad categories. The first three chronicle her
early childhood through to her marriage to Robert Wesley McClung in 1896.
Chapters four to Chapter eight detail her public career, beginning with
Nellie's early struggles as a young mother and aspiring author, and follows
her until the end of her term as a Liberal member of the Alberta Legislature in
1926. The final two chapters are devoted to the remaining twenty-five years
of this remarkable woman's life, most of which was spent in the Gordon Head
area of present-day metropolitan Victoria.
Immediately upon opening the book one is struck by the unorthodox style
of presentation that the author adoped. Calling it a "scrap book" format Ms.
Savage sets out to "combine the immediacy of Nellie's own writings with the
detachment of more distant observers." The resulting product relies heavily
upon Nellie's "own writings" and the "distant observers" turn Out to be
friends and family fondly reminiscing about an individual who played an
important role in their lives. The author has included brief essays to
connect the assorted passages in order to "offer a point of view from the
present and to keep the story on track." However, this technique, which
reminds one of what R.G* Collingwood called "scissors and paste history",
lacks the critical analysis that an historical work should contain. This,
more than anything else, represents the weakest aspect of the book.
Another serious flaw in Ms. Savage's presentation is the poor sense of
time and place that the reader is provided with. Little insight into the
broad ranging changes which were taking place in society throughout Nellie
McClung's life-time is given. This is especially the case in the section of
the book which discusses her life and activities in "the lotus land of Canada -
Victoria, British Columbia". The reader is left with a vague notion that the
woman lived in the city, that she had a garden and that she wrote books while
living there. But the focus, being trained exclusively upon Nellie, lends no
insight into what interaction with and influence upon Victoria's society she
may have had.
Although Our Nell has serious weaknesses this is not to say that the book
has no positive features. The author, who has obviously done a great deal of
research to produce this volume, has provided those interested in Nellie
McClung's career with a useable resource, but the fact remains that the
strongest parts of the book are the extensive footnotes and the bibliography
of materials both by and about Nellie that are appended to the text. These -28-
provide both the lay and professional historian with a ready guide to
documents pertaining to her career. This feature, along with the fact that
the book's publication has placed Nellie McClung once again in the public's view,
are the main strengths of this book.
It is this reviewer's hope that instead of stifling research on this
subject Our Nell will stimulate interest in one of the West's most colourful
and influential women. Candace Savage has provided us with a good read; the
task awaits someone to provide a good analysis.
Rudy G. Marchildon
Rudy Marchildon is a graduate student in history at the University
of Victoria and is interested in the history of women in the Prairie
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK AND HIS TIMES. Edited by Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnston.
Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre; London: Croom Helm, 1979. pp. viii, 278,
illus., $16.95.
The conference on Captain Cook and his times held at Simon Fraser
University at the end of April 1978 was the most elaborate, exciting and
expensive historical meeting on a single theme ever held in British Columbia.
Twenty-six papers on many aspects of Cook and his times were presented by
scholars from Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, West Germany,
France and the United States. Pity, then, the editors faced with the task
of selecting from such a range a collection suitable for publication. No
doubt some papers were committed elsewhere and others were not publishable for
other reasons; and it is to be regretted that none of the papers on
navigation, only one of five on the scientific aspects, and only one of three
on anthropology could be published. Nonetheless the editors have generally
discharged their task with good judgment.
The three papers on Northwest America are among the best: Glyn William's
masterful analysis of Cook's rationale for exploring the Northwest Coast,
Christen Archer's interesting study of the influence on Spanish explorations
of Cook's discoveries, and Robin Fisher's competent and tidy piece on relations
of the explorers with the Nootka are all well-organized and meticulously
presented. Equally competent, but apparently breaking new ground in his
historico-medical diagnosis of Cook's health is Vice-Admiral Sir James Watt's
essay on "The Medical Aspects and Consequences <b'f Cook's Voyages."
The papers concerned with Cook's reputation are much more of a mixed bag.
Bernard Smith's "Cook's Posthumous Reputation" is the most extensive, but
also the most confused and confusing. Dr. Smith sets out to picture the
development of Cook's reputation as an exercise in Enlightenment apotheosis,
but his evidence, drawn from obscure eulogists in provincial academies (over-
locking the obvious example of Chateaubriand) and few classical painters of
whom only Zoffany can be regarded as a notable influence, is both insignificant
and disjointed. Alan Frost's "New Geographical Perspectives and the
Emergence of the Romantic Imagination" is largely focussed on the not very
original theme that the work of Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey was
influenced by Cook's voyages. A better organized and more professional work -29-
is Rudiger Jopien's paper: "The Artistic Bequest of Captain Cook's Voyages,"
a study of the influence of illustrations from the various accounts of
Cook's voyages on costume books. Within this rather narrow definition of
"artistic influence" this paper is a model of clear exposition. Terence
Armstrong's short paper:  "Cook's Reputation in Russia", is a simple catalogue
of the changing attitudes of Russian commentators toward Cook, from eulogy
to denigration and back to qualified admiration.
Finally there are three essays on Cook's reputation as reflected in the
careers of three of his competitors for fame: Banks, Dalrymple and George
Forster. David Mackay gives a perceptive criticism of the "scientific"
pretext for voyages which were increasingly devoted to imperial expansion and
of Banks as an imperial entrepreneur and guardian of the Cook mystique. Dr.
Howard Fry, in a tightly written and highly allusive study, lifts Dalrymple
from the level of a wildly speculative schemer, though he goes too far in
suggesting that Dalrymple's work was "of the greatest siginficance for the
planning, execution and outcome of the voyages of Captain Cook." Last, it
is unfortunate that the editors saw fit to include Michael Hoare's attack
on J.C. Beaglehole disguised as a justification of George Forster. A
forthright and well-organized critique of Cook's reputation and Beaglehole's
contribution to it based on George Forster's first hand evidence would have
had a useful place in the conference and the collection. Hoare's work
is a parochial, coyly nasty and badly-written schoolboy essay.
Attention should be drawn to the analytic introduction by the editors
and to the admirably-reproduced illustrations, which make this work both a
useful and a handsome volume.
John Norris
University of British Columbia.
Bergen Peters. Victoria: Maltwood Museum and Art Gallery, University of
Victoria, 1979, pp. 80, illus., 43.
This publication is a re-working of the author's Master of Arts thesis
and was created to accompany an exhibit at the Maltwood Museum and Gallery,
University of Victoria, June-July, 1979. The text of this monograph revolves
around thirty-six photographic reproductions of the art works of Edward Parker
Bedwell, Henry James Warre, John Clayton White, and Frederick Whymper, four
draughtsmen/artists active during the colonial period in British Columbia.
In an age prior to the popularization of photography, specific drawing skills
and courses of study were offered in military academies to train personnel in
the art of recording landscape. These draughtsmen, assigned to ships and
military units, were responsible for furnishing visual records of the environs
through which they travelled. The sketches of H.J. Warre accompanied despatches
and were important in providing details of the terrain and military outposts
visited. E.P. Bedwell's work recorded the activities of the H.M.S. Plumper
and crew as they surveyed the coastal waters. J.C. White arrived in 1859 as
a member of the Royal Engineers and later accompanied the employees of the
Collins Overland Telegraph line, while, as a member of the 1864 Vancouver
Island Exploring Expedition, F. Whymper detailed the geographical features of
the Island. -30-
These art works were intended as sources for reliable and accurate data
on the "topographical features, habitations and aspects of  contemporary
activities" of the areas visited. Ms. Peters analyzes the art from this
perspective of their historical function as documentary records. In this
respect the monograph is one of the few publications on British Columbia
which deals With art works as legitimate historical records and does so in
The text is divided into four sections dealing with the process through
which the images evolved from "reality to record".
The artist first recorded the scene in a field sketch which was later used
as the basis for one or more finished watercolour paintings. The latter
often provided the basis for an engraving or lithograph published in a
book or newspaper. Although the accuracy of detail was primarily retained
during these transformations, certain aesthetic values and contemporary art
tastes influenced the artist and engraver or lithographer. This is clearly
observed in the sketches, watercolours and lithographs of each artist. A
definite transition in style and treatment of subject matter can be noted.
At the conclusion of the study are found biographies of the artists and
catalogue listings of their known works. These contain a wealth of information
to art historians and historians alike, being the first published compilation
of such material. Hopefully it will provide inspiration to other scholars,
prompting the development of further work in this field. Importantly it
gives exposure to paintings, drawings and prints in the collections of many
archives and libraries, which are often neglected by the historian. Perhaps
they will now be viewed in a new light.
Kathryn Bridge
Provincial Archives.
ASHWORTH, Mary. The forces which shaped them. Vancouver, New Star Books,
1979. 260 p. $14.95; $6.50 pa.
BERGREN, Myrtle. Tough timber: the loggers of B.C. — their story; based on
interviews with Arne Johnson, Hjalmar Bergren, John McCuish, George Grafton,
Edna Brown and others who helped organize a wood-workers' union in British
Columbia. Vancouver, Elgin Publications, 1979. 250 p. $12.95.
BOUCHARD, Randy and Dorothy I.D. Kennedy, ed. Shuswap stories; collected
1971-1975. Vancouver, CommCept Pub., 1979. 152 p., ill, $4.35.
CAVELL, Edward. Journeys to the far west:  accounts of adventures in Western
Canada 1858 to 1885. Toronto, James Lorimer & Co., 1979. 164 p., ill.,
COLE, Jean Murray. Exile in the wilderness: the biography of Chief Factor
Archibald McDonald 1790-1853. Toronto, Burns & MacEachern, 1979. 240 p.,
ill. $19.95.
EDWARDS, Ralph. Ralph Edwards of Lonesome Lake; the complete biography of the
Crusoe of Lonesome Lake, as told to Ed. Gould. Saanichton, Hancock House,
1979. 196 p., ill. $12.95.
GLEN, J., sr. Where the rivers meet, the story of the settlement of the
Bulkley Valley. Duncan, printed by New Rapier Press, 1977. 118 p., $5-95. -31-
GROVE, Lyndon. Pacific pilgrims; foreword by Godfrey P. Gower. Vancouver, Fforbez
Publications on behalf of the Centennial Committee of the Anglican Diocese of
New Westminster, 1979.  200 p., ill., $11.15; $7.95 pa.
HANCOCK, Lyn. Vanderhoof:  the town that wouldn't wait. Nechako Valley Historical Society, 1979. ill.
HARKER, Douglas E. Saints: the story of St. George's School for Boys Vancouver.
Vancouver, Mitchell Press, 1979.  288 p., ill.  $12.50.
LADNER, T. Ellis. Above the Sand Heads; firsthand accoutns of pioneering in
the area which, in 1879, became the Municipality of Delta, British Columbia,
narrated by T. Ellis Ladner (1861-1958); prepared for publication toy Edna G.
Ladner. Burnaby, 1979. 181 p., ill. $6.95.
PETERS, Helen Bergen. Painting during the colonial period in British Columbia
1845-1871; monograph from an exhibition at the Maltwood Art Museum and Gallery,
University of Victoria, June-July 1, 1979. Victoria, Maltwood Art Museum,
University of Victoria by Sono Nis Press, 1979.  80 p., ill.  $6.95.
ROSS, Leslie. Richmond: a child of the Fraser. Richmond, Historical Committee
of the Richmond Centennial Society, 1979. xii, 238, v (4) p., ill, $17.95.
SCOTT, David and Edna Hanic. East Kootenay chronicles. Langley, Stagecoach
Press, 1979.  168 p., ill. $3.95.
SHADBOLT, Doris. The art of Emily Carr. Toronto, Clarke Irwin; Vancouver,
Douglas & Mclntryre, 1979. 223 p., ill. $45.00.
STORRS, Monica. God's galloping girl:  the Peace River diaries of Monica
Storrs 1929-1931; edited by W.L. Morton.  Vancouver, University of British
Columbia Press, 1979. xlix, 307 p., ill. $22.00.
TIPPETT, Maria. Emily Carr: a biography.  Toronto, Oxford Canada, 1979.
352 p., ill. $19.50.
The following list is published by kind permission of the compiler, Graydon
Henning, The University of New England, Armidale, N.S.W., Australia.
The listings in Part B are not actually held by the Scottish Record Office
but one must go through that office to obtain access to items in the National
Register of Archives.
Davidson & Syme Collection (GD 282)
1901  Minute of the meeting relating to the swindle by John Thomas Martin
over a gold mine in British Columbia. (13/14) -32-
Board of Trade. Dissolved Company Files (B.T. 2)
1897-1901 Rattray - Hamilton British Columbia Syndicate (3717)
1898-1904 Scottish Corporation of British Columbia (3899)
1898-1904 British Columbia Pulp and Paper Mills (3763)
1898-1915 Mount Scober and British Columbia Development Company.(4206)
1899-1902 Dundee - Canadian Development Co. (4316)
1899^1906 Scottish Copper Mines Syndicate of British Columbia (4133)
1910-1937 North Vancouver Land Co., Vancouver Proprietors (7503) (12405)
1910-1941 Edinburgh-Vancouver Investment Syndicate (7543)
1911-1924 British Columbia Farms (8028)
1911-1929 Caledonia and British Columbia Mortgage Co., (8647)
1924-1926 Cariboo Dredging Co. (13061)
Church of Scotland, General Assembly Papers (CHI/2)
1864 Report by the Trustees of Queen's College; grave anxiety on
the state of the Rev. J. Nimmo*s Mission in British Columbia (244)
1865 Report by the Trustees of Queen's College;  failure of Mr.
Nimmo's Mission. Mr. Somerville sent to Victoria.  (247)
1867 Difficulties of the church in Victoria.  (253)
1868 Report of Mr. Somerville from British Columbia.  (256)
1869 British Columbia mission (259)
1870 Mission to British Columbia (262)
1875       Report on the state of the church in British Columbia (277)
Department of Agriculture and Fisheries for Scotland, Emigration Files. (A.F. 51)
1887-1896   Proposed scheme for the colonisation of crofters in British
Columbia to be financed by a loan from the British Treasury to
the state government.  (151-6)
1924-1926   Emigration and proposed settlement of Scottish fishermen in
British Columbia (172-3)
1937       Employment of British fishermen in British Columbia (186)
Marquess of Aberdeen (0055)
1890-1895   Miscellaneous papers concerning the estates of Coldstream, Vernon,
British Columbia, (p. 15)
1994       Miscellaneous papers relating to the Earl of Aberdeen: estate of
Coldstream, Vernon, B.C., Includes a plan of the Kalemalka
Ranch, Yale District, B.C. by F.H. Latimer (p. 26)
Smith MacDonald - Crawford, Greenock.  (0557)
1878-1879   Letters from John Menzies of Columbia Canada, to John Livingstone
Brodie of Brodie (0770)
1851       Letter from W.C. Grant, Oregon City, to William Brodie
describing his travels in Canada and America and his lands on
Vancouver Island,  (p.10) -33-
Scottish Office correspondence to R.W. Cochran-Patrick
1889     Objections from Alexander Begg to a Scotsman article attacking his
proposals for the establishment of fishing stations in British
Columbia and the encouragement of Scottish emigration, (p.13)
B.C. Historical Association Annual Convention - May 29 - June L 1980
Place: Princeton, B.C.
Hosts: Princeton & District Pioneer Museum Society
Centre: Library-Museum Building, Vermillion Street
Thursday, May 29th
1 P.M.
Registration desk open
Informal Reception
Library-Museum Building
Library-Museum Building
Friday, May 30th
9:00 - 11:30 A.M.
10:00 - 11:00
11:00 - 12:00
12:30 - 2:00 P.M.
2:00 - 4:00
Registration desk open Elks Hall
"The Historic Trails of the Cascade Wilderness"
Speakers: Victor Wilson and Harley Hatfield
Okanagan-Similkameen Parks Society
Okanagan Historical Society
Symposium: Our Heritage - do we do enough to preserve it?
Chairman: Mrs. Winnifred Weir, Vice-president, B.C.H.A.
"The Chinese - Forgotten miners of British Columbia"
Speaker: Bill Barlee
Lunch - all welcome ($4 per person, pay at the door)
Speaker:  to be announced.
Conducted tours (2:00 P.M. or 3:00 P.M.) to Newmont Copper
Informal reception and entertainment in the school auditorium
Saturday, May 31st
8:30 - 9:00 A.M.  Registration desk open
Register for annual meeting
Annual Meeting, president: Mrs. Ruth Barnett
9:30 - 12:30
2:00 P.M.
Field trips to Granite Creek, Old Hedley Road, History,
Dinner ($10 per person - advance registration
pay at the door)
Guest speaker: Mayor Sandra Henson of Princeton -34-
A package rate offered by the Sandman Motel, for those wishing accommodation
includes the following:
Meals:  Friday - breakfast and dinner
Saturday - breakfast and lunch
Sunday - breakfast
Rates:  2 nights, 2 meals per day - single room $ 80.00
2 nights, 2 meals per day - double room $100.00
3 nights, 2 meals per day - single room $110.00
3 nights, 2 meals per day - double room $130.00
Nib.  Persons attending the convention and wishing to stay at the Sandman
Motel must make their own bookings as soon as possible.
Please mail all Registration forms before April 30th together with covering
cheque made payable to: Princeton Pioneer Museum Society
to: Mrs. M. Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0.
phone 295-3362 if further information required.
Basic Registration $ 5.00  (each)
Basic Registration & field trips  $10.00  (each)
I enclose a cheque, to Princeton Pioneer Museum Society for $
I wish to attend:     Friday Lunch ($4 - pay at door)
Saturday Dinner ($10 - pay at door)
I wish to attend:
Friday A.M. Symposium
Friday P.M. Tour to Mine
Friday P.M. Reception - entertainment
Saturday A.M. Annual Meeting
Saturday P.M.  Tour
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society, Mrs. C. Holt, Box 284, Port Alberni
V9Y 7M7.  723-3006.
Atlin Historical Society, Mrs. Christine Dickenson, Box 111, Atlin, VOW 1A0.
BCHA, Gulf Islands Branch, Elsie Brown, R.R. #1, Mayne Island, VON 2J0.
BCHA, Victoria Branch, Frances Gundry, 255 Niagara, Victoria, V8V 1G4.  385-6353.
Burnaby Historical Society, Ethel Derrick, 8027-17th Ave., Burnaby, V3N 1M5.
Campbell River & District Historical Society, Julie O'Sullivan, 1235 Island
Highway, Campbell River, VOW 2C7.
Cariboo Historical Museum Society, Reg Beck, Box 16, Glen Drive, Fox Mountain,
R.R. 2, Williams Lake.
Chemainus Valley Historical Society, Mrs. B.W. Dickie, Box 172, Chemainus,
VOR 1K0.  246-9510.
Cowichan Historical Society, W.J.H. Fleetwood, Riverside Road, Cowichan
Station, B.C., VOR IPO
Creston & District Historical and Museum Society, Mrs. Margaret Gidluck, Box 164,
Creston, VOB 1G0.  428-2838.
District #69 Historical Society, Mrs. Mildred Kurtz, Box 74, Parksville, VOR ISO.
Elphinstone Pioneer Museum Society, Box 755, Gibsons, VON 1V0.  886-2064.
Golden St  District Historical Society, Fred Bjarnason, Box 992, Golden, VOA 1H0.
Historical Association of East Kootenay, Mrs. A.E. Oliver, 670 Rotary Drive,
Kimberley, VOA 1E3.  427-3446.
Kettle River Museum Society, Alice Evans, Midway, V0H 1M0.  449-2413.
Maple Ridge & Pitt Meadows Historical Society, Mrs. T. Mutas, 12375-244th Street,
Maple Ridge, V2X 6X5.
Nanaimo Historical Society, Linda Fulton, 1855 Latimer Road, Nanaimo, V9S 2W3.
Nootka Sound Historical Society, Beverly Roberts, Box 712, Gold River, V0P 1G0.
North Shore Historical Society, David Grubbe, 815 West 20th Street, North Vancouver,
V7P 2B5.
Princeton St  District Pioneer Museum, Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton,
VOX 1W0.  295-3362.
Sidney & North Saanich Historical Society, Mrs. Ray Joy, 10719 Bayfield Road,
R.R. #3, Sidney, V8L 3P9. 656-3719.
La Societe historique franco colombienne, Anna Beaulieu, 1204 - 1560 Burnaby St.,
Vancouver, V6G 1X3.
Trail Historical Society, Mrs. M.T. Jory, Box 405, Trail, V1R 4L7. 368-5602.
Vancouver Historical Society, Irene Tanco, Box 3071, Vancouver, V6V 3X6. 685-1157.
Wells Historical Society, Sharon Brown, Box 244, Wells, V0K 2R0.
Windermere District Historical Society, Mrs. E. Stevens, Box 784, Invermere,
VOA 1K0.


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