British Columbia History

BC Historical News Apr 30, 1979

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 B.C. HISTORICAL
VOLUME 12, NO. 3 MEMBER SOCIETIES
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society, Mrs. C. Holt, Secretary, Box 284,
Port Alberni, V9Y 7M7.  Tel. 723-3006.
Atlin Historical Society, Mrs. Christine Dickenson, Secretary, Box 111, Atlin.
BCHA, Gulf Islands Branch, Helen Claxton, Port Washington, VON 2T0.
BCHA, Victoria Branch, Miss F. Gundry, Secretary, 255 Niagara, Victoria, V8V 1G4.
Tel.385-6353.
Burnaby Historical Society, Ethel Derrick, Secretary, 8027-17th Avenue, Burnaby,
V3N 1M5.  Tel. 521-6936.
Campbell River & District Historical Society, Gordon McLaughlin, President,
1235 Island Highway, Campbell River, V9W 2G7.
Chemainus Valley Historical Society, Mrs. E. Pederson, Secretary, P.O. Box 172,
Chemainus, VOR 1K0.  Tel. 245-3205.
Cowichan Historical Society, W.T.H. Fleetwood, Riverside Road, Cowichan Station.
Creston & District Historical and Museum Society, Mrs. Margaret Gidluck, Secretary,
Box 164, Creston, VOB 1G0.  Tel. 428-2838.
District #69 Historical Society, Mrs. Mildred E. Kurtz, Secretary-Treasurer, Box 74,
Parksville, VOR 2S0.  Tel. 248-6763.
Elphinstone Pioneer Museum Society, Box 766, Gibsons, VON 1V0.  Tel. 886-2064.
Golden & District Historical Society, May Yurik, Secretary, Box 992, Golden.
Historical Association of East Kootenay, Mrs. A.E. Oliver, Secretary, 670 Rotary Dr.,
Kimberley, VIA 1E3.  Tel. 427-3446.
Kettle River Museum Society, Alice Evans, Secretary, Midway, V0H 1M0.  Tel. 449-2413.
Maple Ridge & Pitt Meadows Historical Society, Mrs. T. Mutas, Secretary, 12375-244th St.
Maple Ridge, V2X 6X5.
Nanaimo Historical Society, Len NichoUs, Cor. - Secretary, Box 183, Qualicum Beach.
Nootka Sui.nd Historical Society, Beverly Roberts, Secretary, Box 712, Gold River, B.C.  V0P 1G0.
North Shore Historical Society, David Grubbe, President, 815 West 20th Street, North
Vancouver, V7P 2B5.
Princeton & District Pioneer Museum, The Secretary, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0.
Sidney & North Saanich Historical Society, Mrs. Ray Joy, Secretary, 10719 Bavfield Rd.,
R.R. #3, Sidney, V8L 3P9. Tel. 656-3719.
La Socie'te historique franco-canadienne, Ms. Anna Beaulieu, pres., 1204-1560 Burnaby
Street, Vancouver, V6G 1X3.
Trail Historical Society, Mrs. M.T. Jory, Secretary, Box 405, Trail, V1R 4L7. Tel. 368-560;
Vancouver Historical Society, Esther Birney, Secretary, Box 3071, Vancouver, B.C.  V6B 3X6.
Wells Historical Society, Sharon Brown, Secretary, Box 244, Wells, V0K 2RO.
Windermere District Historical Society, Mrs. E. Stevens, Secretary, Box 784, Invermere,
VOA 1K0. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL NEWS
Vol. 12, No. 3 April 1979
Second-class mail registration number 4447.
Published November, February, April and June by the British Columbia Historical Association, P.O. Box
1738, Victoria, B.C.  V8W 2Y3.  (Printed by D.A. Fotoprint Ltd., 777 Fort Street, Victoria.)
Distributed free to members of affiliated societies.  Individual subscriptions $5.00 per year; institutional
subscriptions $10.00 per year.  Correspondence concerning subscriptions should be directed to the Business
Manager, B.C. Historical News, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B.C.  V8W 2Y3.
AN EDITORIAL NOTE
The editors, with the approval of Council, are adjusting the publication schedule
of the News.  As a result, this issue, the April 1979 number, appears slightly late.  The
June number. Vol. 12, No. 4 will appear this summer.  Commencing with Vol. 13, No. 1 the
News will be published in the Fall, Winter, Spring and Summer.
The B.C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance
of the B.C. Cultural Fund, the Koerner Foundation, and the Hamber Foundation.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Bibles and Booze:  Prohibition in Chilliwack in the
Late 1800's Robert L. Smith 2
The Depression in Matsqui, 1930-1937 Zeke Doerksen 9
Willard Ernest Ireland, 1914-1979 13
Old Trails and Routes in British Columbia:
The Boston Bar Trail, 1859-1860.  Fort Hope to Boston Bar R.C. Harris 13
News from the Branches 15
Bulletin Board 16
Book Reviews:
"nu.tka.  Captain Cook and the Spanish Explorers..."
"nu.tka.  The History and Survival of Nootkan Culture Robin Fisher 17
The Remarkable World of Frances Barkley: 1769-1845 Thomas L. Brock 19
Ocean of Destiny:  A Concise History of the North Pacific...Barry Gough 21
Go Do Some Great Thing:  The Black Pioneers. . .etc Brian Young 22
Barkerville, Quesnel & the Cariboo Gold Rush George R. Newell....23
A History of Shipbuilding in British Columbia. . .etc R.C. McCandless 23
In the Shadow of the Cliff:  A History of North Enderby Jim Wardrop 24
Place Names of the Alberni Valley G.P.V. Akrigg 25
Exploring Vancouver 2:  Ten Tours of the City. . .etc Anne Yandle 26
The Suicide Battalion Allan R. Turner 27
Colombo ' s Book of Canada James McCook 27
The History of Mining in British Columbia Barbara Stannard.... 28
British Columbia Disasters James K. Nesbitt. .. .29
Trucking:  A History of Trucking in British Columbia David Parker 29
Ranching:  Ranching in Western Canada Douglas Harker 30
Faces from History:  Canadian Profiles and Portraits J. Robert Davison...31
Books of Interest Frances Woodward 33 -2-
I wish somehow that we could prohibit the use of alcohol and merely
drink beer and whiskey and gin as we used to.
Stephen Leacock
BIBLES AND BOOZE: PROHIBITION IN CHILLIWACK IN THE LATE 1800'S
During and after the gold rush in British Columbia no institution of social life
was more common or important than the saloon, which sprang up wherever miners, loggers,
navvies, and their camp followers congregated.  The saloon was not only a drinking and
eating establishment, but frequently a court, inn, church, and post office, a sort of
integrated community services center.  There, one drank, ate, slept, heard the news,
renewed acquaintances, played cards or billiards, saw magic shows and boxing matches, and
patronized the ladies of the evening.  In the absence of other institutions, the saloon
served as a club, ameliorating the harsh conditions to which the majority of the population,
young, single, transient men, were subject:  the isolation, the seasonal nature of work,
back-breaking labor, rigors of the weather, lack of family and home, and in general an
exoeedirgly bleak cultural milieu.  The services and pleasures of the saloon often had
their price:  pauperism, drunkenness, physical injury, demoralization, and imprisonment.
The saloons contributed to British Columbia having the highest per capita rate of liquor
consumption in the Dominion.  Men often "drank to get drunk, and the quicker the better."
During the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway at Yale, one observer noted the
activities of the navvies on payday, a scene all to common in British Columbia:
Tattered, dirt-bespattered drunkards rolled about the streets,
wallowing in the mud, cursing and fighting, and driving all
respectable people into the recesses of their home, while saloon
after saloon were added to the..number already terribly in excess
of the needs of the community.
Workers often did not return to their jobs for days.  The wide-open traffic in liquor
attracted criminals who cheated or "rolled" drunken workers.  Saloon keepers and prostitutes encouraged and were encouraged by corrupt police officers who provided the "sinning
licenses." As the province matured, as the rhythms of conventional life and morality
intruded into this primitive social environment, the saloon and liquor traffic were
singled out as the cause of many social ills and well-nigh abolished, albeit temporarily,
in 1917.2
In contrast to the unstable and crude social conditions which nourished the saloon
in the rest of the province, Chilliwack had a "respectable" society from its inception.
Most of the gold rush and railway construction activities by-passed it.  The newcomers
to the Chilliwack Valley were, as a rule, not transient, single men intent on acquiring
a quick stake and then clearing out. White pioneers came in family groups and brought
their churches.  They quickly perceived the area's agricultural potential and transformed the virgin land into productive farms, dairies, and orchards.  The settlers strove
to create a permanent, prosperous, and stable community in which a variety of social
controls would foster "right" thinking and conduct, particularly for the benefit of
their children.  The newcomers were not isolated from each other, the area settled being
only about 100 square miles.  The principal social events - the house and barn raisings,
picnics, bees, dances, the annual agricultural exhibition and camp revival, as well as
the day-to-day activities of church and school - were entrenched early to serve community
and family.  Here there were no saloons, no red light district, no miners roaring into
H. Gowan, Church Work in British Columbia (London, 1899), cited in Albert John Hiebert, "Prohibition in
Early British Columbia" (unpublished M.A. thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1969), p. 12; S.D. Clark, "The
Gold Rush Society of British Columbia and the Yukon," from The Social Development of Canada (Toronto, 1942),
pp. 308-26; and Isabel M.L. Bescoby, "Society in Cariboo During the Gold Rush," Washington Historical Quarterly,
XXIV (1933), pp. 195-207.
2
Hiebert, Chapter 1, passim.
3
Terrence Charles Arnett, "The Chilliwack Valley Continuum" (unpublished M.A. thesis, University of British
Columbia, 1976), pp. 300-325 and "Horatio Webb Records District's Earliest Days," Chilliwack Progress,
25 June 1958.     See also Oliver Wells, "Edenbank — The Story of a Farm," .unpublished manuscript, Fraser
Valley College Archives, Chilliwack. town for a "Bender."  The townspeople were on the look-out to see that inebriates were
prosecuted, that the "dizzy-headed" were excluded from community picnics, that stills
were uncovered, and that the sale of booze from hotels, restaurants, and steamboats was
prevented.^  In 1885, for example, a special session of municipal council received a
petition, bearing over 180 names, demanding that Mrs. Bartlett's restaurant license be
revoked because she sold booze to her patrons.  Council acted promptly by refusing to
renew her license and by prosecuting her for the sale of liquor.5 Fifty inches of rain
each year and sometimes the Fraser flooded, but the town was dry.  Most of the people
had taken the pledge.
The evangelical churches - Methodist, Presbyterian, and Baptist - provided a strong
institutional base for prohibition.  They had all passed prohibition resolutions in
national conferences.  These evangelicals, particularly the Methodists who established
the first church in the area, dominated the leadership and rank-and-file of a formidable
anti-saloon coalition, consisting of the Sons of Temperance, the Templars (both the
Independent Order of Grand Templars and the Royal Templars of Temperance), the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, the Dominion Alliance, and the Local Option League.  The
activities of these societies included songs, debates, pantomimes, charades, lectures,
and the pledge, not only to re-enforce the "bone-dry" conviction but also to provide a
congenial social matrix.  The local chapter of the Royal Templars offered their members
reduced rates for sickness and life insurance.6 These churches and societies jointly
organized Queen's birthday temperance parades and hosted prominent temperance speakers
at public meetings.7 At the agricultural exhibition, the WCTU, active in Chilliwack since
1884, maintained a tent where people could rest, eat, and peruse temperance literature.
The virtues of total abstinence from liquor were inculcated in the youth through the
agencies of the Band of Hope and Willard Y's, WCTU affiliates for children, and the
Epworth League, the Young Methodist club, and among the Indians at Coqualeetza, the
residential school^at Sardis operated by the Methodists.  By 1886 five Bands of Hope were
active in the Chilliwack area, with 100 members, 30 of whom were native.  Their fight song
was "Tremble, King Alcohol, Love Will Grow Up."  During the spring examinations at
Coqualeetza in 1891, Rev. Tate asked a native student "What is the use of alcohol?"  The
reply:  "To preserve dead bodies and kill living ones."9  These activities received
prominent and favorable coverage in the local newspaper. The Chilliwack Progress.  The
editor, W.T. Jackman, himself a Royal Templar of Temperance, donated space for a regular
WCTU column and often reprinted articles appearing in temperance journals.10
4
Progress, 18 May 1891, 6 August 1891, 14 April 1892, 20 February 1895 and Minutes of Municipal
Council, 5 November 1888, 1 December 1890, and 3 August 1891, originals letterbooks, Chilliwack
Municipal Hall Chilliwack.
Minutes of Municipal Council, 26 June 1885.  See also minutes of 24 April 1880, 1 October 1888, 7
July 1885 and 5 August 1889.  In a letter to Municipal Council requesting patronage for his newly-
opened Palace Hotel, Thomas Bartlett promised that strict temperance principles would be observed.
Council minutes, 3 May 1887.
Progress, 11 April 1900.
Progress, 29 April 1894.
Q
Progress, 10 October 1894.  The Chilliwack Chapter of the W.C.T.U. was founded on 7 June 1884 at
the annual camp revival meeting. The prominent Methodist, Mrs. A.C. Wells was elected president.
See "Historical Sketch of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of British Columbia," n.d., p. 3.
9
F.L. Barnes, "Beams from a Lighthouse, Woman's Christian Temperance Union of B.C., Brief History of
W.C.T.U. of B.C., 1883-1968," n.d., p. 5; R.C. Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada. 1896-1921 (Toronto, 1976),
p. 24; Progress, 21 May 1891. The Progress records that in 1894, 84 children had taken the pledge to
abstain from the use of tobacco and alcohol.  26 September 1894.
Progress, 29 November 1899. -4-
This prohibition coalition did not confine its efforts to the "sunny" methods of
persuasion.  It was all too willing to invoke the arm of the law to enforce what had
become the 11th commandment:  "Thou shalt not drink."  To prohibitionists in Chilliwack,
the sale and consumption of liquor had profound social implications and thus did not lie
within the realm of an individual's liberty.  The consumption of liquor was economically,
physically, morally, and spiritually destructive to the family and community as well as
the individual.il To the prohibitionist, the saloon was no club;  it was a whiskey
den, closely associated with gambling and prostitution, which led people astray from
family responsibility and conjugal fidelity.  People must not be permitted to drink, even
moderately, for drunkards, prohibitionists reasoned, were once moderate drinkers.  The
stock situation in the local temperance gatherings was the lecture, recitation, or melodrama about the drunkard's neglected home, the marriage ruined by drink, or "the home vs.
the saloon."12
R.H. Cairns, Chilliwack's school principal and prominent Methodist lay official,
asserted in a public address that drink annually caused the death of 4,000 Canadians.13
Cairns declared it was the government's duty to make it as difficult as possible for the
individual to err; if Parliament could legislate to protect animals, he concluded, it
could legislate to protect women and children who were vulnerable as long as the liquor
traffic was legal.13  The social results of drink were underscored by the Rev. Dr. Lucas,
a temperance circuit rider, who spoke to the Methodist and Baptist congregations in
Chilliwack in 1896.  Lucas stated that nothing so wronged humanity, stole people's food
and clothes, and filled up the asylums and poor houses, as the liquor traffic.I5 Chilliwack 's prohibitionists cited statistics to demonstrate a causal relationship between drink
and crime and to show that fees from liquor licenses could never pay for the crime and
disorder resulting from the liquor traffic.I6 The good of society required prohibition.
Another important, though less current, rationale for the opposition to the saloon
and liquor traffic was the belief that they interfered with efficiency in the work place.
During the 1890's Chilliwack's agricultural and horticultural societies, the farmers'
institute, and the cheese, creamery, and fruit co-operatives were concerned with efficient
production and keen competition.  The Australian WCTU lecturer, Miss Mercer, speaking
in Chilliwack in 1898, asserted that the liquor traffic was incompatible with industrial
prosperity.I7 How could producers compete if they wiled away their time and health
in saloons?  It was a hackneyed but nevertheless common belief that sobriety and punctuality
were integral parts of the work ethic, and possibly of salvation itself.18
11 Progress, 3 July 1895.
12
Progress, 25 March 1896 and 21 September 1898.
*■■* Progress, 29 April 1896.  Robert Henry Cairns was born and educated in Hamilton, Ontario.  After
teaching school there, he moved to Nanaimo in 1892.  In 1895 Cairns settled in Chilliwack where he
served as principal of Chilliwack's public school until 1902. He later served as vice-principal of
Strathcona School in Vancouver, 1903-1912, principal of Coqualeetza, 1912-1914, and Inspector of Indian
Schools in B.C., 1914 until his death in May, 1929. Cairns was not only deeply involved in Chilliwack's
educational life but also in almost every aspect of religious and temperance activity.  He was frequently
called upon to give sermons to Protestant congregations when their regular ministers were absent or ill.
Progress, 16 May 1929.
14 Progress, 3 August, 1898.
Progress, 23 December 1896.
Progress, 28 July 1894.  F.S. Spence wrote in the Campaign Manual 1912 that the acquisition of liquor,
the resultant loss of labor and lives and other costs, annually totalled $181,722,683 which was offset
by dominion, provincial, and municipal liquor revenue of $19,342,924.  Spence, "The Economics of the
Drink Question," republished in Canadian History Since Confederation: Essays and Interpretations,
Bruce Hodgins and Robert Page, eds. (Georgetown, Ontario, 1972), p. 395.
Progress, 21 September 1898.
18
S.D. Clark, Church and Sect in Canada (Toronto, 1948), pp. 255, 266-7. In a public debate with Cairns, the Rev. W. Bough Allen of Chilliwack's Anglican
Church described prohibition as fanatical.  The Anglican Church advocated true temperance,
not prohibition, moderation in the consumption of liquor, not total abstinence.  After
all, Allen argued, the use of liquor (wine) was required in the church service.  Allen
observed that because the saloon was often the poor man's home, the church ought to work
with it.19 Allen had unwittingly touched upon something that modern scholarship has
articulated, that the evangelical churches' zealous advocacy of prohibition was hindering
their mission to gain new members, particularly among the growing class of working and
other poor people who frequented saloons.  The census of 1901 revealed, for example, that
the population of British Columbia had increased faster than new memberships in the
Methodist Church. The quickening tempo of economic activity in the 1890's caused more
rigid social stratifications.  This was nowhere more apparent than in Chilliwack's Methodist churches, whose members were among the most prosperous and powerful in the area.
Their approval of certain types of clubs, which they attended, and their condemnation of
others, such as the lower-class club, the saloon, constituted a punitive and discriminatory
action by one class of people against another.20
The process of granting liquor licenses has been regulated by colonial and provincial
legislation since 1853.  Although the laws have changed constantly, they generally have
required that public support accompany liquor license applications.21 During the last
quarter of the nineteenth century, the licensing authority resided in a local board which
was composed of municipal officers and justices of the peace.  Given the prevailing
popular opinion of the liquor traffic and the predominance of known prohibitionists on the
licensing board,22 it is understandable that hotel keepers in the Chilliwack Valley
encountered resistance to their applications for liquor licences.  The applications of
Messrs. Garner, McKeever, and McNeill, in 1876, 1880, and 1884 respectively, were all
denied by the board on procedural grounds.  The application of the proprietor of the
Main Hotel, A. Ennis, ms denied because of procedural irregularities, because the area's
residents were prohibitionist-minded, and because liquor had been illegally sold at
that hotel.2 3
Directly following the liberalization of provincial liquor laws in 1892, the owner
of the Queen's Hotel, G.T. Lundy, applied for a license.  The editor of the Progress,
somewhat uneasy about the changes in the law, summarized the pros and cons:  those who
supported the application asserted that legal sales of liquor would replace illegal sales,
that an assured and legal supply would discourage drinkers from illegally stocking up,
and that to keep his license the saloon keeper would police his establishment and refuse
to sell to minors; those who opposed the application claimed that wherever there were
licensed houses drunkenness, crime, and disorder increased and that young men in the
community, now teetotalers, would become so enamoured of cards, billiards, and drink that
they would become "habitual drunkards."24  In his representation to the board, Lundy's
counsel introduced a new argument in favor of granting the license:  that a legal
saloon would pre-empt the establishment of private drinking clubs, which were legal but
not subject to policing.  Despite the fact Lundy produced a petition signed by 215 lot
and householders (the number of signatures to the counter-petition, presented by the
Methodist minister, J.P. Bowell, was not disclosed), the license commissioners ruled
against the application on the ground of procedural irregularities and that it was not
in the public interest.25
19
20
Progress, 18 December 1895.
Clark, Church and Sect in Canada, pp. 266 and 390-395 and F.E. Runnalls, It's God's Country
(Richmond, 1974), p. 132.
21
Royal Commission on Liquor Traffic, "Appendix No. 72,"  (Ottawa, 1894).
22
The Board of License Commissioners for 1884 consisted of Messrs. D. McGillivray, G.R. Ashwell, and
A.C. Wells, all prominent lay officials in the Methodist Church.
23
Minutes of Municipal Council, 17 January 1876, 28 March 1880, 21 January 1884 and 15 June 1886.
24 Progress. 26 May 1892 and 9 June 1892.
25 Progress, 9 June 1892. -6-
Lundy was not beaten.  Within a week he organized a private drinking club at his
hotel.26  These clubs proved to be a convenient device to circumvent the dry board.
Although the law required members to pay high initiation fees and annual dues, the Rev.
J.H. White claimed in 1896 that two local clubs were dodging these regulations by accepting
payment in promissory notes on the understanding that the notes would not be called due.27
In years afterward, these clubs including the Chilliwack Club and the Canadian Legion,
enjoyed a flourishing trade and, contrary to the law, were not especially particular about
whom they served.28
The prohibition controversy, always a prominent public issue, heated up in 189 7.
C.T. Higginson, a candidate for the reeveship, committed the ultimate faux pas by
advocating the control of liquor through licensing.29 in one of his letters to the
Progress, the tireless prohibitionist, Rev. White, concluded his critique of Higginson's
message to the electorate with a quote from John Ruskin:  "The encouragement of drunkenness for the sake of profit on the sale of drink is certainly one of the most criminal
methods of assassination for money ever adopted."  Higginson lost in spite of the fact
that the incumbent, T.E. Kitchen, was so ill he could barely address the electors - he
died ten weeks later - and that during Kitchen's most recent regime the municipality
had been plunged into serious debt.30  The editor of the Progress explained that Higginson
was "handicapped by the fact...that though himself a lifelong total abstainer, Mr.
Higginson was not prepared to take any strong measures for suppressing the illegal sale
of liquor."31  Four months later when he stood for the provincial legislature, Higginson
corrected his message to the electors to read that he was prepared to support any
measure to restrict the illegal sale of liquor.
While additional currency to the drink question was provided by the prospect of a
Dominion plebiscite on prohibition, the most important development in this controversy
was another attempt by a local hotel owner to secure a liquor license, this time by
William Henry Cawley, an established and respected member of the community.  Cawley, born
in Ontario in 1854, came to Chilliwack in 1878, and prospered from his' butcher's trade,
road contracting, and farming.  He acquired considerable town and country property,
including the Queen's Hotel on Yale Road.33 Cawley was an Anglican and therefore not
obliged to adhere to the prohibition standards which the evangelical churches expected
of their members.  Cawley proposed to take advantage of apparent changes in the law
governing the grant of liquor licenses which reduced the number of residents who might
support or oppose his application to the area within a five-mile circle of the Queen's
Hotel.  Also, the support of only a bare majority of resident householders within that
area was required.  This situation posed a particular threat to the anti-saloon league
in view of the fact that prohibitionist sentiment was strongest in the area beyond the
five-mile circle.34 Cawley may also have been encouraged to seek a liquor license at
this time in order to bolster his sagging finances.  He was unable to pay taxes on six
lots which were slated for public auction.35  From July 189 7, when Cawley made his plans
known, until December when the Board of License Commissioners ruled, the controversy
raged in public meetings, in the churches, in the press, and in the courts.  Petitions
for and against circulated constantly.  Feelings ran so high that the issue was beyond
26
Progress, 16 June 1892.
27
Progress. 9 December 1896.
28
H.J. Barber to Premier McBride, 16 May 1909 and 26 May 1909 and McBride to Barber, 19 May 1909,
McBride Collection, private papers, Provincial Archives of British Columbia.
29
Progress, 13 January 1897.
30
Progress. 20 January 1897 and 27 January 1897.
31
Progress. 20 January 1897.
32 Progress. 5 April 1897.
33
Progress, 4 August 1892; "William Henry Cawley", biographical sketch, Wells Collection, Wells Centennial
Museum, Chilliwack; Minutes of Municipal Council, 26 May 1884 and 3 July 1888. -7-
debate.  The temperance societies and evangelical churches formed the Union Temperance
Committee to direct the anti-license campaign and the WCTU was specially charged with
getting up the anti-license petition.36
So zealous were the prohibitionists that they resorted to extreme tactics.  In
October, Cawley found himself charged with selling liquor.  The court heard that W.J.
Abbott, claiming to be a traveller from Washington state and feigning a toothache, came
to the Queen's Hotel and asked Cawley to sell him liquor.  Cawley gave him some liquor
but rejected Abbott's persistent offers to pay for it.  The court dismissed the charge
against Cawley, but in a separate though related case, fined Abbott for violating the
liquor laws.3'  Cawley charged in a letter to the editor that Rev. White, fearing that
a sufficient number of residents had supported the liquor license petition, sent a member
of his church, Abbott, to spy on Cawley's premises and to entrap Cawley into selling liquor
for the fancied toothache.  Cawley also charged Reeve A.C. Wells with complicity in the
frame-up for authorizing the use of public funds for the prosecution.3°  White, attacking
Cawley for having sold liquor in the past, said that Cawley had only recently cleaned up
his operation in order to avoid prejudicing his application for a license.  However, White
admitted that he had engineered the spying caper;  he neither denied complicity in the
attempted entrapment nor launched a libel action against Cawley.9
There is no evidence that the community was at all shocked by the zealous and devious
manouver of one of the chief proponents of the prohibition cause.  The anti-license
alliance felt no misgivings and staged rally after rally in the weeks before the license
board met on December 8.4 0  The WCTU members, wearing their white temperance ribbons
(which one might think runs counter to the impartiality and decorum expected of board
meetings), attended en masse.  The local Member of Parliament, Aulay Morrison, represented
the temperance coalition and Rev. White presented the counter-petition which bore 285
signatures.  Cawley's application was supported by 181 persons. It soon became obvious
that both petitions contained signatures of people ineligible to sign, either because they
lived outside the five-mile circle or because they could not satisfy the residence
requirements.  How the board could determine the precise location of the homes of each
of the signatoris and the distances between their residences and the Queen's Hotel,
except by the use of a compass and an accurately scaled map denoting those property
sites, is not known.  The license commissioners - Messrs. Armstrong, Lickman, Wells,
Gillanders and Ashwell (the latter three were known prohibitionists) - worked throughout
the day.  They ruled that only 4 3 could legally support the grant of a license but that
4 7 could oppose it.  Thus, by a very narrow margin, Cawley failed to bring the first saloon
to Chilliwack.  Hearty cheers greeted the announcement of the Board's decision.41  The
recent changes in the licensing regulations may well have accounted for Cawley's strong
showing.  The overwhelming support (331 for, 107 against) Chilliwack area voters gave
prohibition in the Dominion plebiscite in 1898 indicates the true strength of the anti-
saloon forces.42.
34
Progress, 28 July 1897; "An Act to Amend 'the Municipal Clauses Act, 1896'," 8 May 1897, B.C.
Statutes.  It is hightly questionable whether Clause 29 of this act, which the council acted upon when
considering the Cawley application was in fact the appropriate one.  For the town-country split see
the results of the Dominion plebescite, 05 October 1898.
35
Progress, 24 November 1897 and ol December 1897.
Progress, 28 July 1897.  At a public meeting in Henderson Hall on 26 July 1897 not one person spoke in
support of the proposed license. A motion opposing the grant of a license was passed unanimously.
37 Progress, 27 October 1897.
38
Progress, 03 November 1897.
39
Progress, 10 November 1897.
Progress,  1 December 1897.
Progress, 15 December 1897.
42 Progress, 5 October 1898. -8-
Although Chilliwack's prohibitionists were  powerful  enough  to prevent  saloons   from
corrupting what  they  felt was  a model  community,  they were powerless  to eradicate  drinking.
Their many petitions  to municipal  council  calling  for the  prosecution of bootleggers,   the
frequent  reports of  rowdy and drunken behaviour,   the  demands   for  increased surveillance
at  the  steamboat  landings,   and charges  that private  clubs,  e.g.,   the Chilliwack Club,  were
in  reality  "blind pigs,"   consistently  indicate  that  an  illicit   liquor  traffic was  based
on widespread demand.     This  general state  of affairs occasioned many  frantic protests;
one such  letter to the editor of the Progress  is worth quoting at some  length:
Dame Rumour  ...says our select little unlicensed town of Chilliwack has had an over
abundant supply of Hudson's Bay whiskey stored in a cellar somewhere...     Now,  Mr.   Editor,
these violations are going on,  and is there no one to say "thou shalt not"    Our worthy
Reeve and councillors and all  the law abiding Citizens...are  sitting quietly by;   and some of
them,  by  the way,  are said  to be good judges of  the Hudson's Bay mountain dew...     Is  this
wholesale manufacture of drunkards  to go on while  this  community  folds  its hands  and says
"No License"?     Can we see husbands,   fathers,   and brothers dragged down to perdition by  this
cursed illegal  traffic;   our homes,  which should be happy homes,  made miserable,  children and
wives  disgraced?    A thousand times no!     If  the men of this valley and  town have any  love
and respect  for  their  loved ones,   if there  is no other way,   they should band together  (and show
the  devil's emissaries   that  they are not  the only people who can  take  the  law in  their own
hands)   and expose their vile  traffic and rout  them out.
All  too   few were  the  advocates  of moderation,   those who observed that  drinking  could not
be eradicated,   that enforcement of  the  law consumed money and time  required elsewhere,
and that reputable  saloon keepers  could pre-empt  the  illegal  traffic  and observe  Sunday
closings  and other standards.44    This position Chilliwack's majority  rejected  in the
belief that a  licensed liquor traffic would only compound the existing problems.     The
prohibitionists escalated the  struggle:     renewed vigilance,   new temperance  societies,   more
anti-liquor education,   new  rounds  of temperance  rallies,   and,   most  importantly,   increased
pressure  on politicians     in Victoria.
Prohibition was  a major note  in Canadian  social,  political,   and religious  life
during the  1890's.     It was  the  subject of a royal commission and controversial  litigation.
When  plebiscites  on prohibition were  conducted in Ontario,   Prince Edward Island,   Nova
Scotia,   and Manitoba,   the  drys won by substantial majorities.45     in the  Dominion plebiscite
of 1898,   the voters of the Northwest Territories and every province except Quebec  supported
prohibition,   although,   the vote was extremely close  in British Columbia.
Common among  the public today  is  the opinion that prohibition was  a  reactionary,
narrow-minded,   even  fanatical plot cooked up by the puritans  to  prevent other people  from
enjoying themselves.     Such was  the view of Canada's  foremost humorist,   Stephen Leacock.
Scholars,   however,   have  demonstrated that Leacock's musings were highly    misleading,   that
prohibition was  an  integral part of a national  reform movement which  also championed the
cause of women's  rights.     These  reformers,   among educated and articulate citizens  in the
land,   were  sensitive  to  the  spread of  social  injustice and suffering caused by  the   urban
and industrial  revolution which  in the  1890's had shifted into high gear.     To  the
prohibitionist,   "alcohol became part of a wider social problem to be excised in a more
general  reform of society.     Drinking came  to be  judged not only as a threat  to  individual
health and the  stability of  family life,  but also as a cause of poverty,  prostitution,
industrial  indiscipline,   disease and accidents."45    Prohibitionists were persuaded that
some of the adverse by-products of rapid social and economic change could be  ameliorated
by abolishing the  liquor traffic,  which reform was  finally attained,   along with  female
suffrage,   during World War I.
While it may well be true that the white,  Anglo-Saxon,  middle-class Protestants who
dominated the national prohibitionist movement  looked forward to a major restructuring of
43
44
45
Progress, 13 December 1899.
Progress, 13 November 1901.
Brown and Cook, p. 45. -9-
society., the objectives of their counterparts in Chilliwack were considerably more modest.
Here, the drink question was less about uprooting saloons than about preventing their
intrusion.  Here, there was no large resident working class or ghetto to which saloons might
cater.  Here, economic growth did not overwhelm moral concerns.  The social, economic, and
institutional origins of Chilliwack, quite different from the general pattern of early
settlements in B.C., fostered a tradition in which the liquor traffic had no legal or moral
place.  The majority of residents were prohibitonist from an early date and they were
powerful enough to prevail over the Lundys and Cawleys.  Although an account of prohibition
in the Chilliwack Valley during the twentieth century has yet to be researched, the
evidence pertaining to this issue in the preceding decades indicates that local prohibitionists
were no flaming reformers.  They liked their society the way it was, and they wished to
keep it that way.
Robert L. Smith.
Bob Smith teaches history at Fraser Valley College in Chilliwack.
IMMMWIfwIfXTinnfww
THE DEPRESSION IN MATSQUI, 1930-1937
I don't know how we are goint  to get through.     I do know that  there will
be a great change in our Municipal financing or we cannot weather the
storm.
— Reeve Cruickshank,  5 January 1935.
The  unemployment relief problem of the  Great Depression exceeded in volume and
duration any previous  or subsequent Canadian experience.     At the  depth of the  Depression
in  1932-33,   over  600,000  or  26%  of  Canada's wage  earners were  unemployed and the  average
per capita  income had declined by  48%  since  1929.1    statistics   for British Columbia
revealed similar  trends but the Pacific province's  problems were  complicated by  its
attractiveness  for  large numbers of transients  from the Prairies,  both single men and
families.     Although  the  Dominion government assumed increasing responsibility  for  financing both direct and  indirect unemployment relief,   it never departed from its  adherence
to  the British North America Act which assigned constitutional responsibility  for
"municipal  institutions"   and public welfare  to the provinces.     British Columbia,   in
turn,   gave  the municipalities  the  responsibility of looking after the poor and indigents.
Thus,   municipal  councils had to  face  the  unemployed on a day to day basis  and attempt to
satisfy  their basic needs  such as   food,   fuel,   and clothing.     This  case study of the
municipality of Matsqui  in the central  Fraser Valley  shows how local  financial resources
were  inadequate  to handle  the  sudden  increased demand for relief or to maintain normal
municipal  responsibilities as  set out in the Municipal Act.
Before  the Depression,   churches and families often looked after their own needy.
Matsqui's  annual budget always  included a small amount  for relief and  funds  could be  used
for relief  from the  sundry account but in 1919 Matsqui's  total welfare expenses were
$785.00,   a mere   fraction of its  total expenditure.2     In the  fall of 19 30,  however,
Matsqui applied for a  $4,000  grant under the   federal government's new Relief Act and
pledged to put up an equal  amount  for unemployment relief.       By  19 36,   the peak year  for   .
relief payments,   $58,162.00  or over half of Matsqui's budget,  was being spent on  relief.
S.A.  Saunders,   "Nature and Extent of Unemployment in Canada,"    Canada's Unemployment Problem,  ed.,
L.  Richter  (Toronto: Macmillan,  1939),  p.  9;    Canada,  Royal Commission on Dominion Provincial Relations,
Report  (Ottawa: King's Printer,  1939),  vol.   I , p.  150.
2
Corporation of the Municipality of Matsqui, Minute Book, Treasurer's Report, 1929 (hereafter referred to
as Minute Book).
3
Minute Book, October 18, 1930. -10-
This tremendous jump, from less than one per cent of annual spending to more than half,
totally disrupted the orderly maintenance of the municipality and threatened to collapse
municipal services.
Provincial legislation, the Municipal Act and the Public Schools Act, placed a high
priority on the building and maintenance of roads and the operation of public schools.
The topography and climate of Matsqui made the upkeep of roads unusually costly.  Matsqui's
3,8 35 people were scattered over 54,000 acres.  Some resided in the lowlands along the
Fraser River; the remainder lived in the hilly country which was cut by numerous creeks
and deep ravines.  Heavy precipitation, especially in spring and winter, transformed
the creeks into torrents of water washing out or flooding many roads and turning the
ravines into treacherous abysses into which bridges and roadways collapsed.  Throughout
the previous decade Matsqui had spent over a third of its budget on road maintenance.
The 19 31 figure of $32,595.00 was fairly representative.   Of the 202.5 miles of municipal
roads only 90 miles were gravelled;  the balance, dirt, were very susceptible to rain
damage.  Well maintained roads were essential for farmers to get their products, especially
milk, to market and to transport children to school.
The largest municipal expenditure was education.  The Public Schools Act required
municipalities to assume all financial responsibilities for expenses incurred by the Board
of School Trustees in their district.  In 1931, Matsqui spent $40,044.00 on education.
Once schools and road costs had been met, the municipality had only approximately $16,000
for all other expenses.
To pay for municipal programs, the Municipal Act empowered municipalities to collect
funds directly from the citizens.  Minimal revenues were provided by the sale of trade
licenses, the imposition of road, poll, and dog taxes, and sundry sources.  A share of
the provincial revenue from liquor sales and motor vehicle license fees and provincial
school grants provided a third of Matsqui's revenue but the main source of Matsqui's
total 1931 revenue of $88,863.00 was the $48,863.00 collected from real estate taxes.6
As the Depression worsened and the demand for unemployment relief increased, both
provincial grants and real estate taxes declined.^ As a result, Matsqui had to cut back
road and school expenditures by approximately $25,000.00 between 1931 and 1933.  The situation continued to worsen.  By 19 35, less than 40% of the reduced municipal expenditure
was spent on public works.  The Council put an additional 32 men on relief but had no money
to pay them or to spend on emergency road work.  The municipality was able to borrow $2,000.00
for relief from the provincial government and some additional funds from the banks which
received a provincial guarantee. Nevertheless, there was no money for municipal work
crews and all were laid off.8 These lay-offs reduced public works expenditures but
increased the demand for relief and the likelihood of additional unpaid taxes.  This
snowballing effect continued.  When road conditions prevented some farmers from moving
their products to markets^ both they and their customers suffered and some were unable to
pay their taxes.
The inability of residents to pay taxes was not a new problem.  In 1933 large delegations
had told Council meetings that if conditions did not improve they would lose their homes
and farms.  Council had previously repossessed and resold wild land but it did not want
to injure long time residents by repossessing their homes and farms for the benefit of some
new settler, probably an impoverished prairie farmer, who required relief nor did they want
to reduce potential tax revenue by repossession.  Council decided that no one should lose
4
ReeveCruickshank's election speech, M.S.A. News,  January 20,  1937.
British Columbia,   Department of Municipal Affairs,  Report of the Deputy Minister  (Victoria:    King's
Printer,   1931)   (hereafter referred to as Municipal Affairs).
6 Municipal Affairs,   1931, p.  11.
In 1931,   the province provided $30,120.00 to Matsqui in grants;  in 1933,   the amount,  aside from any relief
grants, was $22,626.00.  During the same two years  the amount of real estate taxes collected fell from
$48,863.00  to $34,931.00  (Municipal Affairs,   1931,  p.   11 and 1933,  p.   21).
8 Minute Book, April 6,   1935.
9 M.S.A.  News,   February 15,   1933 and December 15,  1935. ■ 11-
his home or farm because of unpaid taxes and removed the improvement tax from 1934 to 19 36
Residential and farm taxes had been especially important to Matsqui since logging
operations did not have to pay taxes on their improvements until the lands were prepared
for settlement.  Furthermore, since much timberland was owned by the provincial government
and leased by timber companies, it was exempt from municipal taxation.  Lumbering had been
Matsqui's primary industry during the 1920's but high unemployment in the industry heralded
both the end of logging in the area and the beginning of the Depression.  Matsqui, of
course, shared the same problems as other lumber producing areas in the province:  a
decline in world markets and a sharp reduction in prairie demand because of crop failures
and high freight rates.  Many small operations closed.H
In order to reduce the unemployment problem, the reeves of Matsqui, Abbotsford and
Sumas met with 25 local businessmen to discuss the situation with the Abbotsford Lumber
Company, the largest operating company in the area.  This meeting encouraged and endorsed
the Company's decision to fire all of its Asian workers and replace them with white men.
The firing of forty to fifty Asians was only a temporary solution.12  By the summer of
19 31 the Company had closed its doors because of poor prairie markets and the lack of
good local timber. When it resumed operations, it moved its logging operations eastward
to Cultus Lake and the Harrison Valley.  Extensive logging in Matsqui was over.
As the forests were cleared, agriculture, particularly dairying and vegetable growing,
replaced lumbering as the chief industry.  As the Depression deepened, farm prices dropped
drastically.  Matsqui pioneers tell many stories of feeding milk and eggs to animals
because they would not yield sufficient to pay transporatation costs.  Compounding the
problem was deplorable confusion in the marketing arrangements for milk products.  The
Fraser Valley Milk Producers Association, to which a majority of Matsqui farmers belonged,
attempted to raise the price of dairy products but was constantly undercut by independent
producers and a price war ensded- 3
The move to agriculture as the main economic activity was hastened by the influx of
settlers who, in turn, contributed to Matsqui's financial crisis.  In 1932, the federal
government made agreements with all the provinces except Prince Edward Island whereby
Ottawa would contribute one-third of the cost, up to $600,000.00 of resettling farmers.
On December 10, 19 32 the Government Relief Land Settlement Committee offered Matsqui
council $200.00 for each family it would accept under this programme.  The Council unanimously voted against the plan since $200.00 would barely cover the relief costs for one
family for one year.
Despite municipal objections, the provincial government had decided to settle
immigrants in the area.  Anxious to improve its image and financial position, the
province had offered twenty acre blocks of land to settlers for $500.00 with low down
payments and easy terms.  The government had subdivided logged-over lands and used
relief camp workers to clear major access roads of stumps and to erect small shacks to
accommodate incoming settlers.  The terms of sale, the promise of good soil, adequate
precipitation, and a mild climate attracted many settlers.14
The reeve tried to stop the sales because he claimed "it is utterly impossible for a
family to find a living on such a place, and by next fall everyone will be a charge on
the municipality."  He argued the land for the new community of South Poplar and a smaller
subdivision at Clearbrook was of marginal agricultural quality and had gravel below the
foot of top soil.  Not only would it cost $400.00 to clear each twenty acre parcel of
stumps but he estimated the municipality would have to spend an additional $4,200.00 for
roads, police, and schools per year in each subdivision as well as additional relief costs,
10
15
10 Minute Book, October 7, 1933.
11 M.S.A. News, June 25, 1930.
12
They also mailed letters  to numerous mills within the province encouraging similar action as  they thought
this would create  46,000 jobs  for whites.     Hop  farmers  endorsed a similar plan.     M.S.A.  News,  July  9,   1930.
13 M.S.A.  News,  February3,  1932.
14 M.S.A.  News,  March  30,   .930.
15 M.S.A.  News,  March 30,   1932  and July  27,   1932. -12-
The  ratepayers  attracted several hundred people  to rallies  to object to  the new subdivisions.     They  repeated objections  to increased costs  for relief and municipal  services
and they  claimed that  families  of  up to nine  people were  living  in  8  x  12   foot shacks  and
that some  families had been without  food for several  days.l"
In the  spring of  19 33 the reeve ordered the cessation of all municipal work  in  the
new subdivisions, advised Victoria  that Matsqui was no  longer responsible  for  the  new
settlements  and would stop all  relief payments  immediately.     The provincial  government
reluctantly  assumed relief costs  or,   rather,   agreed to  reimburse  the municipality  if it
continued to make  relief payments.     By  the  end of  the year,   Matsqui had not received any
additional money.    '
No exact  figures  show  the  number of settlers who moved into  the  government subdivisions
or onto  lands  the  government sold to private  syndicates   for subdivisions.     However,
according to  the  1941  census,   the population had increased 47%  to  5,601 over the  ten
year period.     Relief  statistics   for  19 35   indicate  relief was  paid to about 122   families
or 610  new  settlers.     Moreover,   between 19 35   and 19 38 Matsqui was  third only  to Vancouver
and Burnaby  in  receiving provincial  aid  for married couples.     It  seems  obvious  that Matsqui
had drawn  a  large number of new settlers  for which it should not have had to take responsibility.     As neither senior government accepted full  responsibility,   Matsqui  carried the
financial burden almost  to  the  point of bankruptcy.18
The  relief payments   themselves were  not generous.     In  19 34 when the  average weekly
industrial wage  in British Columbia was  $23.47,  Matsqui paid $15fl0 per month  for a  family
of  five.     To qualify,   recipients were  not allowed to keep dogs  or cattle  and,   if they had
land,   they had to plant a  garden.     Those who did not have  their own  land were  given  free
seeds  and the  use  of  land around the municipal hall  for vegetable gardens.     The  unemployed
were  also  allowed to  cut  fire wood  from municipal  lands   at a cost of  25<?  per cord.     When
relief  funds were  used up,   the municipality  gave  scrip which  could be   redeeemed at any  local
grocery  store.1°
The  history  of Matsqui's   finances  clearly  underscores  the  impact of the  Depression
and relief costs.     In 1931,  Matsqui was one of the  few debt-free municipalities because
it had prudently postponed installing sidewalks,   streetlights,   sewers and recreational
facilities.     Indeed,   in January,   1933 the Bank of Commerce  acknowledged Matsqui's
excellent financial  record.     By  19 35,   the Bank  refused to advance any more   funds  for
relief.     Only  a $35,000.00  grant  from the  province saved the municipality  from bankruptcy.20
Not until   19 36   did the  province,  with  aid  from the  Dominion  government,   assume   100%
of costs   for  "provincial charges,"  that is,   relief recipients who had moved into a municipality within the previous  year.     This,   however,   did not completely  lift the burden  from
the municipality.     From 19 30  on,   both the  federal  and provincial  governments had offered
some  aid  to help  the municipalities cope with  relief costs.     However,   strings were  attached
to  this  assistance,   namely  a  requirement that  in order to  take  advantage of  the  various
programs,   the municipalities had to match  the  senior government's  grant.     As  the  depression
deepened,   Matsqui  could put  up  less money  for relief  and hence  received less  aid.     To
provide  some  relief  funds,   Matsqui had to  abandon necessary work on  roads  and schools.
Furthermore,   the programmes  involved three  separate  governments but there was no central
body  to handle  the  overall organization.     This  delayed payments  and,   in  turn,   increased
municipal  costs because  loans had to be obtained to cover the  shortages.     Only the  federal
government could introduce    such  a co-ordinating agency or implement a system of
unemployment relief that could cross provincial  lines,   alter the banking system,   borrow
internationally or change the constitution in a national emergency.     But neither the
federal  Conservatives  under R.B.   Bennett nor the Liberals  under W.L.M.  King would  fully
acknowledge the crisis.     Thus,   municipalities  such as Matsqui had to cope with  the
Depression  as best  they could.
Zeke  Doerksen
For reasons of space,   the editors have had to condense  this essay which Mr.  Doerksen,  a resident
of Clearbrook,  originally wrote as part of his history studies at Simon Fraser University.
16
17
18
19
British Columbia,  Department of Labour,  Annual Report  (Victoria:    King's Printer,  1935),  p.  9;     Minute
Book, March 17,  1934.
20
Minute Book, January 22, 1933 and October 31, 1934.
M.S.A. News, July 27, 1932.
Minute Book, April 18, 1933.
Municipal Affairs, 1941; British Columbia, Public Accounts, (Victoria: King's Printer, 1935). -13-
WILLARD ERNEST IRELAND 1914-1979
Former Provincial Archivist, Willard E. Ireland died suddenly at his home in Victoria
on Saturday, 27 January 1979.  Dr. Ireland, a native of Vancouver who received his B.A.
(U.B.C.) in 1933 and M.A. (U. of T.) in 1935, taught at South Burnaby High School prior
to being appointed Provincial Archivist in 1940.  Dr. Ireland's duties as archivist were
interrupted by service in the R.C.A.F., 1942-1945.  In 1946, he was appointed Provincial
Librarian and Archivist and held these dual offices until his retirement in March 19 74.
Willard Ireland sat on numerous government committees, was active in various library
and historical associations (including our own B.C. Historical Association), and was the
recipient of two honourary doctorates.  Recently he had been named Chairman of the Provincial
Heritage Advisory Board.  Dr. Ireland is survived by his wife, three children and seven
grandchildren.
OLD TRAILS AND ROUTES IN BRITISH COLUMBIA by r.c Harris
THE BOSTON BAR TRAIL
1359 - 1860
FORT HOPE TO BOSTON BAR
Travellers up the Coquihalla route from Hope may be puzzled by the location of Boston
Bar creek, which enters from the north, 18 miles from downtown Hope.
Closer examination of the 1:50,000 topographic map also shows 10, 11 and 15 mile
creeks on this side of the river.  These are reminders of a mule trail which was built
in 1859 and 1860 by the merchants of Hope, with Royal Engineer assistance, to participate
in the Fraser river gold mining trade.  From the Coquihalla, the trail ran generally north
for six miles up Boston Bar creek, then magnetic west through a broad pass on the divide
to Anderson river.  This river has the remarkable property of running parallel to the
Fraser for 20 miles, but in the opposite direction.  The trail followed Anderson river
north to join the HBC 1848 brigade trail (the Old Mountain trail) just upstream of the
mouth of Uztlius creek, where A.C.Anderson put in two foot bridges during his 1847
exploration.  Beyond Uztlius creek, the brigade trail connected with the well travelled
Indian "horse road" to Boston Bar, then a small settlement on the east bank of the Fraser,
just above the mouth of Anderson river. >
At Boston Bar, the trail joined a good trail northward to Lytton and beyond, as predicted by A.C.Anderson after his 1847 exploration for a route from Kamloops to the sea.
(The rock bluffs at Jackass Mountain were more of a problem to building a waggon road
than a pack trail).  In more detail, the Boston Bar trail followed aN. Peers' 1849 HBC
brigade trail for 5 miles out of Hope, fording the Coquihalla at mile 1 and crossing
Palmer's "two conical hills." Whereas the HBC trail recrossed the Coquihalla and headed
east up Peers creek to the Similkameen country, the Boston Bar trail continued up the west
bank of the Coquihalla, which here comes from the north.  The trail is described at some
length in the records of Capt. A. R. Lempriere, who in proper military fashion sent in
reports and sketch maps of his explorations to the headquarters of the Columbia Detachment,
Royal Engineers, at the Camp, New Westminster. (Col.R.C. Moody R.E..commanding, was also
Cheif Commissioner of Lands and Works for the colony of British Columbia.)
Later, in 1876, the first 18 miles of the Boston Bar trail (up to where it left the
Coquihalla at Boston Bar creek) were, in turn, reused for the government cattle trail
from Nicola Lake, via the Coquihalla to Hope.  The Boston Bar trail had one thing going
for it.  It stayed on the east side of the Fraser and thus avoided the ferry over the
Fraser at Spuzzum.  This advantage disappeared with the building of the 186 3 Alexandra
suspension bridge, and the Cariboo waggon road from Yale (head of steam navigation from
Victoria and New Westminster). -14-
jte Anderson
\ River and
\ \ broad Uve
f\ Solid gran\re        /7£
Ho
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I •• 50,000
KT
dr
'<0
b Micola Lk-A! ( Goquihallq
^PaU
tnap 9ZH
1:250,000
THE
BOSTON EAR
TRMLFROM HOPE
1&4-9
fbrr nope
el	
"From Vd'ch>ria
<wvd Mew wWhfnwster
10
kilometres
f5
^ti^il to  ir
7 ■15-
The peak year for the Boston Bar trail as a through route was 1860.  The trail
failed from its several inconveniences.  The high pass (4500 feet) to the Anderson river
remained closed by snow for months longer than its predecessor, the HBC "Old Mountain"
trail (2850 feet).  Its condition was rough and its line was undulating and tortuous.
The benches of unconsolidated silts and sands along the Anderson river were, and still
are, subject to continuing slides.  In addition, the trail's length was unfortunate:
1859  Hope to Boston Bar via Coquihalla 60 miles
1848 Yale to Boston Bar, (Old Mountain trail)     34 miles
186 3  Yale to Boston Bar, (Cariboo waggon road,
river level, via Alexandra bridge)        25 miles
Having worked on the removal of the CPR bridges in the Coquihalla in 1960, including
the bridge over Boston Bar creek, the writer from time to time has collected the history
of the Boston Bar trail.  The remnants of the trail were being erased steadify by logging
and mining roads and by oil and gas pipe lines.  The divide between the Coquihalla and
Anderson basins was selected as a likely site for an undisturbed section of trail.  It
was examined from several nearby peaks, including Needle peak to the southeast, and Gate
mountain, near Hells Gate, to the north.  The obvious pass was found to be not yet
logged, and better still, to contain remnants of the trail, disused here for over 100 years.
A second trip was made by Hughes, Suttill and Harris on Saturday, 24 June 1978.  We
drove 9 km on the gas pipeline tote road up Boston Bar creek, from the Bailey bridge on
the Coquihalla road.  Boston Bar creek runs in a wide deep glacial valley which loops
back to the Coquihalla at its upper end.  This valley has been selected as the route of
the provincial four lane Coquihalla highway.  We parked opposite the pass on the skyline
to the west, descended through mature timber to Boston Bar creek and crossed on a fallen
cedar.  After scrambling up the west bank we crossed a wooded flat and began the ascent
of the valley leading to Boston Bar pass.  We kept well up the sidehill on the north
side, away from the rim of the great meltwater chasm in the solid granite to our left.
Soon we found the faint zigzags of the trail benched in wide sweeps up the hillside.
This ascent continued to elevation 1325 metres, then the trail contoured west on the north
side of the pass, as a good trail should, for over two kilometers.  We passed over almost
flat country, past heather patches and muskeg between widely spaced trees, until we got
a short way down the west side.  The line of the trail was confirmed by remains of pole
stringers over most of the numerous small streams drifting across from the right (north).
Other evidence was old axe cuts on roots projecting from old trees, and axed stumps.
The trail may have been used subsequently as a trap line:  old blazes on trees generally
follow the line of the trail, and at least two big old trees carry the remains of trap
sets.  Blue and yellow tapes in the pass may indicate that logging is imminent, "the mills
need the trees".
NEWS FROM THE BRANCHES
Ed. note. The success of this section depends on the branches sending news to us. We trust
all branches are alive and well but we would appreciate confirmation. Please send
submissions for tae summer Issue to us before June 15,  1979.
PRINCETON The Princeton Pioneer Museum Society's Archives Project is  going ahead with
local residents  co-operating by giving and lending old photographs.     Aural
histories  of old-timers  are being put on cassette  tapes  and transcriptions made.
This   fall,   Princeton became a  town when  the population reached the magic
number of  3,000.     The village council discouraged any  celebration.     There wasn't any
celebration in 1951 when Princeton became  incorporated.     The  fledgling commission at that
time  under the chairmanship of  Ike Plecash  faced many problems:     unpaved streets,  wooden
sidewalks,   outhouses  in almost every yard,   no garbage  collection,   and no streetlights. ■16-
Although the commissioners had no experience in municipal management (one member was a
storekeeper, two worked for the local mine, one was an undertaker) they tackled the jobs
one at a time.  Within two years Princeton changed from a dot on the map to a thriving
town.
Margaret Stoneberg
**********
VANCOUVER   The editors were pleased to receive the recent issue of Vancouver History
published by the Vancouver Historical Society.  The February 1979 issue
includes articles on Vancouver's weather, Hastings Park, and conservation in Seattle.  In
addition, the volume includes resumes of recent lectures presented to the Society.  In
October, Norman Hacking spoke on Spanish Exploration of the North West Coast; in November,
Keith Ralston presented a talk on "Leonard McClure, Colonial Journalist, Politician, and
Long-winded Speaker."
*********************************************************************************
BULLETIN BOARD
NEWSPAPER INDEXES
In response to a comment of Clarence Karr in his review of Western Canada Since 1870:
A Select Bibliography and Guide, Ms. Linda Ervin of the National Library of Canada has
advised us that there are, indeed, several union lists of Canadian newspapers.  She reports
that in 19 7 7 the Newspaper Section of the National Library published a Union List of
Canadian Newspapers Held By Canadian Libraries including the publishing history and Canadian
library locations for Canadian newspapers, both current and retrospective in original
and microform.  Libraries and other institutions may obtain complimentary copies of this
list from the Public Relations Office of the National Library, Room 3136, 344 Wellington
Street, Ottawa, Ontario, K1A 0N4.
HERITAGE WEST
Through a special grant from the B.C. Heritage Trust, Heritage West magazine has been
able to adopt a new and attractive format.  The magazine features news of British Columbia
heritage events.  Subscriptions may be obtained for $4.00 per year from Heritage West,
1111 West 7th Avenue, Vancouver, B.C.  V6H 1B3.
HERITAGE AND INCOME TAX
Heritage Canada is calling for a change in the Income Tax Act to remove a shelter for
those who demolish old buildings and to encourage Canadians to improve existing buildings.
MUSEUM TRAINING
The American Association for State and Local History is sponsoring a Regional workshop
on Interpreting the Humanities through Museum Exhibits in Spokane, Washington, July 22-25,
19 79.  Attendance is limited and applicants "must be actively involved in exhibit work in
a historical organization."  For further information and application forms, write to the
Exhibits Workshops Co-ordinator, American Association for State and Local History, 1400
Eighth Avenue South, Nashville, Tennessee, USA 3720 3.  Deadline for completed applications
is June 12, 19 79.
ARCHIVES TRAINING SEMINAR
The Association of British Columbia Archivists intends to sponsor an archival training
seminar in Vancouver on November 2 and 3, 1979.  The seminar will be oriented toward
people who find themselves working with archival collections, but lacking formal training
in archives work.  The ABCA hope a number of people from small, local archives (including
museums with archival collections) will be able to attend the seminar and acquire a basic
understanding of archives responsibilities, procedures, and services.  Some funding may
be available to assist with travel costs.  Since no more than 25 participants can be
accommodated, those who are interested should apply as soon as possible to Warren F. Sommer,
Heritage Village Museum, 4900 Deer Lake Avenue, Burnaby, B.C.  V5G 3T6. -17-
DO YOU REMEMBER THE DEPRESSION?
We are sure that many of our readers have personal recollections of the Depression
of the 19 30's.  To encourage you to share them with us, we offer a prize , a copy of
George Woodcock's Faces From History - Canadian Profiles and Portraits.
Please send us a letter of 500-1000 words recalling yourmost vivid memory of the
Depression in British Columbia.  We will publish the best letter and perhaps some runners-
up in our Fall issue.  To be eligible for the prize, letters should reach us by August 1,
1979.  Please type or print your entries, double-spaced, on one side of the paper only.
FOREST HISTORY
Because of the close relationship between the forest industry in British Columbia
and the American Pacific Coast, readers may be interested in the activities of the
Forest History Society.  The Society recently received a $50,000 grant to support
the preparation of a biography of David T. Mason of Portland, Oregon who is regarded as
the "father" of sustained-yield forestry.  The Society also publishes the quarterly
Journal of Forest History.  Its headquarters are at 109 Coral Street, Santa Cruz,
California, USA 95060.
LE COURRIER DE LA NOUVELLE-CALEDONIE
SAVIEZ-VOUS  QU'IL  EXISTAIT  UN   JOURNAL  EN  FRANCAIS   AU  DEBUT  DE   LA  COLONIE?     LE  COURRIER
DE  LA  NOUVELLE-CALEDONIE   INFORMAIT  LES   PREMIER  COLONS   DE   LA COLOMBIE-BRITANNIQUE.      PROCUREZ-
VOUS   LES  EXEMPLAIRES  EXISTANTS   DU  11  SEPTEMBRE   1858 AU  8  OCTOBRE   1858.     ECRIVEZ  A:
SOCIETE   HISTORIQUE   FRANCO-COLOMBIENNE
a/s    Mme Catherine Levesque
211,   46eme  avenue ouest,
Vancouver,   C.B.     V5Y  2X2
PRIX:     $1.25  +  25<=  pour  la poste.
BOOK REVIEWS
"nu.tka.  CAPTAIN COOK AND THE SPANISH EXPLORERS ON THE COAST," edited by Barbara S. Efrat
and W.J. Langlois, Sound Heritage, VII, 1, 1978.  101 pp, illus.
"nu.tka.  THE HISTORY AND SURVIVAL OF NOOTKAN CULTURE,"  edited by Barbara S. Efrat
and W.J. Langlois,  Sound Heritage, VII, 2, 1978(?).  65 pp, illus.
Bicentennial madness has been and gone.  There was a Captain Cook look-alike, some
tall ships appeared (although fewer than expected), two plaques were laid at Resolution
Cove (although possibly in the wrong place), there were commemorative flags, T-shirts,
and coffee mugs, there were parades and much hullabaloo, and the Honorable Grace McCarthy
smiled a lot. All of this, no doubt, has its place in a province where tourism is a
major industry, but did it tell us much about Cook and his importance to British Columbia?
That question, it seemed to me, received very little consideration.  It was perhaps ironic,
although in my view appropriate, that, in the context of celebrating Cook's arrival at
Nootka Sound, some Indians and provincial polititians should finally find something in
common as both made absurd claims about Cook that had more to do with politics than with
history.  Hence the debate about whether Cook had syphillis, and the assertion that the
most brilliant navigator in history did not have the foggiest notion of where he was
when his two ships came limping into Nootka Sound. Well, no matter, one might say, when
all the fuss has "died down perhaps some of the writing stimulated by the bicentennial
will provide a more thoughtful and enduring consideration of Cook's importance to the
area.  It was with this hope that I received the latest two issues of Sound Heritage, ■18-
entitled "nu.tka." My anticipation was further kindled by the recollection that, in
the midst of it all, one of the editors had resigned his position as Director of Aural
History at the Provincial Archives reportedly because he felt that the government had
treated the bicentennial superficially.  Surely, then, these two issues would rise above
the nonsense and give us something worthwhile.
These issues of Sound Heritage are certainly lavishly produced, with numerous
illustrations.  Clearly expense has not been spared.  It is more the pity, therefore, that
the first number in particular was not edited with greater care.  J.C. Beaglehole's
Hakluyt Society edition of Cook's journal of the third voyage  is a basic document for
all of the writers in the first issue.  Yet this source is cited differently in each of
the six articles, and not one of the six variations is correct.  If not exactly illegal,
it is certainly unprofessional to credit paintings and drawings to the Provincial Archives
of British Columbia when the originals are held by other institutions.  Then on pages
56 and 5 7 there is an illustration of Friendly Cove which is attributed to Cook's
artist, John Webber, although the original engraving actually appears in Vancouver's
Voyage.  The editors of "nu.tka." evidently did not think it a bit odd that when the
first group of Europeans landed at Yuquot there should be a thumping great, free-standing
cross in the middle of the village.
The only piece in the collection that deals directly with Cook is the first by
Barry M. Gough, entitled "Nootka Sound in James Cook's Pacific World."  Gough begins by
saying that Resolution and Discovery came to Friendly Cove which, of course, is incorrect;
and then goes on to describe the dilapidated, run-down appearance of the place today.
The implication, which continues through the paper, is that one can survey a direct line
from Cook's arrival to the present condition of the Nootka Indians.  The terrain of British
Columbia history is more complicated that that oversimplification would suggest.  There
are inaccuracies in the discussion of Nootka culture at the point of contact and,
although vague about exactly when it ended, Gough also comments that the Nootka were
living in an "era of primeval innocence."  This strikes me as a rather fanciful notion,
but I suppose that if you are going to have a fatal impact then you need to begin with
a noble savage.  Most of all, this piece gives the impression of having been written in
a hurry and the rather flat prose evinces no great enthusiasm for Cook's truly incredible
achievements in the Pacific.
As if having dismissed him in the first article, the editors then proceed to give
us papers on everything bat Cook.  Christon I. Archer's reminder, that, in the midst of
the Cook bicentennial, we tend to forget about the contribution of the Spanish on the
northwest coast, is well taken; if a little beside the point.  In another context Archer
has discussed the relationship that existed between Cook's third voyage and the Spanish
efforts to explore the coast, which, in 1978, is a more pertinent point.  Then there is
a series of articles dealing with aspects of Nootkan culture.  Ida Halpern and David
Duke make good use of Cook's journals to describe Nootkan music, Barbara J. Moon makes
some easy assumptions about the impact of Europeans on the Indians' relationship to the
animal world, and Nancy J. Turner and Barbara S. Efrat also use the accounts of Cook
and his men as a basis for discussing the botany of Nootka Sound and the language of its
inhabitants.  These articles deal with a narrow subject matter, which is fair enough, but
they are also somewhat parochial in their approach.  The authors might have benefited from
greater acquaintance with the broader scope of Cook scholarship.  Thus, it is not so
much Anderson's health at Nootka Sound as the loss of his journal for the latter part of
the third voyage that accounts for the lack of botanical information.  It is quite untrue
to say that Cook was "completely successful in preventing scurvy among his crews" (page
86).  Not only were there several outbreaks of scurvy on his ships, but some of Cook's
suggestions about dealing with the disease actually retarded the search for an effective
cure. When Samwell wrote that the Nootka language was "harsh and gutteral" it was not
necessarily just the "ethnocentric viewpoint of a European" (page 89). He may have been
making a quite valid comparison with the melodic vowel music of the Polynesians.
Barbara Efrat apparently confuses William Anderson, the surgeon and naturalist on the
third voyage who died in August 1778, and George William Anderson, the compiler and
editor of explorer's accounts.  It would have been a stunning contribution indeed if she
had discovered, even in published form, the lost segment of Anderson's journal.  But
alas, all we have is a case of mistaken identity.
In many respects the most satisfactory piece in the collection is the first one in
the second number:  "Nootka Sound:  A 4,000 Year Perspective" by John Dewhirst.  He presents
the results of his archaeological work at Yuquot and makes some original points about the -19-
nature of Nootkan culture.  In my opinion, even his section dealing with culture change
in the historic period is more sensible than some of the things that the historians have
to say.
Along with these articles written by specialists, there are portions of interviews
with contemporary Indian informants.  It is interesting, however, that with only a few
minor exceptions none of the articles draw on the aural history.  In a sense this is
reasonable since what people have to say in 1978 is not evidence of what happened 200
years earlier.  Thus, the fact that an Opetchesat speaker todays knows the meaning of
the work "nu.tka." does not, in itself, domonstrate that the Moachat speakers of 1778 knew
it, as Barry Gough seems to suppose.  There is no attempt in these issues of Sound
Heritage to distinguish between aural history and Indian oral tradition.  The claim that
it is only recently that Europeans have attempted to preserve Indian traditions (page 54)
is, as readers of Franz Boas et. al. will know, quite ridiculous.  For all that aural
history is a new method, presumably its practitioners ought to have some notion of
what happened before they arrived on the scene.  Some notion, that is to say, of history.
Many questions remain to be considered in relation to aural history, on which so much
money is being spent in this province. While this is not an appropriate format to
deal with such matters, it must be said that these two volumes from the Aural History
section of the Provincial Archives are not convincing evidence of the value of the
technique.
Neither aural history nor the memory of Cook is particularly well served here.
There is some interesting work on the nature of the Indians who met the explorers and
that, of course, is very appropriate.  But we get no sense of the opening up of a new
Pacific world of which Nootka was a part.  Nor do we get a sense that, in an age of
great navigators. Cook was the greatest, and that the shores of this province were once
touched by the man who, as a contemporary put it, "fixes the bounds of the habitable
earth, as well as those of the navigable ocean."
Robin Fisher
Simon Fraser University
**********
THE REMARKABLE WORLD OF FRANCES BARKLEY:  1769-1845.  Beth Hill.  Sidney, B.C.:  Gray's
Publishing Limited, 1978.  pp. xv, 2 32, 4 mpas, 58 illus.,  $12.95.
Basically, this book brings to the reader the contents of the slim but important
and little-known file in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia pertaining to
Captain Charles William Barkley, the late eighteenth century merchant-trader and
navigator, and his wife Frances Hornby (nee Trevor).  The jewel of the collection is a
notebook of autobiographical reminiscenses for their children, written by Frances at age
65, describing their fur-trading voyages and their life and adventures abroad.
Because of the immediate admiration Mrs. Hill developed for the character and
courage of Frances Barkley from these initial sources, she set out to fill the gaps
in "the Barkley story" by enthusiastic research in Canada and, particularly, in England.
As well as making contacts with helpful descendants, she searched for background material
on the times and fashions in England and the countries of Asia where the Barkleys either
lived for a time of paid a lengthy visit.
While the author's primary objective was to bring a wide spectrum of general
readers into Frances Barkley's "world", her secondary objective appears to have been to
present a historical backdrop to Captain Barkley's two fur trading expeditions to the
northwest coast of North America and to reinforce Barkley's rightful place in the long
roster of navigators who have contributed to the exploration of the west coast of Canada
and to join with professional historians in erasing the smears and sneers of Captain
John Meares.  On his first expedition from Osten via the Horn in Imperial Eagle,
Barkley spent five to six weeks (from late June to the end of J\ily~,   1787) on the west
coast of Vancouver Island fur trading and mapping the coast south of Nootka to the
Strait of Juan de Fuca.  At that time he discovered and named Barkley Sound.  His
second expedition in Halcyon took him from Calcutta via Petropavlovsk to the Alaskan
coast from Yakutat south to the west side of Baranof Island where he spent about five
weeks (16 August to around 20 September 1722) . ■20-
Turning to  the  author's presentation of the heart-warming Barkley love  story,   the
stage  is  set with  the  stunning painting across  the entire  front and back covers,
depicting Frances as  a girl of 19  on  the  shore of an island with a high mountain behind
— probably representing the  island in Mulgrave's Harbour in Alaska,  August 1788,   described
in her  Reminiscences.     It is  a tale of a woman's  faith,   of hope retained from youth  to
old age  through many  setbacks,   and of the mutual devotion of Charles  and Frances  throughout the  forty-six year span of their marriage.
The  author catches  the  reader's  interest in her enthusiastic preface  and the
introduction  therein of the mystery of Frances'   missing journal  from which decades  later,
she prepared her notebook of recollections.     It was  thought the  journal had been destroyed
in  the  1909   fire  that took  the   life  of her  grandson,   Captain Edward Barkely,   R.N.   at
Westholme,   B.C.;   but Mrs.   Hill  discovered it is  likely  still exant somewhere in England.
Add to  this  initial  recipe   four maps  and close  to  sixty  illustrations  including  six
delightful  small  drawings by  J.H.  Whittingham commissioned by the  author,   a  family  tree,
a family  and world chronology,   an attractive  format,   and easy-to-read type  and one  should
get a literary delight.    And likely  for the casual reader,   particularly the browser,   it
will be.     But,   for the  serious  reader with  a developed interest in history,   it will be
a disappointment,   despite  Frances Barkley's  absorbing memoirs  and the  author's  devotion
to her principal  subject.     The book  is marred by a number of technical  faults.     The
family  tree  is not easily  consulted,   the maps  and illustrations  are  scattered but not
listed,   the  indexing is  careless  and confusing,   the  references  are often inadequately
cited,   there is much repetition   and a number of minor  factual errors  are  included.
More  serious   flaws  result from Mrs.   Hill not having done her homework on  the history
of the Pacific of the time,   despite an impressive  four pages of  "sources."    There are two
distressing major historical errors  in  connection with Cook's  third voyage,   the  purpose
of which was  to make yet another  search  for the North-west Passage;     but this  time  from
the Pacific  side.     This expedition  included the  discovery of the Hawaiian  Islands,   a
visit to Nootka,   and the loss of Cook's  life on 14  February 1779.     On page  45,  Mrs.  Hill
gives  the  following purpose  of the  voyage:
When rumours of Russian expansion along the North Pacific rim reached the Spaniards,   they
dispatched from Mexico the expeditions under Perez  (1774)   and Bodega y Quadra  (1775).
News of the Spanish voyages was carried to London by the English Ambassador in Madrid,
which inspired the English to send Captain Cook,  on his Third Expedition to re-establish
the claims  founded by Sir Francis Drake near San Francisco in 1579.
This is  utter nonsense.     The author cites in her sources two versions of Cook's Voyages,
namely:     A Voyage  to the Pacific Ocean in the Years  1776-1780   (London,   1784)   in  three
volumes  and The Voyages of the  Resolution  and Discovery:   1776-1780 J.C. Beaglehole,   two
volumes   (actually edited by Professor Beaglehole  as Volume  III,   parts one and two in his
definitive edition of all Cook's   journals published for the Hakluyt Society between 1955
and 1967).     From either of these works Mrs.   Hill could have  found the Admiralty Orders
detailing completely  the  purpose  and conduct of the expedition  sent to settle once  and for
all  the question of the North-west Passage.     Cook was ordered to have no contacts with
the Spanish'.     The  stop at Nootka Indian  settlement was only to make  some  urgently needed
repairs  to the ships  and take on wood,  water,   and some provisions bought  from the  Indians.
The  second major deviation  from fact is  a serious  false  accusation  that the  incomparable
Cook committed or permitted violence  against the natives  in Hawaii.     On pages  132-133,  Mrs.
Hill  says:
From the moment of the very first contact with Europeans, before Captain Cook's ships
had anchored - when a party was sent toward land in small boats  to discover a suitable
watering place,  and one of the natives was shot by Lieutenant Williamson for apparently
trying to take a boat hook - the relationship between Europeans and the Sandwich
Islanders was one of profound mistrust, with bloody and violent deeds on both sides.
The only  fact in  the  above  statement is  that Williamson killed a native;     it  is  understandable how the misfortune occurred when one reads Cook's  account:
He  (Williamson)  also reported that he had attempted to land in a nother  (sic)  place but was
prevented by  the Indians coming down to the boat in great numbers,  and were for taking away
the oars, muskets,  and in short everything they could lay hold upon and pressed so thick
upon him that he was obliged to fire (a warning shot)  by which one man was killed.    But
this unhappy circumstance I did not know till after he had left the islands,  so that all
my measures were directed as if nothing of the kind had happened....    It did not appear -21-
to Mr. Williamson that they had any design to kill or even hurt any of the people in the
boat but were excited by mere curiousity to get what they had from them, and were at the
same time,  ready to give in return any  thing they had.
Mrs.   Hill  repeatedly claims  that Mrs.   Barkley was  the   first European woman  to visit
the British Columbia and Alaska coast.     There  is no way of proving or disproving Mrs.
Hill's monotonous boasts but it  seems  unlikely  that Mrs.   Barkley was  the   first white
woman  to visit British Columbia.     Yet,  Mrs.   Barkley herself mentions  the Halcyon  falling
in with  a Russian  trading vessel on  17  June  1792 near the  top of the Kurile  Islands.
The  captain's wife  and several  other women were  on board,   of whom Frances  recorded,   "I
believe  they were European women - very  fair and good-looking."   (pp.   95-96).     Does  it
not seem likely  that at least one  Russian vessel plying    between Okhotsk and the Alaskan
coast during the  forty-five years  from Bering's  death in 1741  to Barkley's   first
voyage   (a period when the  Russians were  actively exploring the coast and establishing
trade with  the natives)   had its  captain's wife on board?
The  author and publisher of The  Remarkable World of Frances  Barkley  are  obviously
expecting the book to have a wide  circulation:     witness   the  lavish  use of pictures  and
the extravagant  format of the book.     What a pity  that along with her engrossing Barkley
family  story,   Mrs.   Hill  is   feeding her public  so many  things   that are not so;   and in
particular those  relating to Captain Cook,  whom Alan Villiers has  called,   "the greatest
explorer-seaman  the world has  known.     The names  of his brave  ships may stand as his best
epitaph - Endeavour,   Resolution,   Discovery,   Adventure.    To   these must be  added a  fifth.
Its name  is Humanity."   Beside Cook,  Barkley pales  into insignificance.
Thomas L.   Brock
Mr. Brock who was Alcan Historian and Curator of the Alcan Museum and Archives now lives
in Victoria.    He is currently working on a biography of Admiral Sir Robert Barrie.
Ed.  note.     For reasons of space,  we have had to eliminate many of  the examples  illustrating
Mr.  Brock's  criticisms  of this book.
**********
OCEAN OF DESTINY:  A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE NORTH PACIFIC 1500-1978 by J. Arthur Lower.
Vancouver:  University of British Columbia Press, 19 78, 256 pp.  Illus.  cloth $16.50.
This is a concise history of the North Pacific Ocean with a Canadian focus.
Following themes developed earlier in his Canada on the Pacific Rim (1975), Mr. Lower
surveys the history of the ocean expanse and littoral of the last of the world's great
navigable oceans to be exploited in the process of Europe's expansion.  Rather
than presenting a sustained argument, the book's arrangement tends to be episodic —
a bit on the San Juan Island affair, a bit on the Boxer Rebellion, and a bit on the
Manchurian incident - to give just three examples.  In the main, the work is based on
a careful reading of secondary sources.  The material may not be new and the interpretation not distinctly fresh, but Lower brings together between two covers a neat survey
of a broad subject.  For the reader this will be an useful introduction.  Ocean of Destiny
is really a porthole, a window looking out on that vast, trackless watery waste whose
physical and psychological proportion, Darwin wrote, could only be appreciated by those
who sailed it for weeks on end.
There is so much material in this book that in covering what amounts to a third
of the world's surface over a period of almost five centuries, we seem to be rushing
through time and space.  Even in such a possibly detailed subject as the history of
whaling in the Pacific we are treated to only a few pages (56-58 and 190-191) plus a
few other scattered references on the topic.  Subjects such as whaling beg full
description in the larger story.  So too, do the maritime fur trade and North Pacific
fishing, to give only two examples.  Yet, again, concise treatment limits the attention
that the author has been able to give to the subject. Another point of criticism
is Lower's heavy Canadian focus.  Beyond a shadow of doubt Canadians are slow and have
been slow to appreciate the importance of the Pacific, its lands, peoples and resources,
in our history.  I, for one, am delighted to see appropriate Canadian references but, -22-
in my opinion. Lower's postscript goes beyond the historian's obligation.  The "future
outlook on the Pacific" approach is interesting but not convincing.  What Canada will
do in the Pacific in the future is not conditioned by the nation's history; it will be
shaped by the circumstances and the opportunities relating to that ocean or it may be
shaped by forces over which the nation can exercise no control.
Barry Gough
Wilfrid Laurier University
Waterloo, Ontario.
**********
GO DO SOME GREAT THING:  THE BLACK PIONEERS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.  Crawford Kilian.
Vancouver:  Douglas & Mclntyre, 1978.  pp. 188, illus., $12.95.
Crawford Kilian, an instructor at North Vancouver's Capilano College, has written
a history of the Blacks in British Columbia to accord them the recognition which he feels
is their due.  By his own admission, the author has placed heavy reliance on an
unpublished 1951 UBC MA thesis on the same subject by James W. Pilton; however, to his
credit, Kilian has made readily accessible the nuggets of Pilton's research heretofore
available only to those who frequent archives and the special collections divisions of
university libraries.  Herein lies the value of this work for it places on the B.C.
bookshelf a readable volume on a subect too long overlooked.
Attractively bound,   illustrated and reasonably priced,   the book,   unfortunately has
its  shortcomings.     Though  the  author's  style  is  light and for the most part quite
readable,   it is hampered by  the   frequent and excessive  use  of lengthy quotations;   so
long in  fact are  some excerpts,   that in one  instance,   the multiple paragraph quotation
exceeds  a single  page   (p.   137).     These  long quotations  could have been effectively
summarized and in  so doing would have  contributed greatly  to  the  continuity  of style
so necessary  to maintaining  the   reader's  interest.
Good historical writing demands detachment and thorough documentation; unfortunately,
the author seems to have compromised the former and largely ignored the latter.  It
is indeed a pity that some of Kilian's subjects seem to loom larger than life.  The
struggles of the Saltsping Island pioneers (Chapter 9) assume epic proportions, yet
the heroic characteristics so described can be assigned to any successful pioneering
group facing the immeasurable odds of carving a homestead out of the wilderness.
Accordingly, these values are not peculiar to one segment of a pioneering society but,
to the society in general.  To be sure, pioneers, in general, were "tough, resourceful,
aggressive and ambitious"  and Black pioneers shared these qualities;  however, they
were not the sole proprietors as the author would have us believe (p. 48).
The author's reason for omitting footnotes, i.e. that his volume, on a somewhat
specialized topic, is intended for "nonspecialist readers", is unacceptable.
Further disappointments appear in frequent generalizations.  Kilian all too
easily dismisses Pilton's reasoned speculation concerning the DeCosmos election victory
of 1863, due, in part, to the split Black vote, with the simplistic observation "that
the Blacks were individuals" (p. 129).  Blacks, we are told, were active in the Cariboo
gold rush and mining companies were partly or solely Black (p. 89); unfortunately, these
statements remain unsubstantiated.
Generalizations and the occasional contradiction such as that concerning Barker-
ville's Black barber, Wellington Belaney Moses, who "led a quiet uneventful life...however, he helped send a man to the gallows for murder" (p. 91) will cause more than a few
brows to furrow and, in so doing, detract significantly from the volume and lessen the
impact so obviously sought and desired by the author and so rightfully due his subjects.
Kilian's work indeed fills a space on the bookshelf and undoubtedly it will achieve
its end in drawing attention to the role of the Blacks in the history of the province;
however, it is unfortunate that the volume possesses these disappointing limitations.
Brian Young
Mr. Young is an archivist at the Provincial Archives of British Columbia.
********** -23-
BARKERVILLE, QUESNEL & THE CARIBOO GOLD RUSH.  Gordon R. Elliott.  Vancouver:  Douglas
& Mclntyre, 1978.  pp. vii, 184, illus., $6.95  Paper.
For twenty years Gordon Elliott's Quesnel, the Commercial Centre of the Cariboo
Gold Rush has been the standard history of the north Cariboo area. The book has now
been reprinted, "with minor revisions" and some new photographs, under the title
Barkerville, Quesnel & the Cariboo Gold Rush. Elliott, in his "Preface", points out
that "the fact that this history deals with Barkerville and the gold rush generally,
more than with Quesnel specifically, accounts for the change in title."
The main problem for Elliott in his presentation was to balance the exciting
story of the gold rush ("The legend of the golden fleece and the argonauts who journey
after it") with the dry stuff of the development of Quesnel and the surrounding district.
Is is not an easy problem to manage effectively in the best of situations.  That he
succeeds reasonably well may be due in large part to his obviously deep understanding
of the folklore and history of the area.
The book is, as he claims, "not a chronological history of the region, but a topical one."  The first six chapters, covering till the late 1850's, provide an adequate
background, though the author is uncomfortable in his Chapter One, "Geography and first
inhabitants."  Admittedly, when he wrote the book in the late fifties, there was little
secondary material readily available.
The next four chapters, which are primarily concerned with the general growth of
the region and the development of its commerce, society and institutions, are handled
well; the remaining eight chapters, dealing with topics such as law and order,
transportation, and industries, round out the picture.  Five of these last chapters are
given over to various aspects of transportation, a reflection of the author's concern
for the transportation problems.
The treatment given the history of the region is carefully organised and clearly
presented. Well chosen contemporary observations and a few anecdotes provide valuable
insights into details of everyday life.  I was pleased to learn, for example, that "Barkerville in 1868 had eighteen saloons", and that, in 1910, on the stately sternwheeler BX "Each stateroom has two berths with the exception of the beautiful bridal
chamber.1"-
There are twenty-one pages of photographs which are grouped together and which are
adequate though not exciting. A good map showing the principal places and natural features
would have been very valuable. The index is fine, but I was disappointed that an essay
on bibliographic material made available since the book was first published in 1958 was
not included in this new edition. Although the book is not attractively bound, it held
together well though I gave it some rough handling.
George R. Newell
George Newell, formerly an active member of the Victoria Branch, continues to take an
active interest in B.C. history from his new residence in Prince Rupert.
**********
A HISTORY OF SHIPBUILDING IN BRITISH  COLUMBIA:  AS TOLD BY THE SHIPYARD WORKERS.
Marine Retirees Association, Vancouver:  College Printers, 1977, p. 170, illus.
Despite the increasing interest in western Canadian social, economic, and political
history, there remain a large number of gaps in our understanding of the past.  One of
the largest of these is the lack of research concerning the labour history of the West
— and in particular the history of organized labour in British Columbia.  There are many
reasons for the paucity of historical research in this important field.  The history
of organized labour is relatively new;  earlier historians were more interested in
describing the province's role in the growth of the nation; and records and other
source documents were either not kept or have been lost.  These and other factors have
hindered attempts at describing in detail the difficult struggle of organized labour and
its special role in our history.  The retired members of the Marine Workers and Boilermakers Industrial Union are to be commended for producing A History of Shipbuilding in
British Columbia.  The book was made possible by a grant from the New Horizons Program
of the federal government, and is a valuable addition to the labour history of this
Province.  As the cover suggests, the book is primarily a collection of personal -24-
reminiscences spanning the period from 1916 to 1945.  The first chapters sketch the
origin and development of shipbuilding, and each chapter begins with a general narrative
of the period under review.  But the real purpose of the book is to provide a history
of the Boilermakers Industrial Union as told by its members.
Shipbuilding on the West Coast is a cyclical industry, going from periods of boom
to long periods of decline.  Only the stimulus of government contracts has maintained
the presence of major shipbuilding firms, as most of the steady work is the result of
small vessel construction and ship repair work.  The history of the union reflects
these swings from prosperity to survival.  The 1920's were a time of radicalism as the
economy recovered from the depression following World War I.  The Boilermakers were in
the forefront of the radical union movement, and were one of the first unions to join
the One Big Union in 1919.  The depression of the 19 30's reduced the shipbuilding
workforce to a minimum, and many worked on temporary jobs up and down the coast.
The personal descriptions of these years provide many insights into the social history
of these skilled tradesmen.  The Second World War provided a tremendous stimulus to
the industry and the union.  Membership jumped from about 200 to over 13,000 in two
years.  During the war years, the West Coast shipyards built 217 freighters of the
10,000 ton class and 5 3 naval vessels.  These were the golden years of the industry and
all those engaged in this vital production were proud of their achievement.
While more general narrative would have helped to outline the changes that occurred
in the 1920's and 1930's, the stories of the members are of great interest to social
historians.  They tell of hand-riveting large ships, of standing outside the gate
each morning hoping to be picked for a workgang, and of the men and women that they
worked alongside.  Hand riveting gave way to mechanical hammers, which in turn were
replaced by welders.  As technology changed so too did conditions of work.  The closed
shop, union hiring, shorter hours and higher wages were some of the victories won by
the union.  It is a story that needs to be told, both in the personal reminiscence format
and in a more analytical study of British Columbia's union history.
R.C. McCandless
Co-ordinator, Manpower Training,
Post-Secondary Department
Ministry of Education
Science and Technology.
**********
IN THE SHADOW OF THE CLIFF:  A HISTORY OF NORTH ENDERBY,  Enderby, B.C.:  North Enderby
Historical Society.  n.p.d.  207 pages, illus.
The publication of local histories continues to be prolific and the appearance
of In the Shadow of the Cliff indicates the state of community history writing has not
changed.  This is another in a series which produces gems of information in reminiscences
and photographs rarely found elsewhere while failing to provide an overriding theme or to
place the community in a brn=>der context.
North Enderby, a small North Okanagan community, developed slowly because most of
its area was heavily treed which necessitated arduous years of land clearance.  This
study relates the story of the settlers of North Enderby working to make marginal farms
profitable, suffering from the odd flood, and usually being forced to take other jobs
in logging or in a neighbouring town to make ends meet.
Common threads in the story are not easily found as the organization does not lend
itself to a theme.  The book is divided into chapters focusing upon families which
arrived in a specific decade.  Thus, a settler who came with his family in 1911 would
have his experiences and those of his descendents up to the present described in an
early chapter.  It means the reader has difficulty tracing the development of the
district, often having to refer back.  Because it is doubtful that any other source than
memory was used and the editor lacked a firm hand, the facts presented often lack scope
and stories leave gaps.  On some occasions, a settler passes away but there is no mention
of the year of his death.  On another occasion, an interesting character called Mr.
Sparrow (p.60) does not even have his first name recorded - despite the fact that his
descendents still live in the district.  It is tantalizing to read that Sparrow and one
other farmer had worked a coal mine on the property yet nothing more is said about the
unique mine. More complete editing would have ensured the reader who finds a woman who -25-
showed "prize flowers...at the Interior Exhibition" (p. 51) would not have to wait
thirty pages to discover that the fair was held in the neighbouring community of Armstrong.
One would like to have a clearer idea of the reasons for North Enderby's growth.
Its history is recounted in isolation from Enderby (just across the bridge over the
Shuswap River).  While there are accounts of a woman who sold high quality butter to
residents of Enderby for years (p. 53) or a gentleman who was a millwright in the flour
mill in Enderby (p. 36), one wonders about the impact Enderby and its commercial
enterprises had on the community's developemnt.  Presumably the flour mill would have
purchased grain from the farmers and encouraged them to grow wheat or oats.  One would
also assume the construction of the Shuswap & Okanagan Railway would have enhanced the
profitability of the new farms but there is no allusion to the railway.
Yet, there are many good points in the book.  The researcher who uses this study
can draw a fairly accurate demographic picture of the community and, on occasion, determine which carpenter built which house whether in North Enderby or Enderby itself.
And, the story of "Old Charlie", the Chinese vegetable vendor who travelled through the
district in the 19 30's and 1940's with a horse and wagon is an interesting comment on
marketing and consumption habits of the period.
Despite the drawbacks, In the Shadow of the Cliff provides a good basis for an in-
depth study on the development of the community. Attempts have been made to tell the
complete story of certain community organizations.  The selection of photographs is
valuable for they remind the reader that the days of horsepower and relatively primitive
implements for clearing and working the land are not long past.
Jim Wardrop
Associate Curator of Modern
History.
Provincial Museum.
**********
PLACE NAMES OF THE ALBERNI VALLEY.  Helen Ford, Dorrit MacLeod, and Gene Joyce eds.
Alberni:  Alberni District Museum and Historical Society, 19 78.  pp. 84, map, $4.95.
The most recent British Columbia volume of the Gazetteer of Canada (published in
1966) contains over 33,000 names of places.  This total has been greatly increased by
supplements issued periodically.  The tracking down of the origins of so vast a number
of names is an enormous venture in which local historians can play an indispensable
part.  The more credit then to the members of the Alberni District Museum and Historical
Society who have compiled and published this little book on the place names of their
area.
The editors have chosen to divide Place Names of the Alberni Valley into three
parts.  The first, "Why Alberni?", consists of a short account of Don Pedro De Alberni,
containing excerpts "from the Spanish historical records" specially translated by
P.M. Barrett.  Brief as this material is, one would wish for a footnote identifying
the archives and documents in question.  Possibly Barrett could be persuaded to do an
article on these researches revealing the sources.
The second part of the book, twenty pages headed "Geographical Landmarks," deals
with the place names as the term is usually employed. Various of the 120 names listed
go with their origins unexplained, generally due to lack of information, but locations
and variant names are often given.  Particularly praiseworthy is the trouble the editors
have taken to supply original Indian names and their meanings.  It is interesting to
know that to the Indians Mount Arrowsmith was "jagged face" and that Lupsi Cupsi Creek
is a corruption of the Indian "Noop-tsi-kuh-pis" meaning "lone tree meadow."  "McCoy
Creek", incidentally, proves to be of Indian, not Scottish provenance, coming from the
native "Muh-ki-yut".  Generally, however, the Alberni names are rather predictable or
colourless, which makes it the more regrettable that no story is found to go with Devil's
Den Lake.
The third and final section is devoted to street names.  The origins of a surprisingly
large number of these could not be traced by the compilers.  Thus, one is left to wonder -26-
how a city without a cathedral acquired a Cathedral Street.  Of Mr. DeBeaux, who had
a road named after him, we are told only that he was "deported to Germany after World
War I, because he made an unwise remark".  Irresistibly one wonders what remark could
have been so unwise as to merit deportation'.
A word of praise must be given for the attractive format of this modest publication.
It contains, inevitably, the occasional slip.  Mr. Richard Marpole has been knighted by
the editors, and the present reviewer appears as G.P.O. Akrigg.
G.P.V. Akrigg
Professor Akrigg is  co-author of 1001 B.C.  Place Names.
**********
EXPLORING VANCOUVER 2: TEN TOURS OF THE CITY AND ITS BUILDINGS. Revised and enlarged
edition. Harold Kalman; photographs by John Roaf. Vancouver, University of British
Columbia Press, 1978.  299 pp., illus., $7.95
The first edition of Exploring Vancouver was published in 19 74 and reviewed in the
B.C. Historical News, Vol. 8, No. 1, in November of that year.  Since that time the
metropolitan area of Vancouver has undergone many changes, for better or for worse.
Thanks to the fact that the first edition of the book was such a success, we are now
lucky to be favoured with a new and enlarged edition.  Those of us who live in or visit
Vancouver and are energetic enough to get out and explore the city will find it well
worth while to keep the book handy for guidance.
Described for the city explorer are six walking tours, each taking an hour and a
half to two hours, and four driving tours, varying from fifteen to sixty miles.  The
description of each tour has been brought up to date from the previous edition.  A
few buildings have disappeared; a few added; many photographs have been improved or
updated.
The selection of buildings for inclusion is wide and varied; on one double page
opened at random, in the Point Grey and South Vancouver tour, we look at, in turn, Macdonald's Restaurant, Wosk's Warehouse Store, the Sikh Temple and Western Propellor
Limited factory.  Everyone has his or her own favourites, and I personally was disappointed
that Brock House was not included in this tour.  An area that I have always found
interesting is Powell Street; the only building listed on this street is the B.C. Sugar
Refinery.  Perhaps one of the grain elevators might have been mentioned on this side
of the inlet rather than one on the North Shore which has many other features of note.
These are very minor criticisms.  As well as the various additional buildings, the
descriptions from the first edition have been carefully brought up to date:  there is
new information on the C.P.R. Station; the new Harbour Centre is included; four pages
have been added on the False Creek development; and there is some preliminary information
on the Provincial Courts complex, still incomplete.
An interesting and rather nostalgic feature is the "In Memoriam" section which, in
the first edition, consisted of eight buildings originally intended to be included in
the tours, but which were demolished during the preparation of the book.  In this new
edition there are eighteen buildings in "In Memoriam", another ten having been destroyed
since 1974, including the memorable Birks Building, as well as the old Immigration
Building, for whose preservation the B.C. Historical Association wrote several letters
of appeal.  One cannot help speculating on what buildings will be included in "In Memoriam"
in the third edition of Exploring Vancouver.
A new feature in this edition consists of twenty-eight excellent photographs of
details of buildings which, unfortunately, are left out of the otherwise copious general
index.  A separate index of architects and other artists provides many interesting
names of the past and present.
This fine guide book, in spite of the fact that it will not fit into an average
purse, is not only attractive and instructive in its own right, but should serve as an
example of an excellent architectural guide to a large city.  I hope it will not be too
many years before it is out of print again so that we may look forward to a third edition.
Anne Yandle -2 7-
Anne Yandle, the former co-editor of the B.C. Historical News, is in charge of Special
Collections at the University of British Columbia Library.
*********
THE SUICIDE BATTALION. James L. McWilliams and R. James Steel.  Edmonton:  Hurtig
Publishers, 1978.  pp 226, maps (end papers), $11.50
This history of the 46th Canadian Infantry Batalion (South Saskatchewan) is a vivid
reminder of the experiences of Canadian soldiers in the First World War. Organized at Moose
Jaw in February, 1915 with a strength of 600 men, including recruits from Regina, Estevan,
and Weyburn, the battalion trained at Camp Sewell (Camp Hughes) near Brandon and in
England where most of its original personnel were drafted to reinforce the 1st Canadian
Division in France.  Rebuilt with contingents from centres across Canada, the 46th joined
the 4th Division at the front in August, 1916.  The original commanding officer, Lt. Col.
Herbert Snell of Moose Jaw, seriously wounded in a training accident, had been replaced
by Lt. Col. H.J. Dawson, a professor at Royal Military College, Kingston.  Dawson held
the command until the end of hostilities when, having been promoted to a staff position,
he was succeeded by Lt. Col. J.S. Rankin of Weyburn who brought the battalion back to
Moose Jaw where it was demobilized on June 9, 1919.
The battalion was engaged in such major battles as the Somme, Vimy Ridge, Passchen-
daele, Amiens, Canal du Nord, and Valenciennes. In all, 5,374 men passed through its ranks
and of that number 4,917 became casualties!  Those killed in action or who died of wounds
totalled 1,433'.  This enormous turn-over in a battalion of 600 is explained when one learns
that on the first day of the battle of Passchendaele alone it suffered 403 casualties.
It is no wonder that the men referred to themselves as "The Suicide Battalion".
The authors, James McWilliams, a history teacher in Moose Jaw, and James Steel of
Ladysmith, who is a grandson of an officer of the 46th, have produced a well-organized and
readable narrative.  They state that they are not writing of "generals, grand strategy,
and political events", but they have sufficiently related their story to the over-all
organization and tactics of the allied offensive, and their facts are soundly derived
from documents, in particular the official War Diary of the battalion.  They have consulted
personal accounts written shortly after the war and relied substantially on their recent
interviewing of more than fifty veterans.  The emphasis of the work is on these
individual experiences which, though relieved by lighter moments and inspiring in their
reflection of acts of valour, combine to drive home the grimness of trench warfare, the
stupidity of some of the tactics, the awful wastage of manpower, and indeed the futility of
war.  The book is a valuable contribution of the record of the Canadian war experience and
will be of special interest to British Columbia readers in that many men from this province
served in the 46th Battalion.  At least eight of the veterans who were interviewed and about
whom data is supplied in the Biographical Appendix to the volume had careers in this province
or moved to it when they retired.
Allan R. Turner
Allan Turner,  Provincial Archivist since 1974, has recently been appointed Assistant
Deputy Minister responsible  for Heritage,  Cultural and Recreational Services  in  the
Provincial Secretary's Ministry.
**********
COLOMBO'S  BOOK OF CANADA.     Edited by John  Robert Colombo.     Edminton:     Hurtig Publishers,   1978.
pp.   176,   illus.      $12.95
Colombo,  who has made  a name   for himself as  a collector of Canadian quotations,
states  that his purpose  in this book is   "to delight the  general  reader and surprise the
specialist with a wide  array of general interest writing that  seldom finds  its way into
popular anthologies."
The  result is  a very mixed bag.     Here are verses,   songs,   plays,   stories,  quotations
and what the  author calls     "other documents."     There is  some interesting reading and a
collection of statistics  grown  old,   such  as   the  dullish  information  that British Columbia's
population was  2,184,621  in  1971  and  in  1976  had increased to  2,466,608.     But,   banishing
the suspicion  that Colombo has  found a use  for some  leftovers  from another book,   the reader
can go in  search of unexpected titbits  and  find,   for example,   that Canada has  a  lot more
of little-used mottoes. -28-
The Dominion motto, "From Sea to Sea" is well known.  How many Canadians could
dash off the rest? Newfoundland has a resounding motto, "Seek Ye First the Kingdom of
God."  Prince Edward Island is less than inspiring with, "The Small under the Protection
of the Great."  Nova Scotia has, "One defends and the other Conquers,", New Brunswick,
"She (England) Restored Hope,"  Quebec, "I Remember,"  Ontario, "Loyal She Began, Loyal
She Remains," and British Columbia, "Splendor Without Diminishment." Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta stagger along without official mottoes.
Quotations, like mottoes, do not appeal equally to all.  As the start of his book
Colombo gives pride of place to the words on a memorial to Vilhjalmur Steffansson, the
Arctic explorer:  "I know what I have experienced, and I know what it has meant to me."
This reader, much abashed, can see nothing great in that statement.
Of course Colombo has to be respected as an epicure of quotations and he has
more than 20,000 in his files.  From this reservoir he has drawn 52 he considers great
and there will be no quarrel with the selection of most of them.  Here are old familiars
— the enthusiastic Conservative shouting "You'll Never Die, John A.", at the Prime
Minister, Jacques Cartier turning to the belief that Labrador was the land God gave Cain
and -' less well known - the modern politician, Robert Thompson, declaring that "the
Americans are our best friends whether we like it or not."  In a section devoted to
Canadian eloquence, the editor chooses, among the other, the melodius words of Chief
Crowfoot, the Blackfoot, as he spoke of life as "the little shadow that runs across the
grass and loses itself in the sunset." What a pity that modern education has not
resulted in more Indian quotations being printed in books like this'.
In the "Some Dramas" section, Colombo gives first place to a play written by
Gwendolyn MacEwan based on the Franklin expedition tragedy in the Arctic.  Then he goes
on to print stories of high courage — Madeleine de Vercheres fighting the Iroquois, Laura
Secord carrying the warning that the Americans were coming, a Mounted Police
constable on a testing patrol, and Pilot Officer Mynarski, RCAF winning the Victoria
Cross.  For variety here are the FLQ Manifesto of 1970, the Canadian Bill of Rights, 1960,
the arms or armorial bearings of the dominion and provinces in brilliant colors,
photographs of governors-general and prime ministers (not in color) and, for good
measure, pictures of parliament buildings and "residences of reknown", led by Rideau
Hall.
The "light verse" section gives space to the Canadian Boat Song, usually regarded
as a lament, but then there's a jolly bit about the "Sweet Maiden of Passamaquoddy."
At the very end comes a chronology of dates of interest to Canadians, starting
4 30 A.D. when Herodotus, the Greek historian described travellers' reports of a land where
the ground was "frozen iron hard." What a pity these travellers, if it was Canada
they visited, didn't leave some little memento to ornament books like this.
James McCook
r
James McCook is past president of the Victoria Branch, B.C. Historial Association.
**********
THE HISTORY OF MINING IN BRITISH COLUMBIA.     G.W.   Taylor.     Saanichton,   B.C.:     Hancock
House Publishers  Ltd.,   1978.     pp.   195,   illus.   213,   $16.95.
This book borders on being a social history of mining rather than a technical
description of minerals  and mining in the province.     The author seems  to have  concentrated
on Vancouver Island,   particularly Nanaimo and metal mining in southern British Columbia.
In  these  two areas he has  done  considerable  research of the early history and development
but his  facts  about minerals  and mining in other areas of the province  seem to be  rather
sketchy.     Well-selected pictures  and the  use of quotations  from people involved in  the
industry  create much interest in each chapter.     Considering the  soft cover,   quality of
paper,   and number of pages  in  the book,   the price  is  too high.
Barbara Stannard.
Mrs.  Stannard,  a member of the Nanaimo Historical Society,  is the daughter of Harry Neville
Freeman who played a large part in the mining industry particularly in the Nanaimo area.
********** -29-
BRITISH COLUMBIA DISASTERS.     Derek Pethick,   Stagecoach Publishing,   P.O.   Box  3399,
Langley,  B.C.,   V3A 4R7    pp.   iii,   207,   illus.,   1978.     $10.95.
This  is  not a book  filled with  good cheer,   of course,   because  it  deals with
tragedy,   and,   therefore,   much human suffering.     All  the events  described in  this book
cast their palls of gloom over the  landscape,   and worry and anxiety and sorrow were  in
the wake.     However,   such  tragedy  is  part of  living,   and is  part  of British Columbia's
stirring history,   and so  it  cannot be  ignored.     There  is  no point in  sweeping such
events   under the  carpet.
Mr.  Pethick,   obviously,   did a  great  deal of  research,   as  one would expect of an
experienced researcher.     He knows  that one   cannot rush  into  the Provincial Archives  and
do  a  job  in  an hour.     Amateurs never understand this.     Students  like Mr.   Pethick know
research  is  never-ending,   djne  discovery  leading  to  another,   on  and on and on.
The  information  in this book appears entirely  factual,   and sources  are expertly
notated.     The  author  did his homework  very well.     I  can   find none  of those  small,   but
irritating errors which  add up to one .large   frustration,   all  too common  in  too many
books  published in British  Columbia.
The   latest Pethick book  is  divided into chapters  as   follows:     the  Smallpox
Epidemic,   1862;     the  Bute   Inlet Massacre,   1864;     the  Barkerville  Fire,   1868;     the Loss
of S.S.   Pacific,   1875;     the  Great Vancouver Fire,   1886;     the Nanaimo Mine  Disaster,
1887;     the  Fraser Valley  Flood,   1894;     the  Collapse  of the  Point Ellice  Bridge,   1896;
the  New Westminster Fire,   1898;     the  Great Victoria Fire,   1910;     the  Fraser  River
Slides,   1913-1914;     the Loss  of S.S.   Princess Sophia,   1918;   the  Influenza Epidemic,
1918-19;     the  Great  Depression,   1929-39;     the  Fraser Valley  Flood,   1948.
This book  is profusely  illustrated,   and,   if we've  seen  the pictures  before,   they
do not grow tiresome,   only   familiar.     The  attractive  cover,   in  color,   is by Kim LaFave.
British Columbia  Disasters  is  important to  anyone  interested in British Columbia
and its  turbulent past.     It  is  extremely  valuable   for reference.
If you are   given  to  feeling  sorry   for yourself these  days,   read this book, and
you'll  decide  conditions can always be worse.     It is  a work that has  its own niche  in
any  collection of British  Columbiana.
James  K.   Nesbitt
James K.   Nesbitt  is a regular commentator on various aspects of British Columbia's
history.
**********
TRUCKING:  A HISTORY OF TRUCKING IN BRITISH COLUMBIA SINCE 1900.  by Andy Craig.
Saanichton, B.C., Hancock House, 1978.  164 pp.
Easily read and often entertaining, this book recounts Andy Craig's 50 years of
trucking through the Fraser Canyon.  The author began driving trucks in the 1930's, and
the book largely reflects his experiences from that time until the 1950's.  Opening
with a chapter on the history of the Cariboo wagon road, Craig then discusses his family
background, his own career, and goes on to give brief sketches of companies and
individuals involved in Fraser Canyon trucking.  The thirty years since 1950 are covered
as an update.
Trucking is a recent addition to the Hancock House series on resource industries,
previous titles having dealt with logging, fishing, and mining.  Trucking, however,
suffers from being forced into the same title and design format of the series.  It is
not a history of trucking.  It is an informal autobiography with truck driving as its
primary focus.
Its main contribution - and its a significant one - is that it vividly describes
what it was like to be a trucker in the early years of the industry in British Columbia.
Few academic histories would have accomplished this difficult task.  They would, however,
have considered the economics of trucking; competition with other common carriers,
(primarily railroads); changes in technology; and the effects of those changes.  There -30-
would also have been broader coverage in terms of geography and in the types of trucking.
Craig does not attempt to get into these aspects of the subject.
The author has gone to considerable effort to collect photographs of the 19 30's
and 1940's, and although there are a few which would seem to be irrelevant or redundant,
the majority in this section add an important and interesting dimension to the story.
The 1960's - 19 70's portion of the book could have been greatly improved had some photos
been included of trucks working in the canyon..  Instead, the author appears to have made
use of publicity photos from manufacturers and trucking companies.  As a consequence,
this section lacks the intimacy of early chapters.  Captions are very poorly written
and fail to exploit the opportunity to present additional information about the photograph.
A number of photos are not captioned at all and they serve little purpose beyond that
of decoration.
With more professional treatment prior to publication - and especially with more
thorough, objective, and educated editing - Andy Craig's book could have been greatly
improved.  It would have avoided the misnomer "history" which the author himself
disclaims in his foreword and would have appeared for what it really is:  the
fascinating recollections by one man of nearly fifty years of trucking experience in one
region of the province.
David N. Parker
Assistant Curator
Modern History Division
B.C. Provincial Museum
******* **
RANCHING:  RANCHING IN WESTERN CANADA.  Ed Gould.  Saanichton, B.C.:  Hancock House
Publishers, 1978.  pp. 165, illus.
"...A treeless plain, not fitted for permanent habitation of civilized man..."
"A worthless land..."
"The whole...is  valueless,   the  grass  being very  scanty  and the  tiirber  very  scarce'J
With  such words Hind,   Palliser and Butler who examined conditions  in Western
Canada  in  the  1860s  and 1870s,   described the  country  in which Canada's  great cattle
ranches would one  day   flourish.     The  courage  and dogged determination  of the   ranchers
coupled with the   farsightedness  of a government which  in  1880  allowed a person  to  lease
up  to  100,000  acres  of  land  for only one  cent per acre,   per year,   made  nonsense  of their
gloomy   forecast.
Many books  have been written  about  these   famous  ranches,   which  are  indeed one
of Canada's   justifiable  prides,   but  it  is  doubtful  if  any book on  the  subject  is
as  comprehensive  as Ed Gould's.     Not only  is  it comprehensive,   it  is  also extremely
readable.     Mr.   Gould is well qualified to write   it.     His  grandparents  and parents
homesteaded near  Drumheller.     His   father punched cattle   for Pat Burns,   pioneer  rancher
and meatpacker.     Uncles  and great uncles  on both  sides  ranched and  farmed in  various
parts  of Alberta.     The  author was born  in Turner Valley  and raised in  Longview,   both
ranching areas.
Through  the book's  pages  march most,   if not  all,   the  great  figures  of Western
Canadian  ranching history:     ranchers,   such  as   the   "Big Four,"   George  Lane,   Pat Burns,  who
rose   from humble  Irish  roots  to  senatorial  rank,   A.E.   Cross  and Archie McLean;   British
blue  bloods,   who were  attracted by  the   literature   flooding Britain  depicting  the   fortunes
to be made  in North America,   such  as Lord Beresford,   whose  first shipment of 2000  Texas
Shorthands and 900  saddle horses  arrived by  rail.   Lord Martin Cecil who came   from his
stately home  to take  over a  "stopping place"  on the Cariboo Wagon  Road 100 miles  north of
Lillooet  and not only extended it  into  a  12,000  acre   ranch but  also made  One  Hundred Mile
House  the Canadian headquarters   for the Emissaries  of Divine Light religious  organization,
and Clement Cornwall,  who started the Ashcroft Ranch and became one of British Columbia's
early Lieutenant Governors;   'characters'   such as Liver-Eating Johnson who ate  the  liver
of an  Indian he  had killed,   hoping  to be  imbued with his  adversary's  strength  and courage,
Ware  the  Texas  slave who became one of the  greatest Bronc busters  the country ever knew
and owner of two Alberta ranches  and Reverend Peck,   a pistol-packing,   itinerant preacher,
and   'remittance men'   such as  Louis  Garnet who changed into evening dress every night  for
dinner,   though his nearest neighbour was  a hundred miles  away. -31-
Gould graphically describes the terrible climatic conditions which the ranchers had
to battle.  The winter frost of 1886-87 was so severe and protracted that 40,000 animals
starved within a 25 mile radius of Fort McLeod alone.  In 1906, when the temperature went
down to minus 51 degrees F. people in Lethbridge dared not cross the main streets lest
they be charged by wild range cattle seeking shelter on the leeside of buildings.  The
killer blizzard of 19 38 brought 85 mile an hour winds and wiped out many ranches.  So
did the long periods of deadly drought.  Weather was not the only enemy.  Wolves and
prairie fires, smallpox and soil erosion, hostility from Indians and American cattlemen
and barbed wire fences threatened big time ranching.
Although the impact of the gold rush, the coming of the C.P.R., law enforcement by
the North West Mounted Police, are all well described, the hero of this fascinating history
is the cowboy.  He is the last of the free enterprisers and free thinkers, independent,
self-reliant, totally and incessantly involved with a multitude of tough, demanding
duties.  Unless he had been of a special breed, the great ranches would not have survived.
The stories of the Qrard, Empire Valley, Douglas Lake, Guichon Ranch, Cochrane Ranch,
Oxley, Chilco, Bar U and dozens more and the tales of the men who lived and worked
there are set out with humor and rich detail.
The inside cover of the book contains extracts from the 1887 issue of the Alberta
Livestock Journal advertising rider saddles for $48 'delivered' and buffalo coats:  and the
programme for the 1912 Calgary Stampede 'the last and only pageant of the disappearing
Wild West...can never be reproduced again...' a prophecy which proved somewhat wide of
the mark.  In addition, interesting pictures, some of them from private collections, are
to be found on almost every page.
Douglas Harker
North Pender Island.
**********
FACES FROM HISTORY:  CANADIAN PROFILES AND PORTRAITS.  George Woodcock.  Edmonton:
Hurtig Publishers, 1978.  pp. 254, illus., $29.95.
Unhappily, the assembly line approach to book production seldom yields results
any more satisfying for popular history than for popular automobiles — pretty enough
on the surface, adequate perhaps for mass consumption, but that's about all anyone can
say for them.  Faces from History, George Woodcock's recent photo gallery of notable
Canadians, is an assembled book, a fact admitted by the author.  Woodcock acknowledges the
aid of Hugh Dempsey in gathering the photographs used and in doing much of the "basic
research" and the publisher credits another person and three separate firms for editing
design, typesetting, and printing.  It is little wonder that the book lacks any sort of
purposeful coherence.  It is a pieced together thing in which the elements work neither
together nor separately.
In the best examples of books of this type (highly recommended is Ben Maddow's
Faces:  A Narrative History of the Portrait in Photography, New York Graphic Society, Boston,
1977.  $35.00), words and images work together, skillfully  interwoven in a harmonious
whole.  Although text and photographs might be capable of standing alone (contrary to popular myth, a photograph can rarely speak for itself), both find their greatest impact in
amplification and explication of each other.
Take away photographs from Faces from History, however, and what is left?  A collection
of mediocre thumbnail sketches that offers little, including a bibliography, to suggest
that the author has gone much beyond standard sources and private opinion.  The text,
moreover, would suffer nothing from the disappearance of the pictures — nothing gives
away the fact that photos ever existed in the book.  Apart from mere correspondence of
subjects, there is so little communication between the biographies offered and the
particular images juxtaposed on them, that the author might have just as easily picked
any photograph to appease the current hunger of the public for browsing books.  Indeed,
he seems to have.  This indiscriminate serving up of photographs illustrates, besides
shoddy research, a lack of basic understanding of the nature of historical images.  Their
use in this book is at once inadequate, inappropriate, and unimaginative. -32-
Is one portrait really sufficient to reveal the truth of character of a subject,
particularly when devoid of any elucidating explanation?  The physical characteristics-
and personality traits of a person change over time.  This is admirably documented by a
range of portraiture, as are the interesting facets of a single personality.  Despite
Woodcock's claims, such a range of good portraits is available for most of the subjects
portrayed in his book.  He has simply not troubled to look for them.  Nor has he even used
the best examples of those that are available, judging by the choice he makes for the
B.C. figures exhibited, thereby missing many opportunities and distorting some realities.
Where, for example, is the Withrow portrait of a dashing young John Robson or the
proud, dignified Robson of later years;  where is the rough, earthy strength of Peter
Verigin in rumpled suit and torn straw hat:  where is David Oppenheimer's visual
assertion of flowery, flamboyant opulence; where are the variously maturing faces of
Emily Carr, Dr. J.S. Helmcken, and Nellie McClung in their journeys from youth to age?
All these images exist.  In their place we get those same old, tired, dead-pans of
Douglas, De Cosmos, et al, that have long been visual cliches.  It is interesting to
note in this regard that in a selection of 120 portraits, notwithstanding the term
"profile" in his title, Woodcock has offered us no more than half a dozen of these often
dramatic views.  There is no reason why the author could not have employed a multiplicity
of images for each subject in a more imaginative format.  "This book," claims Woodcock in
his introduction, is "nothing more pretentious than the family album of a country."  If
so, it would have profited its designer to visit a home(or an archives) to see what a
family album actually looks like.
Why is it necessary, furthermore, to blow up perfectly good small format pictures
to jarring proportions?  The rigid formula of one full-page image opposite a facing page
of text almost guarantees distortion of the character and intent of the original photograph.
Gratuitous enlargement of cartes-de-visite and cabinet photos to 9" x 12", still further
mutilation by injudicious cropping, and then adding insult to injury by bleeding
(i.e. running an image, without borders, off the limits of the page) not only magnifies
defects unnoticed or balanced in the original, but creates new, false centres of focus,
and ultimately leaves the viewer wondering what significant details, if any, have been
hacked off, or sucked down the gutter of the book.  The portrait of John Robson on
page 155 is an especially loathesome example of this sort of practice — a carte-de-
visite enlarged mercilessly, dropped atrociously with white borders at either side,
then bled right off the page top and bottom — horrible!
It is entirely possible to present historical photographs with respect for the
integrity of the originals, as Richard Huyda has enviably demonstrated in his Camera
in the Interior:  185 8; the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition, (Coach
House Press, Toronto, 1975).  With even less trouble, it is possible to provide captions
that give important information about a photograph:  original size, format, date and place
of creation, photographer, and any circumstances attached to its creation, where these are
known or can be reasonably estimated.
As it is, the failure of the author to view or research the original images himself
is mostly to blame, too, for the overall wretched reproduction quality in the book.  Far
too many ghostly, disembodied faces peer out from grainy shadows, the manifestations of
botched tonal renditions and appalling loss of detail that are immediately evident to
anyone who has seen the original photographs.  Part of this undoubtedly results from the
inadequacies of modern reproduction methods.  Much more, one suspects, traces to the poor
quality of copies with which the printer was supplied (the portrait of Kootenai Brown on
page 16 3, though not perfect, is visible proof of the marked difference a good quality
copy-print can make).  Responsibility falls on the supplying archives, to be sure, but
heavily on the author, too, for not knowing that the prints were terrible, and insisting
on better reproduction.  At $29.95 the public ought to!
"George Woodcock," notes the dust jacket of Faces from History, "is the author of
almost fifty books."  He has, therefore, justly earned the title "prolific".  Perhaps, it
is now time for him to lay down scissors and paste long enough for a good, hard, serious
look at quality.
J. Robert Davison.
J.R. Davison is responsible for the photo collection in the Provincial Archives
of British Columbia. ■33-
BOOKS OF INTEREST
Compiled by Frances M.  Woodward,  University of British Columbia Library,
Special Collections Division.
ANDREWS,   G.S.     Professional Land Surveyors  of British Columbia:     cumulative nominal roll;
with  appended lists  for discovery,  exploration  & primary surveys by sea aid land.
4th edition,   1978.     Victoria,  Corporation of Land Surveyors of the Province of
British Columbia,   1978.   xix,   57 p.   ill.
BALTZLY,   Benjamin.     Photographs and journal of an expedition  through British Columbia,   1871;
ed.  by Andrew Birrell.      (Early Canadian Photographers.)     Toronto,  Coach House Press,
1978.     160  p.,   ill.      $14.50.
EVENDEN,   Len J.     Vancouver:     western metropolis.      (Western Geographical Series,   v.   16.)
Victoria,   Dept.  of Geography,   University of Victoria,   1978.     300p.,   ill.   $4.00
GOULD,   Ed.     Ralph Edwards  of Lonesome Lake:     the  complete biography of the Crusoe of
Lonesome Lake.     Saanichton,  Hancock House,   1978.     256  p.,   ill.     $10.95
HEMBROFF-SCHLEICHER,  Edythe.     Emily Carr:     the  untold story.     Saanichton,  Hancock House,
1978.     320  p.,   ill   $14.95.
KAVIC,  Lome J.,   & Garry Brian Nixon.     The  1200  days:     a shattered dream:     Dave Barrett
and the NDP  in BC  19 72-75.     Coquitlam,   Kaen Publishers,   1978.     289  p.,   ill.      $T795.
KNIGHT,   Rolf.     Indians  at work:     native  people  in  the  B.C.   Labour  force,   1860-1930.
Vancouver,   New Star Books,   1978.     300  p.   ill.     $14.95;   $6.50.
LIND,   Carol J.     Big timber,  big man:     a history of loggers  in a new land.      (Resources series.)
Saanichton,   Hancock House,   1978.     160 p.,   ill.     $14.95.
VANCOUVER,   George.     A voyage of discovery to  the North Pacific Ocean and round the world...
(selections)     Canpbell  River,  Campbell River and District Historical Society,
1978.      (4)   J4   (2)   p.,   ill.     $1.00  or  10   for  $8.00.     Reprint.
VAUGHAN,   Thomas,   & others.     Voyages  of enlightenment:     Malaspina on the Northwest Coast
1791-1792   (by)   Thomas Vaughan,  E.A.P.   Crownhart-Vaughan   (and)   Mercedes Palaude
Iglesias.      (North Pacific Studies.)     Portland,  Oregon Historical Society,   1977.     viii,
61  p.,   ill.      $2.95.
VICTORIA BLACK PEOPLE'S SOCIETY.     Blacks  in British Columbia:     a catalogue of information
and sources of information pertaining to Blacks  in British Columbia;   jointly  funded
by  the  Department of  the Secretary of State and the Victoria Black People's
Society,   September 1978.     Victoria,   Society,   1978.  v,   230 p.
WARD,  W.   Peter.     White Canada Forever.     Montreal,  McGill-Queen's University Press,   19 78.
240  p.,   $15.95;   $7.50  pa.
WHYTE,   Jon.     The  Rockies:     high where  the wind is   lonely   (photos  by  Shin Sugino).
Toronto,   Gage,   1978.     96  p.,   ill.     $16.00;   $8.95  pa. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Honorary Patron:  His Honor, The Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia.
Honorary President:  Mrs. Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2G 2V6.
Table Officers:
President:  Helen B. Akrigg, 4633 West 8th Avenue, Vancouver, V6R 2A6.  Tel. 228-8606.
1st Vice-President:  Rex Tweed, 376 McCarthy, Campbell River, V9W 2R6.  Tel. 287-3885.
2nd Vice-President:  Mrs. Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0.  Tel. 342-0562.
Secretary:  Mrs. Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Rd., Campbell River, V9W 3P3.  Tel. 287-8097,
Treasurer:  Michael F.H. Halleran, #8-1711 Duchess, Victoria, V8R 4W2.  Tel. 598-5883.
Other Officers:
Past President:  Alf Slocomb, 1564 Oakcrest, Victoria, V8P 1K6.  Tel. 595-3656.
Recording Secretary:  Mrs. Arlene Bramall, 5152 Grafton Court, Burnaby, V5H 1M7.
Tel. 433-7176.
Executive Members-at-Large:
Donald New, Galiano Island, VON 1P0.
Mrs. B. Stannard, #211-450 Stewart Avenue, Nanaimo, V9S 5E9.  Tel. 754-6195.
Ex-Officio:
Allan R.   Turner,   Provincial Archivist,   Victoria,   V8V  1X4.     Tel.   387-3621.
Kent Haworth and Patricia  Roy,   Editors,   BC Historical  News,   P.O.   Box  1738,
Victoria,   V8W 2Y3.     Tel.   387-6671.
Cover:     Methodist  Church,   Chilliwack
courtesy  Provincial Archives of  British Columbia.

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