British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly Oct 31, 1942

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OCTOBER,  1942 We
Published by the Archives of British Columbia
in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
W. Kaye Lamb.
Library, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C.
J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. F. W. Howay, New Westminster.
Robie L. Reid, Vancouver. T. A. Rickard, Victoria.
W. N. Sage, Vancouver.
Editorial communications may be addressed either to the Editor or to
the Associate Editor.
Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament
Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, 60c. the copy, or $2 the year. Members
of the British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the
Quarterly without further charge.
Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical
Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors
to the magazine. t3«
"Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. VI. Victoria, B.C., October, 1942. No. 4
Articles : Page.
The Origin of the Chinook Jargon.
By F. W. Howay  _  225
How One Slave became Free.
By Robie L. Reid    251
Some Pioneers of the Cattle Industry.
By F. W. Laing    257
Documents :
Correspondence relating to the Establishment of a Naval Base at
Esquimalt, 1851-57  277
Notes and Comments:
The " Komagata Maru " and the Central Powers.
A letter from Stephen E. Raymer, with an introductory note
by Robie L. Reid    297
Some Archives Accessions, 1941—42.
By Madge Wolfenden  „   299
British Columbia Historical Association  304
Willard E. Ireland    305
Contributors to this Issue  -    305
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Jeffreys:  The Picture Gallery of Canadian History.
By Helen R. Boutilier     306
Wiedemann:  Cheechako into Sourdough.
By T. A. Rickard  _ _   307
Morris:  Captain William Oliver.
By J. C. Goodfellow     309
The article by Dr. R. L. Reid, K.C., in the January number of
this Quarterly on " The Chinook Jargon and British Columbia "
makes opportune a discussion of its origin; and this paper is
intended as a sort of postscript to that article. Dr. Reid mentions two theories and a tradition of the origin of the jargon.
The tradition—that it was invented by the Hudson's Bay Company—has only to be mentioned to be laughed out of court. The
theories are: first, that it grew up naturally out of the conditions on the Coast in the early days of the maritime fur-trade;
second, that it was a prehistoric inter-tribal language already in
existence when the explorers and traders arrived.
The prehistoric inter-tribal view is found in the Handbook
of American Indians (Washington, 1911), where it is stated in
these words:—
There can be no doubt that the jargon existed as an inter-tribal medium of
communication long before the advent of the whites, having its parallel in
the so-called " Mobilian language " of the Gulf tribes and the sign language
of the plains, all three being the outcome of an extensive aboriginal system
of inter-tribal trade and travel.1
This view has been repeated in the reprint entitled Handbook of
Indians of Canada (Ottawa, 1913), and it has also been adopted
in the Encyclopaedia of Canada (Toronto, 1935), in practically
the same words.2
Parallels are always dangerous arguments unless they are
parallels. It is doubted whether there ever was on the Pacific
Coast such a " system of inter-tribal trade and travel" as is
alleged to have existed amongst the wandering, horse-riding
aborigines of the plains.3 Inter-tribal trade amongst the Coast
Indians, it is believed, was rare; and travel from tribe to tribe
rarer. Like our primitive ancestors in England, the Coast
Indians stayed at home.   True, Alexander Mackenzie in July,
(1) F. W. Hodge  (ed.), Handbook of American Indians, Washington,
1911 (Bureau of American Ethnology, bulletin 30), I., pp. 274-5.
(2) See Handbook of Indians of Canada, Ottawa, 1913, p. 94;  Encyclopaedia of Canada, Toronto, 1935, II., p. 50.
(3) Compare Washington Irving, Astoria, Philadelphia, 1836, I., pp.
133 ff., 167.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI., No. 4.
225 226 F. W. Howay. October
1793, met an Indian on the Bella Coola River who had journeyed, about ten years before, in a canoe with forty of his people
" a considerable distance towards the mid-day sun " and had seen
two ships with white people in them.4 Curiosity probably lay at
the root of this adventure. Sometimes, too, the Coast Indians
travelled with letters of the land fur-traders; the Fort Langley
Journal gives an instance, and others will be found in Harmon's
Journal.5 Sometimes they travelled to obtain food or even to
obtain a wife. But travelling for pleasure—just for the sake of
travelling, or of making a friendly visit—was unknown, or, at
any rate, so unusual as not to furnish a plausible necessity for
an inter-tribal language. It could not be in such an atmosphere
of suspicion and enmity as existed amongst the Coast tribes.
The evidence of the explorers and maritime traders makes it
clear that wars, rumours of wars, war forays, enmity, and suspicion were the normal condition.6 The journal of the Hudson's
Bay Company's post at Fort Langley, for example, contains
many illuminating entries showing the constant fear in one tribe
of attack by some other, the coming of war parties, the marauding expeditions, especially of the Yucultas.7
These circumstances have not deterred the various exponents
of the theory that the Chinook jargon was a prehistoric intertribal language — a sort of lingua franca — amongst the Coast
Indians. But when their statements are examined it will be
observed that in no solitary instance are any facts offered to
sustain it; in every instance it is simply taken for granted.
This alleged inter-tribal origin is put forward rather lamely
and inferentially in the preface to John Gill's Dictionary of the
(4) Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages . . . to the Frozen and Pacific
Oceans, London, 1801, p. 335.
(5) Fort Langley Journal, MS., Provincial Archives, October 7, November 15, December 24, 1827;  January 25, June 14, July 11, 1828.
(6) See Henry R. Wagner, Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de
Fuca, Santa Ana, 1933, p. 6; Ingraham's Journal of the Hope, MS., July 7,
1792; G. M. Dawson, Report on Queen Charlotte Islands, Montreal, 1878,
p. 132; A. P. Niblack, Report of the National Museum, 1888, p. 340; Robert
Brown (ed.), Adventures of John Jewitt, London, 1896, pp. 17, 21, 22,191 ff.;
Jewitt's Journal, reprint, Boston, 1931, p. 46.
(7) Fort Langley Journal, MS., August 11, September 7, 24, October 9,
11, 18, 23, 28, 1827, etc. 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 227
Chinook Jargon, published in 1902. It is found in good company, for the preface is filled with errors. Gill there says that
there are five different languages in the territory between the
mouth of the Willamette and the ocean.    He continues:—
But in voyages along the rivers or in hunting parties in the mountains, the
Wasco Indian who happened to meet the Clatsop—one from the mouth of
the Columbia and the other from central Oregon, made himself perfectly
understood in this accommodating jargon, which was in use from the Cascade Mountains to the Pacific as a trading language, and widely known
along the coast.8
From the context it is plain that the author is dealing with an
imaginary Indian on an imaginary journey at a time antecedent
to the coming of the white man. Yet he produces no evidence
in support of his assumption that the jargon existed at that time.
Obviously it would have been a most convenient medium if it
had existed; but the question is: Did it exist? Supporters of
the prehistoric lingua franca must, surely, be required to offer
some evidence of its existence before the advent of the white
man. But, as already noted, no believer in this inter-tribal
language produces any facts in support, or even any from which
its probable existence may be inferred. They draw the theory
from the blue.   It is a case of wishful thinking.
Such evidence as we have points unmistakably to the nonexistence of any such inter-tribal language. For instance when
the two Indian women from Spokane House, garbed as men,
reached Astoria, June 25, 1811, Franchere says:—
We put questions to them in various Indian dialects; but they did not understand us. They showed us a letter addressed to " Mr. John Stuart, Fort
Estekatadene, New Caledonia." Mr. Pillet then addressing them in the
Knisteneaux language, they answered, although they appeared not to understand it perfectly.9
This event occurred three months after the Astorians had
arrived. In that time they should have picked up a smattering
of the inter-tribal prehistoric language, if it had existed, for
they had been constantly in contact with the Indians. Why,
after they had tried the Indian dialects on the strangers, did they
(8) John Gill, Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon, Portland, Ore., 1902,
p. 4.
(9) Gabriel Franchere, Narrative of a Voyage  . .  .  , New York, 1854,
p. 118. 228 F. W. Howay. October
not use the lingua franca? Why did they resort to Cree, which
is a language known to most Indian tribes east of the Rockies?
Is not the answer to these questions, that there was no intertribal language?
Nor is this experience unique. Nowhere in the first contacts
of the civilized with the savage on the Coast do we find any evidence of a prehistoric inter-tribal language. We have, fortunately, the diaries of Fathers Crespi and Peiia, who accompanied
the first Spanish expedition along the British Columbian Coast.
This was in July and August, 1774, eleven years before the
advent of the maritime fur-traders, and four years before Captain Cook—a time when the inter-tribal language would have
been in full flood.
Here is Father Crespi's report of the meeting with the Haidas
near the northwestern end of the Queen Charlotte Islands. The
date is July 20, 1774; the Santiago is about 9 miles offshore;
it is evening, but through the fog the Indians discern the strange
vessel. Nine Haidas venture out to the exotic monster, but they
fear to come on board. When, however, they were shown gifts
—handkerchiefs, beads, and biscuits — they approached near
enough to receive them. Father Crespi says that, as the ship
was drifting dangerously close to the land, she was put about.
The pagans, seeing that we were going away from their country, invited us
thither, and we knew or understood from their signs, that they told us there
were provisions and abundant water there and a place where the ship might
anchor; and we replying by signs that on the following day we would go
thither, they went away.
Father Crespi tells us that later another canoe came out to the
They were asked to come aboard the ship, but either they did not wish to do
so or they did not understand the signs made to them.
And, again, he says that in welcoming some of the sailors the
Haidas danced with them,
And gave it to be understood by the sign of placing the hand on the breast
that they loved them dearly.
When the Spaniards were about to sail away Crespi records that
the Haidas invited them to revisit their country:—
And we understood them to say by signs that we should not go farther up
the coast because the people there were warlike and slayers of men, this 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 229
being the customary warning of almost all pagans, in order to make it
understood that they are good men and the rest bad.1*)
It will be observed that there is no hint of any means of
communication with the natives except signs. Nor is there anything to suggest that they had any expectation that some language they spoke would be understood, as presumably would
have been the case had they been accustomed to converse with
strangers in a lingua franca.
The Santiago made her next landfall near Estevan Point, at
the entrance to Hope Bay. There, at the threshold of Nootka
Sound, the Spaniards should surely have found some evidence
of this alleged prehistoric inter-tribal language, for Nootkan
words were an important element in the Chinook jargon. Let
us call the witnesses.    Father Peiia first:—
About four o'clock three canoes came out to us; in one were four men,
three in another, and two in the third. They remained at some distance
from the ship, crying out and making gestures that we should go away.
After some time, we having made signs to them that they should draw near
without fear, they did so, and we gave them to understand that we were in
search of water; but they could not have been satisfied with our signs, and
went back to the land.
Now let us hear Father Crespi.    He says:—
Before reaching us they began to cry out, making gestures and signs that
we should go away. Our people made signs to them that they should draw
near without fear, and gave them to understand that we were seeking water;
but either they did not understand our meaning, or they gave no heed to it,
for they went back to the shore.
On another occasion the natives came out to the Santiago. Father
Crespi's account follows:—
We called out to them and they came nearer; whereupon we asked them by
signs whether water was to be had. They did not understand or paid no
attention, and went toward the land; but on the way thither, meeting two
other canoes, all five came on together to about a musket shot's distance
from the ship. Although from on board we made many signs to them and
cried out to them, they would come no nearer, but remained where they
were until about eleven o'clock, talking one with another, and from time to
time crying out.11
(10) These quotations are from Crespi's Diary as printed in the Publications of the Historical Society of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1891,
pp. 188, 189, 193. Similar entries are to be found in Pena's Diary, in the
same volume. Compare Herbert E. Bolton, Fray Juan Crespi, Berkeley,
1927, pp. 324, 325 ff., 333.
(11) Ibid., pp. 131, 201, 202. 230 F. W. Howay. October
These are the Fathers' accounts of the first meetings with two
of our coastal tribes, the Haidas and the Nootkans or Ahts, and
signs are the only means of communication on both sides.
It may be urged that the Spaniards were unacquainted with
the alleged prehistoric inter-tribal language and might have overlooked its use by these Indians. But surely its existence would
have become known as soon as the trading ships arrived and
white men began to comb the coast systematically, year after
year, for the skins of the sea-otter. Difficulty of communication
with the natives was a major trading obstacle, and had a lingua
franca existed it would have solved that problem and been
promptly put to use.
But evidence that any such inter-tribal language did exist is
entirely lacking. Over and over again the records of the early
voyages reveal that the maritime traders were compelled to have
recourse to the miserable expedient of signs. Of the scores of
instances that might be cited in proof the following are representative examples. In July, 1788, Captain James Colnett spent
some time at and near Nootka, where he picked up a few words
of the language; in August he was at the lower end of Queen
Charlotte Islands, and in September he was at Banks Island,
amongst the Tsimshian. The Chief arrived in a canoe, and Colnett reports:—
I went into the Canoe & by signs, for their Language differ'd from any we
had heard before, invited the Chief, who was a very respectable old man
on board.
On his arrival at Nootka in May, 1789, Martinez writes in
his MS. diary: " They [the Indians] indicated to us by signs
that these instruments were for fishing "; and when he landed
with armed men: " They gave us to understand by signs that
the soldiers should go back." John Bartlett in his diary, published as a narrative in The Sea, The Ship, and The Sailor, states
that when the snow Gustavus, in March, 1791, was entering
Barkley Sound, " The natives on shore began to make signs to
us to stand more to the northward." And in July, 1791, when
the Spaniards met the Salish at Point Roberts, Pantoja says:—
They speak an entirely different language and in spite of the fact that we
did not understand it they explained with entire clearness that there had
been vessels within the canal much larger than the schooner.   .   .   . 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 231
This explanation, as appears later, was by signs; for the Indian
made reference to traders with animals bearing burdens, and
Comprehending from his signs that these were horses, a painting of one was
shown to him.   As soon as he saw it he said that that was what they were.12
But it may, perhaps, be claimed that the prehistoric intertribal language did not then extend so far north. In that event
let us look at the record of the earliest contacts of the white
man and the red man along the coasts of Oregon and Washington, where this lingua franca is alleged to have been in use for
untold centuries before the advent of the maritime traders.
In July, 1788, in the vicinity of Gray's Harbour, John Meares,
in the Felice, met a canoe containing a man and a boy. He
We endeavoured to make ourselves intelligible, by addressing them in the
language of King George's [Nootka] Sound, which we had found to prevail
from thence to the district of Tatooche [Cape Flattery]; but they did not
comprehend a word we uttered, and replied to us in a language which bore
not the least resemblance or affinity, as far as we could form judgment, to
any tongue that we had heard on the coast of America.1^
In the following month, off Lincoln County, Oregon, the sloop
Washington encountered two Indians in a small canoe. After
listening to a long oration by one of them, which Haswell thought
was designed to inform him that they had plenty of food and
water at their homes, he proceeds:—
We could proceve there Language was entierly different from those we had
first fell in with to the southward.
Of the natives of Murderers Harbour (probably Tillamook Bay),
whom he met nine days later, he says:—
There language we attained no knoledge of and I am of opinion it was very
Hard to lern.
(12) These quotations are from Colnett's MS. Journal, September 13,
1788; Martinez's MS. Diary, May 2, 5, 1789 (both in my library); Hoskins's
Narrative in F. W. Howay (ed.) Voyages of the " Columbia," Boston, 1941,
p. 219 f.; Pantoja's account in Wagner, Spanish Explorations in the Strait
of Juan de Fuca, p. 187. The italics are mine. Similar statements are to
be found in, e.g., Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 318, 319, 322, 353, 354;
Daines Barrington, Miscellanies, London, 1791, p. 488; Hoskins's Narrative
in Voyages of the " Columbia," p. 219 f.; George Vancouver, Voyage, 1801
edition, many references in volumes II. and III.
(13) John Meares, Voyages . . . to the North West Coast of America,
London, 1790, p. 165. 232 F. W. HOWAY. October
The Washington spent the winter of 1788-89 in Nootka Sound,
and apparently Haswell mastered the Nootkan language sufficiently to prepare a vocabulary. In the spring of 1789 the Washington was at Port San Juan, and Haswell writes: " We were
glad to find they spoke a dialect of the Nootka Language." A few
days later the sloop was at Neah Bay, where Haswell records
that "they spoke the Nootka Language." The natives in both
these places were of the Nootkan (Aht or Wakashan) division,
and hence spoke their language.14
Now let us follow the Columbia along the Oregon and Washington coasts in April and May, 1792. Off the mouth of the
Umpqua River, some 150 miles below the Columbia River, Boit
says that some canoes came off to the ship. " These natives
talk'd a different language from any we have before heard."
It will not be overlooked that in the preceding year the Columbia
had met Nootkans, Haidas, Kwakiutls, Tsimshians, and Tlingits.
A few days later when off the mouth of the Columbia River, Boit
records that the natives frequently came alongside in their canoes,
but " their language to us was unintelligable." On May 7, in
Gray's Harbour, Boit remarks: " Their language was different
from any we have yet heard." The Indians there made an attack
on the Columbia in which many were killed. Two days later the
ship was visited by Indians from the upper part of the Chehalis
River, and some of the tribe that had made the assault also came
alongside.    But we shall let Boit continue the story.
Their countenances plainly show'd that those unlucky savages who last
Night fell by the Ball, was a part of the same tribe for we cou'd plainly
understand by their signs and gestures that they were telling the very circumstance to their Acquaintances from down [up] River, and by Pointing
to the Cannon, and endeavouring to explain the noise they made, made us
still more certain that they had no Knowledge of fire arms previous to our
Coming amongst them.16
All the other incidents that have been mentioned deal with
the first contacts between red man and white man, and in them
we have found (and will find as we proceed) that communication was always by signs; that any attempt by the natives to
converse, except in the case of the Aht people (they spoke
Nootkan), invariably evoked the remark that the language was
(14) Haswell's First Log, in Voyages of the " Columbia," pp. 33, 39, 71.
(15) Boit's Log, in Voyages of the " Columbia," pp. 391-2, 394, 395. 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 233
unintelligible or different from that of Nootka.16 Here, however, we have a meeting between the Coast Indians at Gray's
Harbour and their neighbours, the Indians from the upper Che-
halis River; it is a case where we would expect the prehistoric
inter-tribal language to be spoken; but instead of that language
which, E. H. Thomas claims, " All the Indians talked ... to
each other,"17 the natives resorted to the pitiable medium of
signs. And it must not be forgotten that this incident occurred
within 50 miles of the mouth of the Columbia River, the very
cradle of this alleged prehistoric inter-tribal language.
Having thus shown that the first Europeans found no lingua
franca on the Coast, and that the Indians used only signs in their
communications with them, let us see what is alleged by the supporters of the theory that the Chinook jargon is a prehistoric
inter-tribal language. First we will take Judge James G. Swan.
He says:—
It is a language confined wholly, I believe, to our Northwestern possessions
west of the Rocky Mountains. It originated in the roving, trading spirit
of the tribes, and has been added to and increased since the introduction of
the whites among themes
The book is a comparatively modern one. Judge Swan arrived
at Shoalwater Bay (Willapa Harbour) late in 1852. The subtitle of his book is Three Years Residence in Washington Territory. The above quotation is, therefore, the result of a three
years' residence; not such a length of time as can justify this
sweeping categorical statement, especially as all of it was spent
in the vicinity of Shoalwater Bay. The supposed roving spirit
of the Coast Indians has already been dealt with; it is believed
that such roving was confined to war expeditions. Judge Swan
takes it upon himself to assert that when Maquinna, the Nootkan
(16) See, for instance, Voyages of the " Columbia," pp. 33, 39, 87, 90, 92,
391, 392.
(17) Edward Harper Thomas, Chinook: A History and Dictionary,
Portland, Ore., 1935, p. 2.   See also pp. 1, 18, 22, 26.
(18) James G. Swan, The Northwest Coast, New York, 1857, p. 310.
Similarly Thomas states that " the Jargon was in use among the natives as
a trading language long before the trader and trapper arrived on the scene,
and that contact with the whites enlarged and enriched it by the addition
of many words of French and English derivation." Chinook: A History
and Dictionary, pp. 22-3. 234 F. W. Howay. October
Chief, sucked blood from a wound, as recorded by Meares in his
Voyages,19 and exclaimed " Cloosh, cloosh," (" Good, good "), he
was speaking the Chinook jargon. He says that is the first mention of the jargon he has seen. But he is wrong — entirely
wrong. The word cloosh is pure Nootkan;20 Maquinna was
merely using his own language. Had Maquinna added a word
from the Salish or the Chinook language that would have been
some evidence of the existence, at that time, of the Chinook
As well might he say that the Nootkans were speaking the
Chinook jargon when they demanded of Captain Cook in April,
1778, that he makook the grass his crew were cutting at Friendly
Cove.21    Zimmerman tells us they in trading
used the words, " makuk, tschibocks and tschikimli " repeatedly. " Makuk "
means " buy," " tschibocks " " good," and with the word " tschikimli " they
indicated that they wanted a large nail in exchange.22
The word makuk (it is spelled in half a dozen different ways)
was the first word recorded by the traders at Nootka. James
Hanna, the first maritime trader, upon his arrival at that Sound
on August 9, 1785, states that the natives called out maakook,
" which," says he, " was asking to trade." It was night and the
Indians were at a distance; hence it may be presumed that
Hanna knew the word from Captain Cook's vocabulary, where it
is written macook, to barter. Again, Judge Swan might as well
assert that Callicum, the Nootkan Chief, was talking the Chinook
jargon when he, as Martinez sets forth in his MS. diary under
the date of July 13, 1789, " insulted me from his canoe saying
(19) Meares, Voyages, p. 257.
(20) The Northwest Coast, p. 307. James Strange, who was at Nootka
in 1786—eight years after Captain Cook—gives in his " Additions to Captain Cook's vocabulary of the Nootka Sound Language in 1786 " (James
Strange's Journal, Madras, 1928, p. 52), the word klookhsh or klookh, as
meaning "good," or signifying any degree of excellence; and Haswell, in
1788, in his " vocabulary of Nootka Sound " (Voyages of the " Columbia,"
p. 103), has cloosh, meaning " good "; Horatio Hale, in 1842, spells it kloshe
and says it is Nootkan, meaning "good," or "well" (The Oregon Trade
Language, London, 1890, p. 45).
(21) Captain James Cook, Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 1776-1780, London, 1784, II., p. 284.
(22) F. W. Howay (ed.), Zimmerman's Captain Cook, Toronto, 1930,
p. 71. 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 235
to me in his language ' Martinez pisce; Martinez capsil,' "23
which expressions were interpreted by the English prisoners as
meaning (which they do) that Martinez was a bad man and
a robber.
The fact that the words klooshe, makook, peshak, and kaps-
walla, meaning respectively " good," " buy " or " barter," " bad,"
and " steal," are found in the Chinook jargon does not deprive
them of their Nootkan origin, and is no justification for Judge
Swan or any one else to say that the Nootkans in speaking their
own language were using the Chinook jargon.
Having disposed of Judge Swan, let us turn to E. H. Thomas,
who has been led astray in a similar fashion. In his article on
" The Chinook Jargon " in American Speech, June, 1927, after
mentioning " the logs [sic] of Meares, Cook, and Barclay [sic]
which have preserved the embalmed mummy of Chinook," he
All the tribes talked it, so this Jargon was the language spoken between
strangers. When the white men came beginning with Drake and Juan de
Fuca, and two centuries later, Cook, Meares, Barclay, Vancouver, and Elisa,
their attempts to converse with the natives drew replies in the Jargon.
Jewett [sic] was addressed in this tongue by the Nootkans. That is the
reason he has a dozen Jargon words in his supposedly Nootkan vocabulary.
A more ridiculous congeries of incorrect statements it would be
hard to find. There is no line without its error. The source of
Thomas's historical facts is his own fertile imagination. But he
continues in the same vein:—
It was Jewett who discovered that the Indians had a common language,24 as
he thought, for every day use. He tells about it in a note in the back of
his book, " A Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R.
Jewett," in which he gives the words of a Nootkan War Song. He says
there are two expressions meaning " Ye do not know," and observes " from
this, it would seem that they have two languages, one for their songs and
(23) These words would now be written: Martinez peshak; Martinez
Icapswalla; but with the same meaning. The words klooshe, makook, peshak,
and kapswalla are Nootkan, and are found in the vocabularies of Captain
Cook (1778), Strange (1786), Haswell (1788), and in the anonymous
vocabulary of 1791, published by Franz Boas in the Proceedings of the
American Antiquarian Society, 1916.
(24) On the contrary, Jewitt speaking of the Newchemass (Kwakiutl),
says that Maquinna informed him they spoke quite a different language,
although it was well understood by the Nootkans. See Jewitt's Narrative,
Brown edition, p. 136. 236 F. W. HOWAY. October
another for common use." What Jewett discovered, though he never knew
it, was that there was a jargon of prehistoric origin, a language in use
among all the tribes, which all talked and all understood."
I pause here to point out two fundamental errors in the above
quotation. Jewitt or, rather, his writer Alsop, did not say that
the Indians had a common language, but that the Nootkans had,
as the context shows. Secondly, Thomas has italicized and distorted the meaning of the word " common," which he takes to
be, common to the tribes, instead of its plain meaning, " usual,"
or "ordinary." If he had taken the trouble to read the book
through, or if he had not been so " wedded to his idols," he
would have found the following words on page 129. On that
page Jewitt, or rather Alsop, speaking of the Nootkan songs,
The language of the most of these appears to be very different in many
respects from that used in their common conversation, which leads me to
believe either that they have a different mode of expressing themselves in
poetry, or that they borrow their songs from their neighbours; and what
the more particularly induces me to the latter opinion is, whenever any of
the Newchemass, a people from the northward, and who speak a very different language, arrived, they used to tell me they expected a new song,
and were almost sure to have one.
Thomas appears to be unaware of the genesis of Jewitt's Narrative and does not realize that its language is not Jewitt's, but
that of Richard Alsop, who touched up and fleshed the dry bones
of Jewitt's Journal, and, incidentally, complained that Jewitt
had " small capacity as a narrator." A comparison of Jewitt's
own matter-of-fact account of his marriage and his escape and
of the saving of Thompson's life, as given in the Journal, with
the romantic, almost melodramatic version in the Narrative,
shows that these incidents lost nothing on Alsop's pen.26
More recently, in the Oregon Historical Quarterly, Chester A.
Fee, in an article on " The Chinook Jargon," accepts Thomas's
wild theory with his own variations and errors. After citing
Thomas's discovery of Jewitt's (Alsop's) discovery he continues :—
Jewitt had actually discovered two languages: Nootka proper, and this
bastard tongue of pre-historic origin which Cook, Barclay, Meares, Elisa
(25) On the authorship of Jewitt's Narrative, see Edmond S. Meany, Jr.,
" The Later Life of John R. Jewitt," British Columbia Historical Quarterly,
IV. (1940), pp. 143-157. 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 237
and Vancouver had previously accepted as the actual languages of the
respective tribes they encountered on Puget Sound, and which Lewis and
Clark in 1805 assumed to be the real tongue of the Chinook chief, Concom-
molly, when, as their journal shows, he said, wak-et conwma-tux (I do not
understand). All these notations concerning the jargon were penned"
between 1778 and 1805.2«
Fee here emulates his mentor (pardon the word) in historical
inaccuracies. But not content with them he adds two notes of
the same stripe.   The first runs:—
Cook visited this coast in 1778; Meares came ten years later; the others
followed before 1805. The information comes from the narratives of the
respective five captains.2"1
Before quoting the other note I pause to say that the italics
above are mine; and I am at a loss to find words exactly suited
to characterize the italicized statement. It is absolutely wrong;
none of the five except Vancouver was ever in Puget Sound, and
he, certainly, makes no such statement, as will later be shown.
But here is the second note:—
Its [the Chinook jargon's] existence at the time of the first white visit
proves a prior state. Had it been recorded in Drake, de Fuca, Heceta, or
had it reflected either Spanish or English influence at the time of Jewitt, we
would, of necessity admit white invention. Spanish influence is non-existent,
as is English in all original notations.28
This note is as full of errors as a colander of holes; but space
would be wasted in pointing them out. Macaulay's school boy
would have revelled in that easy task. It is a choice example
of lucus a non lucendo. Although I leave the patent errors for
others, I object to the incomplete quotation in the text. The
complete words are: " Clouch Musket, wake com ma-tax Musket." To misquote in order to bolster up a flimsy theory really
isn't done. Had Fee given the expression in full, as above, he
would have shown the English influence which, he says, is lacking. The Indian—not Concommolly, as Thomas says, however—
was merely saying " A good musket, I do not understand a musket." Not one of the words he used was of his own language;
except " musket" they were all Nootkan: clouch, wake, com-
matax.   The Indian was speaking the Chinook jargon.
(26) Chester Anders Fee, " Oregon's Historical Esperanto—The Chinook
Jargon," Oregon Historical Quarterly, XLII. (1941), pp. 176-7.
(27) Ibid., p. 177, note 6.
(28) Ibid., note 8. 238 F. W. Howay. October
Thomas conjures up a prehistoric slave trade between the
Chinooks of the Columbia River region and the Nootkans, as the
source from which sprang the Chinook jargon.29 But where,
may I ask, is there any evidence of such a trade? That the
Chinooks had slaves is true, and so had every coastal tribe; that
the Nootkans had hiqua—the shell money—is also true; but
about 300 miles of treacherous ocean lay between. And where
is there any evidence that in prehistoric days the Chinooks, who
did not know the use of the sail before the advent of the whites,30
ever essayed that long and dangerous navigation? The maritime traders did traffic in slaves, and they visited the country
of the Chinooks, but they obtained no slaves there, only sea-otter
skins and clamons, that is, tanned elk hides, the armour of the
northern tribes. Their slave trade was confined to the British
Columbian coast. In 1794 the MS. log of the Jefferson shows
that her consort, the schooner Resolution, on returning from the
Columbia River had reported that hiqua, the shell money,
is in great demand on the south coast of Queenhythe; these shells they call
hi-qua; and when our little vessel was at Gray's River [Columbia River]
the natives said that they would give a prime skin for one string a fathom
in length.
There is no hint of slaves being exchanged for hiqua; and, presumably, if the Chinooks had been accustomed to exchange slaves
for hiqua they would have offered them, for they knew the
traders were open to do any kind of business. Further, there
is no mention of such a trade in Lewis and Clark's Journal.
Though Jewitt lived three years at Nootka, neither in his Journal
nor in the Narrative is there any hint of such a trade; nor is
there in either book any mention of Chinooks arriving at Nootka
by canoe or any other method; nor is there any statement that
the Nootkans in all that time journeyed to the Chinooks. I venture to assert, confidently, that the source of the alleged trade
of slaves for hiqua is identical with that of the statement that
the Indians replied to Vancouver in the Chinook jargon: a vivid,
but ill-informed imagination.
Having dealt with Thomas's imaginary prehistoric slave
trade as the origin of the Chinook jargon, let us consider his
(29) Thomas, Chinook: A History and Dictionary, pp. 24 ff.
(30) See F. W. Howay, " The First Use of the Sail by the Indians of the
Northwest Coast," American Neptune, I. (1941), pp. 374-380. 1942 THE ORIGIN OF THE CHINOOK JARGON. 239
proof of that jargon's existence when the first white men arrived.
He says boldly, as already quoted, that Drake, de Fuca, Cook,
Meares, Barclay, Vancouver, and Elisa in their attempts to converse with the natives drew replies in the jargon. But here are
the historical facts.
Drake's only contact with the natives was at Drake's Bay,
near San Francisco, beyond the jargon's limits.
De Fuca's voyage is a fabrication; but, at any rate, Lok's
account has no reference to conversations with the natives.
Cook has not a jargon word in his text; and the only Nootkan
words are in his vocabulary.
As to Meares, his attempt to converse with the natives has
been already quoted.
Barclay [Barkley] left no record of any attempt to converse with the Indians.
Vancouver's Voyage does not contain from cover to cover
a single word spoken by the natives. Whenever he condescends
to particulars of his communications with the Indians of Puget
Sound he invariably states that they used signs.81 And that
applies also to those on the Columbia River whom Broughton
Elisa has nothing to say regarding his means of communication with the natives, but he does record that when Narvaez
met the Salish near the mouth of Fraser River,
Notwithstanding that the idiom of these natives was different from that of
those at Nuca [Nootka] they [the Spaniards] were able to make out by
their signs that the grand canal [Strait of Georgia] extended much farther
If Thomas ever read these books he must have used distorted
eyes, for they contain no such statements as he claims to have
found. His alleged proofs having failed him, his prehistoric
origin of the Chinook jargon falls of its own weight.
(31) Vancouver, Voyage, 1798 edition, I., pp. 285, 286, 291, 307, for
example. Near Thormanby Islands Vancouver says the Indians "spoke
not the Nootka language, nor the dialect of any Indians we had conversed
with; at least the few words we had acquired were repeated to them without
(32) Elisa's report to the Viceroy of Mexico in 1791, in Wagner, Spanish
Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, p. 152.
1 240 F. W. HOWAY. October
Now, having shown that none of the first white men, explorers
or traders, met on the lips of the Indians such a lingua franca
as the Chinook jargon, let us leave Messrs. Thomas and Fee to
enjoy their rose-coloured bower of imagination and cobwebs
and consider the other theory—that the Chinook jargon grew up
naturally out of the conditions on the Coast in the days of the
early maritime fur-traders.
Captain Cook in 1778 remained about a month at Nootka
Sound. During that time his surgeon, William Anderson, compiled a vocabulary which is published in the third volume of
Cook's Voyage.33 The maritime traders naturally familiarized
themselves with this dictionary before undertaking their ventures. At first Nootka Sound was the rendezvous; and when
these maritime traders, flitting from village to village, encountered an Indian they, of course, tried him with their Nootkan
equipment, as we have seen that Meares, Vancouver, and the
Spaniards did. Cook himself reports that on meeting the natives
near Prince William Sound:—
Some of our people repeated several of the common words of the Nootka
language, such as seekmaile (iron) and makook (barter) ; but they did not
seem to understand them.s4
In the end his men resorted to the use of signs. Ten years later,
Colnett, meeting the Tsimshians near Banks Island, found that
" their language differed from any we had heard." He conversed
with them by signs, but as he had already heard Nootkan and
Haida, is it any stretch of the imagination to suggest that he
first tried them out with words from those two tongues? And
that other traders did the same? Franchere, in his account of
the loss of the Tonquin at Clayoquot Sound in 1811, says that
McKay and Lewis called out to the natives, "Makoke! makoke!"85
The trader was thus bringing back to the Aht or Wakashan
people their own word, which had in the meantime been carried
to the Columbia River, and found there by the Tonquin. The
maritime traders had learned at Nootka the words kloosh,
" good ";   peshak, " bad ";   makook, " buy " or " barter "—all
(33) Many others compiled similar lists of Nootkan and other Indian
words: Strange (1786),Haswell (1788),Ingraham (1791),Martinez (1789),
and the anonymous vocabulary (1791) published by Boas.
(34) Cook, Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, II., p. 355.
(35) Franchere, Narrative, p. 182. 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 241
Nootkan words—words which would be the very tools of their
trade of obtaining sea-otter skins; and not knowing the dialect
of a strange tribe, we may suppose they simply used the Nootkan
word. We do know that in a short time after the maritime
trade began the Nootkan word peshak, " bad," took root in the
Haida tongue.36 In 1791 Ingraham found this word peshak on
the tongue of Cow, the Haida Chief at Parry Passage, Queen
Charlotte Islands. Parry Passage had been a favourite resort
of the maritime traders from the days when Dixon and, later,
Gray, made there such bargainful purchases of sea-otter skins.
Indeed, Ingraham then learned from Cow that Douglas and
Barnett, traders from Nootka Sound, had been at Parry Passage
just before he arrived. Ingraham reports that in July, 1791,
the Haidas greeted him with Was-con, wascon, " a term of friendship," as Ingraham says.37 Ingraham in 1791 does not mention
the use of signs; evidently in the six years since the advent of
the traders a few simple Nootkan words like peshak and wascon
had come into use, sufficient to enable a primitive trade to be
carried on with, it may be, some easily understood signs. At
Kaigahnee, in southern Alaska, in July, 1795, Cow, a sub-chief
of the Haidas, told Captain Bishop: " If we were peshak, " bad "
God would throw us in fire, where we should be illiwee." And
when Bishop was at the mouth of the Columbia River, in December, 1795,
Several of the Chinook people being on board when the new moon was first
seen and pointed at with our fingers these people immediately caught hold
of our hands saying it was peshak—that we should offend her and should
be punished with bad weather.88
(36) That the word peshak is Nootkan and Nootkan only, we know by
finding it in Cook's vocabulary (Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, III., p. 540),
in 1778; in Haswell's vocabulary (Voyages of the "Columbia," p. 103), in
1788; in Martinez's MS. vocabulary of Nootka, in 1789, and in the Boas
(anonymous) vocabulary of Nootka, in 1791.
(37) Plainly this was the Nootkan word wokash, or as the Spaniards
spelled it, guacash, or as the anonymous vocabulary has it, worcushhowlth.
It was the word with which the Nootkans welcomed strangers, as recorded
by Martinez in his MS. diary. It is easy to see how it was transplanted to
Queen Charlotte Islands: the trader approaching an Indian village making
signs of friendship and using the Nootkan word.
(38) The last two quotations are from Charles Bishop's MS. journal of
the Ruby, July 31, and December 20, 1795. Compare R. G. Thwaites (ed.),
Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, New York, 1905, III.,
p. 321. 242 F. W. Howay. October
Ten years later Lewis and Clark found the word peshak fully
acclimated on that river. Another instance of this transplanting
of Nootkan words by the maritime traders is found in the journal
of Stephen Reynolds, where under the date July 19, 1811, he
records that some of the men of the New Hazard were ashore
at Nahwitti, on the northern end of Vancouver Island, when
Indians came to them and demanded their tools:—
They held daggers to their breasts and said they would cockshuttle, " kill "
them if they did not give them cartridge box, etc., but they saved all.39
Now, what reasonable explanation can be given of the presence
of these three Nootkan words amongst tribes far removed from
Nootka, who, when the maritime traders came, could only communicate with them by sign? And these words are found in
four places that for years were regular resorts of the traders:
Parry Passage, Kaigahnee, Nahwitti, and the Columbia River,
amongst the Haidas, the Kwakiutls, and the Chinooks. Five
hundred miles and more of open ocean lie between Kaigahnee
and the Columbia River; Nootka is, roughly, about midway
between them. We have no knowledge of any persons other
than the maritime traders having been at these four spots
between 1778 and 1811. In that time more than two hundred
vessels visited the coast, touching everywhere from Alaska to
the Columbia River, and carrying Nootkan and English words
to every Indian village. Here clearly is the fact from which an
inference, well founded, can be drawn regarding the means by
which these Nootkan words reached points so widely separated.
Dr. Franz Boas was convinced of this, and opposite the word
peshak in the Haida vocabulary (anonymous) of 1791 he set the
remark: " Not a Haida word; Chinook jargon from Nootka."
Though inartistically expressed, Dr. Boas is saying that this
word came to the Haidas from Nootka when the Chinook jargon
was in process of formation.
These three transplanted Nootkan words show the seed of
the jargon. That it grew quickly we may well believe, considering the number of vessels in the trade, the strain of the circum-
(39) Stephen Reynolds, The Voyage of the New Hazard . . . , edited
by F. W. Howay, Salem, Mass., 1938, p. 33. The word cockshuttle, " kill,"
is pure Nootkan. It is found in Cook's vocabulary as kaksheetl, " dead,"
and in the anonymous vocabulary as caksorbut, " kill," and in Haswell's
vocabulary as kaksabut, " to kill." 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 243
stances, and the natural ability of the Coast Indian as a linguist.
Let us see how he appears in this respect in the records left by
the maritime traders. He is shown as a man quick to pick up
any language he heard. From 1789 till 1795 a little Spanish
settlement existed at Nootka, and the natives soon enriched their
tongue with Spanish words; the Spaniards reciprocated by
incorporating some Nootkan words into their speech: tais, tyee,
" chief," and mis-chimas, " lower class of people," are frequently
found in their journals and reports. Ingraham mentions in 1791
the use by the Nootkans of the Spanish expression Adieu, Senor;
Roquefeuil, who was at Nootka in 1817, more than twenty years
after the Dons had departed, says the natives spoke well of the
Spaniards in general, adding: " Us ont adopte plusieurs termes
de leur langue." Spanish spread quickly amongst the Indians,
for Quimper tells that in June, 1790, Wickananish, the head
Chief at Clayoquot, welcomed him " with much joy, saying
Amico amar a dios, words he had learned at Nootka."40 Caamano'
reports that at Parry Passage in July, 1792, he was greeted by
the Indian Chief, Douglas-Coneehaw, with Bueno! Bueno! The
words and the accompanying action, says Caamano, the native
had learned from Europeans.41 And Father Brabant in a letter
of March 3, 1896, to the late Captain J. T. Walbran wrote: " An
Indian woman one day at my request sang different Catholic
hymns in Spanish before the late Archbishop Seghers."42
Similar evidence exists to show the Indians' facility in picking up English words. Nicol, a seaman on Portlock's ship King
George, says that in 1786, " The Indians there could pronounce
every word we spoke almost as well as ourselves," and after
saying that the name of the ship's dog was Neptune, informs
us that the Indians soon began to call " Lolly, Neptune "; the
first word meant " friend " in their language.43 Portlock and
Dixon in the King George and Queen Charlotte in 1787 were
(40) Roquefeuil, Voyage autour du Monde, Paris, 1843, I., p. 184;
Quimper's diary in Wagner, Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de
Fuca, p. 86.
(41) "The Journal of Jacinto Caamano, "British Columbia Historical
Quarterly, II. (1938), p. 216.
(42) Compare Moser's edition of A. J. Brabant, Vancouver Island and
its Missions, Kakawis, B.C., 1926, p. 11.
(43) Life and Adventures of John Nicol, Mariner, Edinburgh, 1822, p. 81. 244 F. W. Howay. October
near Cook River (Inlet) when Meares in the Nootka was at
Prince William Sound. Later when Dixon reached that Sound
he was puzzled by the constant repetition by the natives of
" Nootka, Nootka." They pointed towards Snug Corner Cove
and endeavoured to make him understand that a vessel lay there
at anchor; he afterwards found that it was the snow Nootka,
under Meares and in distress.44 Dixon records an interesting
incident at Prince William Sound:—
Some dogs we had on board, hearing strangers about the ship, ran upon
the gun-wale, and began to bark at them, on which the Indians directly
called out " Towzer, Towzer, here, here," whistling at the same time, after
the manner used to coax dogs in England.46
Sir Alexander Mackenzie, in July, 1793, met Indians who mentioned that Macubah (Vancouver) and Bensins (Broughton) had
been there.    When he tried to purchase a sea-otter skin
they shook their heads, and very distinctly answered " No, no." And to
mark their refusal of anything we asked from them, they emphatically
employed the same British monosyllable.46
Menzies reported in his Journal, that Hanapa, a chief of Nootka
had through his intercourse with the English Traders acquired a smattering knowledge of the English Language, & pronounced & understood a number of words distinctly; indeed he seemd to have a quick & ready comprehension in acquirements of this kind, as evinced from the stay the Spaniards
made in the Sound he was equally conversant in their language.   .   .   .47
Gradually the natives acquired a knowledge of English. In
September, 1795, Bishop in the MS. log of the Ruby says of
Tatoochetticus, a chief of Clayoquot, that he " speaks a little
English."    So far had the Indians on the Columbia River pro-
(44) George Dixon, A Voyage Round the World . . . , London, 1789, p.
152. Similar incidents are reported by Meares (Voyages, p. xii. and p.
309) ; Etienne Marchand, Voyage Round the World, London, 1801, p. 424.
In the MS. journal of the Ruby, Bishop relates that when approaching
Kaigahnee, Southern Alaska, he was hailed by Douglas-Coneehaw, who
called out:   " Douglas-Coneehaw, What's your name? " (July 28, 1795).
(45) Dixon, Voyage, pp. 146 f.
(46) Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 345, 347. Nevertheless, all Mackenzie's
communications with them were by signs;  ibid., p. 328.
(47) C. F. Newcombe (ed.), Menzies' Journal of Vancouver's Voyage,
April to October, 1792, Victoria, 1928, p. 114 (September 1, 1792). On
Puget Sound, Menzies in his converse with the natives mentions only the
use of signs; see pp. 34, 36, 39. 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 245
gressed towards a mastery of English that under date December
10, 1805, Clark records that an Indian told him he was seeking
fish thrown up on the shore and left by the tide, " and told me
(in English) [the italics are Clark's] the ' Sturgion was verry
good.' " And Clark gives a list of thirteen captains whose ships
had been in the river, though it must be admitted that the
Chinooks or Clatsops had murdered the names, frightfully, and
beyond all recognition.48 From 1792 onward the maritime traders
visited the Columbia River, where they obtained few sea-otter
skins, but many tanned elk-skins for barter with the northern
tribes. The Indians repeated to Lewis and Clark some English
words they had learned from them: "musket, powder, shot,
knife, file, damned rascal, son of a bitch," also " heave the lead
& maney blackguard phrases."49 In August, 1818, the Chief at
Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, according to Roquefeuil,
piqued himself not only on speaking English well, but also on his polished
manners; of which he endeavoured to persuade us by saying frequently:
" Me all the sames Boston gentleman," meaning an American.50
Dr. John Scouler, in June, 1825, says of the Haidas: " The number of English words they knew surprised us."61 Here we have
seen the roots of the Chinook jargon gradually extending up and
down the coast.
Next, we shall see it in process of construction. Two examples of it at this stage are to be found in Jewitt's Narrative.
Thompson, the companion of Jewitt in captivity at Nootka, had
made a robe for Maquinna, who, pleased, exclaimed: " Klue
shisk Kotsuk—wick kum atack Nootka," meaning, " a fine garment, Nootka can't make them." Here all the words in the
sentence are Nootkan except, oddly enough, the word " Nootka,"
which was born of Captain Cook's misconception of the Nootkan
name. In Dr. Brown's edition of the Narrative, he appends a
note to this expression:—
(48) Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, III., p. 276.
(49) Ibid., III., pp. 327, 344.
(50) Roquefeuil, Voyage, French ed., II., p. 132;  English ed., p. 89.
(51) " Dr. John  Scouler's Journal of a Voyage to  N.W.  America,"
Oregon Historical Quarterly, VI. (1905), p. 178. 246 F. W. Howay. October
This is a fair specimen of the kind of lingua franca which even then had
begun to spring up in the intercourse of the early traders with the Indians,
and which by now takes the shape of the Chinook jargon.^2
On another occasion when a Nootkan had become mentally deranged and Maquinna inquired if either Jewitt or Thompson
were responsible for his condition the native replied: " Wik;
John klushish—Thompson klushish," meaning: " No, John is
good, Thompson is good." In each instance we find the rudiments of a jargon—the mixture of two or more languages. No
instance of such a mixture can be found until some years after
the maritime traders had begun to frequent the Coast and flit
from tribe to tribe in search of sea-otter skins. The expression
recorded by Lewis and Clark and referred to by Dr. Reid:
" Clouch Musket, wake com matax Musket," shows the jargon in
a more advanced stage.63 All the words are on the lips of an
Indian at the Columbia River, nearly 300 miles from Nootka, yet
they are all Nootkan, except " musket." The jargon was in this
shape when the Astorians arrived. Finding this ready-made
means of communication at hand they and the land traders who
followed them seized upon it and added to it many French words,
sadly disfigured on the Indian's tongue, enriched it with numerous onomatopseic words, and carried it to the Interior tribes.
With the growing importance of the Columbia River Chinook
words increased in number, crowding out the older Nootkan expressions ; one example, peshak, the Nootkan word for " bad,"
has been forced out of the jargon and its place taken by the
Chinook word mesachie.   But that is another story.
It is worthy of note that the only bit of evidence in support
of the alleged prehistoric inter-tribal language is offered by
Gibbs, who, after stating his belief that the Chinook jargon
originated in the days of the maritime traders, who
picked up at their general rendezvous, Nootka Sound, various native words
useful in barter, and thence transplanted them, with additions from the
English to the shores of Oregon,
proceeds to say that even before that time the coasting tribes had
opened up a partial understanding of each other's speech
(52) Op. cit., p. 154. In modern form the words are: kloshe kotsuck,
wake kumtuks Nootka. The maritime traders appropriated the word kotsuck as cutsark, meaning a robe made of three or more sea-otter or other
skins.   It was a case of exchanging words all around.
(53) Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, III., p. 276. 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 247
for when in 1792, Vancouver's officers visited Gray's Harbor, they found
that the natives, though speaking a different language, understood many
words of the Nootka.64
Oddly enough this statement of Vancouver supports the
theory that the Chinook jargon was evolved by the maritime
traders and does not in the least support a prehistoric inter-tribal
origin. For long before Vancouver's officers saw Gray's Harbour the maritime traders had been there; for example, in July,
1788, Meares records—his exact words are quoted on page 231
ante—that he tried the natives of that vicinity with Nootkan
words, but they didn't understand. We know that in 1788 the
sloop Washington traded along the coast, but cannot identify her
contacts; again, in 1790 both Colnett's longboat and Metcalf in
the Eleanora were in this vicinity; naturally the longboat would
keep the coast-line close on board, and her map shows a "village"
near Shoalwater Bay (Willapa Harbour), and that she " traded
30 skins " near Quinault—the former about 25 miles south, and
the latter about 40 miles north of Gray's Harbour; the Columbia
was in Gray's Harbour in May, 1792; and to sheet the matter
home, the Columbia was in the Columbia River in May, 1792, for
ten days and had much trade and many contacts with its natives;
and again, the Jenny of Bristol made a long stay in the Columbia
River in the summer of 1792, and was there again whilst
Vancouver's officers were at Gray's Harbour. These contacts,
it is believed, gave the Indians of Gray's Harbour and vicinity
ample opportunities to pick up the few Nootkan words found
there in December, 1792, without the necessity of drawing on the
imagination to account for them.
To  conclude,  the  theory that  the  Chinook  jargon  grew
naturally out of the contacts of the maritime traders with the
coastal tribes is accepted by Dr. Brown, Gibbs, Hale, and Father
LeJeune.    Shaw contents himself with merely stating the two
theories and the tradition; but in view of the facts presented in
this paper can any one doubt that the Chinook jargon grew out
of the contacts of maritime traders and the natives?
F W Howay
New Westminster, B.C. *■. w. xiuwai.
(54) Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon, Washington, 1863, quoted in
J. C. Pilling, Bibliography of the Chinookan Language, Washington, 1893,
p. vi.;  and compare, Vancouver, Voyage, 1801 edition, III., p. 138. 248 F. W. Howay. October
In the appendix to Jewitt's Narrative is included:
Commencing with a Chorus repeated at the end of each line.
Hah-yee hah yar, he yar hah.
Hah-yah hee yar har —he yar hah.
lye ie ee yah har —ee yie hah.
Ie yar ee yar hah —ee yar yah.
Ie yar ee I yar yar hah—Ie yar ee yee yah!
Ie-yee ma hi-chill at-sish Kla-ha —Hah-ye-hah.
Que nok ar parts arsh waw —Ie yie-yar.
Waw-hoo naks sar hasch—Yar-hah.    I-yar hee I-yar.
Waw hoo naks ar hasch yak-queets sich ni-ese,
Waw har.    Hie yee ah-hah.
Repeated over and over, with gestures and brandishing of weapons.
Ie-yee ma hi-chill signifies, " Ye do not know." It appears to be a
poetical mode of expression, the common one for " You do not
know " being Wik-kum-atash; from this, it would seem that they
have two languages, one for their songs and another for common
use. The general meaning of this first stanza appears to be,
" Ye little know, ye men of Klahar, what valiant warriors we are.
Poorly can our foes contend with us, when we come on with our
daggers," etc1
The above note affords Messrs. Thomas and Fee an opportunity to
make a wonderful discovery. Upon a distorted meaning of the word
" common " they have erected an inverted pyramid—the existence of
the Chinook jargon as a prehistoric inter-tribal speech. E. H. Thomas
takes the responsibility as its originator, but Chester A. Fee shares
it as endorser. In his article on " The Chinook Jargon " in American
Speech, June, 1927, already referred to, Thomas wrote:—
It was Jewett [sic] who discovered that the Indians had a common language,
as he thought, for everyday use. He tells about it in a note in the back of
his book, " A Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R.
Jewett," in which he gives the words of a Nootkan War Song. He says
there are two expressions meaning " Ye do not know," and observes " from
this it would seem that they have two languages, one for their songs and
another for common use." What Jewett discovered, though he never knew
it, was that there was a jargon of prehistoric origin, a language in use
among all the tribes, which all talked and all understood.
Thomas, enamoured of his great discovery, repeats it in his book,
Chinook:   a History and Dictionary, published in 1935.    Chester A.
(1) Jewitt, Narrative, Brown ed., p. 248. 1942 The Origin of the Chinook Jargon. 249
Fee in an article on the Chinook jargon in the Oregon Historical
Quarterly (1941) took up the torch and waved it and burned his
fingers.    He out-Heroded Herod.
As has been already shown, the theory of these two writers is
found in very questionable company: that of the worst muddle of
historical inaccuracies that has appeared in years. It has been shown,
moreover, that it is based on a distortion of the meaning of the word
" common," which Richard Alsop did not italicize, as they have made
it appear, and, apparently, without reading the whole Narrative, and in
ignorance of the part that Alsop played in the writing of the Narrative.
But let us look a bit more carefully at the War Song and its accompanying note. They are not in Jewitt's Journal, which was published
in Boston just after his arrival there in the Lydia. The Journal is a
concise, dry-as-dust record, kept by Jewitt during his three-year captivity. There is only one Nootkan word in it, from which fact it might
be inferred that the Nootkan vocabulary and the War Song that
precedes it in the Narrative were taken from memory. Jewitt had
mastered the Nootkan language, as we are told in the Narrative (Brown
edition, p. 92); moreover he had married in September, 1804, a daughter of a chief (according to the Narrative, but not the Journal) of the
neighbouring Nootkan village of Ahasset. Hence we may take it that
Jewitt was au fait with the Nootkan language. This is important when
we consider the wording of the note: its " appears " and " seem "
stamp it unmistakably as Alsop's. Jewitt would not have used such
tentative expressions. Knowing the language he would have spoken
unequivocally, and stated the existence of two languages as a fact.
It may even be that some of the Nootkan songs were in the Kwakiutl
language as the Narrative suggests; for we know that one tribe frequently adopted the songs and accompanying dances from another.
Thus Niblack, speaking of the Haidas says:—
In most of the songs accompanying the Haida dances the Tsimshian language is used, and many customs of the Tsimshian are avowedly followed.2
But the suggestion that a Nootkan war song would be in any language
except their own requires the mind of a Thomas or a Fee to accept.
Even Alsop shies away from making such a statement. In the only
war which the Narrative describes in detail, the preparations were by
abstinence, ablutions, and prayer, and when the victorious Nootkans
returned they were received with joy by the women and children,
" accompanying our war song with a most furious drumming on the
houses."3 This would indicate that it was in reality a song of triumph.
In any event, even if the Nootkan songs were in another language, how
does that fact (if fact it be) establish that the Chinook jargon is a
prehistoric  inter-tribal  language?    Where  is  the  connecting  link?
(2) Albert P. Niblack, " Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern
British Columbia," in Report of the National Museum, Washington, 1888.
(3) Jewitt, Narrative, Brown ed., pp. 192, 195. 250 F. W. Howay.
Thus we are driven back to the perverted meaning attached by Thomas
and Fee to the word " common "—a sandy foundation.
Jewitt sang this supposed war song many times, not only for Alsop,
but when he played the part of the armourer in The Armourer's
Escape.* It was plainly his great stock in trade, in 1817, at the Philadelphia Theatre. It may be that we have in it, as printed, merely
Alsop's memory of Jewitt's remembrance of the words and tune.
When we try to hum this so-called war song it will be found that the
first five lines are mere sounds, apparently without sense. Those lines,
which appear to be a chorus, are reminiscent of the nonsensical refrains
of our childhood days, or the " la-la-las " of the folk-songs. They seem
to fall naturally into a soothing bit of rhythmical, meaningless chant,
utterly unsuited to stir the blood of any person civilized or savage, and
very similar to what in my boyhood I heard the Indians sing at their
gambling games.
The next five lines, beginning Ie-yee ma hi-chill, have but little
rhythm. That expression is, according to Alsop in the note, a poetical
one meaning " Ye do not know." But oddly enough this alleged poetical
expression is included in " A List of Words, in the Nootkan Language,
the most in use," which immediately follows the war song in the Narrative. There Jewitt spells it I-yee ma hak, meaning " I do not understand." To increase our surprise we find it in Haswell's vocabulary,
1789, as Ayemahah, " I don't understand." More surprising still, it is
twice given in the anonymous vocabulary, 1791, first as Ahimahais and
again as Ayemeah; in each case the meaning is " I don't understand,"
and with the same phonetic orthography for both forms: hayimihai'.
And, not to over-labour the point, Martinez in his MS. diary, 1789, has
it in the form Ay-emuha, signifying " I don't understand. Thus Alsop's
Ie-yee ma hi-chill, instead of being a poetical expression for " Ye do not
know," appears to have been on the general tongue of Nootka. In the
words of Bret Harte it was " worn and polished in the current of their
speech." And there we leave this wild theory of the origin of the
Chinook jargon in an imaginary prehistoric inter-tribal language.
In conclusion I can only express my deep regret that in spite of
many efforts I have not been able to secure a translation of this war
song—if it be translatable.
F. W. H.
(4)  Meany, " The Later Life of John R. Jewitt," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, IV. (1940), pp. 145, 159. HOW ONE SLAVE BECAME FREE.
Charles (not Charlie, and with no surname), a mulatto boy,
lived in 1860 in the City of Olympia, the capital of the Territory
of Washington. He lived there because one Major James Tilton
wished him to. There were strong ties between the two, for
slavery was then still a legal relation in the United States, and
the Major was the owner of Charles, who was his slave. We presume that Tilton treated Charles with all due kindness, for we
know nothing to the contrary. But evidently Charles disliked
the tie that bound him to the Major, and longed to be a free man.
It may be that the white blood that flowed in his veins had something to do with his dislike of his servile condition. At all
events he longed for Freedom, and was willing to take any chance
to obtain it.
In some way Charles had heard of a country to the north, the
laws of which did not recognize slavery, and where every person,
no matter what his colour, was entitled to his freedom. Many
of his coloured brethren were living there, and being on British
soil they enjoyed the same rights and privileges as the whites.
If in some way Charles could reach that country he, too, would
be his own master and no one's chattel. It did not seem so very
far away, for the Eliza Anderson, an American steamer, made
regular trips from Olympia northward. If Charles could stow
away on her, and contrive to slip ashore when she reached Victoria, he would no longer be a slave. Of course, he quite understood that if he were caught attempting to escape it would mean
severe punishment, but he was willing to take that risk.
Accordingly, while the Eliza Anderson was lying at her berth
in Olympia on September 24, 1860, Charles managed to secrete
himself on the vessel and was soon on his way to the land of the
Free under the British flag. But disaster soon overtook him.
He was discovered by the officers of the ship before she reached
Victoria and was locked up in a cabin, to remain there until the
steamer should again reach Olympia, when he would be returned
to his owner.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI., No. 4.
251 252 Robie L. Reid. October
The vessel reached Victoria on September 26, but it brought
no solace to the prisoner, who could see the land of Freedom but
could not share its benefits. It was a case of so near and yet
so far.
But he was not without friends, although he did not know it.
In some way, how, we do not know, word reached others of his
colour who lived in Victoria in freedom, that Charles was confined on board the Eliza Anderson. They talked it over among
themselves and determined to get the advice of George Hunter
Cary, the Attorney-General, and if there were any means by
which Charles could be landed and freed they were anxious that
the necessary steps should be taken. Cary, well-versed in
English law, said he thought he saw a way out. They urged
him to do his best to obtain the release of the boy, so he immediately drew up the necessary affidavits and applied to Chief Justice
Cameron for a writ of Habeas Corpus, directed to the Sheriff,
ordering him to take Charles into his custody, and bring him
before the Court in order that it might be decided whether or not
his imprisonment on the vessel was legal. The writ was issued
and placed in the hands of the Sheriff—big, burly Thomas Harris
—who was thereby authorized to take the negro from the ship
on which he was confined and bring him in person before the
Court. Armed with the writ, the Sheriff went to the Eliza
Anderson—a foreign vessel in a British port;—and demanded the
negro Charles.
The Captain, John R. Fleming, refused to give him up to the
Sheriff. Irrespective of what his personal feelings might be, his
home was in Olympia, and he knew that if it were even suspected
that he was in any way a party to the attempt to free Charles
he would find himself in hot water. On the other hand, he recognized that he would also be in trouble if he refused to obey the
order of the Supreme Court of Vancouver Island. He admitted
that Charles had been found as a stowaway on board the ship
after it had left Olympia, and that he had locked him up and proposed to take him back to his owner. At first he refused to open
the cabin at the Sheriff's demand; but when he found that if he
did not do so the Sheriff proposed to break down the door, he
yielded to necessity and opened it. The Sheriff took the negro
ashore and put him in safety in the local lock-up. 1942 How One Slave became Free. 253
No time was lost in bringing the matter before the Court for
the hearing. Chief Justice Cameron presided and Cary appeared
as counsel for Charles. Cary read the affidavits on which the
writ was based, showing the circumstances under which Charles
had been held on board the Eliza Anderson. Naturally, he contended that the Vancouver Island authorities had the right to
board an American vessel in a British port and take the negro
from the custody in which he was being held, but he based his
argument principally on the ground that, whether or not there
was such a right, the fact remained that Charles was now on
British soil and hence within the jurisdiction of the Court. He
argued that when a slave touched British soil he was free under
British law, and he therefore asked that Charles be set at liberty.
No doubt Cary quoted the famous case of Somersett v. Steuart,1
decided by Lord Mansfield in 1772, in which that great Judge
held that slavery is repugnant to British law and that when a
slave touches British soil he is free.
Captain Fleming of the Eliza Anderson appeared in person
to sustain his action in holding Charles on board the vessel, and
filed a written protest against the action of the Sheriff in removing the boy from his ship.    It reads in full:—
United States Mail Steamship
Eliza Anderson
Victoria September 26th, 1860.
Whereas a Negro boy called " Charles " the property of James Tilton
Esq. of Olympia Washington Territory did on the 24th inst run away from
his Master and secrete himself on board this vessel, and upon the fact being
made known to the undersigned the said negro was placed in charge of one
of the officers of the ship that he might be returned to his Master and
whereas upon the arrival of the ship at Victoria a writ of Habeas Corpus
was issued by Chief Justice Cameron and placed in the hands of the Sheriff
of Victoria who demanded of the undersigned the delivery of the said Negro
and upon the refusal of the undersigned to deliver the Negro the said Sheriff
threatened to force open the room in which the Negro was confined on board
of said vessel Whereupon the undersigned to prevent the destruction of
property and in all probability much bloodshed opened the door of said room
and upon doing so the Sheriff took the Negro from on board said vessel.
(1) Howell's State Trials, XX, pp. 1-82, Lofft, 98 E.R. 499. 254 Robie L. RED). October
Now, therefore the undersigned protests against the whole proceedings
as illegal and a breach of international Law, and demands the immediate
delivery of the said negro Charles that he may be returned to his master.
John R. Fleming
Captain of U. S. M. Steamship
Eliza Anderson.
Sworn to and Subscribed
before me this 26th day of
September, A. D. 1860
(Sgd)    George Pearkes
Notary Public
(Notary Seal)
Chief Justice Cameron then gave his decision. He held that
the law was clear; that no man could be held as a slave on
British soil (in which he was undoubtedly correct); that there
was no doubt about the Court's jurisdiction in the case (which is
debatable); and that the arrest by Captain Fleming was illegal
(which finding is also questionable); and he ordered Charles to
be set free.
The decision was greeted with considerable applause from the
audience and a few hisses, and Charles was welcomed as a free
man by his coloured friends.
The case of Somersett v. Steuart above referred to, is, in its
facts, almost on all fours, as the lawyers say, with the case of
Charles. A gentleman from the West Indies had brought with
him to England a slave, the plaintiff in the action, as his body
servant. After being for some time in England the slave left
his master's service, was apprehended, and confined in chains on
a vessel, to be taken to Jamaica for sale. The circumstances
differ from the Charles case in that the slave had been landed on
British soil by his master; and the vessel on which he was confined was, no doubt, a British ship. By contrast Charles had
never been on British soil until he had been forcibly taken there
by the Sheriff from a foreign vessel which happened to be in
British waters on her lawful occasions. Under these circumstances there is some doubt as to the legality of his removal,
especially at that period of our law's development. I am indebted to my legal friend, Mr. G. L. Murray, of Vancouver, for
a lengthy and most interesting memorandum on this point. 1942 How One Slave became Free. 255
There seems to be no direct authority for the action of the
Vancouver Island Court in this case. It has been held that a
person on board a foreign vessel in an English port is subject to
the Criminal Law of England. This is also American law. A
logical conclusion from this is that there is all the more reason
that he should have the right to that State's remedies for the protection of his liberty.
Mr. Murray sums up his conclusions as follows:—
(1.) At one place Wheaton's International Law, a recognized American
authority, suggests that the view that there is any right to liberate a slave
from a foreign ship in British waters cannot be supported.
(2.) Yet in certain cases it has been done, although cases cited on this
point do not state whether it was by way of Habeas Corpus or otherwise.
(3.) It is submitted that Wheaton's view is wrong because foreign ships
in British ports are subject to British law, and hence must be subject to
British civil remedies.
(4.) A close reading of the decided cases cited by Wheaton at pages.
224-295 clearly leads to the conclusion that once a ship is subject to British
jurisdiction by virtue of its being in a British port, it makes no difference
what the legal status of a slave may be by reason of any law or enactment
of the home State of the foreign ship.2
Thus it is probable that Chief Justice Cameron's view of the
law on this point was correct, and there is no possibility of it
being reversed at this late date. Charles was, no doubt, entirely
satisfied with it. It is merely an academic question now. It was
not, however, to the taste of the residents of Olympia; at least,
to those who believed in slavery. The Pioneer and Democrat
newspaper of that city stormed against what it considered to be
the terrible misconduct of the Supreme Court of Vancouver
Island. In an editorial of two columns and a half it delivered
itself of its indignation, which the Victoria Colonist dubbed
" buncombe." Apparently the only thing that saved Victoria
from absolute annihilation was that at the time there was no
American naval force on Puget Sound.
The Colonist replied in kind. It called Olympia " That
inland village " (a most unkindest cut of all). It poked fun at
the American naval force which was not there, and discussed the
republican doctrine that " men are born free and equal " applied
to white men only.   It pointed out that Victoria was a Free Port,
(2) Letter, G. L. Murray to R. L. Reid, September 14,1942. 256 Robie L. Reid.
and that even negroes could not be kept in bond there.    The
editorial ended thus:—
We certainly have no wish to be bothered by spending our time in
catching " negroes," even to endow them with liberty, although we don't
intend that others shall make our soil a rendezvous for slave catchers.3
After reading the whole proceedings in the matter one
wonders if Captain Fleming was really anxious to return Charles
to his owner. He was a man of some education and standing,
otherwise he would not have occupied the position he did. He
was in touch with a lawyer, and a good one, George Pearkes, as
is shown by his protest. And yet he thought his case good
enough for him to appear on the trial and act as Counsel for
himself. It almost seems as if he were more anxious to save his
face with his Olympia friends than to carry Charles back to that
town in triumph. RoBrE L Reid
Vancouver, B.C.
(3)  Colonist, September 27, 1860. SOME PIONEERS OF THE CATTLE
The cattle-raising industry on the mainland of North America
had its origin in Mexico, to which a few Andalusian calves were
shipped from the Island of Santo Domingo in 1521 by one
Gregoire de Villalobos. How many animals were in the shipment
is not known with certainty, but one account of the venture gives
the number as seven. These became the progenitors of the great
herds of Texas Longhorns which, three hundred years later,
grazed on the vast range areas of the United States. Cattle were
first introduced from Mexico into the country north of the Rio
Grande River in 1580. By 1848 there were 382,873 head of the
Andalusian breed in Texas. By 1855 the number had increased
to 1,363,688, and by 1860 to no less than 3,786,443.1
To dispose of the surplus cattle in Texas " trail drives " were
organized, the first recorded drive being in 1842 from Texas to
New Orleans. The first drive northward took place four years
later. Consequent upon the California gold-rush of 1849 a few
Texans began driving cattle to San Francisco. But the climax
in the development of trail-driving as an important feature in
the cattle industry did not take place until 1866, after the close
of the Civil War. It was then that Texas ranchers returned
from service in the army to find the herds increased to the limit
of grazing possibilities. To relieve these conditions drives of
large herds were organized to the ranges of Wyoming and Montana. In each of these drives there were as many as 3,000 head
of cattle, intended upon arrival at their destination to fatten upon
the rich grasses of the northern ranges, before shipment to stockyards established in Chicago in 1865 and in Kansas City in 1869.
Railway facilities became available in 1867 over the Union Pacific
Railway, which reached Wyoming in that year.
Compared with the Texas industry, cattle-raising and cattle-
driving in the Pacific Northwest were naturally on a small scale.
The first cattle in the area were a few head brought by the
Spaniards to their historic village at Nootka Sound, probably in
(1) See Paul I. Wellman, The Trampling Herd, New York, 1939.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI., No. 4.
257 258 F. W. Laing. October
1790. The first on the mainland were two bulls and two heifers
brought to the Columbia River by the Astorians in 1814.2 After
the arrival of Dr. John McLoughlin, a decade later, the Hudson's
Bay Company slowly but systematically built up large herds at
several of its posts in Old Oregon. To the thousands of cattle
owned by the company and its subsidiary, the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, thousands more were added by the settlers
who poured into the country in the eighteen-forties. The census
of 1850 revealed that there were no less than 41,729 cattle in
Oregon. Ten years later the State of Oregon and the Territory
of Washington between them possessed 182,382 head.
It was against this immediate background that cattle-driving,
and later cattle-raising, began in what is now the mainland of
British Columbia. The driving of herds from Oregon and Washington started with the gold-rush. The first shipload of miners
from California reached Victoria in April, 1858. The first drive
of which we have record commenced two months later. It was
organized by the celebrated General Joel Palmer, and consisted
of some cattle (the number is unknown) and several wagons,
drawn by oxen. Leaving Fort Okanagan, in Washington Territory, Palmer followed the Okanagan River northward, crossing
the International Boundary south of Osoyoos. Continuing on,
he skirted the shore of Okanagan Lake and ultimately reached
the vicinity of Kamloops. He made a second journey, over much
the same route, in 1859.8 Several references to Palmer are found
in the journals kept at the time at old Fort Kamloops. Thus on
June 6, 1859, it is recorded that he had arrived with " a band
of one hundred odd mules laden with provisions and merchandise
. . ." A month later the journal states that " General Palmer
started this morning for the Dalls [sic] with the intention of
bringing in Beef Cattle and liquor "*—a plan which he does not
seem to have carried out. A mention of the cattle he had already
driven in is found in the Calumet journal for May 17,1860, which
(2) See C. S. Kingston, " Introduction of Cattle into the Pacific Northwest," Washington Historical Quarterly, XIV. (1923), pp. 163-165.
(3) See William C. Brown, " Old Fort Okanogan and the Okanogan
Trail," Oregon Historical Quarterly, XV. (1914), pp. 30-34. Palmer himself
described these journeys in an article in the Oregon Statesman for February
14, 1860, which is here reprinted in part.
(4) Kamloops Journal, July 5, 1859. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 259
records that " Many Trains passed this day and amongst others
Mr Dupea to whom I delivered a Cow belonging to Gen. Joel
Palmer he being directed to apply for the same here."
Records relating to the early drives are incomplete, but it is
clear that most of them entered the country by way of Osoyoos
and the Okanagan Valley. The majority probably passed through
Kamloops. To the seeker after exact information, many of the
entries in the Fort Kamloops journals are exasperatingly vague:
" another band of cattle arrived on their way to the Mines," and
" a large band of cattle arrived from the Dalls," are typical of
these. Nevertheless, the journals do give many details of interest, and a good many facts and figures are to be found in
the surviving records of the Customs office at Osoyoos. These
sources, together with the Blue Books of the Crown Colony of
British Columbia, would indicate that approximately 22,000 range
cattle were driven into the country between 1859 and 1870.
Year by year, so far as they can now be ascertained, the
importations were:—
1859  499 1863 1,299 1867.  1,897
1860  962 1864 3,000 (est.)« 1868_ 1,841
1861 1,625 (est.) 1865 3,429 1869....  698
1862 _4,343 1866 2,399 1870..„  264
Total 22,266
The rapid increase in the number of cattle imported in 1861-
62 came in response to the rush to the goldfields of the Cariboo.
The abrupt decline in 1863 was the result of an embargo upon
the export of cattle imposed by the Government of the United
States, as a Civil War measure, late in 1862. Although established in November, news of the embargo apparently did not
reach British Columbia until June, 1863, when editorial reference
to it was made in the Victoria British Colonist. Writing on
August 31, 1863, J. C. Haynes, Collector of Customs at Osoyoos,
noted that he had received instructions from the Governor " not
to interfere with any officers of the United States Government
following animals smuggled across the boundary, but on the
(6) The Osoyoos records show that during the four months, March-June,
1864, a total of 1,665 cattle passed through the Customs at that point. The
number entered during the balance of the season has been estimated at 1,335,
making the total of 3,000 in all. 260 F. W. Laing. October
contrary to refund all duties " which might have been collected
on such stock.6 Haynes added that he had information that over
a thousand cattle would arrive at Osoyoos before the close of the
season, but his reports show that only 188 head passed the Customs in September, and none during the rest of the year. Due to
agitation on both sides of the line the embargo was modified in
September, 1863, to permit the export of stock raised in any
state or territory bounded by the Pacific Ocean. The Osoyoos
records indicate, however, that this order came too late to permit
the resumption of large-scale drives that season.
Only a few of the pioneer drovers can be identified to-day.
The name mentioned most frequently in the journals of Fort
Kamloops in the years 1859 to 1862 is Jeffreys (sometimes spelled
"Jeffrie" or " Jefferie"). The reference is either to John P.
Jeffreys, who came originally from Alabama, or to his brother
Oliver. A reference to " Jeffreys Junr.," who obtained " a loan
of $400.00 in cash to clear his animals through the Custom
House "7 is unexplained; it probably refers to the younger of
the two brothers.
The name appears first in October, 1860, when it is recorded
that " a large Band of cattle arrived from the Dalls " in charge
of " a Mr Jefferie's."8 Again in the spring of 1861 the journal
notes the arrival of " a Large Band of animals ... on the
opposite side [of the Thompson River] supposed to be Mr Jef-
feries."9 In 1862 he is referred to as having arrived with " upwards of 700 head " of horned cattle.10 He was ambitious, for
in 1861 the Collector of Customs at the border reported to the
Colonial Secretary that" A Mr Jeffreys is approaching with eight
hundred [cattle], I understand, and will, if possible, control the
beef market in the upper Country "n—meaning the Cariboo.
Two years later he seems to have tried to take advantage of the
American cattle embargo, with the same end in view. In the
letter to the Colonial Secretary dated August 31, 1863, to which
(6) J. C. Haynes to the Colonial Secretary, August 31, 1863.
(7) Kamloops Journal, May 28,1862.
(8) Ibid., October 1, 1860.
(9) Ibid., April 24, 1861.
(10) Ibid., June 1, 1862.
(11) W. G. Cox to the Colonial Secretary, March 3,1861. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 261
reference has already been made, J. C. Haynes wrote: " I further
beg to inform you that I have been told by a Mr. Murphy, who
passed this station on the 20th inst. on his way from Oregon to
Lillooet, that several cattle dealers having herds for this country
were prevented from Starting owing to reports circulated by a
Mr. Jeffreys, and other interested persons, to the effect that all
live-stock intended for this country would be stopped on the
frontier by officers of the United States Government placed there
for that purpose."12 Actually the American authorities seem to
have made little or no attempt to prevent cattle from crossing
into British Columbia.
In the winter of 1862-63 John and Oliver Jeffreys took part
in an attempt to outfit a Confederate privateer in Victoria, as
related by D. W. Higgins in his well-known volume, The Mystic
Spring.13 In this venture they were associated with the Harper
brothers, to whom extended reference will be made below, and
other sympathizers with the South. Their hope was to equip
a raider which would prey upon American shipping out of San
Francisco; but the scheme came to nothing. The Jeffreys
brothers later returned to the United States, where John T.
Jeffreys died at Dalles City, Oregon, on February 24, 1867.14
The driving of cattle from Oregon and Washington to the
mining districts of the Cariboo presented many difficulties.
There were swollen rivers, in the months of June and July, across
which the cattle had to be forced to swim, and occasionally
obstacles were presented by the Indian tribes, who had inhabited
for generations the lands crossed by the large herds of cattle
driven by the white men. The Hudson's Bay Company was itself
under the necessity of swimming cattle across the Thompson and
other rivers, and the difficulties and losses involved are mentioned
from time to time in the Kamloops Journal. An instance of
trouble with the Indians is noted in the Journal in December,
1860: "An American paid us a visit today he is one of a party
that arrived lately at Rochie de Moton [Rocher du Mouton?] with
a drove of cattle—reports having had searious [sic] difficulty
with Indians at Okanagan Lake."15
(12) J. C. Haynes to the Colonial Secretary, August 31, 1863.
(13) See D. W. Higgins, The Mystic Spring, Toronto, 1904, pp. 106-126.
(14) British Colonist, Victoria, March 14, 1867.
(15) Kamloops Journal, December 28, 1860. 262 F. W. Laing. October
Fortunately a detailed first-hand account of one of the Wash-
ington-to-Cariboo drives has been preserved and printed. The
narrative was written by A. J. Splawn, and forms a chapter of
the volume entitled Ka-mi-akin: The Last Hero of the Yakimas.18
Splawn was a member of a party organized by Major John Thorp
in 1861 to drive a herd of cattle from Yakima to the goldfields.
The border was crossed at Osoyoos, where a duty of $2 per head
was collected. Owing to trouble with the Indians in the district,
an escort was supplied for three days by Chief Tonasket, who
shepherded the party as far as the foot of Okanagan Lake, along
the western shore of which the route to the north lay. Five
days were spent in travelling the length of the lake. In the
vicinity of Kamloops, Major Thorp and his men overtook several
herds which had been driven up from Washington Territory
earlier in the season. That of Ben E. Snipes and William Murphy
was later left to winter at Cherry Creek, in charge of an employee, whilst the owners returned to The Dalles because they
were unable to effect a sale of their cattle. A second outfit,
owned by Henry Cock, joined forces with the Thorp expedition
and proceeded with it towards Cariboo.
At this point may be interpolated the story of a near-lynching
in British Columbia. The earliest mention of the affair is found
in the Kamloops Journal, dated September 28, 1861: " I omitted
mentioning yesterday that a party of Americans, three in number,
called here, Murphy, Stevenson and Cook [presumably this should
read Cock], inquiring how they should act towards another
American who it was strongly suspected had stolen from Murphy
in gold dust and coin something over $200." The sequel was
recorded on October 4: " The Americans camped on the opposite
side [of the river] had a trial yesterday of the party suspected
of having stolen the money of Snipes and Coy." A. J. Splawn's
narrative gives further details of the incident:—
The frontiersman's court convened, consisting of a jury of six men . . .
I was one of the number. The prisoner was brought before us. He was
unable to give any account of himself, or of his suddenly acquired wealth;
in fact, he had a sullen, hang-dog expression that we did not like. After
talking the matter over, we decided that he had a thief's face, anyway, and
that, if not guilty of this particular theft, it was probably because he had
not had just the right opportunity.   We thought he had better hang to avoid
(16)  Portland, Ore., 1917, pp. 160-180. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 263
future complications. As the rope was being prepared for the execution,
a former magistrate of Kamloops, Mr. McLean, appeared and demanded an
explanation. Mr. Cock gave it. To hang a man on that kind of evidence
was hardly safe, Mr. McLean thought, and he advised that we give the
prisoner the benefit of the doubt. Not being wise to British laws, we turned
him loose.1''
The reference is to Donald McLean, who had formerly been an
employee of the Hudson's Bay Company, and in charge of Fort
Leaving Kamloops, Thorp and Cock proceeded on their way*
but after swimming the cattle across the Thompson River at
Savona and arriving at the Bonaparte River, they found that
hundreds of miners were coming out for the winter, and that
prospects for the sale of beef were not good. Donald McLean
advised them to move the cattle to Hat Creek valley, and to hold
them there for a while; but when snow began to fall the herds
were moved back to the valley of the Bonaparte, where camp
was made near Scotty's wayside house, described as " a real
hostelry of the early type . . . consisting of two rooms, one
a kitchen, and the other a general purpose affair." The owner
spoken of as " Scotty " was William Donaldson, in whose memory
two creeks have been named—Scotty Creek in the Kelowna district and Scottie Creek in the Bonaparte valley.
Whilst camped here for ten days hopes ran high, but discouragement followed. A presumptive sale of the cattle was
made to one James Batterton who, however, failed to turn up
again to take the animals away and pay for them.18 With no
.prospects of a sale, preparations were made to camp in the valley
for the winter. Major Thorp left for Yakima by way of Lillooet.
Owing to the severity of the winter he did not reach his destination and had to remain in Lillooet, being unable even to return
to the Bonaparte, where Splawn was left in charge of the Thorp
In the spring, when preparations were being made to resume
the drive, William Murphy, of the firm of Snipes & Murphy,
(17) Splawn, Ka-mUakin, pp. 167-168.
(18) Batterton was evidently connected in some way with Ballou's
Express, for an item in the New Westminster British Columbian, January
16, 1862, reads: " Mr. Batterton, who brought down Ballou's Express, was
14 days from Lytton, and reports stock wintering very well, although fears
to the contrary had prevailed." 264 F. W. Laing. October
arrived from The Dalles and reported that cattle had died by the
thousands in Oregon and Washington from the cold, but that
his own herd at Cherry Creek had come through the winter in
good condition.    Later he sold his cattle without going farther.
In May, 1862, the drive northward was resumed, and at Canoe
Creek, Splawn states, they found " a farmer with a herd of cows."
For the first time in eighteen months they had milk to drink, but
the minimum price was 25 cents a bowl. North of Soda Creek,
owing to a slide, it was necessary to cut 10 miles of trail through
the timber to reach the Quesnel River. Here Cock sold his cattle
and commenced to operate a ferry.
Whilst the Thorp herd was at Quesnel a large raft came
floating down the Fraser River, and when brought to shore it
was found to have on board the historic party of " Overlanders
of 1862."19 Splawn describes them as "a sorry sight, twenty
men, gaunt and almost naked, with four poor oxen."
At Cottonwood Creek, between Quesnel and Barkerville, good
grazing was found, and from there a bunch of cattle was driven
each week to Lightning Creek, where the meat sold for $1.50
per pound, with the offal bringing an additional $30.
Splawn's story has been summarized at some length because
his experiences were probably typical of those of most of the
cattle-drovers of the time. A shorter narrative available in
printed form is that by Daniel M. Drumheller, who in 1862 drove
240 head of cattle from Washington Territory to Ashcroft.20
There he sold some of the herd to the Oppenheimer Bros., who
at the time held a Government road-building contract. Unable
to dispose of the rest of the stock, he spent the winter with
William Gates, who was in a similar predicament. They were
by no means alone, as packers and drovers regularly assembled
in the district when the travel season ended, built themselves
small log cabins, and settled down to wait for spring. Splawn
found small colonies in the Bonaparte valley, on Hat Creek, and
along the Thompson River, and received many kindnesses from
them.    Drumheller notes that there were about fifty men winter-
(19) See Mark S. Wade, The Overlanders of '62  (Archives of British
Columbia, Memoir No. IX.), Victoria, 1931.
(20) " Uncle Dan " Drumheller Tells Thrills of Western Trails, Spokane,
1925, pp. 66-72. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 265
ing in the vicinity of Ashcroft in 1862-63, with a few hundred
cattle and about 500 mules.
Some of these men took up land and settled down in the
district. Lewis Campbell, for example, who wintered near the
Bonaparte River in 1861, later became a prominent landowner
and cattleman. He settled east of Kamloops on land at the mouth
of San Poel Creek (now Campbell Creek) which was originally
pre-empted by his father-in-law, John Leonard, in 1862. That
property was added to by purchases of river frontage eastward
and westward, until the total acreage rose to 969, extending for
nearly 6 miles along the south bank of the Thompson River.
There Campbell resided until his death on June 11, 1910,21 at
which time he was said to have had between 2,000 and 3,000
head of cattle.
In 1865 Lewis Campbell joined with John Wilson to drive a
herd of 300 cattle from Umatilla, Washington Territory, to
British Columbia.22 Wilson, who came to British Columbia in
1858, and went to Cariboo in 1862, was occupying land at Battle
Creek (now Eight Mile Creek) at the time. His holdings there
totalled 638 acres, to which, in 1868, he added another 1,047
acres at Grand Prairie, acquired by purchase or pre-emption.
John Wilson became interested in another phase of the beef cattle
industry, that of driving in cattle for the purpose of establishing
herds on permanent ranches, and became known as the " cattle
king " of the Thompson River district. He died on January 25,
1904, at the age of 72.23 His estate, which James B. Leighton
states was valued at approximately $400,000, included 4,400 head
of cattle.
Another of the early drover-settlers who became well known
in later years was Aschal Sumner Bates. He first appears on
the scene in 1862, when he took up land described as being on
the Thompson River, about 2 miles from Deadman's Creek.
In March, 1863, he purchased the cattle driven in the previous
year by Daniel Drumheller. This purchase had one string
attached which was to prove unfortunate for Bates.    Just before
(21) Kamloops Sentinel, June 17, 1910.
(22) British Colonist, Victoria, May 17, 1865, quoting Umatilla Advertiser of May 9, 1865.
(23) Kamloops Sentinel, January 26, 1904. 266 F. W. Laing. October
the close of 1862 one " Spokane" Jackson and his son had
arranged with Drumheller to have forty head of cattle and four
horses wintered for $40 per month. Jackson then left for
Spokane, Washington. When Bates took over Drumheller's
cattle he paid an extra $100 for the keep of Jackson's herd,
saying that he would collect the amount from Jackson when he
reclaimed the animals. But whilst Bates was absent upon one
occasion " Spokane " arrived at the ranch, rounded up his cattle,
sold them, and left the country without paying Bates anything
for their keep.
The story of the Harper brothers, for many years the best-
known of all the pioneers of the cattle industry, deserves to be
told at some length. Their varied interests extended all over
the Thompson River and Cariboo districts, and their name is
associated in the memories of old-timers with enterprising and
daring ventures.
It has been said that the birthplace of the Harpers was
Harper's Ferry, Virginia; but they were not descendants of
Robert Harper, founder of Harper's Ferry. They were the sons
of Adam Harper, of Tucker County, West Virginia. Jerome was
born in 1826; Thaddeus in 1829.24 In 1852 they were resident
in Santa Clara County, California. The census of that year
classes them as farmers.25 The exact date of their arrival in
British Columbia is not known, but in October, 1859, Jerome
Harper was operating a sawmill on London Flats, at Yale.26
On March 10 of the following year Thaddeus Harper submitted
a tender to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works for the
construction of the portion of the Cariboo Road extending from
Yale to Hodges' store, a distance of about 4 miles. A notation
on the letter accompanying this tender shows that it was rejected
as exorbitant, judged by an estimate made by Captain Lempriere,
of the Royal Engineers.27
(24) Data from Genealogical Studies, Division of Bibliography, Library
of Congress, Washington.
(25) California State Census, 1852; in California State Library, Sacramento.
(26) Victoria Gazette, November 10, 1859.
(27) Colonel Moody to Governor Douglas, March 22, 1860. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 267
In 1861 the Harpers first appear in the early records as landowners. In the spring of that year Thaddeus Harper, although
an American citizen, and therefore not legally eligible to pre-empt
land, was nevertheless granted a pre-emption record, at the office
of the Magistrate at Yale, for a property described as " a bit of
land on the south side of the Fraser River near Pike's Riffle."28
Title to this claim was never completed by Crown grant.
From this small and uncertain beginning large holdings grew.
In 1888, at the time of the sale of the Harper lands to the Western
Canada Ranching Company, they aggregated no less than 38,572
acres.29 Part of the property was located east of Kamloops, on
the north side of the Thompson River, with additional lands at
Cache Creek and at Kelly Lake. Most of it had been acquired
in connection with the activities of the brothers as cattle owners
and drovers.
Jerome Harper was evidently occupying land east of Kamloops for the purpose of grazing cattle as early as the autumn
of 1862. The Kamloops Journal for October of that year contains the entry: " Mr [J. W.] McKay payed [sic] a visit to
Harpers ranch to see as to that mans cattle."30 This undoubtedly.
refers to the property east of the city known for many years as
Harper's Ranch, or Harper's Camp.
Later in the same month W. G. Cox arrived to stake out an
Indian reserve, which when defined extended for 12 miles eastward, along the north bank of the Thompson River.31 In 1865
P. H. Nind, then Magistrate at Lytton, reported to the Colonial
Secretary that part of the reserve was being used for grazing
purposes. He had " heard of one cattle-owner who paid their
Chief, Nisquaimlth, a monthly rent for the privilege of turning
his cattle on these lands."82 It would be interesting to know
whether or not the owner in question was one of the Harpers.
In any event, in 1866 Edgar Dewdney resurveyed the boundaries
of the reserve, and revised them to embrace an area only 3 miles
(28) Pre-emption Record 15, Yale Register, March 14, 1861.
(29) A. W. McMorran (Manager, Western Canada Ranching Company)
to G. D. Brown, Jr., April 17,1940.
(30) Kamloops Journal, October 21, 1862.
(31) British Columbia, Lands and Works Department, Papers connected
with the Indian land question, 1850-1875, Victoria, 1875, p. 26.
(32) Ibid., p. 29; Nind to the Colonial Secretary, July 17,1865. 268 F. W. Laing. October
square, extending eastward from the mouth of the North Thompson River.33 This change left a large acreage open for settlement
eastward of the revised reserve, including, evidently, the land
upon which Nind reported that " a cattle owner " had been given
the privilege of grazing his cattle. In 1869 William Charles,
Chief Trader for the Hudson's Bay Company at Kamloops, made
application to pre-empt 160 acres of this land, and two years later
to purchase an adjoining 480 acres.84 Both of these parcels were
later transferred to Thaddeus Harper.
The same year James Todd, John Holland, and Robert Thompson pre-empted lands within the area, title for which ultimately
passed to Thaddeus Harper, as did title to the military grant of
William Yates.35 These four properties amounted in all to 832
acres. Eight years later Harper made application to purchase
a further 1,942 acres,36 shortly before a second revision of the
reserve boundaries was made by Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, Indian
Reserve Commissioner. Sproat extended the reserve to its
present boundaries, embracing an area approximately 7 miles
square.87 None of the land held by the Harpers was included
within these new boundaries, but, as a result of the purchases
and transfers outlined above, they possessed 3,414 acres which
had been inside the limits of the reserve as originally established
by W. G. Cox in 1862.
Thaddeus Harper also acquired 544 acres on the south side of
the Thompson River,38 thus making a total of 3,957 acres held
east of Kamloops. The whole of this property was transferred
to the Western Canada Ranching Company in 1888.39
As the cattle interests of the Harpers grew, they purchased
large tracts in several other districts. In Cache Creek they
secured the 906 acres now known as the Perry Ranch.   Originally
(33) Ibid., p. 38.
(34) Lot 1, Group 5, Yale-Lytton, and Lot 280, Group 1, Kamloops.
(35) Todd, Lot 285 (187 acres); Holland, Lots 1 and 2, Group 6, Yale-
Lytton (323 acres); Thompson, Lot 283 (160 acres); Yates, Lot 2, Group 5,
Yale-Lytton (162 acres).
(36) Lots 282, 286, Kamloops.
(37) The Scheidam Ranch, held at the time by John Holland, was specifically exempted from the reserve area.
(38) Lot 274, Group 1, Kamloops, held originally by James Ruch (286
acres), and Lot 273, originally held by J. Newman Squires (258 acres).
(39) A. W. McMorran to G. D. Brown, Jr., April 20,1940. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 269
this had been pre-empted in seven parcels, between 1865 and
1871.40 Several transfers took place in each instance before they
passed into the possession of Thaddeus Harper. At Clinton, in
Cut-off Valley, the original claim which formed the nucleus of
the property known as the Kelly Ranch was pre-empted by
Edward Kelly on September 17, 1866, and later transferred by
him to Thaddeus Harper.41 To this Harper added by purchase,
in 1884, no less than 14,517 acres, making a total of 14,797
acres in all.42 Finally, the famous Gang Ranch, in the Chilcotin
District, now the headquarters of the Western Canada Ranching
Company, was acquired by purchase from the Government in
1883-85.    It comprises in all 18,912 acres.43
James B. Leighton states that it was in 1863 that Jerome
Harper began to secure control of the cattle importing business.
It was his custom to buy cattle in Washington and Oregon during
the winter months, drive them to the International Boundary
at Osoyoos, and hold them there till spring. Some time in May,
when the grass was good, he would start a drive. In the herds
there would be 400 head of good steers, 50 head of picked milch
cows, and 50 head of fine Oregon horses.
Upon arrival at Barkerville, Harper had the stock herded
on Bald Mountain, about 2 miles from Richfield. Animals were
driven to the slaughter-house as required, at the rate of about
twenty per day. Generally it took about 1,400 head for the
season. These drives continued for several years, as British
Columbia did not produce enough cattle to supply the demand
until after 1870. That year Jerome Harper was stricken with
a serious illness and had to be taken to California, where he died
four years later.
His interests in British Columbia were committed to the care
of his brother Thaddeus, who, according to James B. Leighton,
was not as successful as Jerome had been. Changed circumstances were no doubt largely responsible for this. The number
of miners began to decrease as the Cariboo rush waned, while
(40) Lots 3, 6, 6, and 7, Group 2, Yale-Lytton, and Lots 435, 436, and
437, Group 1, Kamloops, first held by W. F. Caughill, Thomas Dunn, and
E. G. Perry.
(41) C./G. Register, Lillooet, Lot 9, Group 1.
(42) Ibid., TP. 10.
(43) Ibid., TP. 1 and 2. 270 F. W. LAING. October
the number of cattle in the country continued to increase rapidly.
In the spring of 1876 Thaddeus Harper ventured on a speculation
which was reported in the press as follows:—
Beef Exportation.—Mr. T. Harper proposes to take some 800 head of beef
cattle from British Columbia to Chicago. He intends to drive via Salt Lake
and then take the railroad. At present there are large numbers of cattle
in the interior; the market is limited and a band of beef cattle would hardly
realize $15 per head. At present, at Chicago, cattle will nett over the cost
of driving and railroad expense about $40 a head. A few shipments to that
point would tend to relieve the market in the interior and consequently give
stockowners a better opportunity of disposing of their cattle.**
A later report states that on May 16 the drive had reached a point
" a little above Clinton, bound for Salt Lake City."45 It added
that a few of the animals looked poor, but that the majority were
good beeves. Upon the arrival of the herd at O'Keefe's another
428 animals were purchased, and the drive continued southward
by way of Penticton and Osoyoos to the International border.
From there it followed the Okanagan River to the Columbia, and
followed that stream to the junction with the Snake, near which
a camp for the winter was selected.
Of the cowboys on that trip only one is alive at the present
time—Jimmy Joseph, an aged Indian living at O'Keefe's, near
Vernon, from whom the foregoing particulars were secured.
He is reported to be very diffident about speaking on the subject
of the drive, but he has told fellow Indians that he himself went
only as far as the winter camp, where he, with some others, was
paid off. Jimmy Joseph recalls that those engaged on the drive,
in addition to Thaddeus Harper, were Antoine Allen, Charlie
Connor, Tom Moore, Joe Tenice, Louis Eneas, Jimmy Rendall
(a boy), a man named King, and possibly one other. They
provided their own horses and were paid $60 per month, with
board and feed. J. B. Leighton is certain that Newman Squires
also accompanied the drive, as Squires had been Harper's mainstay in the earlier drives from Osoyoos to Barkerville.
A letter from the Collector of Customs at Osoyoos which was
copied in the press indicates the prices prevailing in the Interior
at the time the drive was passing through:—
Some of the cows mentioned    .    .    .   have been lately sold in Similkameen
at $12 each.    ...    I subjoin a list showing the prices at which cattle are
(44) British Colonist, Victoria, April 20, 1876.
(45) Ibid., May 21, 1876. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 271
at present offered at a place within a few miles of the boundary, viz., Cows
with calves, $10 each; steers, three year old and upwards, $17 each; Steers,
two year old, $10 each; yearlings, $6.00.46
At the same time in the cattle areas of Wyoming, where rail
transportation was available to Chicago at $250 per car of twenty
head, prices were: yearlings, $7.50 to $8.50; two-year-old cows,
$12; two-year-old steers, $13; three-year-old steers, $16 to $17.47
From the Columbia River in Washington to the nearest shipping-point on the railway at Kelton, Utah, north of Salt Lake,
there was a drive of approximately 600 miles. Changed conditions led Harper to divert his herd, first to Idaho and finally to
California, as revealed in an item in the Victoria Colonist:—
British Columbia Feeding California with Cattle.—Some eighteen months
ago Mr. Thaddeus Harper drove from British Columbia into Northern Idaho
1200 head of beef cattle. These cattle were summered during 1877 in Idaho,
where there was scarcity of neither water nor feed. The drought in California during the same year caused the death of many thousand head of
stock, and now Mr. Harper's band is coming into market at San Francisco.
The cattle are large and well-grown beeves, rolling in fat, and have been sold
at $70 per head.48
Another successful cattle venture of Harper's was referred
to two months later:—
British Columbia oxen.—An advertisement in the S [an] F [rancisco] Bulletin
offers a lot of extra large tame oxen from British Columbia for sale in quantities to suit. "Can anything good come out of Nazareth?" "Mr. Thaddeus
Harper of British Columbia has imported into San Francisco some extra
large steers, selected expressly, and intended for heavy work, etc. They are
larger and finer than anything usually found in California, and Mr. Harper
believes they will supply a want which has heretofore been difficult to fill."*9
Thus it was that what looked at one time like a certain
financial loss turned out to be a successful deal.
Legends current in the cattle country insist that the cattle
brand used by the Harper brothers was the first used in British
Columbia. This may be quite correct, but the brand in question
was not officially registered until June 10, 1884,50 whereas legislation requiring the registration of all brands was enacted as
(46) Ibid., August 19, 1876.
(47) Ernest S. Osgood, The Day of the Cattleman, Minneapolis, 1929,
p. 52.
(48) British Colonist, Victoria, February 5, 1878.
(49) Ibid., April 30, 1878.
(50) Clinton Registry:  Thaddeus Harper, June 10, 1884.
4 272 F. W. Laing. October
early as 1869.51 The first brands registered in the Colony were
in the names of cattle-owners in the Chilliwack district, and were
dated 1870.52
The cattle business was by no means the only commercial
enterprise in which the Harpers engaged. It will be recalled
that Jerome operated a sawmill at Yale in 1859. The files in
the Provincial Archives show that on May 4, 1863, he made
application to the Governor for the right to purchase 5 acres
of land, adjoining the townsite of Yale, for the purpose of erecting and operating a sawmill.53 Evidently permission to purchase
had been refused by the local magistrate, and there is nothing
in the file to indicate the Governor's decision. The application
may well have been refused, for six months later a traveller in
Cariboo reported that on November 23 " Harper's new saw mill
at the Mouth of Quesnelle had commenced work."54 Nearly two
years later an announcement appeared in the Cariboo Sentinel
stating that Messrs. Harper and Wright desired to erect a flouring mill at Quesnelmouth, and offering for sale the machinery
of their steam sawmill.55 After this advertisement had appeared
at varying intervals over a period of nearly a year the Sentinel
noted that Messrs. Meacham & Coombs, proprietors of the sawmill at Stouts Gulch, had purchased the engine and machinery
of the mill at Quesnelmouth, and that the plant would arrive at
Barkerville in the course of a fortnight.56
The project of Harper and Wright to erect a flour-mill at
Quesnelmouth did not materialize, and the partnership evidently
came to an end. Jerome Harper then undertook, in partnership
with Jonathan Hoiten Scott, of Parsonville, the operation of a
flour-mill a few miles north of Clinton. This was in 1868.57
After a time Scott evidently withdrew from the enterprise, leav-
(51) Cattle Ordinance, March 9,1869.
(52) Chilliwack Registry: Jonathan Reece, Isaac Kipp, John Shelford,
and John McCutcheon, February 2,1870.
(53) Harper to Governor Douglas, May 4, 1863.
(54) British Columbian, New Westminster, December 9,1863.
(55) Cariboo Sentinel, Barkerville, June 24, 1865.
(56) Ibid., July 23, 1866.
(57) Ibid., May 14, 1868. On this mill see F. W. Laing, "Early Flour-
mills in British Columbia," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, V. (1941),
pp. 201-203. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 273
ing Harper in full control.58 Following the death of Jerome,
and apparently in anticipation of the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway along the north bank of the Thompson
River, Thaddeus Harper moved the mill structure and machinery
to the mouth of the Bonaparte River. Unfortunately the railway
was actually built on the south bank of the Thompson, which
left the mill isolated, as a ferry could not be operated at that
point. The flour-mill finally closed down about 1890.59 Evidently
Harper did not hold title to the land upon which the mill was
then situated, as it was later secured by Crown grant by the
Western Canada Ranching Company. Known as the " Old Mill,"
the property was leased to various persons, until sold to the
present owner, who conducts a business known as the " Old Mill
In the later seventies the cattle industry was in a depressed
condition, and Thaddeus Harper became engaged in mining
activities on Lowhee Creek, in Cariboo.60 In this connection
R. N. (Bob) Campbell, of Horsefly, states in a letter that " Harper
also acquired some mining property at Lightning Creek near
Stanley, also an interest with Pinkerton [said to be one of the
overland party of 1862] in ground now paying well as the Lowhee
Hydraulic."61 Mr. Campbell states further that Harper had
another partner named John Cameron, but that the latter was
no relation of the famous " Cariboo " Cameron.62
The next reference to Thaddeus Harper's mining activities
is found in the Annual Report of the Minister of Mines for 1885.
It relates to a claim on the Horsefly River, regarding which the
Government Agent at Quesnel wrote: " The ground all round
the China Company's claim is held under a lease by Mr. T.
Harper, which prevents considerable prospecting being done
there this winter.    There has not been any work done upon the
(58) Oddly enough there is no indication that Harper secured either title
to the site of the mill, or water rights on the creek upon which it was located.
(59) See R. D. Cumming in Ashcroft Journal, February 9, 1939.
(60) British Columbia, Sessional Papers, 1878, p. 395 (Annual Report of
the Minister of Mines).
(61) R. N. Campbell to F. W. Laing, March 16,1941.
(62) William Bent, of Kamloops, states that the Harper-Cameron claim
was on Lightning Creek, and that Harper bought out Cameron's interest. 274 F. W. Laing. October
ground by Mr. Harper since the lease was obtained."63 Various
degrees of activity were shown in the reports for 1887-90, but
by 1891 the Harper interests had been taken over by R. T.
Ward,64 formerly storekeeper at 150-Mile House, who took into
partnership R. P. Rithet, of Victoria.66 A large plant was then
erected on the Horsefly property, but mining there was later
abandoned and the claim is now part of a sheep ranch. From
the association with Thaddeus Harper, the area became known
locally as Harper's Camp. The local post-office was so named
until 1921, when it was changed to Horsefly;66 but the original
designation survives to-day in Harper's Camp School and School
The death of Jerome Harper took place in December, 1874,
in San Francisco, where he was found dead in a bath-tub.67 His
will was probated by Thaddeus in 1875; but the next year relatives in Virginia contested it unsuccessfully on the grounds that
Jerome was insane at the time of execution, and that two other
wills of later date were extant. The estate involved was valued
at $150,000,68 although news items at the time of probate placed
the total value of the property at $300,000.69
The last ten years of the life of Thaddeus Harper were tinged
with tragedy. According to a statement attributed to A. W.
McMorran, present manager of the Western Canada Ranching
Company, Thaddeus " was kicked in the face by a horse on his
Chilcoten ranch, which was no doubt the Gang or Harper ranch."70
R. N. Campbell, of Horsefly, believes that he was " thrown from
(63) British Columbia, Sessional Papers, 1886, p. 489 (Annual Report of
the Minister of Mines).
(64) Sessional Papers, 1892, p. 563 (Annual Report of the Minister of
(65) R. N. Campbell to F. W. Laing, March 16,1941.
(66) District Director of Postal Services to F. W. Laing, February 28,
1941. Horsefly had been the name of a post-office formerly existing about
6 miles north of Harper's Camp.
(67) British Colonist, Victoria, December 10, 1874.
(68) Ibid., September 14, 1876.
(69) Ibid., February 14, 1875.
(70) Ashcroft Journal, February 9,1939. 1942 Pioneers of the Cattle Industry. 275
a horse at Lac La Hache and sustained a brain fracture from
which he never recovered."71   No date is given in either account.
As noted above, Thaddeus Harper sold his lands and herds to
the Western Canada Ranching Company in 1888. He died in
Victoria on December 9, 1898.72
F. W. Laing.
Victoria, B.C.
(71) R. N. Campbell to F. W. Laing, March 16,1941.
(72) Daily Colonist, Victoria, December 10,1898. CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE
ESQUIMALT, 1851-57.
The present importance of Esquimalt as a base for naval
operations in the Pacific gives a topical interest to the appended
letters and dispatches, which record the circumstances under
which the first buildings erected there for naval purposes were
constructed in 1855. The correspondence is for the most part
self-explanatory and little in the way of introduction is required.
The Royal Navy first organized a Pacific Station in 1837, with
headquarters at Valparaiso. To begin with it was concerned
almost entirely with South American waters. The tension which
arose over the Oregon boundary question in 1845-46, and the
founding of the Colony of Vancouver Island in 1849-50, led to
the extension of its operations to the North Pacific. This made
a northern base of some kind desirable, and from the first Esquimalt Harbour was regarded as the most suitable location. Rear-
Admiral Fairfax Moresby, Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific
Station, 1850-53, was one of the early advocates of a base there.
One of his reports to the Admiralty in which the matter is dealt
with is included in the documents which follow. From the first
Governor Douglas regarded the establishment of a base at Esquimalt as a matter of some urgency, and he, too, pressed the point
at every opportunity.
Nothing was actually done until the Crimean War, which
broke out in 1854. In September of that year an Anglo-French
squadron made an ill-advised assault upon Petropavlovski, in
Kamchatka. It was repulsed with 200 casualties. The wounded
suffered greatly because no base was available in the North
Pacific where they could receive proper attention ashore. The following year Rear-Admiral Bruce, who had succeeded to the
command of the Pacific Station, planned to renew the attack.
Anticipating further casualties, Bruce wrote to Governor Douglas and requested that he provide the hospital accommodation
which would probably be needed. Douglas arranged at once for
the construction and equipment of three wooden hospital build-
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI., No. 4.
277 278 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
ings, at a cost of approximately £1,000. As it turned out they
were not required, for the fleet found Petropavlovski abandoned,
and no action occurred.
From the first it was obvious to Douglas that there would be
some dispute about who was to pay for the buildings. Immediately after he had received the first letter from Admiral Bruce,
Douglas wrote to the Hudson's Bay Company: " The question
arises of the expense, which the Admiral cautiously evades, so
as to throw the onus of failure on me or rather on the Company."1 The dispute duly arose, as the letters which follow
show, but in the end the Admiralty paid the bill, apparently with
a good grace.
The net result of this transaction was that, although the
Royal Navy was not yet prepared to authorize a shore establishment at Esquimalt, it found itself possessed of three buildings
there. For a time they were left in Douglas's charge, but in
1857 the Governor was able to transfer responsibility to the
Navy, which was represented upon the occasion by Captain J. C.
Prevost. Even before this one of the buildings had been used for
stores and provisions. An officer was placed in charge, but as
the stores depot still had no official existence he was nominally
attached to the flagship. Finally, on June 29, 1865, an Order
in Council was issued creating the Royal Naval Establishment of
The detailed history of the three buildings erected in 1855
would make an article in itself, for they far more than justified
Douglas's belief that they would last for half a century. One of
the three vanished at a date not yet precisely ascertained, but the
other two survived until recently. Lieutenant G. A. Heal,
R.C.N.V.R., has very kindly supplied the following details of
their last years.2
One of the two was used in the early years of this century as
a double residence, and was occupied by the Chief Boatswain and
the Carpenter of the dockyard. From 1910 until 1914 one half
was occupied by the Chief Clerk of the Naval Stores Officer, the
other half being vacant. Following the outbreak of the Great
War the building was used as the office of H.M.C.S. Shearwater
(1) Douglas to Barclay, April 25, 1855.
(2) Lieutenant Heal to Acting Provincial Archivist, October 23, 1942. 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 279
Shore Establishment. The rear portion, originally the kitchens,
was condemned in 1917 and demolished. The main part of the
building stood empty from the conclusion of hostilities until about
1936, when it was torn down in order to round off a dangerous
corner and remove a fire-hazard.
The other building was apparently used until 1910 as the
office of the Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Coast, when ashore,
and by the Naval Agent. Thereafter it became the general office
of the Dockyard Civilian Staff. It was enlarged in 1915 to
accommodate the larger staff required during the Great War.
The building was condemned in August, 1936, because of the
ravages of dry-rot, but it was not actually demolished until the
summer of 1939, when it was removed to make room for a
garage and to give a better approach to a nearby residence.
One of the original structures thus stood for no less than
84 years, and it is to be regretted that ways and means could not
have been found to repair and preserve it as a dockyard museum.
The original or letter-book copies of all the documents which
follow are preserved in the Provincial Archives.
W. K. L.
Report connected with Vancouver's Island.
"Portland"1 at Esquimalt
Vancouvers Island.
3rf July 1851.
No. 55.
To the Secretary of the Admiralty.
My letter No. 54 will inform the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that the "Portland" and "Daphne"2 arrived here on 27th
Ultimo, and of my intention of sending the " Daphne " with Governor
Blanshard to the Northern Settlements.3
(1) Frigate, 52 guns, built 1822. Flagship of Rear-Admiral Moresby,
(2) Sloop, 18 guns, built 1838.
(3) This was for the purpose of punishing the Indians in the vicinity of
Fort Rupert, who had murdered several deserters from a British merchantman the previous year. Particulars of the cruise will be found in Blanshard's
dispatches, and enclosures. 280 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
3. I beg to call their Lordship's attention to the exorbitant price
charged by the Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company for the Supplies,
of necessity purchased for this ship, and to suggest the propriety of
an arrangement being made with the Directors of the Company for
obtaining with certainty, at reasonable prices, such supplies as are
likely to be wanted, for it is impossible to victual the smaller vessels at
Valparaiso for any extended service, if required at Vancouver to
protect the interests of the Company. Flour is issued to the servants
of the Company at 12/- per Cwt, by the " Voucher for Purchase "
enclosed herewith, the difference in price will be seen.—I would ask
that the prices for supplies to H. M. Ships should be the same as those
charged to the Servants of the Company, with the exception of spirits,
upon which their policy places a price tantamount to interdiction.
Of vegetables we have only obtained 78 lbs., a sad disappointment to a
crew that have, since leaving England on the 8th Novr last, been 183
days at Sea.
4. There cannot under present circumstances be any expectation of
competition, the interests of a Company with exclusive rights of trade
being incompatible with the free and liberal reception of an Emigrant
6. Victoria has been too hastily preferred to Esquimalt, it happily
leaves this beautiful Harbour and its shores in their primitive state.—
I earnestly recommend the Government to reserve for " Her Majesty,
Her Heirs and Successors " this Harbour of Esquimalt and its shores;
the only place where a Naval Establishment can be formed, and
admirably adapted for all its operations.
I have &c.
signed Fairfax Moresby.
Rear Admiral & Commander in Chief.
Hudson's Bay House.
November 7, 1851.
To the Right HonbIe Earl Grey.
&c.     &c. .   &c.
My Lord
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Mr. Under Secretary Hawes's letter of the 3rd Instant, transmitting for any observations which the Directors of the Hudson's Bay Company may have to
offer the Copy of a letter from Rear Admiral Moresby to the Board of
Admiralty, containing a Report connected with Vancouvers Island. 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 281
Respecting the price of provisions supplied or to be supplied to Her
Majesty's Ships I have nothing to remark until I receive a reply to a
letter which I have written to the Board of Admiralty requesting to be
informed of the prices complained of as being overcharged by the Company's Agents at Vancouver's Island. I may however observe that
there is a market price there, as everywhere else, and that Admiral
Moresby's remark "that the interest of a Company with exclusive
rights of trade is incompatible with the free and liberal reception of an
emigrant community " is not applicable to the Hudson's Bay Company,
inasmuch as that Company neither possesses nor exercises an exclusive
right of trade in Vancouver's Island.
I have further to observe in reference to Admiral Moresby's recommendation that a naval Station should be formed at Esquimalt Harbour, that if any portion of the land there be required for Public
purposes, it can according to the Grant be resumed by Government at
any time; but it is highly desirable that the Company should have
early notice of the intentions of Government, as otherwise difficulties
may occur from previous appropriation.
I have &c.
signed J. H. Pelly.
President,4 at Valparaiso.
14** February 1855.
I have the honor to inform you that the Service upon which the
Allied Squadron will be employed during the present year, will bring to
the Island of Vancouver three of Her Majesty's Steamers of War, and
perhaps a fourth, in the month of July next. It will therefore be of the
utmost consequence that a quantity, not less than a thousand tons, of
coal should be retained in store for Her Majesty's Service; and I
therefore beg the favor of your giving the necessary directions.
In all probability an opportunity will be afforded me of visiting the
Island about the same time in my Flag Ship, the Monarch, 84,6 and
bringing with me other Ships of War; I am therefore led thus early to
express a hope that arrangements may be made with a view to obtaining a full supply of fresh meat and vegetables, to prevent the incon-
(4) Frigate, 50 guns, built 1822.    She had been the flagship of Rear-
Admiral David Price, Admiral Brace's predecessor, 1853-54.
(5) Line-of-battle ship, 84 guns, built 1832. 282 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
venience to which Her Majesty's Ships were subjected during their
recent visit.
Your Excellency will probably be able to provide a building upon
the arrival of the Squadron, that may service as a temporary Hospital
for the sick and wounded: the want of which was seriously felt last
I have the honor to be,
Your most obedient,
humble Servant,
H. W. Bruce
Rear Admiral.
Commander in Chief.
James Douglas Esqre
&c   &c   &c
Governor of
Vancouver's Island.
[A notation in Douglas's handwriting states that this letter was
received on May 7, 1855, and answered on May 8.]
Victoria Vancouver's Island
8* May 1855
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt on the 7th of Ins* of a
communication from you dated the 14th February, last informing me
that several of Her Majesty's Steamers of War, would in course of
service, visit Vancouvers Island, in the month of July next, and requesting that a quantity not less than one thousand tons of Coal, should be
retained in store for Her Majesty's service.
You also mention the probability of your visiting the Colony in
person with the Flagship, and other ships of war, and suggest that
arrangements may be made with a view to obtaining a full supply of
fresh meat, and vegetables for the Forces under your command, and
lastly trusting that I may be able to provide a building to serve as a
temporary hospital for the sick and wounded.
I have to assure you, in reply, that every exertion shall be made, on
my part to meet your demands, and to promote the interests of the
public service intrusted to your charge.
Arrangements for the following objects have already been made.
Firstly.   Instructions have been sent to the superintendent of the Coal
(6) An Anglo-French squadron attacked Petropavlovski, in Kamchatka,
in September, 1854, but was repulsed. There were 200 casualties. Part of
the squadron subsequently called at Esquimalt, but there were no facilities
to aid the wounded there. 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 283
works at Nanaimo, to secure the quantity of Coal ordered for the use
of the Squadron.
Secondly     I have sent instructions to the Agent of the Puget's Sound
Company, at Nesqually [sic] to forward to this place 2000 head of
Sheep, and as many beeves as he can manage to purchase.
Thirdly    I have issued a notice announcing to the public at large, your
intention of visiting this Colony, in the month of July next, with the
Fleet under your command, and exhorting them to use every exertion
in raising vegetables for its supply.
Those precautions will I feel assured place, at your disposal, the
requisite supply of Coal and fresh meat, though I greatly fear there
will be a scarcity of vegetables, which will not arrive at maturity until
a later season, than you propose to visit the Colony; a circumstance
that will also have the effect of enhancing their market value.
It has occurred to me that it would be only a proper and necessary
step, more particularly during the continuance of hostilities, to appoint
an officer to act as Commissary for the Fleet, and to make all the
necessary arrangements and purchases in this quarter preparatory to
the arrival of Her Majesty's Ships. A person so authorised and commissioned might always, by offering a liberal price, secure a full supply
of every necessary, requisite for the Fleet; and draw provisions from
the American settlements, in all cases when the produce of this Colony,
proves insufficient to meet the demand.
Lastly — I have to inform you in reference to the building required
for the accommodation of the sick and wounded, that it appeared to me
a matter of so much importance, as to demand my immediate attention,
and finding, on enquiry that no disposable building, in the Colony was
perfectly adapted for that purpose; I resolved with the advice of a
majority of the Members of my Council, to take immediate steps for the
erection of decent and comfortable buildings, to serve as a naval hospital ; and the work is now in progress, and will probably be sufficiently
advanced, on the arrival of the Fleet, to receive the sick.
In taking that step, I have assumed a responsibility beyond the
limit of my instructions from Her Majesty, and entirely of a personal
nature, but this being done from motives of humanity, and with the
view of promoting the interests of the public service, I am in hopes
it will meet with the approval of Her Majesty's Government, and I feel
assured that you will not hesitate, to share that responsibility with me.
I have only further to observe that we shall be most happy to see
you in this Colony, and to make your stay here as agreeable as possible.
I have the honor to be
Your most obdt Servt
Sd James Douglas Governor
Rear Admiral
Henry W Bruce
Commander in Chief in the Pacific Station 284 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
COMPANY.        _   ..      _ .      ,,_ _.    , _ .
On the affairs of Vancouvers Island Colony
Victoria V. I.
William G Smith Esq™ 19* July 1855
Her Majestys Propellor " Brisk "7 arrived here on the 19th of Inst
having left Rear Admiral Bruce two days previously with the rest of
the squadron off Sitka in search of the Russian Frigates, " Aurora "
and " Diana ", which were not discovered.8 The Admiral ran in close
to the establishment with the Brisk. The Governor's Secretary pulled
off with a Canoe, to ask the object of the visit, and was assured by the
Admiral, that he had no hostile intention, and that he would scrupulously observe the Treaty of Neutrality.9
Her Majesty's Ship " Dido "10 Captain Moorshead [Morshead] also
direct from Sitka arrived here a few days after the Brisk, and both
ships are now at anchor in Esquimalt Harbour, and are abundantly
supplied with vegetables and fresh provisions.
Rear Admiral Bruce mentions in a letter from Sitka that he will
not visit Vancouvers Island this season it being his intention to proceed
direct from Sitka to San Francisco,11 and after a short stay there to
Valparaiso, and that he will despatch the " Trincomalee "12 to refit in
this Port.
The ships companys are all in good health and the hospitals untenanted, except by one patient, the Chief Engineer of the " Brisk " who is
suffering from scurvy, and is not expected to recover.
The squadron called at Petropaulski in the first part of the season,
and to their great regret found the place entirely abandoned, ships
troops and inhabitants having all fled, and no traces of the fugitives
could any where be found.
The batteries and Government buildings were destroyed, and the
greater part of the Town was burnt by " accident"
I have the honor to be
Yours obdt Servt
Sd James Douglas
(7) Steam sloop, 14 guns, built 1851.
(8) The Diana (50 guns) was the flagship of the Russian Pacific
Squadron. Having found Petropavlovski deserted, Admiral Bruce thought
that the vessels might have gone to Sitka.
(9) By agreement between the British and Russian governments the
territories of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Russian American Company were to be considered neutral zones.
(10) Sloop, 18 guns, launched 1836.
(11) Admiral Bruce later changed his mind and came north to Esquimalt, as the letters which follow show.
(12) Sailing frigate, 24 guns, built 1819. 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 285
Victoria V. I.
3rd August 1855
Since I had the honor of addressing you on the 7th and 8th of May
last, I have received two letters from Mr Martin dated respectively 15th
April and 14th July kindly announcing the movements of the squadron
under your command, and we have since then had the pleasure of seeing
Her Majestys Ships " Dido " and " Brisk " at this place. The Naval
Hospital built in consequence of your demand on this Government for
the accommodation of the sick and wounded, was ready for the reception of patients on their arrival, and though fortunately not required
on that occasion may be of very essential service at some future time.
The cost is about £1000, and I trust that in your reports to the
Admiralty you will fully represent the great importance of those buildings as respects the public service otherwise a question may be raised
as to the payment of the expenses incurred in these erections, and it
may be therefore out of my power to meet your views in other matters.
I wish you could conveniently make some arrangement to take
charge of the hospitals, in order to relieve me from that expense; it
being the intention of Her Majesty's Government to make this a self
supporting Colony, they have not authorised me to draw upon the
public Treasury, for such outlay.
I think you would find it convenient to make this place a sick Dep6t,
or what is better a general naval Depot for the Pacific Fleet.
Should you think it expedient as I before recommended in my letter
of the 8th May to appoint an officer to act as Commissary for the Fleet,
fresh supplies could always be procured here in the greatest abundance,
and no part of the coast is better adapted for refitting ships, the
harbours being safe and commodious and spars of every description
may be procured in the neighbouring forests at a trifling cost. The Colony
would largely share in the advantages of that measure, and I therefore
feel a deeper interest in its accomplishment, and have in my Despatches
strongly urged it upon the attention of Her Majesty's Government.
The " Dido " and " Brisk" have been abundantly supplied with
fresh provisions, during their brief stay and I have no doubt their
commanders will make a favourable report to you.
Had their visit been later in the season, they might have carried
away a large sea stock of ripe full grown potatoes.
The west coast of Vancouver's Island is still visited by American
vessels, who are carrying on an illicit trade in fire arms and spirituous 286 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
liquors, to the great injury of the country, and I trust you may find it
convenient to cast an eye to that quarter.
I have the honor to be
Your most obedient Servant
James Douglas
Rear Admiral
H. W. Bruce
Commander in Chief on the Pacific Station.
Monarch, at San Francisco.
30«> July 1855
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letters of the
7th and 8th of May.
Being about to sail hence in my Flag Ship for Vancouver, I will
not enter upon the subject of your Despatch of the former date until I
have the pleasure of a personal interview with Your Excellency.
My best thanks are due for the steps taken by you to meet the
anticipated requirements of the Squadron under my command upon its
projected arrival at the seat of your Government.
Although circumstances have occurred which have made much that
has been done by you to meet the wants of the Squadron unnecessary;
yet, I beg to assure you that it is not the less appreciated by me: and
it will be most satisfactory to Her Majesty's Government to find that
the young Colony under your charge can be made so serviceable to Her
Majesty's Ships in time of need.
I have the honor to be
Your most obedient,
humble Servant,
H. W. Bruce
Rear Admiral.
Commander in Chief.
James Douglas Esq™
&c   &c   &c
Governor of
Vancouver's Island. 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 287
On the affairs of Vancouver's lsld Colony
Victoria   VI
28** Augst 1855
William G. Smith Esq™
Her Majesty's Ship " Trincomolee" [sic] direct from Sitka, anchored in Esquimalt Harbour on the 25th of Inst. She has a defective
spar to replace and other repairs to make which will detain her here till
the beginning of October.
Yesterday afternoon Her Majesty's Ship " Monarch " the Flag Ship,
with Rear Admiral Bruce on board anchored in Esquimalt Harbour.
I have this morning had a very interesting interview with Admiral
Bruce. He kindly observed that his present visit is intended as a
mark of regard for the Colony, and that he will endeavour to protect its
interests and render every assistance in his power in respect to the
San Juan question.
This is satisfactory and releives [sic] me of much anxiety.
I herewith transmit a copy of Admiral Bruces Despatch of the
30th July which will further explain the object of his present visit.
I have the honor to be
Your obdt Servt
Sd. James Douglas
Duplicate forwarded pr Monarch.
Executive Victoria Vancouvers Island
No 17 13th Sept' 1855
My Lord
I have the honor to inform your Lordship, that this Colony has been
lately visited by Rear Admiral Bruce with the " Monarch " and several
other of Her Majesty's Ships, forming part of the squadron employed
in the Pacific.
In consequence of the arrangements made by this Government, the
ships while here were abundantly supplied with vegetables and fresh
provisions, so that the officers and men were all in good health and in a
state of perfect efficiency, when the Fleet sailed from this Colony.
5 288 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
The naval hospitals constructed at Esquimalt, have, from unforseen
circumstances, been only partially required this season; but nevertheless our wish to assist Her Majesty's ships, in time of need, has been
appreciated by the Commander in Chief, as you will observe, through
a letter from him which I have the honor to enclose herewith.    No 1.
The Outlay caused by the erection of the naval Hospitals, so far as
it has yet been ascertained, is £938.3.8 Sterling; and I believe that
£60 or £70 more, making altogether the sum of £1000, will cover every
expense connected with the undertaking.
I have now to request, that your Lordship will be kind enough to
direct whether that outlay is to be defrayed out of the Imperial
Treasury, or from the Colonial Funds; and if the latter, that the
wishes of Her Majestys Government to that effect, may be communicated to the Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company.
Her Majesty's Ship " Trincomalee ", is at present refitting in Esquimalt and will probably not leave Port, before the first week in October,
when the " President" is expected to touch here for refreshments.
Perhaps your Lordship will pardon me for alluding to an opinion
which I have long entertained in respect to the important advantage
the public service would gain by forwarding the provisions and stores
required for the national ships employed in the northern Pacific, direct
from England to Vancouver's Island, instead of landing them, in the
first place, and storing them at Valparaiso, an arrangement involving
one of two evils—, either the ships of war must, at brief intervals,
abandon their distant stations, and to the neglect of other objects,
resort to Valparaiso, to re-victual,—or that service must be performed
by means of hired transports, at a very considerable expense, in fact,
I believe in all cases, exceeding the sum that would be required to bring
the supplies, in the first instance, direct from England to Vancouver's
As a means of avoiding that expenditure, and the inconvenience of
employing Her Majesty's ships as mere transport vessels, I would take
the liberty of proposing to your Lordship that a Naval Store House be
erected here, or rather in Port Esquimalt, and that the provisions and
stores required for the ships employed in the Northern Pacific, be sent
from England directly to this place and stored here.
I will further remark, on that subject that the expense of erecting a
proper building for a naval store House, would not exceed the sum
of £1500, and should your Lordship think favourably of the plan, and
authorise me to carry it into effect, and to appoint a store keeper;
I think the Council of this Colony would cheerfully vote a sum of
money in aid of so popular an object. 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 289
With those remarks I will leave this suggestion for your Lordships
I have the honor to be
Your Lordships
most obedient
humble servant
James Douglas
The Right Honble Lord John Russel [sic]
Her Majesty's principal Secretary of State
For the Colonial Department.
[This dispatch was received in London on December 18, 1855.]
Monarch, San Francisco,
12th September 1855.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, this day, of your
Despatch of the 3rd ultimo, from which I learn with surprise, that the
three buildings erected at Esquimalt to serve as a Hospital, for Her
Majesty's Navy, have cost about £1.000.
Being quite at a loss to understand under what circumstances they
have cost so large a sum, I have directed Captain Frederick of Her
Majesty's Ship President, to place himself in communication with you,
and shall feel obliged for any information with which you can furnish
him on the subject.
Having, in my letter of the 14th February last, expressed a hope
only that Your Excellency might be able to furnish a building which
would serve for a temporary Hospital, during the visit of the Squadron
expected in July last, I cannot but regret that the building on Mr.
Skinner's13 premises was not prepared for this purpose (which might
have been done for a few pounds) rather than so large an outlay should
have been incurred for a temporary purpose.
I have the honor to be,
Your most obedient
humble Servant
H. W. Bruce.
Rear Admiral.
His Excellency Commander in Chief.
James Douglas Esq:
Governor of Vancouver
(13)  Thomas James Skinner occupied and managed the Constance farm
at Esquimalt, owned by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company. 290 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
Monarch, San Francisco
Sept' 15/55.
My dear Sir,
I received your letter, on arrival here, respecting the Expense of the
Buildings you kindly caused to be erected for a Naval Hospital; the
Cost is very much above what the Government would give their sanction to, and — much as I should recommend the measure — I do not
think that any resident from Gov* will be appointed to reside at Esqui-
mault [sic]. Captain Frederick14 will confer with you on the subject.
Capt Pease16 has assured me of his good feeling, and his desire to
co-operate with you in any way for the security of peace and tranquillity, that may be in his power, and to assist in his vessel with the
Otter,16 should it at any time meet your views.
We had a good run down here arriving on the 12, and sail for
Valparaiso on the 19th.
Believe me
very sincerely
H. W. Bruce
Govr Douglas.
Victoria V. I.
25th October 1855
Rear Admiral Bruce.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of a communication
from you dated San Francisco 12th Septr 1855, respecting the expenditure incurred in the erection of the Naval Hospital at Esquimalt, and
I shall now offer, on that subject, a few explanatory remarks.
In your brief and hurried visit to this Colony, I can easily understand, that you had little time, to devote to the inspection of those
buildings, forming the Naval Hospital, or to make enquiries, in respect
to the actual value of labour and material, or you could hardly have
arrived at the conclusion, that the estimate of their probable cost,
stated in my letter of the 3rd of August last, was extravagant, seeing
that from circumstances, — that is the moderate price of labour and
material, they are incomparably the cheapest buildings of their size
(14) Of H.M.S. President.
(15) Not identified, as the name does not appear in the Navy List of the
(16) Upon the outbreak of war between Russia and Great Britain, and
before the neutrality agreement was known in Vancouver Island, the Hudson's Bay Company steamer Otter had been hastily commissioned as a guard-
ship to defend the Colony. 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 291
that have been erected in this Colony. I assure you it is a matter of
regret to me that you did not examine while at this place, the accounts
of the expenditure connected with those erections, as the facts I have
herein stated, would have appeared evident to your own observation.
Those accounts with proper vouchers, have been forwarded to England
and I also herewith transmit a copy of the same for your information.
You will thereby observe that the entire cost of the buildings is
£932.5.0, and considering the character and size of the buildings, the
cost appears moderate. You are aware that the hospital consists of
three buildings each 50 feet long by 30 feet wide with a height of
12 feet from floor to ceiling.
The windows are large and the ventilation good. The centre building contains a Kitchen, operating room, Despensary [sic] and surgeons
apartments, the wings contain the sick wards and will accommodate
100 patients, forming a cost of about £9.7.0, for each ward. You will
also observe by the account that no charge is made on the part of this
Government, for advertisements, for deeds, effecting contracts, and for
the great trouble and responsibility of general superintendence, in
short the work would have cost a much larger sum, had it been undertaken by any private person.
In respect to the building on Mr Skinner's Premises, which you suppose might have been prepared as an hospital for a few pounds. I would
remark for your information that the idea of converting that building
into an hospital, at the public expense, was suggested to me by parties
interested, and for good reasons was not adopted. One reason is to be
found, in the fact that the building itself is not large enough for the
purpose, being equal in extent to one third only, of the area of the
buildings we have erected.
Another objection, is the great expense of the building in question,
it having already cost about £350, and it will at least take a sum equally
large to finish it, making the total cost about £700. Moreover that
building is the private property of the Puget Sound Company, and not
at my disposal, and had it been finished at the public expense at a cost
of £350, the Puget's Sound Company were not bound to repay the outlay, and thus a fruitless expenditure of £350 would have been incurred.
That plan was likewise objectionable in principle, and would have
exposed the Government of this Colony, to the charge of making an
improper use of the public money.
There is no question, in my mind, that the plan adopted, of constructing buildings adapted for the purpose intended, was the only
proper and advisable course for us to take in the circumstances; the
buildings being in that case, ready for use if wanted for the accommodation of the sick and wounded, and if not immediately wanted, the
buildings and ground are worth the outlay, and if put up for sale,
should that step be at any time deemed advisable, it is certain that they
will fetch a larger sum than they have cost. 292 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
I have now much pleasure in communicating to you, that the Lords
Commissioners of the Admiralty were apprized through a communication to the Hudson's Bay Company, as early as the 24th of July last, of
the measures I had taken to provide a supply of Coal, fresh provisions
and vegetables for the forces, under your command; and for the
erection of the Naval Hospitals at Esquimalt the cost of which was
then estimated at £1000, and their Lordships in a communication from
Secretary Osborne dated Admiralty 30th July 1855, make the following
observations on the subject " My Lords desire "
" me to acquaint you for the information of the Governor "
" and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, that my "
" Lords have not as yet received any accounts from "
" Admiral Bruce, but they cannot entertain any doubt"
" of Mr Douglas' exertions for the good of Her Majesty's "
" Service, and my Lords desire me to state, that they will"
" be ready on receiving proper accounts and vouchers,"
" to pay all just demands upon this department."
This may be considered as a solution of the question mooted, in a
manner satisfactory to us all, and for my part I never entertained a
doubt of the readiness of Her Majesty's Government, to make any
reasonable provision for the comfort and welfare of the brave fellows
who are so nobly fighting their country's battles, and with that object
in view you may, at all times, rely with confidence, on my humble
Her Majesty's Ship President is on the eve of leaving this Colony,
and I feel assured it will afford you satisfaction to learn, that peace and
quietness prevails throughout the Colony; a result due under Providence in a great measure to the vigilant protection of the forces under
your command.
I have the honor to be
Your most obedient
humble Servant
Sd   James Douglas
No 2 Downing Street
24 December 1855.
With reference to your despatch No 17 of the 13h of September in
which you suggest that the Provisions and Stores required for Her
Majesty's Ships should be sent direct from this Country to Vancouvers
Island, and that Store Houses for their reception should be erected at
Port Esquimalt.    I have to acquaint you that having referred this 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 293
despatch to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, their Lordships
have instructed Rear Admiral Bruce to furnish a report on the subject.
I have the honor to be
your most obedient
humble Servant
H. Labouchere
Governor Douglas
&c   &c   &c
[A note by Douglas states that this dispatch was received on
April 3, 1856, and answered on April 8.]
Victualling arrangements of the
Monarch, at Punta Arenas.
No. 118. 28 November, 1856.
I have the honor to offer the following observations regarding the
Victualling arrangements of the Station under my command, as called
for by your letter of the 1. January 1855, No 18, and its enclosures from
the Comptroller of Victualling.
2. In sending provisions to Valparaiso, care should be taken to
avoid their arriving, between May and September, the season of the
3. I would recommend that Chocolate be in future sent out to the
Dep6t instead of being supplied by Contract, for the reasons set forth
in my letter to the Comptroller of Victualling, N° 8 of the 11 Ultimo.
4. I am of opinion that it would be an advantage to the Service, if
a Provision Depot were established at Vancouver for the Ships
employed in the North Pacific.
5. At present a Ship stationed at that Island, for the protection of
the Colony, has to sail over a space of seven thousand miles to get to
her Depot: so that in point of fact, when a vessel arrives at that
distant part of the Station, it is time to think of returning again for
6. By having a Dep6t for provisions and stores at Vancouver, Ships
employed at the Sandwich Islands and San Francisco, could repair
thither for supplies, and it would thus tend to lessen materially, the
number of very long voyages made on this station and the wear and
tear of sails &<* consequent thereon; and Ships would be able to remain
longer, at ports where there presence may be required. 294 Esquimalt Naval Base. October
7. In my letter of the 11 September, 1855 — No 64 I recommended
that the Naiad17 should be removed there from Callao, but now that the
Sailing Vessels on the Station are being replaced by Steamers, she will
probably be found more useful as a Coal Depot than she has hitherto
been, but I am satisfied that a Depot at Vancouver, would prove advantageous and economical, and I beg therefore to recommend the same
for their Lordships adoption.
I am, Sir,
your most obedient
humble Servant,
(Signed) H. W. Bruce
Rear Admiral
Commander in Chief.
Ralph Osborne Esq™ MP."
&«i &ea &ea
Admiralty, 12th January 1857.
No. 2 S W
Adverting to your letter of the 28th of Nov last No 118, respecting
the victualling arrangements of the Station under your command, I am
commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint
you, that they do not intend to send out a vessel to Vancouvers Island
as a depot; my Lords consider it would be better that you should enter
into a Contract at the Sandwich Islands and San Francisco for the
supply of Provisions for the ships employed on the Northern parts of
the Station, and that you should issue instructions for ships to be sent
to complete their provisions at those places, or that provisions be sent
to Vancouvers Island, as you may deem most advisable, and my Lords
desire that you will take the necessary steps accordingly.
I am Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servant
Thos Phinn
Rear Admiral Bruce
&c    &c     &c
(17) H.M.S. Naiad, an old frigate built in 1797, which had been present
at the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805, was sent out in 1849 as a store-ship for
the Pacific Station. She was stationed first at Valparaiso and later at
(18) Ralph Bernal Osborne, Secretary of the Admiralty, 1851-58. 1942 Esquimalt Naval Base. 295
Victoria Vancouver's Island
28** July 1857
To the Secretary of the Admiralty
I have received a copy of Mr. Phinns letter of the 27th of March last
to the Secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company, announcing for the
information of the Governor and Committee that the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty had instructed the Accountant General of the
Navy, to pay into their hands the sum of nine hundred and thirty two
Pounds five shillings, advanced by their order for the erection of the
temporary Naval Hospital at Esquimalt.
I have now to communicate in reference to those buildings for the
information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty; that a
further sum equal to £76. 1. 1 has been subsequently disbursed on the
same account for necessary extensions, repairs, and for wages to the
Keeper of the buildings who received the very moderate sum of £17 a
year for his services. And moreover that there is an interest charge
on that sum of £3.9.9 and of the sum of £932.5. previously due for the
erection of the buildings, a charge for interest equal to £73.16.1 forming altogether with the disbursements the sum of £153.6.11, due to the
Hudson's Bay Company, as is set forth in the accompanying account
for your information. In payment of that sum I have now drawn a
Navy Bill of Exchange in Duplicate upon the Accountant General of
Her Majesty's Navy for £153.6.11 in favor of the Hudson's Bay Company, and I beg that the same may be paid at maturity.
I beg further to state that I have delivered the Hospitals into the
hands of Captain Prevost of H M S. " Satellite ",19 and have discharged
the Keeper who is however paid his regular wages up to the 16th
Prox°, when his agreement as Keeper will cease.
I have further to request your instructions should their Lordship's
desire me to take any further charge and to keep the Naval Hospitals
in a state of repair after the departure of the " Satellite ".
They are very substantially built and with ordinary care will last
for half a century to come.
I have the honor to be
Your obdt Servant
Sd       James Douglas
Governor Vancouvers Island.
(19) Screw corvette, 21 guns. The vessel is very well known, both
because of her long service on the Pacific Station and because she was used
as a guard-ship at the mouth of the Fraser River during the gold-rush
in 1858. 296 Esquimalt Naval Base.
Victoria Vancouvers Island
19* October 1857
I herewith transmit a sketch shewing the lot of land intended for
the use of the Naval Hospital at Esquimalt, being section XVI containing 7 acres on the accompanying plan.20
No formal conveyance of the land has yet been made by the proper
authorities, but should any question hereafter arise, touching the character and extent of the Grant, this letter and plan will sufficiently
explain the object and prove the intention of the Colonial Government
in regard to it.
You will observe that the line of road from Victoria to Ferry
Point, on Esquimalt Harbour, is traced upon the plan, giving a right
of way to the public, through the Hospital grounds.
It may be advisable for convenience sake to alter the direction of
the road at that point, by leading it between the Hospitals and Constance Cove to Ferry Point, a plan which I suggest as a matter for
I have the honor to be
Your most obdt Servt
Sd James Douglas
James C Prevost Esq™
Her Majesty's Commissioner
&c.     &c.     &c.
(20) Other letters show that Captain Prevost had requested, on September 28, 1857, that this plan be prepared. NOTES AND COMMENTS.
In my article on " The Inside Story of the Komagata Maru" (in this
Quarterly, V. (1941), pp. 1-23), I made no reference to any connection
between the coming of the vessel and the intrigues of the Central Powers.
Mr. Eric Morse, in a paper entitled " Some Aspects of the Komagata Maru
Affair, 1914," which he read before the Canadian Historical Association in
1936 (see the Report of the Association, 1936, p. 102), says:—
" A good deal was said, after the [Great] War broke out, hinting at
German complicity, but (though the vessel had been chartered through an
agent of German nationality at Hong Kong) such charges appear to be
quite groundless."
A copy of my article happened to fall into the hands of my old friend,
Stephen Raymer, J.P., who had been closely associated with the late Malcolm
Reid, of the Immigration Department, during the Komagata Maru episode.
After reading it, he told me that I had omitted a very important part of
the story—the German connection with it—and told me the facts as they
were known to him. At my request he later sent me the following letter,
which shows clearly the German connection with the coming of the vessel
and her passengers. It not only shows clearly that the arrival of the
Komagata Maru, with her belligerent human cargo, was a German scheme
to create trouble in Canada but it also explains what I never understood
before—why the would-be immigrants, headed by Gurdit Singh himself,
absolutely refused to accept the advice of their solicitor to agree to the
proposition made by myself, on behalf of the Government, whereby the
whole matter could have been taken at once to the Court of Appeal of
British Columbia, and the legal questions at issue quickly and finally settled.
(See pp. 9-10 of my article.) It is now apparent that a quick settlement
had no place in the plans of those responsible for the coming of the Komagata Maru.
Now let Mr. Raymer speak for himself.
Robie L. Reid.
Vancouver, B.C.,
Dear Dr. Reid: July 15,1942.
I desire to thank you for your kindness in mailing me a copy of the
British Columbia Historical Quarterly of January, 1941, in which there
appears your interesting and unbiased article on " The Inside Story of the
Komagata Maru." You have, however, not discussed the question as to the
German-Japanese part in the episode.    Here are some facts on that point.
At the time of the arrival of the Komagata Maru, May 23, 1914, I was,
and had been for two years, official interpreter for the Department of
Immigration at Vancouver, under the late Malcolm J. R. Reid, an officer of
that Department. My duties as such were to attend the sittings of the
Board of Inquiry when required, and to make investigation in respect to
the activities of certain elements, especially of those, who a short time
afterwards, became our enemies in the first Great War.
In March 1914 I received information, which I submitted to Mr. Malcolm
Reid, that the Germans intended to start a War, which would be swift and
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI., No. 4.
297 298 Notes and Comments. October
short, and that it was expected that the whole affair would be over in six
On the 14th of that month, Baron Groedel, the son of a ship-owner, in
Braila-Roumania, became the first Consul for the Austro-Hungarian Empire,
and as such, had taken an office in the Rogers Building in the City of
As a former citizen of Zagreb in Croatia and conversant with the German
language, I had many conversations with him from time to time. In these
he (Baron Groedel) told me that he had two missions to carry out here.
The first was to recall to Austria as many reservists of that Empire as
possible; and, second, to see that a cargo, to be brought from India, was
properly discharged here and the cash for the return cargo paid to him
because he was the representative of the agency in Calcutta.
To me, at that time, this conversation did not convey much. A few days
later, about the middle of April, Baron Groedel left in a hurry, to go to
Buda-Pesth, leaving his nephew, Egon Ulrich, in charge of the Austrian-
Hungarian Consulate.i
When I asked, why the hurry, I was told by Ulrich that something very
important would happen in the next few days. On May 21, 1914, a long
distance call was put through by Ulrich to Victoria, B.C., and the answer
was: " The Hindoo passengers arrived and the ship proceeding to Vancouver."   Two days later the Komagata Maru arrived, May 23, 1914.
Mr. Malcolm Reid assigned me, in co-operation with the late Bela Singh,
also an employee of the Department, a very delicate job, i.e. to watch Egon
Ulrich who was in constant communication with the local East Indians.
During various conversations with him, I had no difficulty in ascertaining
that Baron Groedel's agents in Calcutta had collected riff-raff and men with
criminal records, in Calcutta and elsewhere, who had no personal desire to
come to Canada but who were promised everything to go there and be let
loose, where they were to act as Saboteurs when the " Big Things," as Ulrich
told us, were to happen there.
I was present in Ulrich's office when he spoke to C. Gardner Johnson's
office and said " That under no circumstances was the coal to be discharged
from the Komagata Maru unless all the passengers were given the right to
Other important information that I submitted to Mr. Malcolm Reid was
that Ulrich had said to Mr. J. E. Bird, the solicitor for the passengers on
the ship, that Hindoos, being subjects of the British Crown had the right
to be admitted to any portion of the British Empire, notwithstanding any
laws of the Canadian Government, " Irrespective of nationality, creed and
colour," were Ulrich's exact words. I also remember another reason given
why the passengers should be allowed to land, was that the Empress of
Russia (I think it was) arrived in the harbor at about the same time with
500 Chinese who were allowed to land on payment of Head Tax.
To sum up:
1. The German agents in Calcutta and elsewhere, collected these East Indian
passengers for no other purpose than to dump [them] in Canada, as willing
tools to foster discontent and become willing saboteurs.
2. That the Austro-Hungarian Consul, partner of the Germans, and his
nephew who succeeded him in charge of the Consulate, had an interest in
the whole affair.
(1) The records of the Department of External Affairs, Ottawa, show that the Department
was informed by a dispatch dated April 8, 1914, from the Austro-Hungarian Embassy in
London, that it was proposed to create an honorary consulate in Vancouver, and to appoint
Arthur Freiherr von Groedel von Gynlafalva und Bogdan as Consul. On the outbreak of war,
in August, Egon Ulrich was ordered to leave the country. Shortly afterwards he was paroled,
and in May, 1915, he was interned at Vernon, B.C. When examined Ulrich stated that be
was a German, not an Austrian. 1942 Notes and Comments. 299
3. If this was an honest endeavor to bring honest-to-goodness subjects of
His Britannic Majesty to Canada, why was it that Japan had the only
steamer ready for such a purpose, and that through a German shipping
agent?    We can understand it better today.
4. Why was it that on the return of the Komagata Maru to Japan, the
Japanese Government refused to allow any of the passengers to land in
5. If these passengers, as has been argued, were innocent victims and law-
abiding people, why the bloody riots in Calcutta? My suggestion is, that
being unable to land in Canada, they, as a last resort, were to make trouble
in India and so assist their employers, the German Government.
6. The twenty odd passengers, who had a right to enter Canada, having
acquired residence there, were merely a smoke-screen, to give an appearance
of bona fides for the rest of them.
Had those 360 East Indians been allowed to land in British Columbia
great damage might have been done by them, and great expense caused to
the Canadian Government. Yours truly,
[signed] Stephen E. Raymer
Printed Books.
Amongst the printed books acquired by the Archives since the last list
of accessions was printed in the Quarterly is a complete run of the Proceedings of the Grand Lodge of British Columbia, A.F. and A.M., 1872 to date,
received through the kindness of the Grand Secretary, Mr. Frank S. McKee,
of Vancouver. Many of the later volumes contain valuable and interesting
historical articles compiled by the Grand Historian, Dr. Robie L. Reid,
Mr. G. Hollis Slater, and others. In addition the Archives has received,
through the courtesy of Mrs. Joseph Hunter, a number of volumes from the
libraries of her father, the Hon. John Robson, and of her husband. The late
Joseph Hunter, well known to pioneers as one of the first civil engineers
engaged in the surveys for the Canadian Pacific Railway, had amongst
his books a number of volumes from the library of Sir James Douglas.
Although these and the Robson books do not themselves pertain to the
history of the Province, because of their associations with three outstanding
figures in British Columbia history they are a valuable asset to the collection.
Most of the volumes contain autographs.
The files of the Nor'Wester, the first newspaper published at the Red
River Settlement, the first issue of which appeared in December, 1859, have
been augmented by the purchase of a number of copies dated 1860 and
1861. The Archives now possesses an almost complete set of the first
volume (1859-60) as well as some odd numbers of later years.
Major F. V. Longstaff very kindly presented about twenty gazetteers
published in England in the 18th and early 19th centuries, a notable addition
to the collection of early geographical works.
A copy of The Re-annexation of British Columbia to the United States,
an address delivered at Olympia by Elwood Evans on January 18, 1870, and
published in pamphlet form, has long been coveted by the custodians of the
Archives. This wish was happily fulfilled last year by the purchase of the
pamphlet. 300 Notes and Comments. October
A small volume recently purchased, entitled A Sealer's Journal; or a
Cruise of the Schooner " Umbrina," by William George, is a unique and
interesting item. William George signed on the Umbrina as a cabin boy in
December, 1894, and the entries in his diary, which he kept faithfully all
during the nine months' cruise from Victoria to the sealing-grounds in
Bering Sea and home again, tell the story of the routine life of a sealer from
a participant's point of view. The book was published in a limited edition
by H. G. Waterson, of Victoria, in 1895.
The outstanding addition to the Manuscript Collection was the gift of
James Strange's Additions to Captain Cook's Vocabulary of the Nootka
Sound Language in 1786, received from Mr. A. P. Trotter, of Salisbury,
England. This manuscript has already been noted and commented upon in
the April, 1942, issue of this Quarterly.
Several more ships' logs have been added to the growing collection of
log-books, one of which is the journal of H.M.S. Termagant, 1859-63, kept
by John C. Sabben, presumably a non-commissioned officer of the ship.
The Termagant was at Esquimalt from July 12 to September 10, 1860.
With this log is bound the log of H.M.S. Clio, 1861-62, the author having
been transferred from the former ship. The book is embellished with
attractive pencil and water-colour sketches. The log of H.M.S. Cameleon,
1867-71, comprises two volumes, the first written by Commander W. H.
Annesley and the second by Midshipman A. T. Holmes. The Cameleon was
stationed at Esquimalt from March 14 to April 6, 1868, and again from
August 14 to October 21, 1869, during this commission. Midshipman Holmes
was apparently the artist who decorated these attractive volumes.
The log of the brig Halcyon, of which Captain Charles W. Barkley was
master and part owner, and in which he made his second voyage to the
Northwest Coast of America in 1792-93, was acquired from the estate of
the late Mr. Justice Archer Martin. In addition to the log of the Halcyon,
this book contains the logs of the Princessa Frederica, of the Diana, and also
of the Warren Hastings. The two latter were ships which Captain John
Barkley, brother of Charles, either commanded or in which he served; while
the Princessa Frederica, which proved a lucrative investment to Captain
Charles Barkley, was engaged in coastal trading in East Indian waters.
This log of the Halcyon concludes with an entry for July 19, 1792, the
ship having weighed anchor the previous day in the harbour of St. Peter and
St. Paul, Kamschatka, but fortunately it is continued in a further volume
already in the possession of the Archives.
The Department's valuable collection of judges' trial note-books was
amplified by the acquisition of those of the late Judge H. E. A. Robertson,
of Prince George, who passed away on May 3 last. Judge Robertson was a
member of a well-known and much esteemed pioneer family, being the son
of Alexander Rocke Robertson. The transfer of the note-books was made
possible through the co-operation of his son, Mr. John S. Robertson, of
Calgary, and the Government Agent and Clerk of the Court at Prince
George. 1942 Notes and Comments. 301
Mr. John Dean, of Victoria, has presented a set of some forty or so
diaries which he kept from the years 1877 to 1937. Mr. Dean has always
been interested in the progress of the city and at one time was an active
member of the city council. His interest in financial and economic topics is
reflected in his diaries, which are of much interest from that point of view.
Other diaries acquired recently by the Archives include those of the late
Edward Mallandaine, Sr. Mr. Mallandaine, who came to Victoria during
the Fraser River gold-rush, was an architect by profession and is best
known as the compiler of a series of early Directories. His diaries, unfortunately, deal with events prior to his arrival in the Colony of Vancouver
A fragmentary diary kept by Martha Beeton Cheney, niece of Mrs.
Thomas Blinkhorn, who came to Victoria in the barque Tory in 1851, was
presented by her son, Mr. H. R. Ella, shortly before his death. This journal,
the diary of a young girl, is concerned chiefly with the social side of life in
and about Fort Victoria from the autumn of 1853 to the end of 1856.
Martha Cheney became the wife of Captain H. B. Ella in July, 1855.
Through the kindness of Dr. J. G. Davidson, of New Westminster, the
Minute Book of the British Columbia Bible Society, 1863 to 1929, has been
deposited in the Archives. This branch of the British and Foreign Bible
Society was founded by the Rev. Lachlan Taylor, and Colonel R. C. Moody
acted as chairman of the first meeting. The early minutes contain the
names of many well-known New Westminster pioneers.
As a companion to the above-mentioned Minute Book the Archives has on
deposit, through the courtesy of Mrs. C. J. Fagan and her cousin, Mr.
R. Bryce Brown, one of the first New Testaments sold in New Westminster
by the society. The .Testament was purchased in 1863 by Mrs. Fagan's
grandfather, Mr. William Clarkson.
A very interesting collection of documents and correspondence concerning
Assiniboia and the Red River Settlement has recently been purchased
through the widow of an ex-Hudson's Bay Company official in the Northwest.
There are reports, marriage declarations, trade statistics, and general correspondence, as well as other miscellaneous material. One of the most outstanding items is the passport issued to the De Meuron immigrants in 1821.
A typewritten account of eighteen months' experience in Alaska and the
Yukon, 1898-99, compiled from a day-to-day journal by Thomas W. Moore
and entitled Grub Stake, is a valuable addition to the growing collection of
Klondike items.
A number of letters to the late Lieutenant-Governor Dewdney, written
chiefly in the 80's, and two fragmentary diaries covering parts of 1880 and
1882 were presented by Mr. A. J. O'Reilly. The Archives is also indebted to
Mr. William Moresby for a copy of the probate of the will of Governor
Seymour and other manuscript material; to Miss Charlotte Armstrong for
lending a letter of her father, Captain Francis P. Armstrong, and his
Reminiscences of pioneer days at Golden to be copied; and to Mr. H. E. A.
Courtney for presenting documents relating to his grandfather, Alexander
Calder, of New Westminster. 302 Notes and Comments. October
From the Mallandaine estate were also received several volumes of
Minutes of the Victoria District Road Commission from 1861 to 1870, of
which Edward Mallandaine was Secretary. With these were various miscellaneous items, including bank-books and cheque-books from Macdonald's
Bank of Victoria, which was forced out of business following a disastrous
robbery in 1864.
Museum Exhibits.
To the executors of the estate of the late Mr. Justice Martin the Archives
is indebted for the gift of the Judge's Court costume, consisting of a blue
velveteen coat and breeches, the former lace trimmed, and a magnificent
scarlet cloak enriched with ermine. These were worn in 1911 when he
attended the Durbar at Delhi as Chief Justice of British Columbia.
Shortly after the opening of Helmcken House in 1941, the Archives was
enabled to purchase a settee and table, both of which had once been the
property of Chief Justice and Mrs. David Cameron and used in their home,
" Belmont," at Esquimalt. The sofa has a mahogany frame and is upholstered in crimson plush, while the card table, which has a separate
folding top, is also of mahogany. In Helmcken House they furnish an
agreeable and suitable complement to the other furnishings, and since
Mrs. Cameron was a sister of James Douglas their association is appropriate.
The late Mr. H. R. Ella very kindly gave to the Archives a silver cup
which, as an inscription records, was presented to Captain William Mitchell
by the officers of H.M.S. Thetis " in appreciation of acts of kindness between
Jan. 4-27, 1853." This was presumably to commemorate an episode of the
expedition against the murderers of Peter Brown, when the Hudson's Bay
Company's brigantine Recovery, of which William Mitchell was master,
transported 130 officers, seamen, and marines from the Thetis.
From the Mallandaine estate were acquired a beautiful old rosewood
piano, with a " player " attachment, and a quaint travelling trunk. Both of
these interesting objects were brought to the Colony of Vancouver Island
by Louisa Townsend in the ship Tynemouth in 1862. Miss Townsend later
became Mrs. Edward Mallandaine.
Also from the Mallandaine estate came an interesting old Enfield rifle,
once the property of Edward Mallandaine, Sr. This type of rifle was issued
to members of the Volunteer Rifle Corps in Colonial days.
Some interesting Klondike items, including a miner's " poke," were
presented by Dr. T. A. Rickard and Major Seymour Rowlinson.
Two paintings of the old Langford farmhouse in the Colwood district
were recently presented to the Archives, and are attractive additions to the
collection of original paintings. One, a water-colour by E. P. Bedwell, of
H.M.S. Hecate, was given by the late Mr. H. R. Ella, and the second, an
oil-painting by Mr. Herbert Carmichael, was presented by the artist.
The Archives Department is also indebted to Miss Becker, of Victoria,
for presenting a curious and interesting clothes mangle, the first of its kind
to be used in Colonial days; to Mr. N. S. Fraser for a cup and saucer from
the home of Simon Fraser;   to the late Mr. H. R. Ella for Thomas Blink- 1942 Notes and Comments. 303
horn's silk hat, worn on his arrival in Victoria in 1851;   and to Mrs. P.
Cunningham for a cash-box used by Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie.
Among the many donations of photographs given by kind and interested
friends were collections of Klondike gold-rush photographs, the gifts of
Mrs. D. D. McTavish and Major Seymour Rowlinson. Both these donors
were themselves in the north in early days and their excellent photographs
are a great asset to the Archives.
Miss Beatrice Gilley, of New Westminster, gave a numerous collection of
photographs and souvenirs pertaining to the Royal City in the late nineties
and early 1900's. Many of these photographs were entirely new to the
collection and have helped to build up a very interesting New Westminster
section. Members of the Gilley family were prominent participants in the
athletic and social life of New Westminster, and their activities and tastes
are reflected in the numerous programmes and invitations which were also
donated at the same time.
From Mrs. Heme, of Vancouver, widow of the late Thomas Heme,
former Government Agent at Prince George, were acquired four volumes of
photographs depicting the history of Prince George from its inception as a
municipality. The volumes themselves are unique, in that they are similar
to those used by Chinese merchants as account-books, the leaves being
composed of rice paper.
Mr. John Dean presented a generous collection of miscellaneous British
Columbia photographs, and Lieutenant G. T. Emmons, U.S.N, (ret.), gave
a number of prints of Northern British Columbia Indians taken with his own
camera. These photographs, by one who knows and understands Indian
life, are particularly well taken and have made a valuable addition to the
photograph section.
The Archives is much indebted to Major H. T. Nation, of the Department
of Mines, for several hundred negatives depicting mining scenes in British
Columbia; to Mr. T. W. S. Parsons, Commissioner, British Columbia Police,
for plates and prints of Atlin and other interesting scenes in other parts of
the Province;  as well as to Mr. George Green and Major J. S. Matthews.
Mr. W. W. Coton very kindly presented a number of excellent photographs of the 88th Regiment of Victoria Fusiliers and the Battalion into
which it developed, a unit which had a distinguished career during the first
world war 1914-18.
The Archives has been most fortunate in securing through the kindness
of Mr. A. S. Deaville, of Ottawa, a very fine album of Canadian Pacific
Railway views. The album was compiled by the late Dr. Edouard Deville,
former Surveyor-General of Canada, in 1886, and contains a series of beautiful photographs of scenery taken en route, also a few pictures of Victoria
and New Westminster, and other smaller towns.
Madge Wolfenden. 304 Notes and Comments. October
Rev. J. C. Goodfellow, of Princeton, President of the Association, visited
Vancouver and Victoria in September. Meetings of the Sections were called
in order that he might address the members in both cities. The Vancouver
Section met in the Hotel Grosvenor on Thursday, September 24, and the
attendance indicated that, in spite of the pressing demands on the time and
energies of many of the members, interest in the Association and its activities
is almost as great as ever.
Mr. Goodfellow had chosen as his subject The Story of the Similkameen.
He is thoroughly familiar with both the history and lore of the district, and
his address was enlivened with many amusing anecdotes and stories of the
Similkameen of to-day and yesterday. Mr. Goodfellow first sketched the
geography of the region, and explained the way in which mountains and
streams had determined the travel routes through the country, and consequently the way in which it was approached by the pioneer explorers, miners,
and settlers. First came the fur-traders, led by Alexander Ross, an employee
of Astor's Pacific Fur Company, who, so far as is known, was the first
white man to visit the Similkameen. A generation later came the celebrated
journey of A. C. Anderson, who, in 1846-47, was searching out new travel
routes for the brigades of the Hudson's Bay Company. Presently gold
replaced fur as the chief object of search, and Mr. Goodfellow sketched the
rise and fall of the Rock Creek placers, which were the centre of a gold-rush
in 1859-60. The coming of the miners and the beginnings of settlement gave
rise to a need for roads and trails, and the speaker sketched the early history
of the Hope-Princeton trails, which it is hoped will, at long last, soon be
succeeded by a modern highway.
The building of railways and the development of coal-mines have been the
most important activities in Similkameen in recent decades. These have
substantially increased the population of the district. Men and women from
many lands have settled there; and Mr. Goodfellow's stories related to many
of them, as well as to the Indians who were there before the white man came.
At the conclusion of his address Mr. Goodfellow showed a series of slides,
which included panoramic views of the mountains and valleys of Similkameen, and colour photographs of some of the wild flowers of the region. The
speaker has for some years been in the habit of organizing a small party
and making an annual pilgrimage from Princeton to Hope in July, over the
old Hope-Princeton trail, and some of the pictures shown were taken upon
one or other of these trips.
Mr. A. G. Harvey, Vice-President of the Section, presided at the meeting,
which was thoroughly enjoyed by all present.
The Victoria Section called its meeting for Monday, September 28.
Unfortunately a black-out took place that evening, and it was impossible
to proceed as planned. Mr. Goodfellow hopes to be at the coast again early
in November, and the Section is looking forward to hearing him at that time.
Meanwhile a meeting was called for October 20, at which Dr. W. Kaye Lamb
spoke on McLoughlin of Old Oregon. 1942 Notes and Comments. 305
The annual meeting and election of officers of the Vancouver Section will
be held in November.
Mr. Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Archivist, enlisted in the Royal Canadian Air Force early in July, and was called up for service at the end of the
month. It is much to be regretted that the outstanding work he has been
doing in the Archives must be interrupted, and it is to be hoped that his
absence will not be an extended one. Miss Madge Wolfenden, Assistant
Archivist since 1935, has been appointed Acting Provincial Archivist, and
any one familiar with her work will know that the Department has been
placed in thoroughly competent hands.
It appeared at first that it would not be practicable to continue publication of the Quarterly in Mr. Ireland's absence, but in response to his most
insistent urging, the Editor has agreed to accept full responsibility for the
magazine, and to try and carry on as usual. Miss Wolfenden and the
Archives staff have undertaken to do the major share of the research and
checking which must precede the printing of every issue, and, barring
accidents, the Quarterly will appear as heretofore. •
F. W. Laing was for many years Secretary to the Minister of Agriculture,
Victoria, and has made a careful study of the early days of the agricultural
industry in the Province. It will be recalled that he contributed an article
on early flour-mills to the Quarterly, in July, 1941.
Stephen E. Raymer, J.P., is a native of Zagreb, Croatia. At the time
of the Komagata Maru episode he was Consul for the Kingdom of Jugoslavia
in Vancouver, as well as a member of the staff of the Immigration Department.    He is now a Special Representative of the Vancouver Sun.
Helen R. Boutilier, M.A., is a member of the staff of the Vancouver High
Schools. She is Honorary Secretary of the British Columbia Historical
The Picture Gallery of Canadian History. Illustrations drawn and collected
by C. W. Jeffreys, assisted by T. W. McLean. Vol. I.: Discovery to
1763.    Toronto:  The Ryerson Press, 1942.    Pp. xiv., 268.    $2.
" Canadian Development to the Conquest as seen by an Illustrator" might
well be the sub-title for the latest of Dr. Jeffreys' contributions to Canadiana.
The subject of a pictorial reconstruction of Canadian history has long
engaged the author, and readers of this Quarterly may recall his article
entitled " The Visual Reconstruction of History," which appeared in the
Canadian Historical Review for September, 1936. At that time Dr. Jeffreys
stressed the fact that every artist is influenced by the conventions of his
time, and clothes his subjects accordingly. The plates in Cook's Voyages,
for example, show South Sea natives having classical features and wearing
togas! Later reproductions often " improve " upon an original illustration,
and in his article Dr. Jeffreys showed how a sketch of an Indian dance was
modified to include John Smith as the central figure. In his Picture Gallery
he has pointed out numerous fallacies honoured by constant repetition, and
included his own imaginative sketches based on a careful reading of source
material. Read with the thought of visual presentation in mind, old documents reveal sidelights on life which provide flesh for the otherwise dry
bones of history.
The book is divided into four parts, each containing sketches by the
author (either line drawings based on contemporary paintings or imaginative) and reprints of historic pictures and sketches. In addition to interpretative comments with the illustrations, explanatory notes follow each
section. The inclusion of these notes on the page with the illustrations
would spoil the appearance of the volume, but it is unfortunate that there
are no cross-references to show which pictures are commented upon, or
where such notations are to be found.
Part one, which is devoted to Indian life before the white man came, is
particularly valuable. The general reader will be impressed by the influence
which environment had upon the aborigines in the various districts of
Canada. From a teacher's standpoint, this particular section alone would
justify the inclusion of the book in every school library. Why and how are
constantly before the pupils' eyes: why moccasins were made in special
styles; how the Indians made their pipes; even to an Indian forerunner of
a typical coast fertilizer, fish-meal.
Part two deals with the Eskimo and the beginnings of the French Regime.
As in the previous section, maps and sketches have been arranged to show
the close relationship of geography and social life. The detailed illustration
of chain mail (p. 62), and the plan of an igloo (p. 66), are excellent examples
of how the author has put portions of an illustration under the microscope
to satisfy curious minds. The sketches of ships include not only those used
by the explorers, but Canadian fishing-vessels as well.
Parts three and four both illustrate life in the colony, and no basis for
their separation is apparent.    For this reason, if no other, it is unfortunate
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI., No. 4.
306 1942 The Northwest Bookshelf. 307
that the author did not preface these later sections with an explanatory
introduction, as he did that describing Indian life. Both contain illustrations of life in Canada and the Nova Scotia of pre-Loyalist days. The
reader has the feeling that he is being escorted through such collections as
those in the Public Archives, Ottawa, the McCord Museum in Montreal, and
the J. C. Webster Collection in the St. John Museum. Home life is illustrated by a series of typical houses of Quebec, and the Chateau de Ramezay
in Montreal. Series of sketches illustrate ceremonials connected with the
seigneurial system, and the work of the Catholic Church. Missions and
explorations are shown going hand-in-hand, and many " firsts " are noted:
the Hotel Dieu, Quebec, the first hospital north of Mexico (p. 139);
St. Maurice Forges, the earliest iron-foundry in Canada (p. 223); and so on.
The Acadian expulsion and the British settlements in Nova Scotia are
illustrated by well-known pictures. Views of life in France are included,
so that readers may better understand the background from which colonists
came. The biographical notes are particularly interesting, and bring out the
close connection between Nova Scotia and the American Colonies.
A useful appendix of sources aids those who wish to make a more
thorough study of the subject. British Columbians may wonder at the
omission of the Provincial Archives as a source of material. Possibly the
answer lies in the fact that much of our history belongs to a later period.
More difficult to understand, considering the attention given to Acadia, is
the fact that the Nova Scotia Archives is never mentioned.
The Picture Gallery fills the long-felt want for a moderately priced
volume which introduces the general reader to the vast storehouses of
Canadian history and literature, and encourages him to seek further, and
for a collection of illustrative material for both the senior and juvenile
Helen R. Boutilier.
Vancouver, B.C.
Cheechako into Sourdough.   By Thomas Wiedemann  (The Klondike Kid).
Portland, Oregon:   Binfords & Mort, 1942.    Pp. 266.    111.    $2.50.
This is a genuine tale of adventure, and misadventure, in the Far North.
The author was a boy of 18 when, in 1897, he joined the rush to the Klondike.
He had good sense and excellent powers of observation, so that his diary,
which became the basis for this book, contained much authentic information,
expressed without literary skill but in unaffected straightforward language.
More than a hundred eager gold-seekers started from Seattle in August,
1897, as passengers on a wretched little side-wheel craft, the Eliza Anderson,
bound for the Klondike diggings by way of Kodiak, 850 miles; Unalaska
(650 miles more); St. Michael, at the mouth of the Yukon (another 750 miles) ;
thence up the Yukon River 1,700 miles. The total distance was nearly 4,000
miles. Needless to say the miserable little steamer never reached its
destination, although the author did—and one year later the Eliza Anderson,
badly crippled by the raging seas, was abandoned at Kodiak. Her passengers were transferred to a whaling schooner, on which they proceeded 308 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
to St. Michael. There, two months after leaving Seattle, they changed to
a river steamer and started on the long voyage up the Yukon. It proved
longer than anticipated. They had lost so much time that they were caught
in the ice of the lower Yukon, near an Eskimo settlement named Nunabis-
logarth. In two days the Yukon had changed from a river running freely
to a solid mass of ice from bank to bank.
There was no chance of getting nearer to Dawson until the ice broke in
spring. Our author was keenly interested in the Eskimos, and gives a good
account of them. The life of the marooned gold-seekers was not without
incident; we are told of some funny happenings, and one or two minor
tragedies. Christmas and New Year were celebrated cheerfully. The New
Year's Eve affair was as noisy and hilarious as the Americans could make
it, and we are told that the Eskimo chief " shook his head in a puzzled
manner as he watched the unusual antics." Finally " he tapped the side
of his head with a finger in significant manner as an indication that he
considered us all crazy in the head." My sympathy is all with the Eskimo,
as I remember similar scenes on New Year's Eve in San Francisco, New
York, and London.
On July 9, 1898, the Eskimos became excited for a much better reason;
the ice began to break, and with a deafening roar the great river broke its
winter chains. For three days the crashing ice rushed headlong to the sea
and then the main river channel was left clear.
The gold-seekers started again for Dawson. On a stern-wheel steamer
they proceeded slowly up the Yukon. The channel of the river shifts every
spring and even during other seasons. The lower Yukon therefore is
difficult to navigate. Eskimo pilots assist. Often the steamer has to slow
down while the Eskimos go ahead in their kayaks, or skin canoes, to make
soundings. Farther up the river the pilotage is in the hands of Indians.
Without the help of the indigines the captains of the river-steamers would
be at a loss to find a safe passage amid the sand-bars and shallows. The
fuel used was wood, at $22.50 per cord, decreasing to $15 when the forested
region was reached. Our author saw thousands of caribou swimming across
the Yukon in their northward migration. Then he and his comrades made
the acquaintance of the Alaskan mosquitoes and midges. They were
extremely unpleasant and interfered seriously with the cutting of wood,
for it was necessary, several times, for the passengers to assist the crew in
rustling for wood.
All voyages come to an end, of some kind. Soon the weary gold-rushers
saw the dome-like hill on which a lookout signalled their arrival by the
raising and lowering of a white flag. The little steamer came to the muddy
landing and a crowd of onlookers hailed the newcomers as Cheechakos.
This the author resents, because, as he says, they had spent the winter in
the Yukon and were entitled to consider themselves Sourdoughs. Cheechako
means greenhorn or tenderfoot; sourdough is the name for the seasoned
miner, who uses a fermented dough as a leaven in making his bread in the
form of flapjacks, or griddlecakes. This explains the title of the book. He
uses " The Klondike Kid " as an adjunct to his own name, for apparently 1942 The Northwest Bookshelf. 309
he is proud of this nickname, with which he gained spurious notoriety on his
return home, as we shall see.
Only two of the more than a hundred men that started on the Eliza
Anderson ever did any digging for gold. Many of the others turned their
backs on Dawson soon after their arrival. One of the younger members
of the crew joined the author in working a claim on Dominion Creek. Their
life and doings are described, and we are told how they dug for the gold, with
moderate success. This part of the book is good, for it describes in untech-
nical language the particular difficulties that had to be overcome in mining
frozen ground and in extracting the gold when the spring thaw provided
the necessary water. Here lies the explanation for the fact that the news
of the rich discoveries did not reach the outside world until the diggers with
their bags of gold actually arrived at Seattle and San Francisco, eleven
months later. During winter, eight or nine months, all that could be done
was to use heated water to pan samples of the gold-bearing gravel, thereby
gaining some idea of its richness. No larger-scale extraction of the gold
was feasible until the spring, when running water became available for
The author makes an error in speaking of George Carmack, the discoverer of gold on Bonanza Creek, as a Siwash. He also calls him a
half-breed. This is quite wrong. Carmack was a Californian who, at the
time of his discovery, was living with an Indian girl. This was better than
marrying a prostitute, as many of the diggers did.
The author left Dawson in the spring with a little more than $5,000.
It is a pity that the story does not end here. The last chapter describes
how he made an utter fool of himself by spending his money in San Francisco
like a drunken sailor, all for the sake of newspaper publicity. He won cheap
notoriety and lost every cent, finally getting a job at $10 a week and board
in a restaurant where previously he had spent $10 on a meal. A friend
from Seattle rescued him and took him home. He left Seattle penniless and
he returned penniless, but he retained his good health, and was enriched
by experience. T  A  RlCKARD-
Victoria, B.C.
Captain William Oliver: A Fisher of Men. By Wilfred H. Morris. Tru-
jillo, Peru: Casa Evangelica de Publicaciones, 1941. Pp. xii., 117.
35 cents.
The purpose for which this book was written, and the fact that it was
printed in Peru, must be considered in seeking to appraise it as an historical
record. In spite of adverse criticism, we can still be grateful for the records
of conversations which have the true Oliver ring about them. In a foreword
Dr. S. S. Osterhout states that Mr. Morris had "known Captain Oliver
intimately for some years . . . having travelled with him on various
occasions   .   .   ."
The closing paragraph of chapter 3 indicates that the biography is not
an end in itself, but a means whereby the author hopes that readers will be
converted to the faith which inspired Captain Oliver to noble endeavour. 310 The Northwest Bookshelf.
Printer's errors are too numerous to list. In a letter dated June 22,
1942, Mr. Morris attributes this to the fact that the book was printed in
South America, whither he and his wife had gone to do missionary work
among the Quechua Indians of the Department of Ancash. The Spanish
printer, who was responsible for the mission literature, had helpers less
competent than himself. "Although the whole book was carefully proofread it did not seem to do much good and he just went ahead and printed
the mistakes anyway."
In chapter 2, which deals with the " Early Years " of Captain Oliver's
life, it is stated that he was born " in Bishoptown on the Clyde, on March
19, 1849." An obituary notice prepared for Presbytery for presentation to
the United Church Conference in 1937, states that " William Oliver was born
at Bishopton on the Clyde, Scotland, Mar. 19th, 1848." Apart from the
difference in the spelling of Oliver's birthplace (the latter being correct),
there is a discrepancy of a year in the date of birth. It seems quite evident
that Mr. Morris was not careful to check any factual statement, for on
page 23 we have the uncertain sentence: " Finally, at about the age of 32
or 33, he arrived on the American sailing ship ' City of Brooklyn' at the
city of Victoria, B.C. He left this ship there and went to New Westminster,
which, at that time, was a hive of activity because of the gold strike in the
Caribou." As this quotation indicates, names are often misspelled, and dates
are vaguely or inaccurately given. The truth is that as an historical record
the book has little value, apart from the conversations it records.
The memory of Captain Oliver is held in grateful remembrance by
thousands of people along the Canadian Pacific Coast. From the time he
was 8 years old, when he went to work in the shipyards on the Clyde, his
life was connected with the sea, ships, and sailors. As ship's carpenter he
sailed the seven seas, and at the age of 35 secured his certificate as master
mariner. The life of a sailor sixty-five years ago was a hard lot, and the
young Scot acquired a taste for liquor that threatened both body and soul.
The story of his conversion is an epic of Christian experience. This
happened soon after his arrival in New Westminster, in 1884, and he long
remembered the Rev. Ebenezer Robson as his spiritual father. Thereafter
he was associated with the Rev. Thomas Crosby, for whom he built and
sailed the Glad Tidings, known among the Indians of the Coast as " the
Come-to-Jesus steamboat." Until he retired in 1930, and made his home
in New Westminster, Captain Oliver was a leading figure in the Methodist
(and after 1925 in the United) Church marine missions. During these
years he built and sailed a number of mission boats, and gave of his strength
and substance to further this work. Long before his death on Sunday,
January 3, 1937, his name had become a household word, and a legend of
service had grown up around his name. Like the Galilean fishermen, he
had left all and followed Christ.
He was survived by his wife, who had been his constant helpmeet through
years of service.
J. C. Goodfellow.
Princeton, B.C. THE
Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association EDITOR.
W. Kaye Lamb.
Library, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C.
J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. F. W. Howay, New Westminster.
Robie L. Reid, Vancouver. T. A. Rickard, Victoria.
W. N. Sage, Vancouver.
All communications should be addressed to the Provincial Archives,
Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. CONTENTS OF VOLUME VI.
Articles : Page.
The Chinook Jargon and British Columbia.
By Robie L. Reid         1
New Light on Herbert Beaver.
By G. Hollis Slater     13
The Mystery of Mrs. Barkley's Diary: Notes on the Voyage of the
"Imperial Eagle," 1786-87.
By W. Kaye Lamb .     31
Captain George Vancouver, 1792-1942: A Study in Commemorative
By F. V. Longstaff  __„   77
The Victory " V" and the Colonial Stamps of 1865-71.
By J. A. Pearce    95
Responsible Government and Confederation:   The Popular Movement for Popular Government.
By K. A. Waites    97
The Introduction of Intoxicating Liquors amongst the Indians of the
Northwest Coast.
By F. W. Howay _     157
The Klondike Rush.
By T. A. Rickard  _.    171
The Origin of the Chinook Jargon.
By F. W. Howay  _    225
How One Slave became Free.
By Robie L. Reid    251
Some Pioneers of the Cattle Industry.
By F. W. Laing    257
Documents :
Documents relating to the Mystery of Mrs. Barkley's Diary.
I. Extracts from the Diaries of Frances Hornby Barkley     49
II. Extracts from the Reminiscences of Frances Hornby Barkley    55
Four Letters from Richard Cadman Etches to Sir Joseph Banks,
With an introduction and notes by F. W. Howay  125
Four Letters relating to the Cruise of the " Thetis," 1852-58.
With an introduction and notes by W. Kaye Lamb 189
Correspondence relating to the Establishment of a Naval Base at
Esquimalt, 1851-57  277
Notes and Comments 61, 141, 207, 297
The Northwest Bookshelf:
The First Fifty Years:  Vancouver High Schools, 1890-1940.
By Willard E. Ireland    69
" Meet Mr. Coyote."
By A. E. Pickford       70
The Ninth Report of the Okanagan Historical Society.
By W. N. Sage     72
Hancock:  The Purchase of Alaska, Contemporary Opinion.
By F. H. Soward     73 The Northwest Bookshelf—Continued. Page.
Graham:  Sea Power and British North America, 1783-1820.
By A. C Cooke     73
A History of Ogden.
Welsh: A Brief History of Oregon City and West Linn, Oregon.
Welsh: A Brief History of Port Angeles, Washington.
Welsh: A Brief Historical Sketch of Port Townsend.
Angle and Welsh: A Brief History of Shelton, Washington.
Stone: A Short History of Caulfeild Village.
By Willard E. Ireland    75
Carr: Klee Wyck.
By Ira Dilworth 149
Lomax:   Pioneer Woolen Mills in Oregon:  History of Wool and
the Woolen Textile Industry in Oregon, 1811-1875.
By W. Kaye Lamb 161
Miller: Northwest Water Boundary.
By F. W. Howay 152
Gates:  Readings in Pacific Northwest History: Washington, 1790-
By W. N. Sage  153
Powell:  Philosopher Pickett.
By T. A. Rickard  154
Howay:   Voyages of the " Columbia."
By W. Kaye Lamb  209
Longstaff:  Esquimalt Naval Base.
By Ronald Kenvyn 211
Carrothers: British Columbia Fisheries.
By G. Neil Perry 213
Rome:  The First Two Years.
By Robie L. Reid  214
Wagner: Bullion to Books.
By F. W. Howay  216
The Relations of Canada and the United States.
Review article by W. N. Sage  216
Jeffreys:  The Picture Gallery of Canadian History.
By Helen R. Boutilier  306
Wiedemann:  Cheechako into Sourdough.
By T. A. Rickard 307
Morris:  Captain William Oliver: A Fisher of Men.
By J. C. Goodfellow 309
Index    311
Page 45, line 27.    For Princess Frederica read Princessa Frederica.
Page 86, line 22.    For 1832 read 1834.
Page 130, footnote (5).   For $5,500 read $55,000.
Page 152, second last line.    For the British read a middle channel. INDEX-.
Alsop, Richard, 286, 249, 250
Alston, E. G., 97, 112, 113, 120
Anderson, William, 240
Angle. G. C, and Welsh, W. D., A Brief History of Shelton, review of, 75, 76
Archdeacon, Commander W. E., 98
Archives accessions, 1941-42,144,145, 299-303
Atkinson, Rev. G. H., 27
Ball, H. M., 97
Banks, Sir Joseph, 58, 125, 128, 129, 182-134;
letters to, 130-189
Barclay, Archibald, letter to, 208-206
Barkley, Andrew, 143
Barkley, Capt. C. W., 81-59, 135, 136, 148,
144, 289
Barkley, Charles, 143
Barkley, Capt. Edward, 38, 84, 144
Barkley, Frances, 83
Barkley, Mrs. Frances H., 31-69, 144
Barkley, Rev. J. C, 32, 144
Barkley, James, 148
Barkley, Capt. John, 84, 45, 47, 144
Barkley, Capt. R. E., 83
Barkley, William, 143
Barkley Family, Notes on the, 148, 144
Barkley Sound, 32, 49, 58
Barkley's Diary, Documents Relating to the
Mystery of Mrs., 49-59
Barkley's Diary, The Mystery of Mrs., 31-47
Barnard, F. J., 97, 106, 112, 118
Bartlett, John, 280
Bates, A. S., 265, 266
Batterton, James, 263
Battle Creek, 265
Beale, Daniel, 32
Beale, John, 32, 44
Beale, Cape, 82, 49
Bean, Edmund, 171
Beaven, Robert, 116
Beaver, Mrs. Jane, 17, 19, 20, 26
Beaver, Rev. Herbert, 13, 17-26
Beaver, Neto Light on Herbert, 13-29
Belcher, Sir Edward, 128
Bell, Edward, 162
Belle Vue Point, 84-86
Bering, Vitus, 157, 168
Bishop, Charles, 164, 241, 244
Blenkinsop, George, 197
Boas, Franz, 242
Bodega y Quadra, J. F., 82, 83, 161, 162
Boit, John, 181, 232
Bonanza Creek, 175, 176, 181, 187
Booth, Cornelius, 119
Boutilier, H. R., The Picture Gallery of Canadian History, review by, 806, 807
Brabant, A. J., 243
Breaksea Sound, 98
Brighouse, Sam, 90
British Columbia Fisheries, The, review of,
218, 214
British Columbia Historical Association, 62-
66, 145, 147, 207, 804, 305
British Columbian, 98
Brotchie, William, 197
Broughton, W. R., 84, 86, 92, 166
Broughton Arm, 98
Brown, Peter, 190, 199, 200, 203
Bruce, Rear-Admiral, 277, 278, 284, 287; letters from, 281, 282, 286, 289, 290, 293, 294;
letters to, 282, 288, 285, 286, 290-292, 294
Bullion to Books, review of, 215
Bunster, Arthur, 119, 120
Bushby, A. T., 97
Caamano, Jacinto, 248
Callicum, Indian chief, 284, 235
Cameron, David, 253-255
Cameron, John, 273
Campbell, Lewis, 265
Campbell, R. N., 273-275
Campbell, Robert, 171
Campbell Creek, 265
Captain George Vancouver, 1792-1942, 77-94
Captain William Oliver, review of, 309, 810
Carmack, G. W., 172-176
Carr, Emily, Klee Wyck, review of, 149-151
Carrall, R. W. W., 97, 102, 106, 107, 109, 111,
113, 115, 119, 120
Carrothers,   W.   A.,   The   British   Columbia
Fisheries, review of, 213, 214
Cary, G. H., 252
Cattle Industry, Some Pioneers of the, 257-
Cattle trade, 257-275
Caulfeild Village, A Short History of, review
of, 75, 76
Charles, negro, 251-256
Charles, William, 268
Cheechako into Sourdough, review of, 807-309
Chinook Indians, 1-8, 7, 238, 241
Chinook Jargon, 1-11, 225-250
Chinook Jargon and British Columbia,  The,
Chinook Jargon, The Origin of the, 225-250
Christ Church Cathedral, Victoria, 27-29
Clark, Capt. William, 2, 3, 242, 245
Clayoquot Sound, 49
Cleveland, R. J., 163
Coal-mining, Vancouver Island, 196, 197, 199,
Cock, Henry, 262-264
Colnett, James, 42, 48, 128, 137-189, 280, 240,
Colonist, 98
Columbia City, 86
311 312
" Columbia" to the Northwest Coast, 1787-
1790 and 1790—1793, Voyages of the, review
of, 209-211
Concommolly, Indian chief, 237
Confederation, Responsible Government and,
Constantine, Capt. A., 175
Cook, James, 80, 168, 169, 236, 237, 239-241,
Cooke, A. C, Sea Power and British North
America, review by, 73, 74
Cooper, James, 202, 208
Cornwall, C. F., 119, 120
Correspondence Relating to the Establishment of a Naval Base at Esquimalt, 277-296
Cottonwood Point, 84
Couverden Point, 77
Cow, Indian chief, 241
Cox, Ross, 161
Cox, W. G., 267
Crease, Sir H. P. P., 97, 101, 107-109
Crespi, Juan, 228, 229
Cridge, Bishop, 7, 28
Crowell, Capt. Samuel, S3
Dall, W. H., 89
Dawson, 172, 179, 182
DeCosmos, Amor, 97, 98, 111, 114, 119-123
Destruction Island, 44, 136
Destruction River, 44
Dewdney, Edgar, 97, 112, 114, 267
Dilworth, Ira, Klee Wyck, review by, 149-161
Dixon, George. 31, 32, 126-128, 130, 131, 133,
136, 138, 243, 244
Documents Relating to the Mystery of Mrs.
Barkley's Diary, 49-59
Donaldson, William, 263
Douglas, Sir James, 21, 23, 98, 189-191, 198-
201, 277, 278;   letters from, 282-292, 296,
296;   letters to, 281, 282, 286, 289, 290, 292,
Drake, Sir Francis, 239
Drake, M. W. T., 97, 102, 107, 114
Drumheller, D. M., 264, 266
Duncan, Capt. Charles, 42
Dyea, 178
Edenshaw, Indian chief, 201, 202
Effingham Island, 49
Eight Mile Creek, 265
Elisa, Francisco de, 239
Esquimalt as a Naval Base, 277-296
Esquimalt, 1851-57, Correspondence Relating
to the Establishment of a Naval Base at,
Esquimalt Naval Base, review of, 211-213
Etches, John, 126
Etches, R. C, 41, 125-129; letters from, 130-
Etches,  Richard Cadman,  & Company,  126,
129, 130
Etholine, A. K., 89
Fee, C. A., 236, 237, 240, 248-250
first Fifty Years, The, review of, 69, 70
First Two Years, The, review of, 214
Fisher, Rev. Ezra, 27
Fisheries, The British Columbia, review of,
213, 214
Fitzroy, Capt. R. F., 94
Fleming, Capt., J. R., 262-254, 256
Forts and trading-posts, Astoria, 85 ; Cudahy,
177; George, 85 ; Kamloops, 258-263 ; Reliance, 172 ; Rupert, 197 : Selkirk, 171; Simpson, 168, 201; Vancouver, 13, 20, 23, 24,
86, 86; Victoria, 26, 27, 198, 202; York
Factory, 15
Four Letters from Richard Cadman Etches
to Sir Joseph Banks, 126-139
Four Letters Relating to the Cruise of the
" Thetis," 1852-58, 189-206
Frances Island, 49, 68
Franchere, Gabriel, 227, 240
Franklin, Howard, 172
Frederick, Capt., 289, 290
Fuca, Juan de, 239
Fur Trade, 2, 3; Maritime, 41-44, 50, 53, 54,
69, 126, 127, 130-139, 159, 161-167
Galiano, D. A., 82, 161
Gardiner, Mount, 93
Garrett, Rev. A. C, 6
Gates, C. M., Readings in Pacific Northwest
History, review of, 153, 154
Gates, William, 264
Gibbs, George, 246
Gill, John, 226, 227
Gold-mining, California, 176;   Klondike, 171-
187; Queen Charlotte Islands, 189, 190, 193-
196, 199, 200, 202
Good, Rev. J. B., 4
Goodfellow,   J.   C,   Captain   William   Oliver,
review of, 309, 310
Gossett, W. D., 96
Government, Responsible, and Confederation,
Graduate Historical Society, 207, 208
Graham, G. S-, Sea Power and British North
America, review of, 73, 74
Granville, 90
Green, W. S. S., 116
Guide and History of Salmon River and Cariboo Mining Districts, 142, 143
Haida Indians, 228, 230, 241, 242. 245, 249
Hailstone, William, 90
Hamley, W. O., 97, 120   .
Hanapa, Indian chief, 244
Hancock, Capt., 53
Hankin, P. J., 97, 101, 120
Hanna, James, 169, 164, 234
Harper, Jerome, 266-269, 272-274
Harper, Thaddeus, 266-276 Index.
Hastings, 90, 91
Haswell, Robert, 162, 231, 232, 240, 241, 260
Hawaiian, first to visit the Northwest Coast,
Hayden Island, 92
Haynes, J. C, 259-261
Helmcken, J. S., 97, 102, 112, 113, 116, 118-
120, 191
Henderson, Robert, 173-176
Higgins, D. W., 117
Hills, Bishop, 7
History, Regional, as a Social Studies Enter-
-  prise, 141, 142
Holbrook, Henry, 97, 107, 122
Holland, John, 268
Hood, Mount, 84
Hornby Peak, 49, 68
Hosie, John, 144, 146
Hoskins, John, 161
Hospitals, Naval, 277, 282-286, 288-292, 296,
How One Slave Became Free, 261-266
Howay, F. W., Bullion to Books, review by,
216 ; ed., Four Letters from Richard Cadman Etches to Sir Joseph Banks. 126-189;
The Introduction of Intoxicating Liquors
amongst the Indians, 167-169; Northwest
Water Boundary, review by, 162, 163 ; The
Origin of the Chinook Jargon, 225-260;
ed., Voyages of the " Columbia" to the
Northwest Coast, review of, 209-211
Hudson's Bay Company, Chinook jargon, 3, 4;
Liquor traffic, 167;   Religion, 13-17, 26-28
Humphreys, T. B., 97, 106, 109, 112, 114, 120
Immigrants to Canada, 298, 299
Indians, Alaska, 61-66, 171; Crime, 190, 199,
200, 203-206; Languages, 1-11, 226-260;
Liquor, 167-169 ; Nootka, 229, 230, 232-242,
248-260; Queen Charlotte Islands, 196, 202;
Reserves, 267, 268;   Slavery, 238
Ingraham, Joseph, 240, 241, 243
Introduction of Intoxicating Liquors Amongst
the Indians of the Northwest Coast, The,
Ireland, W. E., A Brief Historical Sketch of
Port Townsend; A Brief History of Oregon City and West Linn; A Brief History
of Port Angeles; A Brief History of Shelton, reviews by, 76, 76; The First Fifty
Years, review by, 69, 70; A History of
Oregon; A Short History of Caulfeild Village, reviews by, 75, 76
Jackson, " Spokane," 266
Jeffreys, C. W., The Picture Gallery of Canadian History, review of, 806, 307
Jeffreys, J. P., 260, 261
Jeffreys, Oliver, 260, 261
Jewitt, John, 165-167, 236-288, 246, 246, 248-
Joseph, Jimmy, Indian, 270
Juan  de  Fuca  Strait,  discovery of,  31,  82,
34-36, 43, 44, 49, 50, 136, 136
Kane, Paul, 6, 7
Kelly, Edward, 269
Kendal], E. N., 94
Kendrick, John, 134
Kennedy, Sir A. E., 98, 99
Kennedy, Dr. J. F., 193, 196
Kenvyn, Ronald, Esquimalt Naval Base, review by, 211-213
King George's Sound, 49,135
King George's Sound Company, 126
Klee Wyck, review of, 149-151
Klondike gold-fields,  171-187
Klondike Rush, The, 171-187
" Komagata Maru " and the Central Powers,
The, 297-299
Kuper, Capt. A. L., 190, 191; letters from,
Labouchere, H., letter from, 292, 293
Laing, F. W., Some Pioneers of the Cattle
Industry,  267-276
Lamb, W. Kaye, Archives receives New James
Strange Manuscript, 144, 145; ed., Four
Letters Relating to the Cruise of the " Thetis," 189-206; The Mystery of Mrs. Barkley's Diary, 31-47; Notes on the Barkley
Family, 143, 144; Pioneer Woolen Mills in
Oregon, review by, 151, 152; Voyages of
the " Columbia" to the Northwest Coast,
review by, 209-211
Lane, Richard, 27
Langevin, Sir H. L., 7, 8
Langsdorff, G. H. von, 160
Laperouse, J. F. de G., 161, 162
Lee, Jason, 17, 21
Leighton, J. B., 265, 269, 270
LeJeune, Father J. M. R., 1, 10, 11
Leonard, John, 265'
Liquors Amongst the Indians of the Northwest Coast, The Introduction of Intoxicating,  157-169
Liverpool, 90
Lomax, A. L., Pioneer Woolen Mills in Oregon, review of, 151, 152
Longstaff, F. V., Captain George Vancouver,
1792-19i2, 77-94; Esquimalt Naval Base,
review of, 211-218
McCreight, J. F. 122, 123
McKay, J. W., 267
McKay, Dr. John, 41-43, 49
Mackenzie, Sir Alexander, 226, 226, 244
McLean, Donald, 263
McLoughlin, Eloise, 21
McLoughlin, Dr. John, 19-25, 258
McLoughlin, Mrs. John, 20, 21 314
McNeill, W. H., 189
Magee, James, 162
Maquinna, Indian chief, 169-163, 245, 246
Marchand, Etienne, 160, 161
MarshaU, J. W., 176
Martin, Judge Archer, 32-34
Martinez, E. J., 159, 230, 234, 236, 240, 241,
Maurelle Island, 83
Meares, John, 31, 32, 40, 44, 50, 61, 58, 59,
128, 131, 137, 138, 231, 234-240, 244, 247
" Meet Mr. Coyote," 61, 62; review of, 70, 71
Menzies, Archibald, 244
Menzies Island, 92
Miller, Hunter, Northwest Water Boundary,
review of, 152, 153
Miller, William, 44, 49
Mitchell, William, 192, 194
Moodyville, 90, 91
Moore, George, 196
Moore, William, 177
Moresby, Rear-Admiral Fairfax, 190,198, 277 ;
letter from, 279, 280; letters to, 192-203
Moresby, John, 195
Morgan, D. L„ A History of Ogden, review
of, 75, 76
Morris,  W.  H., Captain William Oliver, review of, 809, 310
Morse, Eric, 297
Morton, John, 90
Mozino Suarez de Figueroa, J. M., 168
Murphy, William, 261-264
Musgrave,   Sir   Anthony,   100,   101,   116-117,
Mystery of Mrs. Barkley's Diary, The, 81-47
Names, Geographical, 77-94
Narvaez, J. M., 239
Nathan, Henry, 120
Negroes in Victoria, 251-256
Nelson, Hugh, 120
Nevin, 192
New Brighton, 90
New Cariboo Item, 142, 143
New Light on Herbert Beaver, 13-29
Newcombe, Dr. C. F., 36
Niblack, A. P., 249
Nicol, John, 243
Nicola, historical study of, 141, 142
Nind, P. H., 267, 268
Nisbet, H. T., Regional History as a Social
Studies Enterprise, 141, 142
Nootka Indians, 1-3, 229, 230, 232-242, 248-
Nootka Sound, 49, 136
Northwest Water Boundary, review of, 162,
O'Brien, Thomas, 177
Ogden, P. S., 21, 168
Ogden, A History of, review of, 76, 76
Ogilvie. William, 176, 177
Okanagan Historical Society of Vernon, The
Ninth Report of, review of, 72
Oliver, Captain William, review of, 309, 310
Oregon City and West Linn, Oregon, A Brief
History of, review of, 76, 76
O'Reilly, Peter, 97
Origin of the Chinook Jargon, The, 225-250
Palmer, General Joel, 258, 259
Pantoja, 230, 231
Parker, Rev. Samuel, 22
Pearce,   J.   A.,   The   Victory  " V"  and  the
Colonial Stamps of 1885-71, 95, 96
Pease, Capt., 290
Peel, Francis, 195
Peiia, Father, 228, 229
Pelly, J. H., letter from. 280, 281
Pemberton, A. F., 97, 120
Penal colonies. 129, 132, 133
Pender, Daniel, 88
Perry,  G.  Neil,  The British Columbia Fisheries, review by, 213, 214
Phillippo, George, 120
Philosopher Pickett, review of, 154, 155
Phinn, Thomas, letter from, 294
Pickett, Philosopher, review of, 154, 155
Pickford, A. E., " Meet Mr. Coyote," review
by, 70, 71
Picture Gallery of Canadian History, The, review of, 306, 307
Pioneer  Woolen Mills in Oregon, review of,
151, 162
Pioneers of the Cattle Industry, Some, 257
Port Angeles,  Washington; A Brief History
of, review of, 76, 76
Port Discovery. 83
Port Mitchell, 192-196
Port Quadra, 82
Port Townsend, A Brief Historical Sketch of,
review of, 75, 76
Portlock,  Capt. Nathaniel,  46,  126-128,   130,
131, 188, 243
Postage-stamps, British Columbia colonial, 95,
Powell, L. C, Philosopher Pickett, review of,
154, 156
Prevost, J. C, 202, 278, 295; letter to, 296
Purchase of Alaska, The, review of, 73
Quadra Island, 83
Queen Charlotte Islands, 189-196
Quimper, Manuel, 160, 243
Rae, W. G., 21
Raymer, Stephen, letter from, 297-299
Raymur, Capt. J. A., 116
Readings  in Pacific Northwest History,  review of, 158, 154 Index.
Red River, 16
Reed Island, 92
Regional History as a Social Studies Enterprise, review of, 141, 142
Reid, M. J. R., 297, 298
Reid, R. L., The Chinook Jargon and British
Columbia, 1-11; The First Two Years, review by, 214; How One Slave Became Free,
261-256; letter tof 297-299; New Cariboo
Item, 142, 143
Reid, V. H., The Purchase of Alaska, review
of, 73
Relations of Canada and the United States,
The, review of, 216-224
Responsible Government and Confederation,
Reynolds, Stephen, 242
Richard Cadman Etches & Company, 126,
129, 130
Richards, Capt. G. H., 88, 93
Rickard, T. A., Cheechako into Sourdough,
review by, 807-309; The Klondike Rush,
171-187; Philosopher Pickett, review by,
164, 155
Ring, D. B., 97, 103, 108, 112, 114
Rithet, R. P., 274
Robertson, A. R., 122
Robson, John, 97, 98, 103, 109, 110, 112, 114,
117, 119, 123
Rome, David, The First Two Years, review
of, 214
Rooney, Matthew, 201
Roper, Edward, 8
Roquefeuil, Camille de, 243, 245
Routes of travel to the Klondike, 178-181
Royal Northwest Mounted Police, 175, 178,
Rupert's Land, 15
Sage, W. N., The Ninth Report of the Okanagan Historical Society of Vernon, review
by, 72 ; Readings in Pacific Northwest History, review by, 153, 154; The Relations of
Canada and the United States, review by,
Salmon River and Cariboo Mining Districts,
Guide and History of, 142, 143
Sanders, E. H., 97
San Poel Creek, 265
Sansum, Arthur, 201, 204, 206
Sawmills, Quesnelmouth, 272; Yale, 266, 272
Schwatka, Frederick, 171
Scott, H. J., 272
Scottie Creek, 268
Scotty Creek, 263
Scouler, Dr. John, 246
Sea Power and British North America, review
of, 73, 74
Seelye, H. E., 117, 118
Seymour, Frederick, 95, 98-100
Shelton, Washington, A Brief History of, review of, 75, 76
Shepherd, Cyrus, 22
Ships, H.M.S. Acheron, 93; Adventure, 131;
Argonaut, 138 ; Atrevida, 160 ; Aurora, 284 ;
H.M.S. Beagle, 94; Beaver, 87, 88, 195, 197,
199-201, 208; Boston, 165, 167; H.M.S.
Brisk, 284, 285 ; Captain Cook, 41; Caroline,
163 ; H.M.S. Chanticler, 94; H.M.S. Chatham,
81, 84, 89, 162, 166; China, 59 ; Columbia.
19, 20, 23, 26, 131, 161, 165, 282, 247;
H.M.S. Courageux, 80, 81; H.M.S. Crescent,
94; H.M.S. Daphne, 197, 279; Diana, 284 ;
H.M.S. Dido, 284, 285; H.M.S. Discovery,
77, 80, 81, 89; Dryad, 168; Eleanora, 247;
Eliza Anderson, 251-254; Empress of Russia, 298 ; H.M.S. Europa, 80, 81; Excelsior,
177; Experiment, 41; H.M.S. Fame, 80, 81;
Felice, 231; H.M.C.S. Fraser, 94; Gustavus,
230; Halcyon, 83, 84, 37, 88, 46, 51-65, 58;
Hancock, 53, 131; Imperial Eagle, 31, 33-
36, 37-46, 49-51, 55-59, 135-187; Iphigenia,
138; Jason, 138; Jefferson, 131, 168, 238;
Jenny, 247; King George, 45, 126, 127, 130,
131, 137, 138; Komagata Maru, 297-299;
La Flavie, 161, 162, 164; Loudon see Imperial Eagle; Lydia, 249; Margaret, 131, 162,
164; H.M.S. Martin, 81; Mary Dare, 200 ;
H.M.S. Monarch, 281, 287; H.M.S. Naiad,
293, 294; Nereide, 17, 19; New Hazard,
242; Nootka, 137, 244; Norman Morison,
28, 202; North West America. 131, 138;
Otter, 290; H.M.C.S. Patrician, 94 ; H.M.C.S.
Patriot, 94; H.M.S. Plumper, 88; Portland,
177; H.M.S. Portland, 198, 279; H.M.S.
President, 288, 289, 292; Prince of Wales,
41, 42, 126, 127, 130, 185-138; Princesa
Real, 159, 160; Princess Royal, 28, 41-43,
126, 127, 130, 136-138, 160; Princessa Frederica, 34, 45 ; Quadra, 34 ; Queen Charlotte,
126, 127, 130, 131, 137, 138, 243; Recovery,
190, 193, 194, 200, 201, 203 ; Resolution, 131,
238; H.M.S. Resolution, 80; Return, 134;
Ruby, 164, 244; Santiago, 228, 229; H.M.S.
Satellite, 295; H.M.C.S. Shearwater, 278;
Susan Sturges, 194, 196, 200-202; H.M.S.
Thetis, 189-206; Three Brothers. 131; Tonquin, 240; H.M.S. Toreador, 94; H.M.S.
Trincomalee, 284, 287, 288; Una, 189, 192-
194 ; Vancouver, barque, 86, 87 ; Vancouver,
brig, 87; Vancouver, schooner, 86, 202 ; Vancouver, steamer, 87; H.M.C.S. Vancouver,
94; Venus, 46; H.M.S. Virago, 202; Washington. 134, 231, 282, 247
Similkameen Historical Association, 67
Simpson, Sir George, 15-17, 21, 85, 86
Skagway, 178
Skinner, R. J., 120
Skinner, T. J., 289, 291 316
Slater, G. H., New Light on Herbert Beaver,
Slave Became Free, How One, 251-256
Slavery, Indians, 238; Negroes, 251-256
Smith, Soapy, 178
Snipes, B. E., 262
Society for the Furtherance of Indian Arts
and Crafts, 61, 62
Some Pioneers of the Cattle Industry, 267-
Sonora Island, 83
Soward, F. H., The Purchase of Alaska, review by, 78
Splawn, A. J., 262-264
Sproat, G. M., 268
Staines, Mrs. Emma F., 26-28
Staines, Rev. R. J., 26-28
Stamps of 1885-71, The Victory " V" and
the Colonial, 95, 96
Stewart, Noel, " Meet Mr. Coyote," review of,
70, 71
Stokes, Capt. J. L., 98
Stone, H. A., A Short History of Caulfeild
Village, review of, 76, 76
Strange, James, 41, 42, 144, 145, 240; Additions to Captain Cook's Vocabulary of the
Nootka Sound Language in 1788, 144, 146
Swaine, Cape, 89
Swan, J. G., 166, 233-235
Swannell, Frank, 144
Tatoocheticus, Indian chief, 244
Terms of Union with Canada, 97-123
Tetacus, Indian chief, 160
Thetis cove, 193
" Thetis," 1852-58, Four Letters Relating to
the Cruise of the, 189-206
Thomas, E. H., 4, 283, 285-240, 248, 250
Thompson, Robert, 268
Thorp, Major John, 262-264
Thron Duik, 172
Tilton, James, 251, 253
Todd, James, 268
Tolmie, W. F., 167-169
Trimble, James, 116
Trotter, A. P., 144, 146
Trutch, Sir J. W., 97, 104, 112, 115, 120, 122
Ulrich, Egon, 298
Union of the Colonies, 98, 99
Valdes, C, 82, 83, 160
Valdes island, 83
Vancouver, George, 77-94, 133, 162-164, 287-
240, 247
Vancouver, Alaska, cape, 89; islet, 89 ; mount,
Vancouver, Argentina, port, 98
Vancouver, Australia, cape, 92, 93; rock, 93
Vancouver, B.C., Avenue, 91; Bay, 88; City,
90, 91; Heights, 91; Island, 82, 83, 87;
North, 91; Point, 84; River, 88 ; Rock, 88;
South, 91; Street, 91; West, 91
Vancouver, New Zealand, Arm, 93
Vancouver, Oregon, Island, 92
Vancouver, Washington, City, 92; Fort, 92,
93 ; Junction, 92; Lake, 92; Straits, 92
Vancouver, Yukon, Creek, 90
Vancouver, Capt. George, 1792-191,2, 77-94
Van Horne, William, 90
Victory " V" and the Colonial Stamps of
1885-71, The, 95, 96
Village Island, 49
Voyages of the " Columbia" to the Northwest Coast 1787-1790 and 1790-1798, review of, 209-211
Wagner, H. R„ Bullion to Books, review of,
Waites, K. A., ed., The First Fifty Years,
review of, 69, 70; Responsible Government
and Confederation, 97-123
Walbran, Capt. J. T., 34-88, 41, 43, 44, 46
Walkem, G. A., 97, 112, 122
Wallace, Robert, 116
Ward, R. T., 274
Wawa, 11
Wedge Mountain, 89
Welsh, W. D., A Brief Historical Sketch of
Port Townsend; A Brief History of Oregon
City and West Linn, Oregon; A Brief History of Port Angeles; and Angle, G. C,
A Brief History of Shelton, reviews of,
75, 76
West, Rev. John, 16
West Linn, Oregon, A Brief History of Oregon City and, review of, 76, 76
Western Canada Ranching Company, 267,
268, 273, 274
Whidbey, Joseph, 77
Whitman, Mrs. Marcus, 22
Wickananish, Indian chief, 161, 243
Wickaninnish Sound, 49, 58
Wiedemann, Thomas, Cheechako into Sourdough, review of, 307-309
Wilby, 128
Wilbye, William, 138
Wilkie, John, 116
Williams point, 49, 58
Wilson, John, 265
Winee, Hawaiian, 40
Wolfenden, Madge, Some Archives Accessions,
18il-i2, 299-303
Wood, T. L., 97, 105, 114
Wootton, Henry, 96
Work, John, 189, 201
Yates, William, 268
Zimmermann, Heinrich, 284 VICTORIA, B.C.:
Printed by Chaelbs F. Banfield, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
Organized October 31st, 1922.
Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia.
OFFICERS, 1941-42.
Hon. H. G. T. Perry   -       -       - Honorary President.
J. C. Goodfellow     ...       - President.
B. A. McKelvee  1st Vice-President.
E. M. Cotton   - 2nd Vice-President.
Willard E. Ireland   -      -      - Honorary Treasurer.
Helen R. Bouthjer        -       -       - Honorary Secretary.
Mrs. M. R. Cree.        F. W. Howay.        W. N. Sage.       Robie L. Reid.
Miss Madge Wolfenden.       John Golddz.       H. T. Nation.
Mrs. Curtis Sampson M. T. Whaiams
(Victoria Section). (Vancouver Section).
E. M. Cotton (New Westminster and Fraser Valley Section).
To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history;
to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics,
natural features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to
publish historical sketches, studies, and documents.
Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year
commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing
receive the British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge.
Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives,
Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.


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