British Columbia History

BC Historical News 1979

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First Motor Car in Prince Rupert, B. C,
May 1909
Uou\^     £f
Honorary Patron:  His Honor, The Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia,
Henry P. Bell-Irving.
Honorary President: Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2G 2V6.
Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Road, Campbell River, V9W 3P3.
287-8097 (res.).
1st Vice-President:
Barbara Stannard, 211-450 Stewart Avenue, Nanaimo, V9S 5E9,
654-6195 (res.).
2nd Vice-President:
Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0.
342-9562 (res.).
Arlene Bramhall,   5152  Grafton Court,  Burnaby,  V5H 1M7.
433-7176  (res.).
Michael Halleran, #8-1711 Duchess, Victoria, V8R 4W2.
598-5883 (res.).
Recording Secretary:
Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0.
295-3362 (res.).
Members at large:
Len McCann, Vancouver Maritime Museum, 1905 Ogden Street,
736-4431 (bus.).
Frank Street,   6176 Walker Street,  Burnaby,  V5E 3B4.
521-4529  (res.).
Past President:
Helen Akrigg,   4633 West 8th Ave.,  Vancouver,   V6R 2A6,
228-8606  (res.).
Ex Officio:
John Bovey, Provincial Archivist, Victoria, V8V 1X4.
387-3621 (bus.).
Kent Haworth, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News.
387-6671 (bus.).
Patricia Roy, Co-editor of B.C. Historical News.
477-6911, local 4793 (bus.).
Cover Photograph courtesy of PABC:  Photo No. 1076. BRITISH   COLUMBIA   HISTORICAL   NEWS
Vol. 13, No. 1 Fall    1979
Second-class mail registration number 4447.
Published fall, winter, spring, and summer by the British Columbia Historical
Association, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3.  (Printed by D.A. Fotoprint
Ltd., 747 Fort Street, Victoria, V8W 3E9.)
The B.C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance of the Ministry of the Provincial Secretary.
T.D. Pattullo*s Early Career Daniel J. Grant 2
Prince Rupert, B.C.: Adjusting to Peace after
World War II Sheila Dobie 10
John Webber: A sketch of Captain James Cook's
artist Douglas Cole 18
Old Trails and Routes in British Columbia:
Lt. Palmer's Precipice R.C. Harris 22
News from the Branches 28
Bulletin Board 29
Book Reviews:
White Canada Forever Ann Sunahara 31
Radical Heritage. . .etc Prof. Babcock 32
Vancouver Defended.. .etc Ron Lovatt 35
Atlas of British Columbia.. .etc R.C. Harris 36
Western Canadian History:  Museum
Interpretations John D. Adams 37
A Victorian Tapestry Alan F.J . Artibise... 39
Books of Interest Frances Woodward 40 T.D. PATTULLO'S EARLY CAREER
Thomas Dufferin "Duff" Pattullo, British Columbia's premier from 1933
to 1941, is remembered, among other things for his promise of "work and wages",
his belief in "socialized credit", his grand public works plans, and his fights
with Ottawa over financial policies. Many of Premier Pattullo's financial
ideas were not products of the Depression but of his personal experiences.
In his early years Duff Pattullo was an impetuous young man who tended
toward impulse, always seeking an easy way out. He desired independence but
lacked the ability to accept the responsibility that it demanded. Short
of perseverance he drifted for years from endeavour to endeavour. His
unwillingness to be tied down was perhaps the mark of greatness which sequestered him from ordinary men who early in life were bound to convention or
to a job. But it was hard on his family, friends and business acquaintances,
who wondered if Duff would ever accept his responsibilities and settle
down.  Such concerns often centered on his free-spending extravagance of other
people's money; something he was never able to curb.  Among these seeming
character flaws was a strong ambition coupled with an apparent faith in his
own destiny.
Thomas Dufferin, the second son of a prominent Ontario Liberal newspaper man George Robson Pattullo, was born January 19, 1873, in Woodstock,
Ontario, just a few years before and a few miles away from his childhood
acquaintance, William Lyon Mackenzie King. As a boy he did not distinguish
himself as a scholar and there was some question as to whether he met all
the requirements for high school graduation.!
when Pattullo sought authority as a barrister and solicitor in the Yukon
Territory he sent away for high school transcripts.  The institutions concerned certified that he had passed all the subjects of Junior Matriculation,
with the exception of French.  CD. Macauley, a judge of the territory,
accepted the proof of Pattullo's earlier schooling; as well as declarations
that he had served as first Deputy Registrar in the Office of the Registrar
of Oxford County, and as Chief Clerk and later Assistant Gold Commissioner,
as sufficient evidence of educational attainment equivalent to the examination and service required by law. He was admitted as a Barrister and Solicitor of the Yukon Territory upon the completion of an examination for articled
clerks.  It should be noted that as first Deputy Registrar of Oxford Couftty
he served under George Robson Pattullo, the Registrar.
I.M. Levan, Principal, the Collegiate Institute to CD. Macauley,
8 January 1902.  Provincial Archives of British Columbia (hereafter PABC),
T.D. Pattullo Papers.  Unless otherwise noted, all other references are to
this collection. -3-
Early in life young Pattullo adopted a life style well beyond his means.
He secured a position in a local bank but found the work quite unappealing.
Unable to stay ahead of his creditors, without telling his family, he packed
up and fled to the Grand Union Hotel in New York City.  With only enough
money to live on for a week he wrote his father that he would be able to
secure a position by then and warned him not to come for him as nothing would
induce him to return home. From New York he forwarded a resignation to the
general manager of the bank at which he was still employed.
His venture towards independence was marred by his continued drawing on
his father's accounts for funds.  If his credit was good with his father
that was where it stopped. In a day when men of his age and experience
earned about twenty-five dollars a month, the young Pattullo left the country
with debts of $691.00. He admitted to being "dishonestly extravagant."
His letters showed the tortured feelings of a young man unsure of
himself and of his fortune.  "I have long wondered whether I must continue
in this life of...mediocrity", he wrote home, "whether I may not rise above
which hitherto I have been, whether I may not tui  aside from the rut in
which I seem to have been travelling and whether I may not be capable of
something beyond that which now seems to be my prospect." His ambition
played on him. He developed money-making ideas which he never defined but
"which if consummated I trust may yet in turn realize considerable." What
particularly worried him was the thought that his flight might be construed
as dishonourable. He asked his father to meet his debts "by the twenty-
fifth of this month." His motive for leaving, he convinced himself, was to
seek a new life which would afford him opportunity unavailable in Woodstock.
Soon he felt the guilt of the strain he was putting on his father.  "I have
been but an ill son" he wrote, "and yet some day I trust, I say I shall be
something father or fail in a hard struggle, and you then at least I trust
shall not have cause to regret the birth of your second son."2  By 1897 Duff
was back in Woodstock doing newspaper work for his father's Sentinel Review
as well as the Gait Reformer.
Whether George Pattullo Sr. found his boy too expensive to maintain at
home or an embarrassment, is uncertain. But through Liberal connections he
was able to secure a position for Duff on the staff of Major J.M. Walsh's
Yukon expedition which the Department of the Interior despatched to provide
government functions in the booming Klondike gold fields.3 Pattullo was to
receive seventy-five dollars a month plus expenses. Salary cheques were
sent to Pattullo Sr. in Ontario who for the next few years paid his son's
T.D. Pattullo to George Robson Pattullo, undated, (ca.1895-96).  PABC,
George Robson Pattullo Papers.
The father's Liberal connections were apparently substantial.  Duff learned
after that there had been 8900 applications for the handful of positions
on Walsh's staff. -4-
bills and kept his accounts. If Pattullo Sr. hoped that this would be the
end of demands from his son, he was mistaken. Duff did not reach Winnipeg
before he wrote home again:
I find it will be necessary to buy a rubber suit, as we have
to ford for half a mile. Also there are a lot of little things
for me to buy such as soap and a hundred and one other things which
I have not now. Again I have had to pay for my grub on the way
out, and although this will be refunded to me have (sic) to lay
out the cash at the present time. Also at Ottawa there were about
a dozen fellows all putting up the champagne and that cost me $15
at a crack.  It is pretty expensive just now but it will soon be
over and you will not be bothered again.  The gist of all this
is that I am going to draw upon you at Winnipeg for $100 ad (sic)
hope you may be able to look after it without too much inconvenience. Everybody else seems to have barrels of the long
green and although this does not bother me, you have no idea of
the little expenses which run up like blazes.**
Pattullo spent the winter of 1897 under pioneer conditions.  The articles
he sent to eastern newspapers described romantic but rugged activities in a
true frontier community complete with dog-sleds, Indians, and cussing, drinking sourdoughs. Pattullo in later years remembered this as the happiest time
of his life.  Duff secretly admitted to his father that "a little of the
yellow has a temptation for me"5 but he resisted the temptation to search
for gold even though Walsh was a difficult boss.  "The Major has a fearful
temper and damns me for everything that goes wrong," he complained in 1898,
If men fail to carry out orders hundreds of miles away, I
am to blame.  If other men do not do their duty it is my
fault because I did not instruct them...I nearly threw up my
He soon left Walsh's service to join the Gold Commissioner's staff.
At the turn of the century, Pattullo left government service and eventually formed a partnership with W.C Radford in a Dawson City real estate and
brokerage business.  The gold rush was soon over;  the future seemed to be
in British Columbia where there were plans afoot to build many new railways.
One of the most promising sites from the point of view of real estate dealers
and investors was Prince Rupert which the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway had
chosen as the Pacific coast terminus of its transcontinental railway.  Thus,
T.D. Pattullo to George Robson Pattullo, 27 September 1987 (sic)(1897), PABC,
George Robson Pattullo Papers.
T.D. Pattullo to CR. Pattullo, 5 October 1897, PABC, George Robson Pattullo
T.D.  Pattullo to CR. Pattullo, 4 March 1898, PABC, George Robson Pattullo
Papers. -5-
in 1908, Pattullo and Radford expanded by opening a branch office in Prince
Rupert. Pattullo moved to the new office and Radford stayed in Dawson. They
drew identical salaries from the business in spite of the fact that all
paying transactions were done in the Yukon.  As Pattullo channeled more and
more company money into Prince Rupert, a rift developed between the partners.
European capital joined local money in a flurry.of speculative buying
of land along the real and proposed railway lines in British Columbia.
Pattullo and Radford were ideally situated to take advantage of the boom.
Not satisfied with commissions on sales of property or insurance, Pattullo
began his own speculations in the Prince Rupert area. Along with his brother
Pat, a close friend, J.N. Horne, and a reluctant Radford, he began buying
up lots in the Prince Rupert townsite. Pat was a successful Vancouver
lawyer; Horne, the wealthiest of the syndicate members, was an almost illiterate miner/rancher who had made money on the Yukon creeks and who owned
acreage in the United States.  Radford and the Dawson branch were also
expected to supply investment funds but Radford found it increasingly difficult to do so.  Dawson was no longer an economically viable community. The
easy gold had been taken from the creeks, the prospectors had moved to
Alaska, and the big dredges of the Yukon Consolidated had not yet taken
over in a large way.
In managing the real estate syndicate, Pattullo developed financing
methods he was to apply years later in negotiations with Ottawa for funds
to cover depression relief costs.  In order to meet his share of real
estate obligations, he would borrow from a wealthier partner, usually Horne,
and hope to meet the debt later out of capital gains.  As Pattullo acquired
more lots in Prince Rupert, expenses increased as the syndicate had to meet
a mounting annual property tax bill.  In addition, Duff got the syndicate
into an unprofitable brick-making plan which seemingly always demanded new
equipment.  Pattullo ignored the objections of his partners and won a
seat on City Council.  Radford saw one advantage in that "we would know just
what is going on; but whether we would make as much in the end as if you
remained out of the race it is very hard for me to say."  Brother Pat
thought there was more to be gained in working solely for their business
interests than in fighting the electorate's battles.  At times, Pattullo
closed the office and operated the business out of the automobile he had
bought for the syndicate even though Prince Rupert had few passable roads.
Pattullo himself did not live in any real style. He frequently lived
with his wife and young daughter in run-down apartments over commercial
buildings or in a cabin owned by Horne. An offer to manage a Loan Company
Agency which F.W. Rounsfell hoped to open in Victoria tempted Pattullo, who
was seeking a steady income, but the deal collapsed.  In 1913, Pattullo did
get a steady income; he was elected mayor of Prince Rupert.
7 W.C Radford to T.D. Pattullo, 19 April 1910. -6-
By 1913 the real estate and building boom in British Columbia was going
sour and getting worse.  Foreign capital withdrew and speculators were left
holding unsaleable lots that were costly to keep up. Pattullo wrote his
partners almost nightly seeking enough to meet taxes so the holdings could
be maintained.  Correspondence became desperate.  Radford had no more money
as business in Dawson got worse by the month. Horne had moved back to California and objected to Pattullo raiding his accounts as he had a sick wife
and a number of dependents.  Brother Pat closed his law practice in Vancouver,
entered the service, and eventually went overseas.  Pattullo cashed in the
surrender value of his insurance policies.
The climax came in 1915.  Pattullo owed Horne thirty thousand dollars;
an incredible sum in 1915. He wrote his brother in October and remarked,
"this is a fright Pat.  I hope that I can make a landing before I drown."°
Pat was dumbfounded that his brother was so over-extended, that Duff's entire
share in their joint venture was paid for with borrowed money.  Radford had
nowhere near that amount invested and Pat assumed that Duff had limited his
shares to his means. At first Duff was scared and wrote his brother that
he was "reaching the end of the rope."' Property values were so low that
there was no way the syndicate could get back their investment.  They had
to hang on, and Pat volunteered to protect Duff's share by some means, but
suggested shutting the business.
The business was nothing by this time. Pattullo and Radford represented
a few large insurance companies locally, and that was it.  The lack of real
estate transactions meant no commissions.  Even the office building was falling
down.  Correspondence between the partners became formal and terse.  They
took to adressing each other as Mr. Radford and Mr. Pattullo.  In 1915 the
partnership was dissolved.
Radfotd asked that he be allowed to keep the Dawson end and Pattullo
take the Rupert office.  Duff insisted that he had a right to a share of
the Dawson office as he felt it was more valuable than the branch.  In truth,
Radford's business was falling off so badly he could not maintain his own
family.  He had been unable to send Pattullo any money in 1914 or 1915 in
spite of the latter's demands for his share of the "profits." Radford
finally agreed to pay Pattullo twelve hundred dollars over a year to buy him
out. He told Pattullo:  "I consider that you have done fairly well out of
the partnership - that is, if as far as actual results are concerned, getting
much and contributing little can be considered doing well. "10 It was a bitter
end to their association.
' 8
T.D.  Pattullo  to J.B.   Pattullo,   15 October  1915.
J.B. Pattullo to T.D. Pattullo, 21 February 1915
W.C Radford to T.D. Pattullo, 24 June 1915. _7-
Pattullo continued to maintain appearances but he was broke and in
serious financial difficulty. His business was greatly impaired. His
property was valueless as he could not sell it. He owed his brother Pat
$4,986.63:1:L He owed Horne $38,098.75 without interest.12 His yearly
property tax bill was $1,098.48 and he owed an unspecified amount in back
taxes. -*■--
Pat advised Duff to leave Prince Rupert and look for some remunerative
work in Vancouver or Victoria. The back room boys in Prince Rupert hoped
he would stay and take charge of the newspaper. Pattullo was a respected
pioneer citizen and it is unlikely he seriously contemplated a move. Many
of his similarly indebted friends enlisted and went to the front. When
confronted with that possibility Pattullo wrote;  "this aspect of patriotism
does not appeal to me and should only be resorted to as the final plunge."
He was forty-one years old when the war began and such an act would surely
have been one of desperation.  In addition, his wife was repeatedly ill and
required attention and he had a young daughter in whose company he delighted.
Politics suggested a possible occupation and he wrote his brother
pointing out the advantages:  "the redeeming feature of this situation is
that the money we are now putting up we shall get out all right — with
some profit if the Liberals win."l^ By 1915 Pattullo concluded that the
McBride government could be beaten, that Liberal prospects looked good.
McBride was fighting charges of gross extravagance and corruption.  The prewar years had broughtdepression to the province which Pattullo felt personally in Prince Rupert. Harlan C Brewster, the new Liberal leader, demanded
reform and promised sympathetic examination of such popular programmes as
political equality for women and temperance legislation. When he wrote his
party leader in 1915 Pattullo was uncharacteristically reserved:
I believe that I will go as far as anyone in radical
legislation on behalf of the people, but it is not always
good politics to preach it...  The thing that is going to
put the Liberals in office, is the desire of the people to
get the bunch of grafters, crooks, incompetents and criminally negligents out of office.16
Pattullo, of course, realized that if he won a constituency, "the north could
fairly reasonably lay claim to a portfolio...the north if it can send a
reasonably fit representative to the house would have to be recognized."!'
J.B. Pattullo to T.D. Pattullo, 4 April 1916.
T.D. Pattullo to J.K. MacRae, 26 August 1917.
Income Tax Return of T.D. Pattullo for the year 1918.
T.D. Pattullo to J.B. Pattullo, 24 February 1915.
T.D. Pattullo to J.B. Pattullo, 2 November 1915.
1 fi
(T.D. Pattullo) to H.C. Brewster, 20 April 1915.
T.D. Pattullo to J.B. Pattullo, 24 February 1915. -8-
Pattullo's decision to enter politics was motivated by business
failure. A legislative seat, and possibly a ministerial position, suggested
an expedient solution to a severe financial position in that it provided a
lucrative salary and commensurate recognition in an area that had always been
a hobby. Later in life he was to style himself as an expert in the science
of government. °    However, his entry to that science was motivated by his
first abject failure in his first profession - business. Provincial politics
was a palatable opportunity to stave off complete financial ruin and to
soothe — and later over-fortify — a shakey ego and perception of self.
While politicking through 1913 and 1916 he earned the nickname "cock
of the north." He was a cautious campaigner who valued personal contact,
who considered it important to make handshaking tours of the sprawling area
he hoped to represent. Such tours were expensive and had to be repeated after
McBride postponed the election. Pattullo depended on his brother Pat for
financial support. "If you are unable to help me untilqafter the elections,"
he wrote, "then the jig is up and I am wholly ruined."   He showed great
concern about maintaining appearances with his friends in Prince Rupert who
were unaware of the extent of his indebtedness.   « asked his brother to
protect his honour and his good name.  Now there was the added incentive of
keeping right with the party. Brother Pat advanced three hundred dollars
a month for over a year to help with the campaign.  Still, Duff asked for
more. He admitted he would have been financially better off if he "had
never monkeyed with politics" but disliked the prospect of stepping backwards.20
By March 1916 Pat had closed his practice and accepted a commission as
a Captain in the 72nd Highlanders.  Duff still desperately needed money.
In March, 1916 he wrote:
The ice seems to be getting thinner and if Horne will not
come through it looks as though the jig is up....  I suppose
that you will be going away very soon and it occurs to me that
if my Yukon friend should turn up thereafter and I were not
prepared to meet the situation, the cabinet that I would
occupy would likely be of miniature dimensions.21
Pat advanced another $200.00 and in April signed over a note for $986.63 from
brother George to cover a loan Pat made to him.  The loan was due in November
and since George was a successful writer in the United States both brothers
assumed he would have no trouble meeting the payment when it came due.
Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, 29 August 1939.
T.D. Pattullo to J.B. Pattullo, 15 January 1916,
T.D. Pattullo to J.B. Pattullo, 24 January 1916,
T.D. Pattullo to J.B. Pattullo, 10 March 1916. -9-
The election finally came in September, 1916. Pattullo did very well
and was easily elected over his opponent, the "Bowser-Conservative", William
Manson. Pattullo went to Victoria and his constituents hailed him as
"a Northman with a Northman's appreciation of and sympathy with, the problems
of the North."    The new Liberal premier Harlan Brewster heard their
representations and appointed Pattullo, Minister of Lands.  In his new
position, Pattullo commanded an annual salary of $6,000 plus a sessional
indemnity of $1,600.  In 1917, he claimed a total income of $7,978.23
Pattullo's early business experience, his economic acumen, and the traits
exhibited in negotiations with his father, his brother, and his partners were
to manifest themselves in his later negotiations with Ottawa. Never a saver,
he wartted to put money to use. An ideal situation for him was as the
broker for the syndicate in which he received other people's money when he
wanted it and did with it as he saw fit. He was a great salesman and marketed
ideas with a flourish.  But when the money ran out, when the investors stopped
listening, he was left only with bravado and charges of non-performance.
It was a scenario that was to play itself out over and over again in his
His ideas and visions were wonderful in their prospects as long as
the bills did not have to be paid. His father got stuck in that position:
so did his business partners; Radford, his brother, and particularly
Horne. But Horne was almost illiterate, R.B. Bennett and Mackenzie King
were not. Ottawa ignored Pattullo's pleas and protestations for just a
bit more or for another extension of credit.  But Pattullo kept dreaming up
schemes.  If only he had some money'.
Bruce Hutchison remarked that "probably also his fallen fortunes
helped to humanize him...(made him) conscious of his own mortality, which
he sometimes seemed to doubt in the old days."24 if anything it showed
what could be accomplished with nerve.  It brought him to an understanding
that anything was possible, all you had to do was find a backer.  His
political career was marked with repeated attempts to sell a particular
idea to financiers.  He was a man with a mission, who at any given time had
innumerable freinds and associates but who left in his wake an accumulating
number of corpses.  At first glance he seemed an unlikely candidate to be
running a province, especially in Depression.  He was a man who had failed
to handle his own finances.  But as long as Ottawa refused him the money he
wanted, his credentials were impeccable.  He had over twenty years
experience living on nothing but a smile, a handshake, a dream, his own
resources, and gall.
Daniel J. Grant is currently completing an M.A. thesis on T.D.
Pattullo at the University of Victoria.
(Omineca Liberal Association) to Harlan C. Brewster, 6 October 1916.
Income Tax Return of T.D. Pattullo for the year 1918.
Bruce Hutchison, "Portrait of a Premier:  Pattullo's Human Side," Vancouver
Province, 15 November 1933. -10-
The Second World War suddenly transformed Prince Rupert from a small
fishing port with a pppulation of six thousand into a major shipbuilding and
transportation centre of twenty thousand civilians and five to ten thousand
service personnel. To cope with the return of peace, the city made successful reconstruction plans to improve and moderately expand the local fishing
industry and to provide better housing, recreational facilities, and public
utilities. More strenuous efforts towards post-war adjustment were channelled
towards making the wartime boom permanent. Almost without exception, these
efforts failed because Prince Rupert in 1945 remained bound by the same
geographic and economic factors which shaped its past. The economy could
not be materially changed by local initiative, despite the most liberal
application of the "California booster spirit" advocated by the editor of
the local paper.
This fact was emphasized in 1947 with the establishment of a stable
second industry, a pulp mill. Local geography influenced the choice of
location but the mill was even more dependent on the state of the world
market and the introduction of attractive legislation.  Local historian
R.C Large correctly challenges the widely held belief that World War II
"put Prince Rupert on the map."2 It is likely to remain a popular myth,
however, because that is what the "boosters" of the day hoped to do.
Prince Rupert has never given up trying to fulfill the extravagant
promise of its origins. Selected in 1904 as the western terminus of the
Grant Trunk Pacific Railway, Prince Rupert was planned as a "garden city"
for fifty thousand people.  Laid out in broad streets, parks and curving
avenues, zoned to ensure the orderly growth of the residential and industrial
areas, the city was to be dominated by a grandiose terminal and hotel complex
designed by Francis Rattenbury in the style of his Empress Hotel.4 The
prosperity of both the rail line and the city was to come from the rich
Oriental trade and the development of rich agricultural lands along the right
of way.
Modern studies indicate that both Oriental trade and agricultural potential
were myths.  But, in the optimism of the early twentieth century, few doubted
a joint statement by the federal Minister of Railways and the president of
the CPR that Canada could easily support three transcontinental railways.°
Editorial, Prince Rupert Daily News, 22 September 1945.
R.C Large, Prince Rupert: A Gateway to Alaska (Vancouver, 1960), p. 64.
A.W. Currie, The Grand Trunk Railway of Canada (Toronto, 1959), p. 406.
Terry Reksten, Rattenbury (Victoria, 1978), p. 114.
A.D. Crerar, "Prince Rupert, B.C.:  The Study of a Port and its Hinterland,"
University of British Columbia, M.A. thesis, 1951;  John W. Adams, "Prince
Rupert, B.C.," Economic Geography, vol. XIV (1938).
Currie, The Grand Trunk, p. 397. -11-
The boom lasted long enough for the engineers to carve out the skeleton of
their garden city among the rain swept rocks and muskeg. According to local
tradition, the plans to guarantee the successful development of the port were
lost when Charles Hays, the dynamic president of the Grand Trunk, perished
on the Titanic.  In fact, in 1912, the recession had already begun. By the
time the rail line was completed in 1914, the outbreak of war in Europe
effectively ended any likelihood of immediate development.
After the war, the integration of the now bankrupt Grand Trunk Pacific
into the federally owned Canadian National Railway which made Vancouver its
Pacific terminus was a further blow to Prince Rupert's vision of becoming
a major world port.  In the 1920s, the erection of a federal grain elevator,
the extension of port facilities, and the construction of a number of provincial government buildings contributed to a returned optimism. More
significant federal government regulations permitting the shipment'
of American fish in bond through Canadian ports. This placed Prince Rupert,
with its fine harbour, established rail connection, and proximity to the
fishing grounds, in an excellent position to become a ijiajor port for the
north Pacific halibut fisheries. The city began to enjoy moderate prosperity.
Unfortunately, enthusiasm outreached resources. Like many other western
Canadian cities in the 1930's, Prince Rupert was unable to meet its bond
issue, and in 1934 a provincial^appointed commissioner replaced the elected
city council. By the end of the decade, the economy was improving. The
halibut industry was picking up, and the possibility of attracting a pulp
mill to the area was under serious consideration.
Once more, Prince Rupert was overtaken by events beyond local control.
Totally neglected during the First World War, in the Second, the city played
a significant role in North American defence. The dry dock, underused for
so long, built freighters and made repairs for the North Pacific fleet. Two
thousand dock workers were employed where one hundred had worked before.
Over five hundred houses were built for the war workers and their families.
In addition, Prince Rupert became a major trans-shipment point for American
forces in the Pacific. The city grew quickly. If the high incidence of
street brawls, petty crime and juvenile delinquency which persisted in 1945
is any indication, war time Prince Rupert suffered a good deal of social
dislocation. How would the city adjust to peace?
Problems of post-war reconstruction concerned all Canadians. Over half
the respondents to polls taken in 1944 and 1945 believed that peace would
bring a period of unemployment, although most thought it would be temporary.
Memories of the severe economic and social dislocation after the First World
War and of the Depression which had only ended with the outbreak of the Second,
were still fresh.
The federal government was determined that the transition from war to
peace should be orderly. As early as 1939, a Cabinet committee was established
to consider the problems of returning veterans.  In February 1941 the terms
of reference were broadened to include all phases of reconstruction.  In
summary, the committee recommended that the policies of the federal and provincial
governments and private enterprise should be designed to ensure full employment -12-
and an adequate supply of goods within the framework of a free enterprise
society.7 The provincial government, in turn, created a Post War Rehabilitation Council in 1942. The reports submitted to this Council were largely
specific provincial applications of the general recommendations of the federal reports. The detailed plan for highway construction submitted by the
Department of Public Works is the best illustration. The department produced a comprehensive long-term plan for a highway network including
virtually all the major routes which have been constructed since then, and
even a few which are not yet built.  Details were given of recommended
standards, costs, and man hours of work involved.
In a brief submitted to the provincial Post-War Rehabilitation Council
in 1943, Prince Rupert outlined its post-war concerns.  The city placed high
priority on the development of a northern trans-provincial highway, insisting
that such a road was essential to the industrial development of the area.
It urged upgrading the CNR, suggested constructing facilities for land-
based aircraft, made a modest request for maintenance of dock facilities,
proposed building wooden ships at the dry dock, and made a strong case for
improving and expanding the fishing industry. A pulp mill was mentioned as
the most appropriate new industry. The report pressed for an immediate
survey of available timber and of the most suitable site for industrial
development. The brief detailed over a million dollars' worth of urgently
needed work on city streets, water lines and sewers, and made a general
request for assistance with other public projects. The School Board submitted a separate brief requesting a new high school and a replacement for
an old elementary school.°
In his study of Prince Rupert, A.D. Crerar asserts that after the
war "people felt that Prince Rupert would return to the status of a small
fishing port." There was little reason to suppose otherwise. The Americans
and war workers could be expected to leave soon after peace was announced,
taking with them an annual payroll of ten million dollars, a substantial
portion of the eleven million dollars saved in the form of war bonds, and
ten million dollars estimated to be in local bank accounts. What would remain
were an estimated seventeen million dollars in fixed assets, mostly dock
facilities and army buildings; just over five hundred wartime houses; and
a road connection to Terrace, one hundred miles inland, and thence to the
rest of the province.9
Despite these new fixed assets, the city's position was not greatly
altered. Its finances, bolstered by the 1942 sale of the municipal electric
company, were now on a sound basis; but the streets, sewers and water system,
neglected during the depression, had deteriorated still further under the
impact of wartime traffic.10 All corporate and income taxes had been collected
by the federal government for the duration of the war, so the city coffers
had not benefitted directly from the influx of well paid war workers.  Furthermore, all fixed assets left over from the war were under the control of the
federal government, and could not be turned to peacetime use simply at the
city's behest. The most substantial of these, the loading dock and rail spur
connection at Port Edward, was in any case rather an embarrassment of riches -13-
for a city with chronically underused dock facilities.
The headline "Peace, So What?", with which the Daily News followed the
announcement of the Japanese surrender, accurately summed up the uncertainty
of Prince Rupert's future. Interviews with local residents revealed opinions
ranging from unbridled optimism to the pessimistic speculation that without
government help, Prince Rupert would "settle back into lethargy". The Chairman
of the Northern B.C. Power Corporation saw industrial expansion as a distant
possibility, noting that rising world prices for pulp would favour the
establishment of a pulp mill.  In his capacity as chairman of the local rehabilitation committee, he recommended the slogan "Don't Sell Prince Rupert Short""
A more conservative view anticipated a slump after about six months.
Pessimistically, the chairman of the Chamber of Commerce expected an immediate slump. Perhaps most significant was the simple statement of a "returned
vet" that if no work was available locally, he would go to Vancouver.H
A casual survey of the local newspaper in the weeks immediately
following the end of the war suggests that the possibility of unemployment
was a major concern.  In fact, this was not a pressing issue, and soon gave
way to concern over economic expansion. It is not hard to see why. Before
the war the population was predominantly middle aged or elderly.I2 As a
result, there were few local returning veterans. As to the dock workers,
the majority were not local men. Given the disagreeable climate, the
relative isolation and the probability that many of the war workers had a
backlog of savings, it was unlikely that many of them would remain if they
became unemployed.
Rather than simply export the unemployed, Prince Rupert sought to expand
the local economy permanently. Not unnaturally, major efforts were directed
towards the old Grand Trunk Pacific dream of port development. Although
this possibility had been treated with restraint in the City's 1943 brief
to the provincial Rehabilitation Council, in 1945, port development was the
central theme of a joint business-labour delegation to Ottawa. Prince Rupert's
virtues as a harbour had been amply demonstrated during the war, the delegates
pointed out to government and railway officials.  All that was needed now
was some pump priming to make world shipping interests aware of this. The
federal government, they suggested, might extend subsidies to encourage
freighters to make Prince Rupert a regular port of call in the United Kingdom
trade. As a precedent, they cited the subsidies paid to help Vancouver
compete with American ports.  They also reminded the government of pre-war
promises to subsidize a Prince Rupert - U.K. steamship service. The delegates
pointed out that increased shipping for the port would increase traffic on
the CNR and use of the federally owned grain elevator and dry dock.13
Canada, Advisory Committee on Reconstruction, Report (Ottawa, 1944), pp. 7-10.
British Columbia, Supplementary Report of the Port-War Rehabilitiation Council
(Victoria, 1944), pp. 84-88.
News, 24 September 1945; 10 July 1945;  1 November 1945;  4 September 1945.
Supplementary Report, p. 86.
News, 17 August 1945. -14-
The problem of the dry dock had been around as long as that of port
development. One of the last installations completed by the Grand Trunk,
it was never active for any length of time before the wartime emergency.
Since ships are built in peace as well as in war, the suggestion that efforts
be made to keep it in operation was not altogether unreasonable. Perhaps
doubting their ability to promote an industry which had languished for forty
years, the Ottawa delegation also proposed converting the dry dock to some
other industry, such as the manufacture of railway cars.  Federal officials
quickly convinced them that this was impracticable.
The delegation generally received polite interest, but little definite
encouragement. The Minister of Reconstruction expressed interest in the
continued operation of the dry dock, but pointed out that the government was
not in the shipbuilding business, and that the matter would have to be
taken up with the CNR. One CNR official, conversely, agreed to support
efforts to have Prince Rupert exempted from federal shipping regulations
stipulating that lighter winter loads be carried by freighters in northern
latitudes because of possibly violent sea conditions. The brusque statement
made by the first CNR representative the delegates encountered, that the
company was in the business of running a railroad, not building ships, was
probably a more accurate reflection of eastern attitudes towards Prince
The same rather cavalier tone also appeared in the response of the
Canadian Wheat Board to the Chamber of Commerce insistence that grain
ships be diverted to Prince Rupert.  Completed in 1922, the grain elevator,
like the dry dock, had stood virtually idle ever since.  The local Chamber
hoped to have it used regularly.  The Wheat Board advised they expected to
have no further use for the elevator in the current season since they had
previously experienced difficulty in persuading ships to put in to Rupert,
and, in any case, had enough customers loading at Vancouver. They concluded
that they would be pleased to consider using Prince Rupert in the event of
a surplus of grain in the following year.  The northern elevator, in other
words, was only needed in an emergency.1"
The Wheat Board's basic reasons made sound economic sense and also
explained why the immediate development of the port or continued operation
of the dry dock was impractical.  Prince Rupert was built to exploit the
Oriental trade and the supposedly rich agricultural hinterland which would
develop along the line of the Grand Trunk Pacific.  In 1945, there was
certainly no likelihood of trade with the war devastated countries of Asia,
and a port on the north coast of British Columbia is not ideally situated
Adams, Economic Geography, p. 180.
News, 19 August 1945.
News, 7 October 1945.
News, 2 October 1945.
1 f\
News, 29 December 1945, -15-
to trade with Europe. Furthermore, northern British Columbia and Alberta
remained relatively undeveloped. It was possible to route freight over the
northern rail line instead of south to Vancouver, but it was economically
Both the city and the Department of Public Works stressed the economic
benefits to the region in arguing for the permanent establishment of a northern trans-provincial highway. One wonders if the local citizens were not
prompted more by a desire to mitigate their isolation. Once the exigencies
of war had provided their city with a road link to the rest of the province,
they were understandably loath to see it abandoned. The problem was urgent.
Subject to avalanches, slides, and flooding, the low standard road would
virtually disappear if it were neglected for a year or two. Efforts to improve
the highway situation proved frustrating. Constructed as a military supply
road, at the end of the war it remained under federal jurisdiction. At
either end, the military section joined a provincial highway. To complicate matters, part of the road had been built on the CNR right of way.
It is not surprising that discussion on the subject tended to be circular.
The CNR said they had no objection to the road remaining on their property,
the federal government expressed a willingness to have the province take it
over, but the provincial authorities seemed quite unable to make up their
minds on the subject.
Balked in efforts to get any official action on the highway, Prince
Rupert concentrated on informal efforts to ensure that the road link be
maintained. The News regularly interviewed travellers who either extolled
the road, or pointed out the urgent need for work. The Chamber of Commerce
suggested a work-bee, and was instrumental in having a local branch of the
British Columbia Automobile Association established. Although Public
Works maintenance of the highway appeared as tacit acceptance of responsibility,
the province did not actually take over the road until 1948. It also signed
an agreement with the railway to permit continued use of their right of way.18
The effort to keep the highway open was only a part of the local "booster"
campaign. Even before the 1945 establishment of an official Publicity
Committee, some of Prince Rupert's citizens set out to convince the world,
and perhaps themselves, that their city was a great place to live, work and
do business.  The "Farewell to Yanks" Daily News supplement of September 15,
1945 described Prince Rupert as a centre of great wealth, which could
anticipate "an expanding future based on industrial wealth and a strategic
global position." Prince Rupert, the article continued, is "the natural seaport of the north coast with a virtually untapped hinterland of mineral,
forest and agricultural wealth." More practically, the Publicity Committee
commissioned the publication of a pamphlet designed to attract prospective
business, workers and tourists.19
British Columbia, Post-War Rehabilitation Programme:  Construction and
Reconstruction of Main Highways (Victoria, 1943), p. 22;  News, 21 August
1945 and 10 October 1945.
British Columbia, Department of Public Works, File no. 3588, Section 4;
December 13, 1946 - July 22, 1949.
News, 15 and 17 September 1945. -16-
While attempts to transform Prince Rupert into a major world port held
the local headlines, quieter efforts continued to insure that the city would
be a better place to live, whether it expanded or not. The problem of
the great need for water, road and sewer improvement, detailed in the 1943
brief, was raised constantly between the end of the war and 1947. Indeed,
in January of that year, the City sought permission from Victoria to use
part of the sinking fund for these purposes, arguing that the  City was now
in such good financial shape that this would be quite safe. It is not likely
the members of city council expected the Department of Municipal Affiars to
countenance such an unsound fiscal manoeuvre, but hoped to dramatize the need
for permission to borrow the required funds.  In 1947 the province approved
a $24,000 loan for sewer repairs and eventually the federal government granted
almost $140,000 towards street repairs.20
Prince Rupert also sought a share of funds available through the federal
government's National Housing scheme which was designed to construct ten
thousand homes throughout the country. At first glance it might seem the
last thing Prince Rupert needed was more houses but in the early days of
peace it was expected the wartime houses would be demolished. Since much
of the pre-war housing was of a low standard, new homes available at moderate
cost and favourable interest rates were likely to be.attractive even if there
were to be no immediate increase in the population.
The main American army establishment on Acropolis Hill was demolished
before the forces left but a number of substantial buildings remained elsewhere in the city. Plans were made to put some of these to public use,
notably the Wartime YMCA building which was formally taken over as a public
recreation centre on March 16, 1947. The wartime houses, meanwhile, were
not demolished. Instead, the federal authorities were persuaded to make
them availale for sale at a maximum cost of $2,000 each.22
Throughout 1945 and 1946 there was much talk of the need to attract
new industry, especially a pulp mill. There was, however, almost no public
reference to any kind of specific detail.  The president of the local Power
Corporation noted the availability of power but there is no reported
discussion of even such a basic matter as the location of a mill.  The first
hint that the hoped for mill might become a reality came at a City Council
meeting on February 4, 1947 when an alderman reported that the chairman of
the Power Corporation had "made it clear" to the local Reconstruction and
Rehabilitation Committee that unless assured of a long term power supply,
"the interests he represented" would not consider constructing a pulp mill
in the area.  Council responded by agreeing to renew the private power company's
franchise (due to expire at the end of the year) provided a pulp mill was
News, 23 April 1946; British Columbia, Department of Municipal Affairs,
Annual Reports, 1947; Large, Prince Rupert, p. 68.
Province, 13 July 1945; Crerar,"Prince Rupert," pp.  167, 158.
News,   17 March 1947;     Crerar,   "Prince Rupert1,1,  p.   167. ■17-
built in Prince Rupert. Whether the Northern B.C Power Corporation, a
subsidiary of the Canadian Power Corporation, had any real authority to
speak for the pulp mill interests is unclear. The city was not happy with
the company and had earlier considered asking the B.C. Power Commission to
take it over.   The chairman may simply have been using the pulp mill issue
to ensure the extension of his company's franchise.
When the definite announcement of a $15 million pulp mill was made., that
too came from the outside through E.T. Kenny, the Minister of Lands and
Forests and MLA for the adjoining riding of Skeena who allowed Prince
Rupert's CCF MLA to inform the local newspaper of the bare details before
the official release of the minister's press statement. There is no indication
of the information being privately communicated to city officials beforehand.
Kenny's formal announcement referred to months of negotiations with the
Celanese^ Corporation and to "a large tract of forest land" that would be
made available to the company. This simple statement concealed the complexity
of the negotiations. The Forest Management License (later to be called a
Tree Farm License) granted to the Celanese Corporation in 1948 gave them
timber rights to over six million acres. Of this, about a third was
productive timber land, which the company might use, subject to restrictions
regarding management and reforestation, in perpetuity. However, the
amendments to the Forestry Act which permitted the granting of such rights
were not passed until the 1947 session of the Legislature. -* The negotiations
with the Celanese Corporation were presumably carried on in the understanding
that there would be substantial changes in forestry legislation. Once
again, the fortunes of Prince Rupert had been shaped by forces quite beyond
local control.
"Prince Rupert, City of Progress and Community Activity" was the self-
congratulatory description of the city in the supplement published by the
Daily News for the meeting of the Associated Boards of Trade in August 1947.26
The tone of the issue gave the impression that Prince Rupert's adjustment
to post war conditions had been entirely successful.  In real terms, so it
had. The boosters were assured of a period of stable economic expansion,
and those more concerned with the quality of life could point to the recreation centre, the availability of decent housing in a country beset by a
shortage of living accommodation, and an expected improvement in public
utilities.  The error lies in confusing cause and effect.  Prince Rupert
prospered after the Second World War because what the city had to offer fitted
into the buoyant North American economy. As a result, many of the wartime
23News, 25 July 1945;  5 February 1946; 28 August 1945.
Province, 12 March 1947.
British Columbia, Report of the Royal Commission on Forest Resources
(Pearse Report), (Victoria, 1976), vol. II, p.Ill; British Columbia, Department of Lands and Forests, Annual Report (Victoria, 1948), p. 7.
News,   6 August 1947. -18-
facilities were put to profitable peacetime use. Had there been no market
for the timber, or had it been controlled by a government less willing to
exploit the province's natural resources, the American built dock facilities
would have remained as idle as those of the Grand Trunk had done, and the
city would have continued to resemble "an impoverished family squatting in
the ballroom of a palace abandoned long before it was completed."2'
Sheila Dobie is a fourth year history student at the University
of Victoria.
Nigel H. Richardson, "A Tale of Two Cities," Planning the Canadian Environment, ed., L.O. Gertler (Montreal, 1968), p. 272.
John Webber's pictures of Nootka Sound and of its native inhabitants
became well known to many British Columbians during the Captain James Cook
bicentennial year. An exhibition at UBC's Museum of Anthropology brought many
of the original Nootka pictures back to the province of their origin for
viewing by its present inhabitants. The drawings were frequently reproduced
both in their painted and engraved versions, while a Nootka picture by Webber
was, for the second time featured on a Canadian postage stamp.
Webber's drawings offer a significant ethnological and aesthetic
record of Cook's third great voyage of exploration. Yet, if Webber made a
major contribution to Cook's mission, that voyage created - and sustains -
Webber's own reputation.
Webber's family origins were respectable if impoverished. His grandfather, Daniel WHber, was a dyer in Berne, Switzerland, a burger of that city
and his family a member of the Corporation of Merchants (Gesellschaft von
Kaufleuten). Webber's father, Abraham WHber, born in 1715, apprenticed to
the decorative carver and sculptor, Johann Friedrich Funk, into whose family
his sister, Maria Magdalena, had married. About the year 1740, Abraham
WHber emigrated to London. There, on February 18, 1744, in St. George's
Chapel, Hyde Park Corner, he married Mrs. Mary Quant, parishioner of St. Martin's-
The drawings and paintings are held largely by three institutions:  The
Peabody Museum, Harvard University; The British Library, and the Dixson
Library, Sydney, Australia. Others are widely scattered.  The Public
Archives of Canada has a number of examples. Webber's "Inside of a House,
Nootka Sound" was on a postal issue of 16 January 1974; "A Native of Nootka
Sound", on the bicentennial issue of 26 April 1978. -19-
in-the-Fields, about whom nothing else is known.  Some sources say that there
were eight children from the union. The records of the St. George's Church,
Hanover Square, list six, of which John was the second: born 6 October 1751
and baptized on the 30th of that month.
In about his sixth year, young John was Berne, an event occasioned
by his father's financial difficulties and an opportune invitation from Rosina
WHber, an unmarried aunt. The Berne relatives encouraged John in his early
aptitude for art and, in 1766, sought assistance from the Corporation of
Merchants, to which the family yet belonged, for a stipend. This was granted
in consideration of his father's poverty, and for three years, from 1767 to
1770, he received an annual grant to enable him to study with Johann Ludwig
Aberli, the leading artist of the city. A Berne source describes young
Webber as being "a half-foreigner" in his father's city.  "He learned to
speak and write neither German nor French properly, greatly preferring to use
English and longing constantly for the homeland of his mother."2
In 1770 he went to Paris for further training. He carried letters of
introduction from Aberli and other Berne artists to J.C Wille, a successful
German engraver in that city. His referees, Wille wrote, "gave great praise
to M. Webber, as being of very good manners and strongly attached to his art,"
and Wille was himself impressed by this "tres joli gareon" of eighteen
years.3 Webber frequented Wille's studio and the two went sketching together
in the countryside. Examples of Webber's picturesque peasant scenes are
preserved in the Berne museum.
After five years in Paris, Webber returned to London in 1775 and found
work as a painter of house interiors. His employer, a speculator in remodelled
houses, hired Webber to redecorate them with murals of landscapes and mythological figures. In the spring of 1776, this builder persuaded Webber to
exhibit at the Royal Academy's annual exhibition at Somerset House.
This was Webber's first exhibition in his home country, a country where
he had absolutely no reputation, no influential friends, barely any acquaintances,
and to which he had scarcely returned after an absence since childhood. Yet
chance smiled upon him. A portrait of his younger brother, Henry, and two
views of the environs of Paris attracted the attention of Dr. Daniel Solander,
a close scientific associate of Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society
and influential with the Admiralty. This led directly to Webber's commission
as draughtsman to Cook's third voyage, then being prepared. The standard Swiss
account tells the story very dramatically:  two days after the pictures went
on view, Solander came to Webber's rooms, 4 Down Street, Picadilly;  eight
days later Webber embarked from Plymouth on Cook's Resolution. While the
appointment was done swiftly and only shortly before the ship departed, it
was not quite this way. The exhibition ran from April 24 to May 22. Webber
received his admiralty appointment on June 24; he joined the Resolution at
F. Romang, "Johann Waber", in Historisches Verin des Kantons Bern, Sammlung
Bernisches Biographien, II (1896), 296.
Georges Duplessis, Memoirs et Journal de J.C Wille (2 vols.: Paris, 1857),
I, 555. ■20-
Plymouth on July 5, and it sailed for the Cape seven days later. Webber himself contributed to the story by writing that "all was decided eight days before
my departure and I had in all haste to attend to everything necessary.
Webber may have been more accurate in recalling his motives:  "it sufficed
me to see that the offer was advantageous, and contained, moreover, the things
of the world that I have always most desired to know, of being able to voyage
and see countries, known and unknown." He received one hundred guineas a year
plus expenses. This was attractive, but, more, he felt that the engagement
offered an opportunity "on my return, to distinguish myself by the production
of novelties";  it gave him hope "that my lot will be happier."--'
For its part the Admiralty told Cook that it had engaged "Mr. John Webber
Draughtsman and Landskip Painter to proceed to His Majesty's Sloop under your
command on her present intended Voyage, in order to make Drawings and Paintings
of such places in the Countries you may touch at in the course of the said
Voyage as may be proper to give a more perfect Idea thereof than can beiformdd
by written descriptions only.""
Webber's voyage on the Resolution took him to the Cape, Kerguelen's Island
Tasmania, New Zealand, The Cook Islands, the Friendly Islands, Tahiti, and
Hawaii before the two battered ships pulled into Nootka Sound for refitting
in March 1778. After leaving Nootka, the voyage proceeded north to Prince
William Sound, Unalaska, the impenetrable ice of the Bering Sea, Hawaii again
(-here Cook was killed), Kamchatka, Bering Sea once more, then back to England
via Macao, Batavia dnd the Cape. The voyage lasted from July 1776 until
August 1780, a little over four years.
In London, Webber capitalized upon his work. He gained celebrity by showing
his drawings to the King and royal family, to Lord Sandwich, to Banks, the
Burneys and various other establishment figures. He received his back salary
and began new terms," to supervise the engravings, of h  250 a year.7 He was
Staatsarkiv des Kantons Bern, Nachlass Sigmund Wagner, Webber to Daniel
Funk, 4 January 1781 (copy).
Public Record Office, Adm. 2/101, CLB, Admiralty to Cook, 24 June 1776, in
J.C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook on His Voyages of
Discovery, vol. Ill, Part Two, 1507.
For a summary of the engraving process, see Douglas Cole, "Cook at Nootka —
The Engraved Record," Canadian Collector II (May-June 1976), 27-29. This
should be read in conjunction with Rlidiger Joppien, "John Webber's South Seas
Drawings for the Admiralty," British Library Journal 4 (Spring 1978), 49-77. -21-
elected an associate of the Royal Academy in 1785 on the strength of his
engravings and the various Pacific scenes he showed.  He made a trip to
Switzerland and northern Italy in 1787 and sketching tours of Wales and Darby-
shire in 1789. Nevertheless, Pacific views continued to dominate his exhibited
pictures until 1790 when they retreated entirely before views of Monmouth,
Como, and Langollen. The next year he was elected to full membership in the
Academy, and his diploma picture, a view of Tahiti, again drew from his Cook
experience. In 1787, Webber issued a set of four aquatinted Pacific etchings,
done with Maria Prestel, and in 1788 he began a fuller set of Pacific views,
etched, published and coloured by himself.  When he had completed sixteen
he began to suffer severly from illness. He died at his Oxford Street
apartments of decayed kidneys on April 29, 1793, age 41.
One thing is salient in Webber's career:  if he performed excellent
service for Cook and posterity in his third-voyage drawings, he did well by
it. Picked from obscurity by Solander and the Admiralty, he died with a
comfortable living among congenial friends and left a very decent property
to friends, relatives and the Company of Merchants in Berne. He had already
made a gift of his ethnological collection to the city of Berne where it
still resides.
We have little knowledge of Webber's character. Aside from Wille's
observations, there is little comment from contemporaries. M. Monneron, who
came to know Webber intimately while working for LaPerouse in 1785, found
his conversation most interesing. A Swiss source writes of his nobleqbearing
and pleasant humour, his quiet but penetrating conversational manner.  Physically he was short with a strikingly light and rosy complexion, blue eyes
and a full chubby face.
As an artist, Webber can be variously assessed. He was an excellent
landscapist, at least when working in pen or pencil and washes. His
draughtsmanship is good, he possessed a fine sense of composition and his -
choice of subjects was interesting and appropriate. He sketched in charcoal
or crayon, then drew more carefully with a pen or soft pencil.  Finally he
laid on colour washes. He was not a pure watercolourist. His are tinted or
"stained" drawings, of the 1770's and '80's. He used thin washes of blues,
greys, yellows and greens, with touches of russet and apple-green. These
colours and methods form part of a continuity of British Watercolours. We
can trust Martin Hardie's judgement that "Webber takes a high place, higher
than has yet been recognized, among the forerunners of Girtin and Turner." 0
For further details on Webber's prints, see A.A. St. CM. Murray-Oliver,
"John Webber and His Aquatints,"  The Turnbull Library Record, 2
(October 1969), 74-79 and Douglas Cole, "John Webber: Etchings and
Aquatints," ibid., (October 1975), 25-27.
Mitchell Library, Sydney, "La Perouse's Voyage," Monneron to La Perouse,
11 April 1785; Romang, 305.
Martin Hardy, Water-colour Painting in Britain I:  The Eighteenth Century
(New York, 1966), 236. -22-
Webber had obvious failings in drawing figures. His proportions are
sometimes incorrect and distorted; he gives a characteristic but inappropriate
elongation to all his figures. In oils he was least successful, though his
portrait of Cook, probably done before the voyage, is expressive and natural.
Webber belonged to the school of the picturesque. He sought out
rustic and rough scenes in Europe that mirrored his age's taste for irregularity, variety, quaintness, and a humble human presence. Many of his drawings
for the voyage are within this style, and a later picture, taken from a Nootka
sketch, was actually titled "Picturesque Scene, in Nootka (or King Goerge's
Sound), west coast of America." This kind of delineation and subject melted
very easily into the sense of the "typical," which Bernard Smith points out
was so characteristic of eighteenth-century voyage illustration. ** Webber's
work at Nootka and elsewhere form both a record of late eighteenth-century
sensitivities and of the great voyage of which he was an important part.
Douglas Cole, the chairman of the History Department of Simon
Fraser University, is a co-author, with Maria Tippett, of
From Desolation to Splendour: Changing Perceptions of the
British Columbia Landscape.
Bernard Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific, 1768-1850 (London,
1960) . Professor Smith and Dr. Joppien are compiling a complete catalogue
of the graphic work of the tree Cook voyages, the publication of which will
add greatly to our knowledge of Webber's work and set him in greater
Lt. Palmer's Precipice
One of the major tasks rif the government of the new colony of British
Columbia was exploring routes of communication to the various goldfields.
Governor Douglas used any means at hand; magistrates, Indians, constables,
Hudson's Bay Co. employees, but principally the Columbia Detachment of the
Royal Engineers, under Lt. Col. R.C. Moody.  Col. Moody was also designated
the first "Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works" in the colony, a department
which has continued to the present, through many divisions, subdivisons and
As miners worked their ways up the Fraser River and its tributaries to
Quesnel Lake, and then north over the Snowshoe Plateau (in midwinter) to Antler, -23-
the Cariboo became British Columbia's great goldfield, in need of tons of
By 1860, some entrepreneurs were already running pack trains across the
Chilcotin from the fiords of the west coast, a possibility that was given some
advance publicity by Mackenzie in 1793.
On the 24th of June 1862, Lt. Henry Spencer Palmer, R.E., aged 26
years, received 8 pages of detailed instructions! fr0m Col. Moody for a major
exploratory survey of the Interior (together with an "Appendix paper by Capt.
Parsons"). Palmer's exploration from Bella Coola to Alexandria was covered
in only one sentence of these instructions, which required him "to travel along
the proposed road... altering the line as he may thing proper."
A route had already been recorded in October 1861 by Captain Cavendish
Venables, retired, of the 74th Highlanders, when he intended taking up a
military grant of land at Bella Coola. His Map2, in which Bella Coola appears
as Bill Whoalla, was drawn by the master draftsman James Launders, R.E., and
lithographed by William Oldham, R.E. at the Royal Engineers' Survey Office,
New Westminster.
Venables shows 16 camps from Alexandria to Bella Coola. In the vicinity
of Palmers' Precipice and Great Slide, Venables travelled some distance to the
north, past Anahim Lake, descending from the Chilcotin Plateau to a "dam" in
the deep valley of the Bella Coola River, probably down the old Canoe Crossing
summer trails to a point near the mouth of Asananny Creek.
Palmer understood that his major problem was to find the best route for
the 3000 foot climb out to fhe Bella Coola valley, and on to the Chilcotin
plateau. His large scale map5 shows several possibilities, all on the north
In November 1862, Palmer published his informative report**, with two
maps^'5 that were remarkably good considering he traversed the country only
once. Using Palmer's information, we were able to retrace that part of his
journey between his Great Slide on the Atnarko, and his Summit of the Precipice,
section 3 of his report. It involved an ascent of nearly 3000 feet, on to the
Chilcotin Plateau, in 16 miles of trail.
It should be mentioned here that Palmer's "Great Slide" does not look
different from any other talus slope along the Atnarko, it merely identifies
the particular slide that he and his party had to backpack up. Palmer reports
Icopy in PABC C AB 30.6J, letter book No. 1.
2Print in PABC S 6.5.8 gmbh V447S 1861.
British Columbia, Surveyor General; Plan 4T 264.  "Sketch showing approximate.
position of divides etc. north of Bella Coola River, B.C"
PABC NW 971M P174 re 1863. "Report on a journey of Survey from Victoria
to Fort Alexander".
British Columbia, Surveyor General; Plan 3T1 Roads and Trails, "Sketch of
the valley of the Bella Coola or Nookhalk River, from the Coast to the Precipice."
1 inch = 2 miles.  Drawn by Sapper Chas. Sinnett, R.E.  Marked "Plan 3". -24-
that the trail at his Great Slide ran almost directly up the loose talus. Our
1978 examination of this part showed faint traces of the trail used by Palmer,
supplanted by at least 2 later trails a short distance south. The final horse
trail, shown on some maps as "The Old Sugar Camp Trail," holds a very good
grade, and in places is wide enough to take a waggon.  It has, however, gathered
many loose rocks in parts, having not been maintained since 1956 when the citizens
of Bella Coola, aided by the Department of Highways, finally completed their
road connection to Williams Lake via Young Creek, now Highway 20.
The Sugar Camp Trail zigzags up to "cruising altitude" 1200 feet above
the Atnarko and then contours north and east for 4 miles, exactly as Palmer did,
to cross a broad saddle above the Hotnarko, the major valley or coulee joining
the Atnarko from the east.
Palmer notes how his Great Slide route may be avoided by taking an
alternative trail up the lower canyon of the Hotnarko. At the time, this may
have been the better trail, provided the four crossings^of the Hotnarko were
in good order. This was the route selected for the Dominion telegraph from
Bella Coola to join the Yukon telegraph at 150 Mile House in 1912. This line
continued in service, latterly under B.C. Telephone Co., until the early 1960s.
Today, Palmer's Sugar Camp Trail is the better way to go. The four
pack bridges over the Hotnarko are in ruins. Abandoned telephone wires festoon
the floor of the lower canyon, and slides from a Department of Public Works
exploratory road cover parts of the trail.
Around 1912, the Hotnarko was further surveyed for a Trans Canada railway,
the Pacific and Hudson Bay; several fair topographic maps"were prepared, and
some trial lines were slashed along the south slopes of Precipice Basin.
Four miles above the junction of the two trails reported by Palmer, the
trail crosses modern Precipice Creek, which runs into Precipice Basin from the
north. We are still 4 miles from Palmer's Precipice. The whole upper Hotnarko
is ringed by miles of precipices in the form of small basalt columns.
Great coulees, such as the Hotnarko and the Kappan, were gouged in the
basalts of the Chilcotin Plateau, as meltwaters took the short route to the
coast in the closing years of the last Ice Age. The area formerly drained east
to the Fraser River; the eastbound outlet of Hotnarko Lake makes a 180 degree
turn after three miles, giving clear evidence of its recent capture by the main
British Columbia, Surveyor General;"Sketch of the Route from North Bentinck
Arm to Fort Alexander." 1 inch - 10 miles.  J. Turnbull, R.E.  Marked "Plan 1"
(plan 2 may not have been drawn).
British Columbia, Surveyor General; Pre-emptor's Map 2E, 1924.  Bella Coola.
Inset Map B.
British Columbia, Surveyor General; Plan 5T30 "Sketch Map to show position
of Trail from Bella Coola to Ootsa Lake with alternative routes." 1907.
E.P. Colley, B.C.L.S.
British Columbia, Surveyor General; Plan 4T259 negative photostat of Topographic
Sheet 1.  Pacific and Hudson Bay Railway;  1 inch = 2 miles. -25-
"The Precipice" had moved to itsfipresent location before 1907 when E.P.
Colley B.C.L.S. made his report and map to the Department of Lands. By this
time, the trail by Anahim Lake had become the main travel route. Colley shows
the route used by Palmer as "disued trail", down by the Hotnarko.  It continued
in use, however, for many years, being taken over by Jacob Lunos, a settler
from the Norwegian colony round Hagensborg, near Bella Coola. Lunos moved
up to Towdystan (just south of Nimpo Lake) in the early 1900s, and kept the
trail open for many years, at a time when the lands were being surveyed and
Palmer's trail upstream from Precipice Basin runs braided, along a bunch
grass and jackpine hillside facing south. Afiter three miles, it dips down
suddenly to the pack bridge over the Hotnarko, just above the mouth of Kappan
Creek. Since its days of coulee cutting, the Hotnarko has shrunk to a very ■
modest trickle.
Here the topography is just as Palmer describes it.   The long easy
ridge between the two creeks leads up to the base of a 100 foot basalt cliff,
the edge of Table Mountain. Being unconfined, the cliff tends to fall away
in great rows of basalt columns. We could not verify just where Palmer got
on top, but there is an easy ascent about 200 yards to the left, from which
we made our way back to Palmer's survey point at the prow of Table Mountain
elevation "3840, The Precipice", on his map. The point is still used for surveys, being shown on modern maps as elevation 3926 (feet). The remains of a
pole tripod, dressed in tattered white cloth, lay nearby during our visit.
Palmer shows the easier trails to Nacoontloon and Sutleth, both up on
the plateau, on either side of his Precipice, but presumably he took the steep
trail up the middle to get a better view of the country.
From here, Palmer travelled southeast along a delightful open and flat
verge, a few feet back from the rim rock. The trail continued east, over gently
undulating and somewhat monotonous country, passing the headwaters of Pelican
Creek, and the north shores of the two main arms of modern Nimpo Lake. In
Palmer's day, and for many years afterwards, the two arms were shown as separate
lakes, Nimkop and Sutleth,7» 6, 12 or variantsxof these names.
Still on the main Indian trail, Palmer crossed the Salmon (Dean) River
where highway 20 crosses today, at the Fishtrap,  now identified by a roadside
Point Of Interest sign. He then continued southeast, on the general line of
highway 20, past Towdystan and out of this story. He arrived back in New Westminster after four busy months.
10British Columbia, Surveyor General;  Plans 1 and 2, T995 and 13, 14, 15, 16,
36 T5 Coast.
Pages 14, 15 of reference 4 (above).
Geological Survey of Canada;  "Geological Map of a portion of British Columbia
between the Fraser River and the Coast Range.  CM. Dawson, 1875-76.
1 inch = 8 miles.
British Columbia, Surveyor General;  Plan 36T11 Coast. \jr*  :-
r:.vp-\f>:>'\-^ '    ;;.;x
§> v-eg^
>.;#->   /      -•'. \\A     "     ^9if.—-•
■, vV.-.-?,j.   -.* *.\st
k?5- ■> : *xx\S\ ■ *- -'^ xmK>*<?*-'
z.:. ^r
| •    Co
H>!>vX .!«••"•.
\ Xs
• • -28-
To round out this
toponyms is given below:
North Bentinck Arm
(of Burke Channel)
Palmer's Precipice
(one of his "Astronomical stations")
Fort Alexander
account, a table of modern equivalents for Palmer's
Bella Coola village is at the head of this
arm, and on the delta of the Bella Coola
(Nookhalk) River.
Burn Bridge Creek; Mackenzie came down the
east side. One of several northern valleys
noted by Palmer as "possible pass to the
Young Creek;  the route taken by Highway 20.
The western tip of Table Mountain; in the
angle between the Hotnarko and the Kappan.
Ahahim (Avnahime's) Lake
The north east arm of Nimpo Lake
(Fort) Alexandria, on the Fraser River.
The "Bella Coola Courier", a weekly newspaper, gives good coverage of such
items as the Pacific and Hudson Bay Railway, Jacob Lunos, and the Dominion
Telegraph, in the period ca. 1912.
GULF ISLANDS  - New officers elected on April 29th are President: Marjorie
Ratzlaff, Saturna Island; Vice-president, Lorraine Campbell,
Saturna Island;  Secretary, Elsie Brown, Mayne Island; and
Treasurer, Evelyn Saunders, Saturna Island. Council members are Frank Copeland,
Saturna Island; May Drew, Galiano Island; Elsie Brown, Mayne Island.
In addition to sponsoring an annual essay contest, the branch is arranging
a  publication about the Outer Islands to update Gulf Islands Patchwork. Among
the speakers at this spring's meetings were Jim and Lorraine Campbell who gave
an illustrated account of their trip to South America; Marjorie Ratzlaff who
described her experiences as a nurse at Bella Bella Hospital during World War II;
and Beth Hill who gave an illustrated talk describing the research for her
recently published book, The Remarkable World of Frances Barkley. -29-
VICTORIA   Officers for 1979-80 are President, Ruth Chambers; 1st Vice-
President, Tom Carrington;  2nd Vice-President, Ken Leeming;
Secretary, Frances Gundry; Treasurer, Bruce Winsby.
During the summer the branch had two social gatherings. In July,
Jack Barnes invited members to lunch at his home in Sooke; in August,
a number of members visited the Forest Museum at Duncan.
Two journals published by the University of Chicago Press may be of
interest to members concerned with the operation of museums.  Technology
and Culture is the international quarterly of the Society for History of
Technology.  Its coverage is international but a recent issue included an
article "Canadian Technology: British Traditions and American Influences"
by Bruce Sinclair. The Winterthur Portfolio is a new journal of American
material culture.  Individual subscriptions at $15 (U.S.) each per year and
further information may be obtained from the University of Chicago Press,
11030 Langley Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60628, USA.
A new journal of interest to archivists and museologists is Photographic
Conservation published by the Graphic Arts Research Centre, Rochester Institute of Technology, one Lomb Memorial Drive, Rochester N.Y. 14623. A
subscription for four issues costs $7.50 (U.S.)  The Institute is also
sponsoring a seminar on the Preservation and Restoration of Photographic
Images in Rochester on March 3-5, 1980. Address inquiries to Thomas T. Hill
at the Institute.
We apologize for unavoidable delay in distributing the summer issue and
for several minor errors.  The cover picture should have been identified
as Henry Ogle Bell-Irving, "Kicking Horse Pass, Rocky Mountains, May 1883"
(PABC, pdp 764).  As careful readers have undoubtedly deduced, John Graves
Simcoe was not a government but a governor (p. 37).
We're not sure if our readers are too busy to enter contests in the
summer or too young to remember the Depression.  In any case, there were
no entries in the contest announced in the spring issue.
Since we still have the prize book, Faces from History:  Canadian Profiles
and Portraits by George Woodcock, we're going to try a different kind of
contest.  Who is driving the car on the cover picture?  Submit your entry
to :  The Editors, Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3 by December 15, 1979.  In
the case of more than one correct answer, we'll have a draw from the correct
*********** •30-
Each year the Canadian Association for American Studies sponsors an
interdisciplinary conference on a specific theme. Papers are frequently
cross-cultural as well as interdisciplinary. The comparison of the literature, history and art Of the United States and Canada generates new insights
into the culture of both countries.
The conference will be held at the Holiday Inn, Harbourside and at Simon
Fraser University, November 1-3, 1979. For further information about the
program, contact Continuing Studies, Simon Fraser University.
The Union of British Columbia Municipalities has circulated to all
municipalities and regional districts a recent decision of Mr. Justice
Gould of the British Columbia Supreme Court that may be of interest to
those municipalities which are contemplating the designation of a historic
site pursuant to the HERITAGE CONSERVATION ACT.
An application was made to quash Richmond By-Laws No. 3515 and 3528 which
designated a building and the surrounding 22% acres of land as a municipal
heritage site on the grounds that there was no evidence that the land per
se was of historical significance. There was some evidence before the
Municipal Council as to historical significance. Moreover, under the
HERITAGE CONSERVATION ACT both a building and land can be declared a heritage site. The Court concluded that it would be very difficult to declare
a building a heritage site without the land on which it is situated being
automatically included.  This particular heritage site was a farm, and the
farmhouse site on a 22% acre operating farm and Mr. Justice Gould indicated
in his judgement that he, could not grasp the concept of declaring tlie farmhouse an historical site without automatically including the farm, which
by the fact that historic buildings rest thereon becomes an historic site
The next Council meeting will take place in Vancouver on SATURDAY,
3 November.
Princeton has invited us to hold our convention in their city.  The
editors would welcome articles, notes of interest, etc. about Princeton for
publication in the Spring issue of the News. -31-
WHITE CANADA FOREVER. W. Peter Ward. Montreal: Mc Gill-Queen's University
Press, 1978. Pp.ix, 205, illus., $6.50 paper.
White Canada Forever is an impressive piece of research, but it is only
half of the story. Because Peter Ward has adopted a "social problems"
approach to race relations in British Columbia, he catalogues those'relations
solely from a negative, "white" perspective. Racism in British Columbia,
he argues, was the product of a psychological urge for cultural homogeneity.
White British Columbians, he contends, saw Asians as a threat to the "white"
(actually "British") culture they had brought with them to B.C., and which
they wished to pass on unaltered to their children. As a consequence, Ward
concludes, "racist sentiments were broadly shared across the province" and
the idea that B.C. should rid itself of the Asian menace was commonly accepted.
Ward supports his thesis with an impressive array of anti-Asian incidents
between 1858 and 1942 using British Columbian newspapers as his major source.
While he acknowledges on several occasions that racism was definitely
cyclical, arising sporadically (usually at election time) and then quickly
dying, he ignores the quiet periods in his analysis. The result is a distorted image of British Columbian society as a rabidly racist entity in
which only antagonistic relations existed between the white and Asian
subcultures. For example, he cites the conflict between white unionists
and Asian scabs at Atlin as solely a racial conflict, but conveniently ignores
the good relations between labour and Japanese at Cumberland. He points
out the paranoia at Summerland when Asians first bought land there but ndit
the calm at Vernon or the marketing co-operatives in the Fraser Valley
which had both Japanese and white members. He discusses attempts to segregate
Asians from whites in schools but never mentions that white children in the
Fraser Valley and at Cumberland sometimes attended Japanese language schools
along with their Japanese playmates. He describes labour's distaste for
Asians in some detail but ignores the fact that the Trades and Labour Council
accepted the Japanese Camp and Mill Workers Union as a full-fledged member
in 1929. He discusses the social complaints commonly made against Asians -
low standard of living, dirty, undemocratic, diseased - but ignores the
fact that that the same complaints were made against all non-British whites
from time to time.  "Bohunks" and "Wops" were despised as much as "Japs"
and "Chinks". Most importantly Ward never gives the Asian perspective nor
does he discuss the more irrational aspects of the racist stereotypes. The
combined impression these omissions leave is the suggestion that Asians
brought much of the "problem" upon themselves by wanting to work for less
than the going white wage. The closest Ward comes to pointing out the
absurdity of this aspect of the pejorative Asian stereotype is to acknowledge
that Japanese entered fishing and farming in part because market conditions
assured them the same return for their produce as a white man.
The distortion in White Canada Forever results, I suspect, from Ward's
sources. Historically newspapers make no attempt to be unbiased. On the
contrary, in the midst of circulation wars editors would say whatever they
assumed the public supported. Ward has apparently accepted editorial opinion
as indicative of public opinion. In so doing he has granted newspaper -32-
editors powers of social analysis no modern sociologist or even politician
would dare assume without an expensive survey. The opinions of the politicians and labour leaders he cites are similarly accepted as "proof" of the
pervasiveness of virulent racism when there is nothing to prove that
those views were shared by, or affected the voting patterns of, the general
The "Evacuation" chapter is perhaps the best example of how the sources
can manipulate the historian. The standard accounts, of which Ward's is
yet another, commonly contend as Ward does that "thousands of west coast
whites petitioned Ottawa for the immediate evacuation of all Japanese"
(p.151) and Ottawa, democratically bowing to public opinion, promptly did
so. My own count of the sources Ward cites, however, throws the all pervasive
role of "public opinion", whether bigoted or simply frightened, into doubt.
The records in Ottawa indicate that prior to February 24, 1942 when the
decision to uproot the Japanese was taken, Ottawa had received only 100
petitions demanding the removal of all or part (male Japanese nationals) of
that minority, less than 40 of which were sent in February. Most of those
100 petitions came from the same type of groups which had demanded the
incarceration of German aliens in 1940, demands which the federal government
wisely ignored. The bulk of the hysteria on the west coast in fact came
after the "evacuation" decision; that is, after the federal government had
liabled Japanese Canadians as traitors, thereby reinforcing the lies of B.C.'s
professional racists.  British Columbia's anti-Asian past was undoubtedly
a factor in the "evacuation" decision, but it was not the only factor and
may in fact have been more of an excuse than a reason.
Ward wisely halts his tale in 1942.  To carry it further is to endanger
his thesis for the postwar history of race relations in B.C. stands in marked
contrast to Ward's portrait. The suddenness with which British Columbians
apparently lost their psychological urge for homogeneity raises a question.
What caused British Columbia's sudden metamorphosis, or were British Columbians
never quite as petty, bigoted and paranoid as Ward suggests? A good
account of the black marks in the history of race relations in B.C., White
Canada Forever must be read with the understanding that it tells only part
of the story.
Ann Sunahara, of Edmonton, presently is completing a book on
Japanese-Canadians during World War Two.
COLUMBIA, 1885-1917.  Carlos A. Schwantes. Vancouver:  Douglas & Mclntyre,
1979. Pp. xviii, 288.
If comparisons of slave societies throughout the Americas can yield the
many rich and rewarding insights to be found in books by Carl Degler,
Eugene Genovese and others, surely the same method ought to enable an
historian to isolate, identify, and weigh those factors which best explain
both the similarities and differences in the course of radical labour politics in the United States1 and Canada.  Indeed, most theses, articles and ■33-
books on this subject make at least implicit comparisons with related
events or influences emanating from the United States and Europe. But so
far as I know Carlos Schwantes is the first to publish a history book which
promises to analyze a welter of c uses, influences and consequences through
direct and explicit comparison of the politics of labour groups in a region
which he dubs the "North Pacific Industrial Frontier." Drawing upon an
immense variety of trade-union sources, newspapers, manuscript material,
and unpublished theses, Schwantes sets out to weigh various historical,
cultural, and environmental influences at work in this "unique historical
laboratory" (ix) in order to explain "why orginized labor in America failed
to develop a viable socialist-labor-reform party" similar to Britain's Labor
Party of Canada's NDP (x). It is an old question, to be sure, but one that
social scientists such as S.M. Lipset and Louis Hartz have wrestled with
decidedly mixed results.
In fourteen somewhat overorganized and occasionally too brief chapters,
the author details the rise of an economy characterized by isolated,
polarized communities engaged in extracting the rich natural resources of
the region.  Radical working class responses to exploitation, congealed
through anti-Oriental outbursts, appeared as scattered thrusts ranging
from the populist crusade in Washington to myriad sects that cropped up
on both sides of the boundary.  Radical doctrines flourished, the author
asserts, because the region's industries were undergoing consolidations
which provoked greater class consciousness among the miners, loggers and
migrant workers there. In the absence of a laissez-faire ideology, with
fewer ethnic divisions, and with the presence of parliamentary forms along
with a failure of the old line parties to plant roots, B.C. Labour radicals
achieved greater success in using political methods to achieve a more
abundant life. The author disentangles this complex web of events, tracing
the evolution of various left-wing groups in the region and their continuing
struggle with each other and with the AFL crafts.  He tells how radicals
were engulfed by progressive reformists and then virtually destroyed by a
war-inspired government crackdown on both sides of the border. His story
is thoroughly researched and clearly presented. While the broad outlines
have already been sketched and interpreted by Phillips, Robin, MacCormack
and others, the author's diligent work does fill in several important
gaps.  For instance, chapter 9 contains the most thorough account of the
United Brotherhood of Railway Employees that I have read.  The book is dotted
with interesting sketches of a large number of labor radicals, ranging from
Washington's obscure George Boomer to the better-known B.C. Socialist and
printer, R. Parm. Pettipiece. At the narrative level the author's herculean
labours are most apparent, and his book ought to become the standard reference
for students of labour, socialism, and reform in the province and state.
On the other hand, Schwantes' overall analyses and explanations are
neither original nor persuasive. At various points he appeals to history,
culture, geography, and an "opportunity structure" for an explanation of
the greater impact of the region's radical heritage upon the British Columbia
political culture, without bothering to suggest the proportions of those
causal factors or even to tie them directly with parts of his narrative.
As a result most of his conclusions seem divorced from his narrative, and
by concluding only that "intangibles" such as class consciousness and political
culture were "far more important determinants of the success or failure of
the socialist movement than matters of leadership or trade union structure" -34-
(222), his major thesis goes begging.  Rather than analyzing his concepts,
or at least separating and weighing the relationships between class
consciousness, political culture, and the ideologies of individualism
and collectivism (surely ingredients of a political culture) at appropriate
points in his story, Schwantes rings all his explanatory bells frequently
and indiscriminately. Perhaps realizing the inadequacy of this procedure
in his conclusion, he finally invokes the old Hartzian typology (individualism/
collectivism) to explain why labour politics has been more successful in
B.C.  The reader never learns precisely which of the various ingredients
in the political cultures of the province and state best explain both the
similarities and differences Schwantes describes.
For example, Schwantes argues at one point that parliamentary forms,
class consciousness in the mining camps, the threat posed by Oriental
immigrants, and ''the inability of labor to co-operate politically with the
province's small and diversified agrarian community" (163) all coalesced
to encourage the formation of a labour party in British Columbia. Whether
each of these factors was of equal causal importance is not made clear.
Since the second and third reasons also influenced events in Washington,
the reader is left wondering whether the first and last factors exerted
disproportionately greater influence in B.C.  Such imprecision coupled with
a failure to define and develop concepts such as "class" and "reform consciousness" occasionally results in a form of circular reasoning where causes
become consequences:
Withinithe local movement, class consciousness was also
being encouraged by three significant developments:  growing interest in industrial unionism, the socialists' acquisition of power in the councils of organized labor and its
publications, and the increasing isolation of trade unionists in Washington from the middle class as a result of
the collapse of the reform coalition in the state.  (206)
Surely these are more likely to be explained as consequences rather than
causes of class consciousness, or are at least mutually interactive.
We must conclude, then, that the question bedevilling labour historians
for so long is still unanswered. Perhaps the most satisfactory explanations
for the presence or absence of a viable radical labour heritage will be
found through more detailed analysis of the formation of political consciousness
among comparable groups of Canadian and American workers. Such a study,
resting upon a more precise assessment of demographic, economic, and
attitudinal factors, might actually weigh, however crudely, the differential
results of the factors Schwantes and his predecessors have often invoked.
Until then,this book furthers the quest by shedding a clearer light upon
the relevant details, and is certainly not without value for having failed
to prove its thesis.
Professor Babcock teaches history at the Univeristy of Maine. -35-
DEFENCES, 1859-1949.  Peter N. Moogk, assisted by Major R.V. Stevenson.
Surrey, British Columbia:  Antonson Publishing Ltd., 1978.  pp. 128, illus.
By the author's admission, this illustrated history of the men and
guns of the lower mainland defences ±s  meant to be an accurate and entertaining account of the past.  The author fully meets his obligation.  There
is history in this book, both written and pictorial, which has not been
published before, and it is accurate.  It is leavened with first hand
accounts and stories which add humour and make this a very human story.
Too often written military history is a gory picture of glory or disaster.
These are peaks and valleys, often spectacular, in a landscape where humour,
boredom, incompetence, efficiency and other human propensities are all
present.  Ibis book's military landscape does not have spectacular moments,
only an enemy attack on Vancouver could have produced those, but it is far
from being a dull landscape for anyone with a desire to know more of an
important part of British Columbia's history, military history enthusiast
or not.
The first three chapters cover the period from 1859 to the First World
War.  During these formative years, the local militia were plagued with
manpower, equipment and morale problems, but Dr. Moogk's account also
reveals the remarkable tenacity of the volunteer spirit, soon to fully
blossom in war and to persist as a tradition.  Gun batteries were mounted
to defend the approaches to Vancouver harbour in 1914, but their operational
role endured only as long as it took the Royal Navy to hunt and destroy the
German naval force in the Pacific.
The last four chapters begin with a brief account of the survival of
the local militia units through the lean years of the twenties and
thirties. By the start of the Second World War, local militia organization
was matched with the defence plans for Vancouver.  These plans were steadily
implemented to produce a formidable coast and anti-aircraft artillery
defence for the'port and its approaches.  Both guns and men were rapidly
demobilized after the war, coast artillery becoming obsolete in 1956.  Dr.
Moogk is assisted in his account of these years by Major Vic Stevenson,
historian of 15th Field Artillery Regiment, a local militia unit.  Their
precise recital of events is lightened by human anecdote.  This book, by its
nature and its subject, is a valuable contribution to the history of British
Columbia.  It is not a story of military heroism and valour.  It is an
introduction to the history of the military defence of British Columbia.
It should be read with both interest and pleasure.
Ron Lovatt, who completed his MA thesis on the Militia Gunners
of Victoria, is presently Historian for the Fort Rodd Hill Project. -36
Farley. Vancouver:  University of British Columbia Press, 1979.  Pp. viii,
136; 115 maps, illus., $45.00.
Dr. Farley's 1979 Altas largely supersedes the 1956 British Columbia
Atlas of Resources, in which he also participated. Again the maps and
related texts have been placed on facing pages, facilitating reference
and interpretation.  Page iv gives a useful Guide to Atlas Use.  The new
pages, at 28 x 35 cm., are less than half the page size in the old atlas,
and the information per map page appears to be reduced in the same proportion.
However, there are 30% more new map pages, and the facing texts are good
value indeed.  The Atlas is certainly more portable.
The difference in style between the two atlases is best seen by
comparing maps with identical names:
Old Map 12 1 Native Indians:
New Map 3 )     Distribution of Ethnic Groups, 1850.
In the 1979 Atlas, the change to SI units is almost complete, Imperial measure
lingers (in parentheses) in the Statistical Summary at the back, and in
the bar scales on the maps.  It is interesting to see how the change to
metric has shifted the climatic boundaries on maps common to both atlases
See Mean Annual Precipitation, where nine ranges are shown in each atlas, or
Mean Daily Temperature, January and July.  Some of the shifts may be due
to more reliable data.
As the 1979 Atlas subtitle indicates, British Columbia is treated under
three main headings.  Confirming some readers' suspicions of contemporary
priorities, Resource Use requires twice as many maps as Environment, and
three times as many maps as People.  The first section of the Atlas, People,
showing exploration, and movements of British Columbia's population, may
hold the greatest interest for readers of B.C. Historical News.  There
should, however, be a map identifying the location of historic trails and
roads, now that their remnants are under increasing pressure from resource
use.  The reduced Trutch Map, on page 13, when examined with a hand lens,
will fulfill this requirement.  It shows all trails and roads of any
consequence up to 1871, but only the Whatcom trail has been named.  The other
routes could be identified in future editions by a mylar overlay to the
Trutch Map.
The Environment section covers the physical and natural history of
British Columbia, while Resource Use includes recreation and transportation
as well as the more commercial activities.  Several of the maps give some
history of resource development in the province.  In view of persistent rumours
that some Forest Districts, Map 39, are running out of timber to cut, it
would be helpful to have a map based on Map 27 Distribution of Forested Land,
showing the remaining commercial timber in the province.  From the forested
land would be deducted all logged areas less than, say, 50 years old.
The Statistical Summary infers that less than 28 per cent of B.C.'s surface
supports mature timber, while icefields, alpine scrub and tundra, plus urban
areas, account for 38 per cent.
Following the three main map sections of the Atlas are a Gazetteer and
the Historical and Statistical Summary.  The Gazetteer locates some 1650 •37-
toponyms, in and around B.C., within their 1:250,000 map sheets of the
National Topographic System.  The Historical Summary recites a list of
Selected Historical Events, starting in 1840, while from the Statistical
Summary one can learn that only five per cent of B.C.'s land surface is
capable of food production (arable or grazing land).
A preliminary review of the Atlas has revealed very few errors or
omissions:  Meager Creek hot springs, at the head of Lillooet River, should
be added to those shown on Map 14.  It would have been helpful to squeeze
in two more small maps, for spruce and lodgepole pine, on Map 28, Forestry:
Distribution of Commercial Species.
This well-made book is recommended to all who are interested in
understanding their historical, natural and resource environment in British
R.C. Harris is a regular contributor to the News'.
Ottawa: National Museum of Man, 1979.  Pp. vi, 158, illus.
The editor's stated purpose in Western Canadian History:  Museum
Interpretations is "to examine and compare museum interpretations of Western
Canadian History through the use of illustrated interpretative essays", (p.iv)
Mr. Richeson notes further that there are few differences between the themes
and issues interpreted by museologists and academics. Well covered in
museums are the themes of:  exploration and survey;  the fur trade;
transportation;  agriculture;  natural resource development;  urban history;
law enforcement;  leisure and sport.  Poorly covered are such topics as:
politics;  sewage systems; nrisons;  the treatment of the insane;  secondary
industry;  organized labour;  commercial activity and the service industries;
education;  and religion.  In conclusion Richeson states that "musuem
exhibitions in their present form may be perpetuating a feeling of narrow
regionalism which may have untold future impact."  (p.8)
The exhibits discussed and the contributors are:  the Modern History
Galleries at the British Columbia Provincial Museum (Daniel T. Gallacher);
the Vancouver Centennial Museum's History Galleries (Robert Watt);  Glenbow's
"History of Western Canada" Gallery (Hugh A. Dempsey); the Transportation
in Saskatchewan Exhibit at the Western Development Museum in Moose Jaw (Diane
Matthews); and "Interpretive Themes in Socio-Economic History" at the Manitoba
Museum of Man and Nature (Philip L. Eyler).
Each writer has dealt with his subject quite differently.  For example,
Gallacher has provided "the historical context upon which those displays (at
the B.C. Provincial Museum) depicting the region's modern history rest" and
has stated the curatorial objectives for the displays, explained the scope
nature and content of the history exhibits, and discussed the highlights of
each gallery. Watt, on the other hand, has offered a critique of the Vancouvei
Centennial Museum's History Galleries and has dwelt on such questions as "the
function of overall policy in exhibition development, the history curator's
responsibilities in terms of collecting, preserving, and interpreting, the -38-
influence of budgets and space on exhibition content, plus a number of other
related issues" (p.43).  Dempsey of Glenbow, Davidson of the Provincial
Museum of Alberta and Eyler of the Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature have
each written a narrative description of their history exhibits, providing
the rationale for the selection of the themes they contain.  Matthews has
not provided information about particular exhibits per se, but has instead
adapted part of the Western Development Museum's transportation exhibit
storyline which comprises a general history of transportation in Saskatchewan.
With the exception of Matthews' piece, the. other articles do provide
sufficient information to enable an understanding of the various history
exhibits' content and scope.  All except Watt's were written for the
teacher or non-museum layman;  Watt's appears to have been directed more at
the museum professional.  This lack of unity in approach to their subjects
by the various authors is the greatest weakness of the paper.  Nevertheless,
it has considerable merit in that it provides, for the first time in one
volume, pertinent information about Western Canada's major museum history
Richeson's introduction does provide a useful overview of the state
of some of Western Canada's largest history exhibits.  Yet it is interesting,
at least to this reviewer that his "history" refers to the documentary and
academic, rather than the material variety, something which warrants some
clarification in the text, especially since the readership does include a
large proportion of museologists.
The paper is well illustrated with photographs of sections of the
galleries under discussion.  However, the bleak captions under some of them
probably do not represent the quality of labelling which accompanies the
actual exhibits.
The only serious omission from the choice of galleries reviewed is "Several
Areas of Snow", the gallery devoted to modern Canadian history in the editor's
own museum, the National Museum of Man in Ottawa.  In this large gallery are
many exhibits which interpret aspects of Western Canadian history, including
some of the topics noted by Richeson as being absent in the other galleries
reviewed (e.g. organized labour and politics).  The photograph on the cover
of the paper is, in fact, of the Depression Prairies Kitchen at the National
Museum of Man, but it is not identified anywhere in the paper.
Western Canadian History:  Museum Interpretations is not a must for
either the history or museum amateur of professional.  Unless one is
already familiar with the exhibits or will have the opportunity to view them
in the near future, reading about them in this form is not entirely informative or stimulating.  The paper does, nevertheless, serve a useful purpose
by presenting in one volume a number of related topics.  Historians and
museologists would be well served by repeating the theme of museum interpretations of history in future papers, but the long term usefulness of the
paper under review will be that it provides information to readers wanting
to find out about one particular exhibit, and not to those hoping to compare
and contrast several. -39-
A useful sequel to this paper would be a paper containing critical
reviews of the galleries in question by both academic and museum historians,
to determine first whether the curators have selected the themes of their
exhibitions wisely and, secondly, to examine to what extent the completed
exhibitions are based on feasible interpretations of the documentary evidence,
as well as that afforded by the artifacts themselves.
John D. Adams is Museums Advisor for the B.C. Provincial Museum.
Edited by Janet Cauthers.  Sound Heritage, Volume VII, No.  (1978). Pp. 77,
This issue of Sound Heritage contains "reminiscences" of twenty-two persons who resided in Victoria for either all or part of the thirty-four years
stretching from 1880-1914.  The interviews excerpted in the volume are
taken from the Imbert Orchard Collection of the Aural History Program, Provincial Archives of British Columbia.  Orchard conducted the interviews in
1962 for his radio series on the history of British Columbia.  "His method
of selecting interviewees was informal and based on such considerations as
the person's ancestry, the nature of their activities at the turn of
the twentieth century, and their fluency and sharpness of memory.  Interview questions were general and designed to stimulate a spontaneous flow of
reminiscences from the informant" (p.2).  The editor of A Victorian Tapestry,
Janet Cauthers, wrote a short introduction, provided thumbnail sketches of
the interviewees, and arranged the reminiscences by subject under the following headings:  Familiar Old Places:  The City from 1880-1914;  A Very Fine
Race:  The Ethnic Communities;  Numbers of Prosperous People:  The Small,
Elegant World of the British Colonists;  a Time of Family Life:  Making Their
Own Amusements;  That Was Always Our Big Day:  The Royal Navy and the 24th
of May; and A Bit of Old England:  A Postscript on Victoria After World War
I.  Ms. Cauthers also edited some of the reminiscences to remove false starts
and crutch words, but "took great care to preserve the original import and
distinctive flavour of each individual's remarks" (p.2).
Readers of A Victorian Tapestry will undoubtedly be left with at least
three impressions.  The first and initial impression is that this is a
delightful book.  There are reproductions of watercolours on the front and
back covers and inside there are more than fifty illustrations.  The elaborate
typeface used for headings and the expensive paper nsed for printing make
for what it is, quite simply, a lavish publication.  Even the interviewees
themselves are enjoyable, containing a wide variety of impressions, prejudices,
opinions, and facts.  In short, the volume would seem to be exactly the kind
one likes to have around to browse through, or to give as a gift to a good
friend. On reflection, however, readers will be disappointed.  It seems that
so much effort was put into the actual production and visual impact of this
issue that no-one bothered to ask "what is the purpose of the volume?"
There is, of course, no doubt that a printed version of the Orchard tapes
is convenient to have, but the expense, in my opinion, cannot be justified.
There is little in this volume that researchers could not have discovered -40-
elsewhere.  Presumably, however, the volume was produced for the general
public, not for the researcher.  But, if this was the case, the editor was
certainly remiss in her duties.  Surely a volume of this sort deserves a
strong and historically sound introduction that would attempt to put the
interviews in context.  The ethnic section of the volume, to cite one
example, contains numerous racist remarks about Indians and Chinese with no
attempt by the editor to indicate what is fact and what is not.  The reader
has no idea of how big Victoria was in these years, learns little about its
economy, social compositon, spatial growth, etc.  Had this volume been
produced by a private publisher, intent on profit, it would be understandable.
But this volume was produced with government funds, and we deserve better.
The third impression readers will have stems from the second.  Few
people interested in British Columbia's history will doubt the wisdom of
the province's aural history programme.  Aural history, like other types of
history, has a valuable role to play in the reconstruction of our past.  But
the limited funds available to the staff involved in this programme at the
provincial archives can best be spent interviewing people in an organized
fashion, and preceding and following up the interviews by in-depth research.
A Victorian Tapestry consists of material recorded more than sixteen years
ago for a radio programme.  The questions which are not included in this
volume, were "general" and, one suspects, not based on careful, pre-interview
research.  It is regrettable that the funds and effort put into this volume
were not directed elsewhere.
These concerns, following the ones expressed in a recent issue of the
News about two other volumes of Sound Heritage (B.C. Historical News, Vol.
12, No. 3 (April 1979, pp. 17-19) raise questions about the value of this
publication.  Certainly it is time that more attention was paid to content
and less to form.  Surely readers can expect proper introductory essays by
the editor and some indicaton of the historical accuracy of the answers given
by interviewees.  It is not, perhaps, reasonable to expect these and other
things when interviews remain on tape, but when they are presented in
published form the product must meet the standard criteria for historical
work. While A Victorian Tapestry contains some amusing and entertaining
passages, the volume is not good history.
Alan F.J. Artibise teaches history at the University of Victoria.
EVENDEN, L.J., ed.  Vancouver western metropolis.  (Western Geographical Series,
v. 12.)  Victoria, Department of Geography, University of Victoria,
1978.  xxii, 277 p. ill. $4.25.
FOGDALL, Alberta Brooks.  Royal Family of the Columbia:  Dr. John McLoughlin
and his family. Lake Oswego, Oregon, Fogdall Research Associates, 1979. -41-
FORWARD, Charles N., ed.  Vancouver Island:  land of contrasts.  (Western
Geographical Series, v. 17).  Victoria, Department of Geography,
University of Victoria, 1978.  xxiv, 349 p., ill.  $4.50
FOSTER, Harold D., ed.  Victoria:  physical environment and development.
(Western Geographical Series, v. 12).  Victoria, Department of
Geography, University of Victoria, 1976.  xvii, 335 p., ill.  $4.25.
GUSTAFSON, Lillian, comp.  Memories of the Chemainus Valley:  history of
people:  Saltair, Chemainus, Westholme, Croftony Thetis, Kuper and
Reid Islands; compiled by Lillian Gustafson; editor, Gordon Elliott.
Chemainus, Chemainus Valley Historical Society, 1978.  461 p., ill.
HARRIS, R.C. (Bob), and H.R. Hatfield.  Old pack trails in the proposed
Cascade Wilderness.  Summerland, Okanagan Similkameen Parks Society
[1978] 28 p., ill.  $0.95.
KERSHAW, Adrian and John Spittle.  The Bute Inlet Route:  Alfred Waddington's
wagon road, 1862-1864. Kelowna, Okanagan College, 1978.  vii, 92 p., ill.
MARINE RETIREES ASSOCIATION.  A history of shipbuilding in British Columbia;'
as told by the shipyard workers.  Vancouver, College Printers, 1977.
170 p., ill.
PATERSON, T.W.  Encyclopedia of ghost towns & mining camps of British Columbia.
Langley, Stagecoach Publishing, 1979.  3 v., ill.  $8.95 each.
ROBERTS, John A.  Cariboo chronicles:  Williams Lake Golden Jubilee 1929-1979.
[Williams Lake, Golden Jubilee Committee, 1979] [20] p., $3.00.
SCHWANTES, Carlos A.  Radical heritage:  labor, socialism, and reform in
Washington and British Columbia, 1885-1917.  (Emil and Kathleen Sick
lecture-book series in western history and biography.)  Vancouver,
Douglas and Mclntyre, 1979.  xviii, 288 p., ill.
SCOTT, Stanley.  "A profusion of issues:  immigrant labour, the World War,
and the Cominco Strike of 1917," Labour/le Travailleur, v.2, pp. 54-78.
STAMP, Tom and Cordelia.  James Cook:  maritime scientist.  Witby, England,
Caedmon of Whitby, 1978.  xiv, 159 p., ill.  $10.00
STEWART, Hilary.  Looking at Indian art of the Northwest Coast. Vancouver,
Douglas & Mclntyre, 1979.  Ill p., ill.  $6.95.
SWANKEY, Ben and Jean Evans Shiels.  Work and wages:  a semi-documentary
account of the life and times of Arthur H. (Slim) Evans.  Vancouver,
Trade Union Research Bureau, 1977.  297 p., ill.  $9.95.
TOYNBEE, Richard Mouat.  Snapshots of early Salt Spring and other favoured
islands; collected by Richard Mouat Toynbee and kindred souls.  Ganges,
Mouat's Trading Co. Ltd., 1978.  127 p., ill.  $6.95 MEMBER SOCIETIES
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society, Mrs. C. Holt, Box 284, Port Alberni
V9Y 7M7.  723-3006.
Atlin Historical Society, Mrs. Christine Dickenson, Box 111, Atlin, VOW 1A0.
BCHA, Gulf Islands Branch, Elsie Brown, R.R. #1, Mayne Island, VON 2J0.
BCHA, Victoria Branch, Frances Gundry, 255 Niagara, Victoria, V8V 1G4.  385-6353.
Burnaby Historical Society, Ethel Derrick, 8027-17th Ave., Burnaby, V3N 1M5.
Campbell River & District Historical Society, Julie 0'Sullivan, 1235 Island
Highway, Campbell River, VOW 2C7.
Cariboo Historical Museum Society, Reg Beck, Box 16, Glen Drive, Fox Mountain,
R.R. 2, Williams Lake.
Chemainus Valley Historical Society, Mrs. B.W. Dickie, Box 172, Chemainus,
VOR 1K0.  246-9510.
Cowichan Historical Society, H.T.H. Fleetwood, Riverside Road, Cowichan Station.
Creston & District Historical and Museum Society, Mrs. Margaret Gidluck, Box 164,
Creston, VOB 1G0.  428-2838.
District #69 Historical Society, Mrs. Mildred Kurtz, Box 74, Parksville, VOR ISO.
Elphinstone Pioneer Museum Society, Box 755, Gibsons, VON 1V0.  886-2064.
Golden & District Historical Society, May Yurik, Box 992, Golden, V0A 1H0.
Historical Association of East Kootenay, Mrs. A.E. Oliver, 670 Rotary Drive,
Kimberley, V0A 1E3.  427-3446.
Kettle River Museum Society, Alice Evans, Midway, V0H 1M0.  449-2413.
Maple Ridge & Pitt Meadows Historical Society, Mrs. T. Mutas, 12375-244th Street,
Maple Ridge, V2X 6X5.
Nanaimo Historical Society, Linda Fulton, 1855 Latimer Road, Nanaimo, V9S 2W3.
Nootka Sound Historical Society, Beverly Roberts, Box 712, Gold River, V0P 1G0.
North Shore Historical Society, David Grubbe, 815 West 20th Street, North Vancouver,
V7P 2B5.
Princeton & District Pioneer Museum, Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton,
VOX 1W0.  295-3362.
Sidney & North Saanich Historical Society, Mrs. Ray Joy, 10719 Bayfield Road,
R.R. #3, Sidney, V8L 3P9.  656-3719.
La Societe historique franco colombienne, Anna Beaulieu, 1204 - 1560 Burnaby St.,
Vancouver, V6G 1X3.
Trail Historical Society, Mrs. M.T- Jory, Box 405, Trail, V1R 4L7.  368-5602.
Vancouver Historical Society, Irene Tanco, Box 3071, Vancouver, V6V 3X6.  685-1157.
Wells Historical Society, Sharon Brown, Box 244, Wells, V0K 2R0.
Windermere District Historical Society, Mrs. E. Stevens, Box 784, Invermere,
V0A 1K0.


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