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British Columbia Historical News 2003

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 British Columbia
Historical News
Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation
Volume 36, No. 3
Summer 2003
ISSN 1195-8294
Sex trade
Women's pages
Story of a gun
Mission among the Nuu-
Breakfast at Noon
RememberingTed Affleck
and Jim Spilsbury
Prince George Conference
Woman from Nootka. Drawing by
Thomas de Suria, 1791
. Us*/*' T British Columbia Historical News
Journal of the
British Columbia Historical Federation
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While copyright in the journal as a whole is vested in the British Columbia Historical Federation, copyright in the individual articles belongs to their respective authors, and articles may be
reproduced for personal use only. For reproduction for other purposes permission in writing of both author and publisher is required. British Columbia
Historical News
Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation
Volume 36, No. 3
Summer 2003
ISSN 1195-8294
2 How Agreeable Their Company Would Be: The Meaning
of the Sexual Labour of Slaves in the Nuu-chah-nulth-
European Sex Trade at Nootka Sound in the Eighteenth
by Elliot Fox-Povey
11 The Women's Pages: Letters from Friends,  a House Full of
Visitors, or a Source of Help
by Norah L. Lewis
17 "On the West Coast ofVancouver Island:" A Little-Known
Account of "Charles Haicks's" Missionary
by Jim Manly
21 The Station Agent's Rifle
by Edward Villiers
25 Early Prince George: Through the Eyes of a Young Boy
by Eldon E. Lee
28        Book Reviews
34 Reports
Edward (Ted) L.Affleck by Bruce M. Watson
A.J. Spilsbury by Howard White
Noon Breakfast Point: What's in a Name by John E. (Ted) Roberts
37 WEB SlTE FORAYS by Christopher Garrish
38 Token History by Ronald Greene
The Kaiserhof Hotel
40        Steamboat Round the Bend byTedAffleck
The Brief Career ofthe Okanagan Sternwheeler Fairview
42        Archives and Archivists
Maps and BC History by Frances Woodward
44        Conference 2003, Prince George
48        Federation News
"Any country worthy of a future should be interested in its past.
W. Kaye Lamb, 1937
Subscribe! It's worth it!
This is my last issue as editor and producer of BC Historical News. Starting with
the fall issue, John Atkin will take over. I
want to thank all who never stopped sending me articles and columns and all who
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I can't thank them enough for their trust. I
enjoyed doing this more than I can say.
Now it is my turn to pass the helm to a
John Atkin is well qualified to be the
next editor. He is a historian, heritage advocate, author, and a well-known heritage
walking tour guide. John co-founded and
served as vice-president and president of
Heritage Vancouver and sat on the board
of directors of the Heritage Society of British Columbia. He continues to promote
Vancouver's history and heritage through
a monthly television spot, lectures, and
walking tours. He works closely with the
Vancouver Museum, the Dr. SunYat Sen
Chinese Classical Garden, and the Architectural Institute of BC. His next book,
Vancouver Walks (with Michael Kluckner)
will be published in May.
I am sure that under John's direction
"The News" will continue to flourish.
the editor How Agreeable Their Company Would Be1
The Meaning of the Sexual Labour of Slaves in the Nuu-chah-nulth-
European Sex Trade at Nootka Sound in the Eighteenth Century
by Elliot Fox-Povey
Elliott Fox-Povey lives in
East Vancouver; Coast
Salish Territory, and is
currently enrolled in the
PDP program at Simon
Fraser University. He
approached the eighteenth-century Nuu-
sex trade looking forthe
unreported agency and
dignity ofthe Native
women workers.
1".. .how agreeable their
Company would be to us
& how profitable to
themselves." Quotation
from the 6 April 1778
journal entry of Chief
Surgeon David Samwell
of Captain Cook's
Expedition; six days after
contact. See David
Samwell, "Journal" in The
Journals of Captain James
Cook on his Voyages of
Discovery, vol. 3, ed. John
Cawte Beaglehole.
(Cambridge: Hakluyt
Society, 1967-1974), 1095
(6 April 1778).
2 Juan Perez, "Letter," Juan
Perez on the Northwest
Coast: Six Documents of His
Expedition in 1774, ed. &
trans. Herbert K. Beals.
(Portland: Oregon
Historical Society, 1989)
88-90, 146.
3 Perez 89. A Nuu-chah-
nulth account was
recorded fifteen years later
by Joseph Ingram. See
Joseph Ingram, "Letter to
Esteban Jose Martinez
(1789) I' Juan Perez, ed. &
trans. Herbert K. Beals.
4 Richard I. Inglis and James
C. Haggarty," Cook to
Jewitt: Three Decades of
Change in Nootka
ON THE morning of 8 August J 774, Nuu-
chah-nulth people near the Hesquiat
Peninsula paddled canoes to the Spanish ship Santiago, intercepting the first Europeans
to observe the Nuu-chah-nulth coast.2 The Nuu-
chah-nulth exchanged fur, clothing, and sardines
for pearl shells and Spanish knives until, less than
a day after trading had begun, bad weather forced
the ship to move.3 Four years later, on 29 March
1778, Europeans again entered Nuu-chah-nulth
territory at Nootka Sound, very near Hesquiat,
and Nuu-chah-nulth people once again paddled
out to them and initiated trading.4 This time the
exchange was drawn out over an entire month,
so trading relations and preferences developed
considerably further. In need of repairs and supplies, the European ships, the Discovery and the
Resolution, which carried an expedition of British led by Captain James Cook, anchored in a
cove near the village ofYuquot.The Nuu-chah-
nulth sought metal most of all, but also obtained
various manufactured items.5 The British sailors
also sought what they desired: primarily natural
materials to repair and resupply their ships for
their northern voyage, but also sex with women.6
The great resale profit made by Europeans on
sea otter furs endowed that trade item with singular importance for the intense relationship that
followed, and for historical analysis of early European-Native contact on the Northwest Coast.
Although the sex trade developed parallel to this
maritime fur trade up and down the coast, and
far outlived it, the sex trade has received little
serious historical attention. This essay examines
the nature and historical treatment of the eighteenth-century European-Nuu-chah-nulth sex
trade at Nootka Sound, from its beginning with
Cook's expedition in 1778 through its
destabilization in the 1790s during the Spanish
occupation and Vancouver's expedition, when European maritime trade peaked in the area.
The organized sale and purchase of sex was
introduced by Europeans, but developed through
Nuu-chah-nulth interest in trade and on the
terms of established Nuu-chah-nulth social hierarchy. The Nuu-chah-nulth struggled to limit
sexual contact with Europeans and largely redirected Europeans' sexual aggression toward enslaved women for the profit of Nuu-chah-nulth
slave owners. The sex trade at Nootka Sound,
primarily the sale and purchase ofthe sex of slaves,
could be seen as the earliest documented and most
frequent act of violence between Europeans and
Natives of the Northwest Coast.Yet the sex trade
has been excluded from the discussion of violence associated with European visits to the
Northwest Coast, as historians have focused only
on violence stemming from intercultural conflict, ignoring this serious violence, which resulted
from intercultural collaboration.The European-
Nuu-chah-nulth sex trade also deserves serious
historical examination because of the long-term
persistence and impact of the trade such as increased slave "value" and raiding, and the spread
of new epidemic venereal diseases.
The Nuu-chah-nulth had no sex trade prior
to contact with Europeans beyond small, secret
gifts between individuals, but the organized sale
of sex to Europeans seems to have come about
through adaptation not imposition.7 The Nuu-
chah-nulth were highly skilled and experienced
traders. Both the eagerness with which they initiated trade with European expeditions,8 and the
sharpness with which they conducted such trading attest to this.9 For example, from the very
start of the trade with European ships, the people ofYuquot utilized their existing trading relationships among regional Nuu-chah-nulth groups
and their key geographic location to limit competition and exchange a quantity of furs well
beyond local resources for their own profit.10 Also,
like other peoples of the Northwest Coast, the
Nuu-chah-nulth had a well-established system
of human ownership.11 Slaves, usually captives
taken in raids on other coastal groups, performed
labour, could be killed or punished at will, and
contributed generally to the wealth and high status of their owners.12 When Europeans proposed
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 a trade in sex with women, slavery provided Nuu-
chah-nulth elites with a class of sex workers who
were outside of Nuu-chah-nulth social rules of
sexual modesty, and whose work would only reaffirm existing wealth relationships.
British sailors, for their part, carried the expectation of purchasing sex into every port; the
men aboard Cook's ships were particularly attuned to such a relationship as they had come
directly from the islands of the South Pacific
where sex with Native women was widely available.13 Nearly every observation of Nuu-chah-
nulth women documented by men of the expedition reveals their concern with how attractive
or "modest" (either how desirable or how available) the women were.14 For example, William
Bayly noted they were " exceedingly modest and
reserved," Lieutenant James Burney, on the other
hand, that they were "Jolly, likely Wenches." 15The
one line Captain Cook himself wrote on Nuu-
Sound," Le CastorFaitTout:
Selected Papers of the Fifth
North American Fur Tade
Conference, 1985, ed. Bruce
GTrigger.Toby Morantz.
and Louise Dechene.
(Montreal: Lake St. Louis
Historical Society, 1987)
197-8; Barry M. Gough
'Nootka Sound In James
Cook's Pacific World,'
Sound Heritage VII/1
(1978) 15; and others.
On Terminology: The Nuu-
chah-nulth people who
encountered both Perez's
and Cook's expeditions
have been called
Mowachaht and
Muchalaht. See Robin
Fisher " Cook and the
Nootka," Captain James
Cook and His Times, eds.
Robin Fisher and Hugh
Johnston, (Seattle:
University ofWashington
Press, 1979) 91-94. But
Inglis & Haggarty 214-
215 question whether
these political groupings
can be known to have
existed at that time, or
even whether the village
later called Yuquot was
called this by the
inhabitants when Cook's
expedition visited.
McMillan claims the
Mowachaht confederation
began after 1804. See Alan
D. McMillan, Since the
Time ofthe Tans formers: the
Ancient Heritage ofthe Nuu-
chah-nulth, Ditidaht, and
Makah, (Vancouver: UBC
Press, 1999) 199. Most of
the Nuu-chah-nulth
mentioned in this essay
Left: Sutil and Mexicana
at Juan de Fuca. Detail of
a drawing by Jose Cardero.
were probably of the
confederacy; however,
since the sources I am
using are often vague
about which people they
are describing, I avoid
such specific terms and
refer to "the Nuu-chah-
nulth at Nootka Sound'
or "atYuquot" or
"Maquinna's people."The
term "Europeans" is used
in this essay to identify
both the Euro-American
and European visitors to
Nuu-chah-nulth territory
5 James Cook "Journal" in
The Journals, vol. 3, ed.
John Cawte Beaglehole.
302; and others.
Xamwell 1094. William
Bayly quoted by John
Cawte Beaglehole ed., The
journals, 311 (footnote).
7 Twentieth-century
informants report this to
Philip Drucker. See
Drucker, Philip, Ihe
Northern and Central
Nootkan Tibes-Smithsonian
Institution Bureau of
American Ethnology Bulletin
144, Washington, DC:
U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1951)309. It is also
asserted by John Lutz.
"The Erotics of
Exploration," paper
presented to the 1997
meeting of the Canadian
Historical Association at
Memorial University of
Newfoundland, 13, Fisher
"Cook and the Nootka'
95; Robin Fisher, Contact
and Conflict: Indian-
European relations in British
Columbia, 1774-1890,2"'
ed. (Vancouver: University
of British Columbia.
1992) 19. No source was
found that denied this.
s Inglis & Haggarty 213.
According to Gough 20.
"even before the ships
entered the inner reaches
of the harbour, Natives
had approached the vessel.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER 2003 crying 'Macook -will you
trade?" On one of the first
ships after Cook's.
Alexander Walker
remarked on the skill,
experience, and eagerness
to trade of the Yuquot
people. See Alexander
Walker, An Account of a
Voyage to the North West
Coast of America in 1785 &
1786, eds. Robin Fisher
and J. M. Bumsted.
(Vancouver: Douglas &
Mclntyre, 1982)41,42.
3 McMillan claims the Nuu-
chah-nulth people Cook's
expedition encountered
already had a very intense
sense of trade. See
McMillan 179. James R.
Gibson, Otter Skins, Boston
Ships, and China Goods: the
Maritime Fur Tade ofthe
Northwest Coast, 1785-
1841, (Montreal: McGill-
;ity Pr<
Sophisticated protocol,
relatively extreme sense of
ownership, Inglis &
Haggarty 201-202. John
Rickman, on Cook's
expedition, claimed, "these
people certainly carry on
a traffic with strangers.'
See John Rickman, Journal
of Captain Cook's Last
Voyage to the Pacific Ocean,
(London: E. Newbery
1781) 246.
3 Fisher " Cook and the
Nootka" 91; and others.
Bayly writes," It was
evident that they
engrossed us entirely to
themselves, or if at any
time they allowed
Strangers to trade with us
it was always managed the
trade for them [sic] in
such a manner that the
price of their articles was
always kept up while the
Value of ours was
lessening daily. We also
found that many of the
principals of those about
us carried on a trade with
their neighbours with the
articles they got from us:
as they would frequently
be gone from us four or
five days at a time and
then return with a fresh
cargo of skins curiosities
&c..." William Bayly
'Journal" inTheJournals,
vol. 3, ed. John Cawte
Beaglehole, 302.
11 Leyland, Donald
Aboriginal Slavey on the
Northwest Coast of North
America (Berkeley, Calif.:
University of California
Press, 1997); and others. I
have avoided referring to
slaves of the Nuu-chah-
nulth as themselves Nuu-
chah-nulth since many
were members of other
groups until they were
captured, and slaves were
likely not considered
citizens or persons of the
group where they lived.
12 Donald.
13 Samwell; Lutz; Paige
Raibmon, Lectures, Simon
Fraser University, Burnaby
British Columbia, 14 and
16 November 2001.
14 Raibmon, Lecture 16
Nov 2001.
15 Bayly quoted in Tomas
Bartroli, "Captain Cook
on Canada's Pacific Coast:
A Preliminary Account,'
(Bennett Library, Simon
Fraser University, MS.
1978) 125 James Burney
quoted in George RV
Akrigg & Helen B.
Akrigg, British Columbia
Chronicle, 1778-1846:
Adventure By Sea and Land,
(Victoria, BC: Discovery
Press, 1975) 24. Fisher
" Cook and the Nootka'
16 Cook 311.
17 For example, see Walker
86; Portlock's journal of
King George and others
referred to by Lutz; Puget
refered to by Gibson 235;
and Howay's Voyages ofthe
Columbia in Gibson 371.
18 Samwell 1094-1095.
19 Samwell 1095. Although
Lutz uses of (Officer)
Samwell s accounts of
initiating sex trade at
Nootka Sound, he
strangely attributes the
purchase of sex exclusively
to the ship's crew, not its
officers:" On the
quarterdeck almost all the
attention was to the
virgin land.' But as you
moved through the ship
to the forecastle
accommodation of the
sailors, attention shifted
increasingly from
exploration to
sexploration." See Lutz 8.
Bartroli makes the point
that at first only officers
may have been able to
afford to buy sex from the
Nuu-chah-nulth. See
Bartroli 127-128.
Unfortunately, Bartroli too
regresses into wild
speculation, suggesting
that regular sailors would
not have purchased sex at
Nootka Sound because
they did not have private
cabins, and the climate of
Nootka Sound would
leave the ground too
soggy to lie on, and they
would have had too great
a fear of cannibalism to
receive oral sex.
20 Charles Clerke, "Journal"
in The Journals, vol. 3, ed.
John Cawte Beaglehole.
"Samwell 1095.
22 Clerke 1326.
23 Lieutenant James Burney
quoted in Akrigg &
Akrigg, 24; King.
"Journal" in The Journals,
vol. 3, ed. John Cawte
Beaglehole, 1405; Edgar
quoted by John Cawte
Beaglehole ed., The
Journals, 311 (footnote).
24 Fisher," Cook and the
Nootka" 96. In George
Lang's essay about the
development of the
Northwest Coast trade
language Chinook, he
recognizes European-
communication for the
sex trade as responsible for
the early adoption of the
Jargon word for women
"B tsman" from the
Nootka' "B'uu'ma." See
George Lang, "The Price
of Prostitution," Making
Wawa, <http://
www. arts, ualberta. ca/
klootschman.htm> 21
March 2002.
25 Edgar quoted in Bartroli
26 Bartroli 125.
27 Ellis quoted in Bartroli
chah-nulth women was spent wondering whether
their looks qualified them "being call'd beauties."16
The documented observations of later European
traders at Nootka Sound evaluate Nuu-chah-
nulth women in just the same terms.17
Some men documented more than just their
own visual evaluation and interest of the women
at Nootka Sound. David Samwell, surgeon on
the Discovery, documented how openly eager some
of the men were to buy sex from young women.
Just a week after first contact, on 6 April 1778,
Samwell wrote: "Hitherto we had seen none of
their young Women tho' we had often given the
[Nuu-chah-nulth] men to understand how agreeable their Company would be to us & how profitable to themselves, in consequence of which
they about this time brought two or three Girls
to the Ships."18 But the exchange did not end
there. Samwell claimed that over the following
three weeks while their ships were anchored at
Nootka Sound, himself and other "young Gentlemen" so often paid the price of "a Pewter plate
well scoured for a Night" with a young woman
brought to the ship that when "leaving this Harbour [were] not being able to muster a plate to
eat our Salt beef from."19
Both Samwell and Charles Clerke, commander
of Discovery, noted that the European men first
scrubbed many of the women brought on board
for sex. Clerke explained how "a Girl, who was a
Week or 10 days on board the Ship, with one of
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 the Officers, was taken great pains with to be got
clean if possible."20 Samwell described "taking as
much pleasure in cleansing a naked young Woman
from all Impurities in a Tub of Warm Water, as a
young Confessor would to absolve a beautiful
Virgin who was about to sacrifice that Name to
himself."21 Several other men described the sex
trade similarly, if less explicitly. Clerke wrote that
women "were offer'd by the [Nuu-chah-nulth]
Men for dalliance to our People, and by some
accepted."22 Several ofthe men who did not directly describe the trade in sex, did reveal in their
journals that they saw their fellow sailors strip
and wash Native women on board ship.23 Bayly
recorded among other vocabulary learned for the
purpose of trading with the Nuu-chah-nulth,
words for female and male genitals and the all
important verb meaning "to Roger," that is, to
have sex.24
Some women may have sold sex to the men
of Cook's expedition under their own agency.
Thomas Edgar claimed that "the women have
not the least Objection to bartering their Favours."25 Writing some time after the fact, George
Gilbert wrote that women in Nootka Sound had
come alongside Discovery in canoes, he believed,
to barter themselves.26 William Ellis, another surgeon, reported on some women at Nootka Sound
who "were quite at the service of anybody who
would pay thew handsomely"27 A few men did,
he claimed, negotiating a sex trade with women
apparently acting under their own agency28
But most reports of the sex trade between
Cook's expedition and the people at Nootka
Sound, and reports of the sex trade in the years
to follow, describe not working women, but a
trade in the sex of slaves.29 Ellis observed in another incidence where sex was traded, that "the
women did not dare look up, appeared quite dejected and were totally under the command of
those who brought them."30 He believed they
were probably foreign captives who were considered slaves.31 William Bayly, the astronomer of
Cook's expedition, stated that sex with women
at Nootka Sound was only possible by paying
men who leased or "let out" women of "the lowest
class."32 Samwell claimed he had paid not the
women themselves but men "who generally accompanied them made the Bargain & received
the price of the Prostitution."33 An observer at
the Spanish garrison at Nootka Sound in 1792,
Jose Mozino, noted that while sexual contact by
Above: View of Nootka
Bay from the shores of the
Spanish establishment.
Drawing by Jose Cordero.
Opposite page: Natzapi
of Nootka, Maquinna s
brother-in-law. Detail of a
drawing by Tomas de
Notes continue >>>
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER 2003 125. Emphasis added.
28 Bartroli 125. My
argument below for
recognizing the violence
of this sex trade entirely
hinges on the question of
(or lack of) agency on the
part of most women
performing sexual services,
not on any notions of a
necessary relationship
between violence and sex
29 For further arguments that
sex with slave women was
the dominate sexual
service traded at Nootka
Sound, see Donald 233;
and Fisher and Bumsted's
editorial note in Walker
30 Ellis quoted in Bartroli
31 Bartroli 125-6.
32 Bayly quoted by
Beaglehole ed., The
Journals, 311 (footnote).
33 Samwell 1095.
34 Jose Mariano Mozino.
Noticias de Nutka:An
Account of Nootka Sound in
1792, 2nd ed, trans. &ed.
Iris H.Wilson Engstrand.
(Vancouver: Douglas &
Mclntyre, 1991) 43.
Below: Petroglyph of a
sailing ship and vulvic
image at the Wedding
Rocks site near the Makah
village of Ozette.
non-slave Nuu-chah-nulth women was strictly
controlled, "The standard is not the same for
women ofthe lower class.The taises [chiefs] themselves prostitute these women, especially to foreigners, in order to take advantage of the profit
earned from this business."34
As slaves, not only did the women receive no
payment for their sexual services, but they also
did not do the work by choice. Although Samwell
called the men who brought and traded the
women "their Fathers or Other relations," he realized the women did not act freely35 He says
that" in their behaviour [they] were very modest
and timid," and when their services had been negotiated they were "prevailed upon to sleep on
board the Ships, or rather forced to it by [those]
who brought them on board."36 Alexander Walker,
amongst the earliest sea otter fur traders who began flooding into Nootka Sound in 1786, gave a
clear account of the sex trade as a trade in the sex
of slaves. He observed that after some negotiation with Nuu-chah-nulth men, "three or four
poor wretches were produced for prostitution.
These were the dirtiest drabs in the Village, and
appeared neither to be the Wives nor Daughters
of any of our acquaintances. It is probable from
the unusual contempt with which they were
treated, and the fatiguing offices about which they
were constantly employed, that these Women
were Captives, taken in War, and reduced to a
state of Slavery."37 Such descriptions ofthe women
slaves dominate the accounts of sex trade at
Nootka Sound.
Many historians have considered early Nuu-
chah-nulth-European relations without mentioning anything about sexual contact.38 But of those
that do, most recognize this contact was primarily characterized by European men purchasing
sex with slave women from their owners.39 However, even they have ignored the meaning of these
facts: that Nuu-chah-nulth - European contact
involved the widespread organization of European men receiving sex from Native women who
had no power to refuse or control over conditions, and received no pay. Beginning with
Samwell's journal entry of 6 April 1778, report
on the first "girls" brought aboard, the sex trade
at Nootka Sound may be the earliest documented
and most frequently occurring act of violence
between Europeans and Natives of the Northwest Coast. Discussions of violence between Europeans and the Nuu-chah-nulth, however, generally ignore the sex trade. The violence of the
trade has not registered because it does not clearly
appear to be intercultural conflict like the destruction ofthe Nuu-chah-nulth village of Opisat
by a European trading ship, or Maquinna's attack
on the Boston}0 It is not even as clearly conflictual
as petty theft from a ship, or a disrespectful attitude of Europeans at a Native ceremony.The sex
trade was the result of successful intercultural collaboration between high status Nuu-chah-nulth
people and European men. That it was the extension of a system of violence within Nuu-chah-
nulth culture does not make it any less violence
by Europeans upon Native women.
Although most women providing sex to the
Europeans received no pay for their work, the
Nuu-chah-nulth men negotiating the exchange
certainly did. Samwell claimed that the Nuu-
chah-nulth traders, after bringing those first few
"girls," "found that this was a profitable Trade [and]
they brought more young women to the Ships."41
Nuu-chah-nulth traders took full advantage of
the sex trade. By nearly all accounts, the prices
they charged were higher than the British sailors
paid for sex elsewhere, and perhaps higher than
what the Nuu-chah-nulth received for other
items and services.42 According to Bayly, through
trading sex, the traders were able to obtain items
"they wanted, which they could not otherwise
get."43 SimilarlyWalker noted that the Nuu-chah-
nulth traders only produced women for sex with
the Europeans "after a great deal of Art was used,
and those articles which they held in the greatest
esteem, were liberally given" by the European
men.44The early commercial importance assigned
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 to the sex trade by Nuu-chah-nulth traders is
demonstrated by the manner by which Walker
and his shipmates were greeted upon entering
the Nootka Sound. Like Cook's expedition,
they were met with many canoes, but instead
of ceremony, the Nuu-chah-nulth men
"laughed heartily, passed their jokes on us with
great freedom, and gave us to understand, that
for Iron, we might have their Wives (or
Women) explaining their meaning by many
indecent actions."45 Nuu-chah-nulth traders
seem to have identified European visitors with
their desire for sex, as implied by the rock carving of a European ship sailing into a giant vulva,
found in the territory ofthe Makah, southern
relatives of the Nuu-chah-nulth. Moreover,
though only a few European ships had visited
since Samwell first expressed his eagerness to
buy sex, they recognized the profit to be made
and appeared quite confident about controlling their new trade.
Nuu-chah-nulth traders were able to charge
such a high price because they held with the
visitors a near monopoly on heterosexual sex.
Sexual contact was generally not available to
Europeans at Nootka Sound during the sea
otter trade, except by paying Nuu-chah-nulth
men for sex with enslaved women. While
Walker and his shipmates, for example, had indeed been invited to purchase sex, they soon
found out it was not with the Nuu-chah-nulth
traders' wives.The Nuu-chah-nulth traders acted
as though they were negotiating a price for sex
with their wives but then stopped short, Walker
lamented, only "to raise a laugh against us."46 Despite being made the butt of jokes for their lack
of understanding Nuu-chah-nulth rules about
sexual contact and the sex trade, Walker and his
shipmates remained eager to purchase sex, and
when they had offered enough in exchange, they
were sold the sexual services of slave women.47
The behaviour of Nuu-chah-nulth people who
were not directly involved in the sex trade also
contributed to maintaining this monopoly. Perhaps expressing their own lack of interest, non-
slave women largely abstained from even light
sexual contact with European men.The journals
of visiting Europeans, concerned always with
evaluating the sexual availability of Native women,
commonly remarked upon the modesty and chastity ofthe non-slave Nuu-chah-nulth women.48
The women rejected, complained one British seaman, even "the most trifling attacks of gallantry."49
Similarly, outside of purchasing sex, Walker and
his shipmates seemed to experience some difficulty even talking to Nuu-chah-nulth women.
Left: A view in Ship Cove,
Nootka Sound, 1778.
Drawing by John Webber.
35 Samwell 1095.
36 Samwell 1095.
37 Walker 87.
38 McMillan, Inglis &
Haggarty, Duff, Gough.
and Jones lead discussions
about early Nuu-chah-
nulth -European contact
without mention of sexual
contact. See Wilson Duff.
The Indian History ofBritish
Columbia, Volume E.The
Impact of the White Man, 2nd
ed. (Victoria: British
Columbia Provincial
Museum, 1969); See
Laurie Jones, Nootka Sound
Explored: A Westcoast
History, (Campbell River,
British Columbia:
Ptarmigan Press, 1991).
Inglis & Haggarty (201)
and McMillan (180) are
particularly thorough in
their discussions of the
various items of trade,
except sex. McMillan even
discusses the European
originated venereal
diseases among the Nuu-
chah-nulth (192), and
provides the figure 1
photograph of the Makah
sailing ship and vulva
petroglyph (168) without
mentioning sexual
contact. Richard Hough
recognizes the sex trade,
declaring, "these Nootka
natives were quick to pick
up lessons and in future
(and in ever increasing
numbers) girls were
provided" but not that
these "girls" who were
provided were slaves. See
Richard Hough, The Last
Voyage of Captain James
Cook, (New York: William
Morrow & Co., 1979),
39 Fisher" Cook and the
Nootka"; Lutz; Cole
Harris, "Social Power and
Cultural Change in Pre-
Colonial British
Columbia," BC Studies
Nos. 115/116 (Autumn/
Winter 1997/98): 45-82;
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER 2003 Akrigg & Akrigg. Fisher,
intent on his argument of
collaborative social change,
says that "this European
vice brought little
demoralization to Indian
society" as long as only
slave or low status women
were sex workers as they
"did not break Indian
social sanctions by going
aboard ships." See Fisher
Contact and Conflict 20.
40 For discussion of these
events see McMillan 185,
188. Fisher especially is
concerned with
identifying conflict or
uncollaborative social
change, not violence in
itself. See, for instance.
Fisher " Cook and the
Nootka" 96.
41 Samwell 1095.
42 Bayly quoted by
Beaglehole ed., The
Journals, 311 (footnote).
Walker 87. Fisher "Cook
and the Nootka" 94.
43 Bayly quoted by
Beaglehole ed., The
Journals, 311 (footnote).
44 Walker 87.
45 Walker 42. Walker later
realized it was certainly
not their wives that were
being offered.
46 Walker 87.
47 Walker 87.
48 Cook 313; Bayly quoted
by Beaglehole ed., The
Journals, 311 (footnote);
Archibald Menzies, Journal
ofVancouver's Voyage
[Dec.1790-Feb.1794], 2
vols. (BCPA) July 20,
1792; John Jewitt Captive
ofthe Nootka Indians: the
Northwest Coast Adventure
of John R. Jewitt, 1802-
1806, ed. Alice W Shurcliff
& Sarah Shurcliff
Ingelfinger, (Boston: Back
Bay Books / Northeastern
University Press) 89; and
49 A crewmember of the
Chatham quoted by Fisher,
Contact and Conflict, 19
50 Walker 41.
51 Walker 54.
52 Walker 85.
53 Walker 87.
54 Walker 85.
55 Menzies, 20 July 1792.
Canoeing women his ship accidentally encountered, "kept at a considerable distance, and refused to enter into conversation with us."50 Walker
described another particularly disappointing occasion when their interest was not only rejected,
but Nuu-chah-nulth men were called to intervene: "When it was dark, we went ashore, and
found a few Women.These being alarmed, made
a noise, and several Men immediately appeared.
Finding nothing by poverty [as nothing was available to them] and suspicion...we hastened back
to our Boat."51 Even among people at Nootka
Sound with whom the Europeans had established
a daily familiarityWalker believed the Nuu-chah-
nulth "Men watched us suspiciously"52
Familiarity with the European men likely gave
the Nuu-chah-nulth reason to be suspicious. Despite being turned down everywhere, except
when purchasing sex with slaves, European men
persisted in their pursuit of sexual or romantic
contact with Nuu-chah-nulth women. Limiting
sexual contact with Europeans at Nootka Sound
served not only the commercial monopoly, but
it also shielded non-slave women from European
sexual aggression.Walker remarked with surprise
that "the frequent attempts, that were made to
debauch the [non-slave] Women, and the tempting bribes that were offered for this purpose, were
with very few exceptions constantly rejected."53
Such a threat were Walker and other European
men perceived by the Nuu-chah-nulth, that on
the occasions they came upon a village when the
men were away, "the Women shut us out of their
houses, and barricaded the doors with Chests and
Planks.This was said to be the effect ofthe Mens
jealousy, although it appeared to me more natural to suppose it to be procured from the fears of
the Women, who took this method of freeing
themselves from our coarse importunities."54
The sailors ofVancouver's voyage tried to initiate sex with women and were similarly rejected
in 1792, after six more years of intense trading
contact between the Nuu-chah-nulth and Europeans. Menzies reported from Discovery that,
"none of them [women near Nootka Sound]
would suffer any of our people to offer them any
indecent familiarities, which is a modesty in some
measure characteristic of their Tribe."55 Peter
Puget described the fruitless advances of sailors
from Chatham upon a fourteen-year-old Nuu-
chah-nulth girl who had "contrived by an Excellent Management and distribution of her smiles
to receive innumerable presents from her Admir
ers but without granting her favors to any one."56
The corresponding persistent rejection by non-
slave Nuu-chah-nulth women, which generally
limited Europeans' opportunity for sexual contact to sex with slaves purchased from Nuu-chah-
nulth traders, served to reinforce Nuu-chah-nulth
hierarchy.The absence of competition from non-
slave women not only ensured the high prices
for the slave sex trade, but limiting European
sexual contact to slave women also protected established Nuu-chah-nulth social order. It preserved the sexual modesty expected of non-slave
women by shielding them from European sexual
aggression. But it also reaffirmed the subjugation
of slaves, and funded the wealthy, high status slave
owners. As long as sexual contact was generally
limited to a trade of the labour of those of the
lowest status within Nuu-chah-nulth society
(slaves), to profit those of the highest status (slave
owners), it supported rather than threatened the
established Nuu-chah-nulth social hierarchy.
Although the sex trade serviced internal social order, the new economic opportunities of
the trade likely contributed to increased Nuu-
chah-nulth inter-group violence.The early Spanish practice of "saving" child slaves from supposed
Nuu-chah-nulth cannibalism by purchasing them
from traders at Nootka Sound led to an increased
"supply" of such children, and possibly increased
raiding.57 Similarly, the sex trade endowed the
owning of female slaves with an increased commercial value, and thereby motivated for inter-
group raiding, and even the raiding weaker groups
only for the purpose of obtaining captives, which
had not been the purpose of raiding before the
trade.58 By the 1860s, slavery throughout the
Northwest Coast was largely fuelled by the sex
trade.59 Certainly the sex trade with Europeans
increased the economic motivation for high status Nuu-chah-nulth people to acquire and maintain a large number of slaves, such as the nearly
fifty slaves considered Maquinna's most valuable
possession in 1803.60
At the peak of trading intensity at Nootka
Sound in the early 1790s, there were signs that
the tight control exercised over sexual contact
with Europeans may have slipped. Even though
Puget's sailors were disappointed, the fourteen-
year-old girl's exchange of smiles for gifts indicates a change from the complete rejection of
sexual or romantic contact by non-slave women
described earlier by Walker and others. Men of
Captain George Vancouver's expedition, who vis-
Left: Houses at Nootka,
1778. Drawing by John
ited Nootka Sound two years in a row, declared a
change between 1792 and 1793 in the cheap availability of sex. Having unsuccessfully solicited for
sex all along their circumnavigation ofVancouver Island, Puget was impressed by the ease in
which the men purchased sex when he returned
to Nootka Sound in 1793. He wrote:
I must confess I was much surprised to find so great
an alteration here in the women's ideas of chastity
in the space of six months.. .then an indelicate expression would shock most of the women and I
believe at that time only two or three out of the
many that frequented the Cove, were known to
dispose of their favors, and those at very exorbitant
prices, but now lost to all sense of shame, there were
few out of those that frequented the Cove that would
not openly barter their stinking charms for a few
old buttons.61
Also on Vancouver's expedition, Thomas
Manby wrote of his experience bathing women
during his 1793 stay in Nootka Sound. In his
opinion, they were "by no means as bashful as
[on] our last visit."62
The changes in the sex trade so notable to
men ofVancouver's expedition could be explained
as the effects of increased competition between
slave owners: Yuquot may no longer have been
occupied by a single Nuu-chah-nulth group. Or
perhaps non-slave (and therefore "modest")
women were further withdrawn from the view
of visiting Europeans. On the other hand, the
journals ofVancouver's expedition describe
changes that occurred in the sex trade in 1793—
increased the availability of sexual contact,
dropped prices—which may indicate non-slave
women became widely involved, negotiating,
perhaps even profiting themselves. Even if the
changes to the sex trade were mostly about inter-group competition, or the withdrawal of non-
slave women rather than indicative of a more significant loss of control by the trading men and
slave owners the Nuu-chah-nulth terms, the established  sex trade was threatened.
Nuu-chah-nulth elites had been struggling to
maintain control over sexual contact with Europeans since the first Europeans established themselves year-round in 1789. In the early 1790s, the
powerful regional chief Maquinna apparently
needed to take extreme measures to limit sex with
Europeans. Although displaced from Yuquot since
the building of a Spanish garrison there in 1789,
Maquinna refused an invitation by the Spanish
in 1791 to return his people to the village, reportedly because he believed the men of the
Spanish garrison would violate the women.63 In
1792 a Spanish servant boy was killed, according
to Puget because of a sexual relationship with a
local Nuu-chah-nulth woman.64 Maquinna eventually did return with his people to the preferred
site ofYuquot, only to abandon it again in the
summer of 1794 because ofthe sexual relationships between non-slave women in his community and Spanish men.65 Such sexual contact, outside the controlled trade of sex with slaves, defied the social order and was considered, at least
by Maquinna, a serious threat.
This loss of control by Nuu-chah-nulth elites
over European-Nuu-chah-nulth sex did not just
56 Peter Puget quoted in
Gibson 122.
57 Christon I.Archer,
"Seduction before
Sovereignty: Spanish
Efforts to Manipulate the
Natives in Their Claims to
the Northwest Coast,"
From Maps to Metaphors:
The Pacific World of George
Vancouver, eds. Robin
Fisher and Hugh
Johnston, (Vancouver:
UBC Press, 1993) 127-
159. 153; Inglis &
Haggarty 212.
58 Donald 225, 250; Lutz 14.
59 Donald 234.
30 Jewitt 65. Gibson 235.
01 Peter Puget,"Copy of
M.S. Journal kept on
Board the Armed Tender
Chatham, During Captain
Vancouver's Voyage in the
Discovery, 1791-4," (BCPA)
May 15,1793,p.87.
02 A letter from Manby, also
on Vancouver's expedition,
quoted by Lutz 11.
33 Archer "Seduction" 143,
153. Archer's sources are
Spanish journals and
letters seldom considered
by anglophone historians.
9 04 Archer "Seduction" 323,
note 107.
35 Archer "Seduction" 158.
36 Peter Webster, "The
Spanish AtYuquot," in
"The Contact Period as
Recorded by Indian Oral
Traditions," eds. Barbara
Effrat and W J. Langlois.
Sound Heritage VII/1
(1978): 60. Some explicit
details quoted in my essay
were removed at the
request of the editor of
BC Historical News.
37 Mozino 84. Christon I.
Archer," Spanish
Exploration and
Settlement of the
Northwest Coast in the
18th Century," Sound
Heritage VII/1 (1978): 33-
53. Spanish Exploration 52,
describes the mood of
isolation and frustration
felt at the Spanish
garrison, particularly from
the summer of 1792 when
Vancouver and Bodega y
Quadra effectively agreed
on a Spanish withdrawal,
until their actual
abdication of the post in
March of 1795.
38 Samwell 1083. Also see
Lutz 14; Harris 51; Gibson
238, Archer "Spanish
Exploration" 50;
McMillan 192. See
Bartroli 44, on "yaws."
09 Espinosa y Tello, A Spanish
Voyage to Vancouver... 1792,
trans. Cecil Jane, (London:
The Argonaut Press, 1930)
115. Mozino 43, expressed
similar concerns.
70 McMillan 192.
71 McMillan 192.
72 McMillan 193.
73 Archer "Spanish
Exploration" 52, Archer
"Seduction" 153.
74 Webster 60.
75 Jewitt 65; Gilbert M.
Sproat, Scenes and Studies of
Savage Life, ed. Charles
Lillard, (Victoria: British
Columbia: Sono Nis Press,
1987 (1868)) 69.
76 Donald.
This paper was submitted
last year for the W Kaye
Lamb Essay Scholarship on
recommendion by Dr
Paige Raibmon of Simon
Fraser University
affect those who profited from the sex trade. After less than a decade of intensive European-
Nuu-chah-nulth maritime trade, incidence of
theft, land appropriation, hostage taking, murder,
and the destruction of an entire village had all
been recorded. But European sexual aggression
may have reached new levels with the year-round
European presence of the Spanish garrison at
Nootka Sound, and the corresponding loss of
control over sexual contact. According to Ahousat
Nuu-chah-nulth elder Peter Webster, who traces
the story back to the people atYuquot, Spanish
men at the garrison regularly raped and mutilated Nuu-chah-nulth girls: "They used to pull
them into the blacksmith's without any romance The blacksmith had that red-hot iron
always ready for those that refused.66 Webster
claims many of these girls died from their injuries, and that the parents could, at that time, do
nothing to stop the Europeans. Although the
Spanish records do not document this particular
practice, a Spanish observer at the garrison, Jose
Mozino, admitted that the men had treated the
local Nuu-chah-nulth with brutality, "insulted
them at various times, crippled some and
wounded others, and did not fail to kill several."67
Sexual contact with Europeans also brought
suffering and death to the Nuu-chah-nulth
through sexually transmitted diseases. Many of
the men of Cook's expedition were infected with
syphilis, gonorrhoea, and "yaws" which they had
just spread among the populations of the South
Pacific Islands before they stopped at Nootka
Sound for the first time.68 Walker, in 1786 was
concerned about the effects of diseases introduced
to the Nuu-chah-nulth through sex with Europeans. A Spanish sailor at Nootka Sound observed
in 1792 that "the natives are already beginning
to experience the terrible ravages of syphilis,
which threatens them with the appalling fate
which overtook the ancient inhabitant of California, a race which has become almost extinct
owing to this disease."69 Chief Cassacan of the
Ditidaht, relatives ofthe Nuu-chah-nulth immediately to the south, was reported in 1791 to be
"troubled with the venereal."70Such accounts of
the spread of European-introduced sexually transmitted diseases through Nuu-chah-nulth society
suggest that although sex with slaves may have
been considered shameful in Nuu-chah-nulth
culture, limiting sexual contact with Europeans
to the slave class did not segregate their owners
and other members from the effects. Syphilis
caused not just illness but sterilized many it did
not kill.71 These epidemics contributed to the
massive reduction in the population ofthe Nuu-
chah-nulth and the general amalgamation of previously independent political units.72
After the early 1790s Nuu-chah-nulth control was re-established over both territory and
sexual contact as the Nuu-chah-nulth-European
maritime trade declined. The much-anticipated
withdrawal of the Spanish73 and more favourable
sea otter trading elsewhere on the Northwest
Coast (where sex trade had also been established)
meant far less European presence in Nuu-chah-
nulth territory. Chief Maquinna and his people
at Yuquot reasserted Nuu-chah-nulth control
most dramatically in 1803 when they captured
the European trading ship, Boston, and murdered
all but two members of her crew. This action,
which Webster recognises as revenge for the sexual
violence ofthe Spanish, ended the flow of European ships and effectively ended the threat of
sexual contact with Europeans.74 Although the
action against Boston effectively ended the sex
trade there, the dominant Nuu-chah-nulth terms
of the sex trade had already been re-asserted.
According to Boston crewmember John Jewitt,
who was Maquinna's captive for two years, Nuu-
chah-nulth society would only allow the sexual
services of slave women to be sold.75 At least until the end of the nineteenth century, Europeans
continued to recognise the purchase of sex with
slave women as the dominant form of sexual
contact with the Nuu-chah-nulth.76
The nineteenth-century sex trade at Nootka
Sound demonstrates the power ofthe Nuu-chah-
nulth to establish and largely maintain control
over a European-introduced trade. It is also one
of the earliest, and most common examples of
European violence upon Native people, not even
recognized as violence because it occurred
through intercultural collaboration rather than
conflict. Native control over social change has
usually been taken as supporting the idea that
the early European contact on the Northwest
Coast was lucrative and enriching for Native people. But the early history of Nuu-chah-nulth -
European sexual contact exposes the problem
with such a classless evaluation. There were those
whose company was provided, and others for
whom it was profitable. For Native people at
Nootka Sound in the late eighteenth century, how
you were affected by the Nuu-chah-nulth-European sex trade depended on your class
situation. ^^
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 The Women's Pages
Letters from Friends, A House Full of Visitors, or a Source of Help
by Norah L Lewis
LIFE could be difficult if not overwhelming for British Columbia residents living
on scattered farms and ranches, in logging or mining camps, up isolated inlets or along
trap lines or transportation routes during the
first two decades ofthe twentieth century. Government and church reports, travellers' observations, diaries, autobiographies, and community and family lore confirm there were many
physical, economic, and emotional demands on
settlers who moved into rural areas. Few were
totally prepared for life on a Cariboo ranch, a
Bulkley Valley farm, or a small fishing community such as Porcher Island's Oona River.
Women were often left alone or with small
children as husbands and older sons and daughters worked away to earn money necessary to
support the family and build up the family investment. Such women were frequently separated by miles if not by days from their closest
neighbour or nearest store. Furthermore, reaching either might be accomplished only by boat,
horse, or walking, although many women were
quite capable of operating a boat or handling
horses. Other women, however, were equally isolated from their neighbours by language, culture, or religion. Life on the frontier could be
lonely indeed.
These rural women ofBritish Columbia were
a diverse group that included long-time residents, migrants from other parts of Canada, and
immigrants from the United States, Great Britain, Europe, and Hawaii. They came to British
Columbia as members of settlement groups, as
extended or nuclear families, or as individuals
seeking land, financial success, political or religious freedom, employment, adventure, or perhaps a husband. Many experienced a shift from
their traditional roles as wives and mothers looking after their families, houses, gardens, and poultry to what was deemed man's work, such as
helping with fishing, haying, or the cattle
roundup. A significant number, including "Aloha
Twin," the Wray girls of Nelson Island, and "Sunset," supplemented their family income and larder through their hunting, fishing, and trapping
skills. They also shot wolves, coyotes, eagles, or
hawks that preyed on their herds and flocks. In
addition, many women sought seasonal work in
British Columbia's numerous fish canneries or
fruit packing plants.1
Uprooted and relocated to new areas, women
were unable to draw on traditional support networks—their mothers and older women, their
peer group, or religious and cultural associations.
But these women were pragmatists—quick to
take stock and determine which neighbour gave
wise council and who could be called upon to
help in an emergency. Those unable to overcome setbacks struggled on, often to the detriment of their physical and mental health. Others simply packed up and moved on.
Although far from urban centres, rural residents were able to follow national and international news and recent events through the pages
of weekly and monthly newspapers and magazines. Included among these publications were
the Family Herald and Weekly Star (FHWS), The
Norah Lewis, a retired
educator; was a member
ofthe Canadian Childhood Project. Her
recent book Freedom to
Play: We Made Our Own
Fun, is a study ofthe
games and activities of
Canadian children
during the pre-television
"AlohaTwin," FHWS, 1
December 1915; Sunset,
Ibid, 21 August 1907.
11 2 Walter Wicks, Memories of
the Skeena (Seattle:
Hancock, 1975), 29.
3 "Effie Jennie," FHWS.
1901; Sage Brush, Ibid, 7
January 1905;
"Bluebird,"AM, 12 April
1904;"ABC Rancher,"
AM, 24 May 1905:
"Mountain Rose," Ibid.,
15 April 1908; "Graham,"
AM., 11 January 1911;
"VirginaNo. I" Ibid., 11
February 1914.
4 "Bachelor Brother,"
FHWS. 24 Mar. 1915; "T.
Farmers' Advocate (FA), Free Press Prairie Farmer
(FPPF), and the Grain Growers' Guide (GGG).
The FHWS and FA were considered national
papers, whereas the FPPF and GGG tended to
focus on western concerns. Such newspapers
were popular among both English-speaking and
non-English speaking families. Walter Wicks recalled that after two years of schooling in English he read the weekly FHWS aloud to his German immigrant parents, and an elderly Burnaby
resident recalled the FHWS as the only newspaper in her Russian-speaking home.2
These newspapers had something for everyone: information relating to livestock, grain and
fruit production, commodity markets, and editorial pages where writers, more of whom were
male than female, expressed their views on political, economic, or social issues ofthe day. Columnists responded to questions on medical, veterinary, and legal matters. The latest writings of
authors such as Lucy Maud Montgomery, James
Oliver Curwood, Ralph Connor, and Arthur
Conan Doyle were published in serial form.The
advertisement section listed land, machinery, and
livestock for sale, jobs and teaching positions
available, as well as a myriad of miscellaneous
items for sale or trade. And there were a religious page, columns that catered to bird watchers and sky watchers, and advice to the lovelorn. The children's pages printed stories, comics, patterns and instructions of things for youngsters to make, and clubs to which children could
write to join and perhaps have their letters published.
The women's pages, "Prim Rose at Home"
(Family Herald Weekly Star), "Ingle Nook Chats"
(he Farmer's Advocate), "Home Loving Hearts"
(Free Press Prairie Farmer), and "The County
Homemaker" (Grain Growers' Guide), provided
information on homemaking, gardening, cooking, baking, food preservation, and poultry raising. As women were usually responsible for their
family's health, writers also shared their knowledge and lore on pregnancy and child birth, infant care and child rearing, treatments for their
own health problems, and the care and treatment of illnesses and injuries of family members. Over the period 1900 to 1920, hundreds
of women (and a few men), wrote to the women's pages of weekly newspapers and thousands
read the letters that were published each week.
Why were the women's pages so important
in the lives of so many rural women? First, read
ers were often very lonely. Those women who
received little or no personal mail likened the
women's pages to letters from friends or a house
full of visitors. Margary Thrasher, a teacher at
Snowshoe, BC, in the 1930s, felt that the "Home
Loving Hearts" page provided contact with others and helped keep lonely women from climbing the walls of their cabins.
Second, the women's pages were one of the
few outlets where aspiring writers under pseudonym, could satisfy their creative urges and,
perhaps, see their letters in print. They were
probably experiencing the greatest adventures
of their lives and they wanted to share it with
fellow readers. In 1903, "Effie Jennie" described
the mountains, beaches, parks, busy seaport, and
growing commercial district of sixteen year old
Vancouver. "Sage Brush" noted that the Nicola
Valley was good cattle ranching country with
its dry climate and rolling hills. There was no
railway to Nicola, but they did have telephones.
In 1905, "Bluebird," a migrant from Ontario,
wrote ofthe mild winters ofthe Okanagan.The
same year "A BC Rancher," living in the Yale
area, gave a lengthy report of his success at mixed
farming. "A BC Rancher" was unmarried, and
it would be interesting to know how many
young women wrote to express their interest in
him and his ranch. Other writers indicated that
British Columbia was changing. In 1908,
"Mountain Rose" reported that cleared land
near Kootenay Landing was selling for $50 an
acre, and cultivated land suitable for fruit trees
and small fruits for $250 an acre. In
1911," Graham," of Graham Island, reported development of mineral, timber, and fishing resources and noted the temperate climate of the
Queen Charlotte Islands. And in 1914,"Virgina
No 1" wrote that Fort George (population
2,200) was a progressive town with electric lights,
very good fire protection, a dozen autos, and
two cabs. British Columbia was growing and
Third, the women's pages were an avenue
through which readers could seek and receive
specific information. Who better to ask than a
reader that lived in the area? Only women who
were family heads could file for homesteads, although women could purchase or lease land and
many did so. When single women heard that
twenty acre bush lots were for sale in Southern
BC, they expressed their interest in acquiring
such property. "Brother Bachelor" responded
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 that the average cost of such a lot was $300 dollars an acre, and that it would cost another $200
an acre for heavy clearing, as a large logging
engine, blasting powder, an experienced blaster,
a cable, and an experienced cabler would be required. It would be, he considered, a very expensive move for a woman. Others inquired
about work or teaching opportunities. In 1905,
businessman T Lynch of Fernie offered "reliable information" to those seeking good work
opportunities,"particularly teachers, who receive
from $25 to $75 per month and no trouble to
find employment." In response to an inquiry by
an Ontario teacher whether the wages in BC
were worth the sacrifice of home and friends,
"WesternTeacher" responded with an emphatic
"no". She also noted that a new system for financing schools had come into effect 1 January
1906, and in many cases teachers' salaries had
been cut. Furthermore, teachers from other
provinces had to secure British Columbia certification. Schools were often isolated, and other
than one or two families rural children were
generally of mixed blood. A few women wrote
to warn others of the difficulties of life as domestic workers, and of husbands who gambled,
invested unwisely, or abused their wives.4
Fourth, and most important, the women's
pages provided a vital but growing support network based on a trust relationship among female editors, letter writers, and readers. Lonely
women longed for the friendship, advice, consolation, and support of other women who they
believed understood their hopes and fears, shared
their joys and sorrows, and experienced the same
gains and losses as they did. On those occasions
when women came together, whether over tea
at a neighbour's home, in the women's powder
Above: An unidentified
woman fishing at the lower
falls of the Kootenay River,
13 Lynch," Ibid., 26 April
1905; "Western Teacher,"
AM., 24 January 1906.
5 Norah L. Lewis, "Goose
Grease andTurpentine:
Mother Treats the
Family's Illnesses," Prairie
Forum 15 (Spring 1990):
3 "Christina," FPPF, 2 July
1912; Ibid, 15 January
1913; Linda Rassmussen.
room of a nearby town, or at a community or
social event, they discussed and shared advice
on the problems and issues that touched their
lives and shaped their world. For some, however, there were no other women with whom
to share their concerns, so they wrote to the
"dear editors" and their "dear sisters."
Writers used pseudonyms that often told
much about their mental, emotional, or financial situations as they described their lives, sought
and offered advice, and raged against the injustices that they experienced or saw perpetrated
against others. They demanded dower laws and
property rights to protect themselves and their
children. They struggled to make their shacks
and cabins into homes, to feed and care for their
families, and still maintain a semblance of dignity. They were incensed that their husbands,
sons, or brothers were paid a dollar a day fighting for king and country, while immigrant men
from enemy countries could demand and get
higher wages than their loved ones.
Editors and readers generally responded with
compassion, encouragement, and suggestions as
to how or where women could seek advice or
assistance. As editors kept records of writers'
names, addresses, and pseudonyms, they were able
to forward letters, clothing, bedding, garden
seeds, reading materials, and sometimes money
from those readers willing to share with those
whose need was deemed greater than their own.
One of the major concerns of letter writers
was the lack of health professionals and health
care facilities in their area.The Provincial Board
of Health was aware of their needs and strove to
expand health services into growing rural areas.
At the same time Roman Catholic, Anglican,
and Presbyterian churches operated health services in areas as diverse as Victoria, Pender Harbour, Hazelton, Francois Lake, Bella Bella, and
McBride. Mission boats carried physicians on
their visits to settlements and settlers along the
coast. The Victorian Order of Nurses included
rural areas as part of their responsibility. For many,
medical and health services could be hours if
not days away. Furthermore, physicians were
called only in dire emergencies and hospitals
were viewed by many as a place to die rather
than a place to heal. For some struggling settlers, physicians and hospitals cost more than they
could afford.
Many families relied on a general-purpose
home-care manual euphemistically called the
"doctor book." Such books claimed to be edited by a physician or a registered nurse, and
described the physiology and anatomy of the
human body, offered advice on hygiene, indicated how to identify specific illnesses or conditions, and recommended treatment. Drugs
could be purchased at a local pharmacy or
through Eaton s Mail Order Catalogue. Child care
and health care information was also available
through bulletins and pamphlets distributed by
the British Columbia Board of Health, insurance companies, drug companies, and newspaper columns. Patent medicines offered cures from
every affiliation known to man or beast, although
they often contained cocaine, strychnine, or
opium, and had a higher alcohol content than
good quality whiskey. But practical women
turned to what they had on hand—the contents of their cupboards, pantries, and gardens
to treat family illness. Turpentine, for example,
was rubbed on sore and aching muscles, vinegar
used as part of cough syrup, a drop of kerosene
on a teaspoon of sugar cut phlegm, honey eased
sore throats, goose grease rubbed on the chest
eased congestion, black pepper controlled
diarrhea and ginger eased an upset stomach. And,
of course, mustard plasters were used to relieve
congestion of the lungs. Herbs, roots, flowers,
bark, and sulphur were also common ingredients in medical recipes recommended by readers. Did these medical recipes work? Obviously
some did. And if they did not mothers were comforted to know that at least they had tried to
treat the problem.5
Childbirth was probably the experience most
feared by women. It could proceed normally or
be fraught with complications detrimental to
both mother and infant. Women were often
poorly informed about childbirth. Pregnancy
was euphemistically referred to as "expecting a
little stranger," "the family way," or "my sickness." The local midwife was usually called to
attend the birth.There appear to have been such
women in many communities. Although they
may or may not have had any formal training,
through working with physicians and using their
accumulated wisdom and common sense, they
were recognized as competent nurses or mid-
wives. When no midwife was available, women
could turn to their First Nations neighbours for
advice and help. For instance, my mother-in-
law, Ruth Wray Lewis, remembered that her
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 mother Sarah Wray of
Nelson Island was the
only white woman in
the area, and that it was
her father John Wray,
assisted by the local
First Nation's midwife,
who successfully delivered his wife's last
three babies, Ruth's
youngest siblings. As
the number of health
professionals grew and
health services increased, growing numbers of women gave
birth in maternity
homes or hospitals.
Letter writers advised pregnant mothers to avoid crowds,
keep calm, use Indian
Women's Balm, rub oil
on their abdomens
and thighs for fifteen
minutes a day, or take
a daily dose of boiled
linseed oil flavoured
with lemon for the last
month of their pregnancy. One woman
offered her unused
box of medicine to a
poor and needy expectant mother. We do
not know why she had
not used it herself.
Others wrote to suggest steeped spikenard,
cohosh, or the leaves
of summer savory to
reduce the pains of childbirth. In July 1912,
"Christina," a reader living in the Quesnel area,
wrote to offer free to expectant mothers a locally grown root, which she later identified as
Devil's Club. It was, she said, used by local First
Nations women for several medical purposes including easing the pains of childbirth. It was
"perfectly harmless, though it is powerful for
allaying pain in confinement." Those who used
it, and many wrote for it, claimed it relaxed the
woman's muscles, made labour easier, shortened
time in labour, and made the afterbirth come
Left: Cooking over open
fire, 1912.
away. Lillian Laurie, women's editor for the FPPF,
sent a sample of the root to the University of
Manitoba for testing. She was informed that it
belonged to a group of plants used in medicines
elsewhere but not in Canada. "Christina" may
have later started a small business of packaging
and selling the root at $1.00 a box.6
In May 1910,"Farmer'sWife," an English immigrant who served as midwife to her neighbours, sent Lillian Laurie an article entitled "Maternity Complete Without a Washing Day," in
which she told women how to prepare for and
15 attend a birth. She asked Laurie to send copies
to women who requested it. Laurie could not
keep abreast of women's demands, so she requested readers to write out by hand copies for
those who requested copies. She had the article
typewritten but she still could not meet the demand. In 1912, a paper entitled "Preparation for
Maternity," written by physician Mary E.
Crawford, was available free from the Free Press
Prairie Farmer. The need for this article declined
only with the decrease in home births.7
When their infants died, mothers mourned
and editors and readers sympathized. In 1903, a
grieving nineteen-year-old mother,"Maid O'the
Mist," wrote that her two babies, one just over a
year and the other an infant, had recently died
in spite of her efforts. She was emotionally and
physically drained. Editor Lilly Emily F. Barry
responded with compassion and encouragement.
Her story was repeated many times in many
families. "Siawash 2" reported she had lost three
children, but that she had since found a "dear
little man" two years old with no parents. She
noted "such a comfort he has been to us." Adopting or fostering children was not a rare event.
"Flynn Valley," a recent migrant from Alberta,
offered her daughter and son, age three and six,
to some kind lonely couple to care for because
she could not cope. Such an appeal would probably be met with offers from a number of families willing to take children into their homes.8
Bacterial infections were a common cause of
infant illnesses and deaths, particularly during
the summer months when, without refrigeration, keeping cow's milk sweet and water pure
was a problem. In articles and columns on child
and infant care, printed on or near the women's
pages, health professionals advised mothers to
breast-feed, or at least use proper precautions in
the preparation and storage of cow's milk,
thereby preventing dysentery (cholera infantum
or summer complaint). Women shared medical
recipes they had tried or that they thought would
prevent or control dysentery in infants, such as
giving infants sweetened tomato juice, adding
pulverized egg shells to milk, beating egg whites
into water or giving the infant barley or rice
water. One of the most common, and perhaps
most dangerous, treatments was to give a sick
youngster a dose of castor oil to clean the bowel
and thereby eliminate the cause. Other desperate mothers added one or two drops of laudanum to the castor oil. Opium-based laudanum
could prove fatal to an already sick child. One
worried mother wrote to inquire what she
should do when her twenty-seven month old
son had another bilious attack. She had given
him half of her last morphine pill (also opium-
based) when he took ill, and the second half a
few hours later. The columnist responded that
giving a child morphine could kill him, but such
was this mother's desperation that she used what
was available.9
Considering the difficulties and slowness of
communication and travel, it is amazing how
rapidly advice could be transmitted from one
mother to another and to what lengths women
would go to help a "dear sister." On 14 January,
1909, "Anxious Mother" wrote the FA asking
readers how to prepare modified cow's milk, as
her infant was not gaining weight. Two weeks
later the women's page carried instructions from
two readers for making modified milk as described in The Care and Feeding of Infants by
Luther Emmett Holt, a well-known and respected New York physician and child care specialist. One woman offered to loan "Anxious
Mother" her own copy of Holt's book. On 18
April, "Anxious Mother" wrote to thank readers and to say her infant was gaining on modified milk. On 22 April, the editor advised women
that arrangements had been made whereby
mothers could purchase their own copies of
Holt's book through The Farmers' Advocate.The
willingness of women to share advice, encouragement, or material goods through the women's pages was repeated time and time again.10
For lonely women the women's pages provided an opportunity for contact among "dear
editors" and "dear sisters." Under the anonymity of pseudonyms, those who wrote were
spokeswomen for thousands of women who only
read letters written by others. Editors and writers offered compassion that was sincere, advice
that was pragmatic, and generosity that encouraged women to share with those less fortunate
than they. Could lonely women have survived
without the support they received through the
women's pages? Obviously, yes. They drew on
their own strengths and limitations and they took
justifiable pride in their ability to adapt and cope.
But women appreciated the practical advice and
suggestions of editors and letter writers, and for
some the women's pages were akin to letters
from friends, a house full of visitors, and a source
of practical help.^^-'
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 "On the West Coast ofVancouver Island"
A Little-Known Account of "Charles Haicks's" Missionary
by Jim Manly
IN THE latter part of the nineteenth century,
two ministers wrote fictional accounts of their
work in the frontier areas of western Canada.
The better known of the two is the Rev. Charles
Gordon, using the pseudonym "Ralph Connor,"
whose novels Black Rock in 1898 and The Sky Pilot
in 1899 became best sellers and made him Canada's best-known author. With an uncomplicated
morality and a spiritual outlook concerned with
active service rather than introspection or dogma,
Gordon's books spun a good yarn that romanticized the church's place among settlers and miners of Alberta and British Columbia.
Like Ralph Connor, the pseudonym " Charles
Haicks" was the creation of a Presbyterian missionary. Melvin Swartout worked among the Nuu-
Chah-Nulth peoples on the West Coast ofVancouver Island from 1894 until he drowned in
1904.1 Under the pseudonym "Charles Haicks,"
he fictionalized his experiences in a text called
"On the West Coast ofVancouver Island" that he
hoped would win support for his work.The manuscript was never published: however, in the BC
Archives is a typescript made from Swartout's
"On the West Coast ofVancouver Island" cannot be considered an objective account of mission
activity but it does picture the way Melvin
Swartout understood himself and his work. Like
Ralph Connor, Charles Haicks writes from the
perspective of a sympathetic but somewhat more
worldly friend of the missionary. In reality there is
little difference and no tension between the voice
of Charles Haicks and that of the missionary, here
named "Harry Winston," an idealized version of
Swartout himself. Comparing this account with a
fragmentary journal, which Swartout kept till
1896,3and with the extensive file of letters he wrote
to the Rev. Peter MacKay, secretary of the Foreign Mission Committee in Toronto, we see that
most of the events described in" On the West Coast
ofVancouver Island" took place before 1898.4There
is no evidence indicating when Swartout began
to write his fictional account but I suspect that it
was some time after Ralph Connor's work first
began to appear in 1899.
Swartout's letters to the Toronto office deal
largely with administration and personnel issues,
but the fictional account and his journal are an
Jim Manly is a retired
United Church minister
iving with his wife, Eva,
near Nanaimo. From
980 to 1988 he served
as Member of Parliament for Cowichan-
Malahat-the Islands.
Left: Melvin Swartout and
his boat.
If at all, people today
remember Swartout,
because his name was
given to a United Church
mission boat in the
middle years of the
twentieth century
Melvin Swartout (Charles
Haicks)," On the West
Coast ofVancouver
Island," copied from a
transcript loaned by
Alfred W Carmichael, by
C E. Browne, March,
1954, BC Archives,
Victoria. Swartout's
grandson, Charles
Thomson of Sechelt, BC,
has a copy of the
typescript that he
graciously loaned to me.
Alfred Carmichael, a close
friend of Swartout's, has
provided a helpful
introduction to the
typescript in which he
says that his life provided
the pattern for Charles
17 Haicks and he details a
number of episodes
which he had shared with
Swartout. But perhaps he
took the identification a
bit too literally. On page
64 of the BC Archives
copy, where Haicks
speaks of himself as a
remittance man,
Carmichael has penciled
a comment in the margin,
'Up to this point I might
have been Charles Haicks
as I visited and made
several of the trips
described. I was never a
remittance man.' I do not
know who was the man
described by Melvin
Swartout in this chapter'
3 Swartout's journal is in
the possession of
Swartout's great-
granddaughter, Lynn
Martens of Burnaby, BC
4 United Church of
Canada Archives, Toronto.
5" On the West Coast of
Vancouver Island," 226.
'Ibid, 82.
11bid., 35.
s Ibid, 36.
Xhomas Crosby, Among the
An-ko-me-nums Or
Flathead Tribes of Indians of
the Pacific Coast, (Toronto:
William Briggs, 1907),
10" On the Westcoast of
Vancouver Island," 117.
invaluable resource, giving background material
as well as some records of day to day events. It
helps the reader to understand some of the difficulties and dangers Swartout faced as he travelled
around Barkley Sound by canoe and rowboat.The
book recounts some of the West Coast legends
and mythology although we need to remember
that Swartout was not an anthropologist and heard
all such stories through a missionary filter.
Haicks's account of Harry Winston's missionary work reflects Melvin Swartout's lifelong opposition to liquor. His older brother Lou, a young
man of great promise, had died of alcohol abuse
and Swartout saw liquor and gambling as a most
destructive force in the villages where he worked.
Winston faced particularly difficult challenges
when sealing schooners brought liquor to induce
hunters to sign on as crew members. In one scene
of drunken debauchery, with the implicit caption
"Heroic missionary disarms drunken Indian,"
Winston's colleague Rutherford steps in front of a
man who is about to kill another with his knife.
More attractive than this muscular Christian
approach was Winston's attempt to enlist the help
of those community leaders who recognized the
problem. At an assembly Winston spoke:
I am going to trust you. If you get drunk, I will
not inform against you or in any way seek to
get you in trouble. Nor do I want to bring a
white policeman here. We are men, and we
ought to know what is good and what is
evil....I want you all to stop drinking and also
aid me in keeping the stuff away from this place.
While I want no one to get into trouble, if a
man, either a white man or an Indian, brings
liquor here to sell, he must be prosecuted. Is this
not right?
The Natives agreed to this. "They liked also the
idea of being trusted. It was a new one to them,
and they all promised to try and reform."5
Haicks acknowledges the settler society's prejudice that called the Natives "irredeemably lazy"
because they lived and worked to a different
rhythm. "Yet," he says, "I noticed that in all matters pertaining to their own subsistence they were
industrious enough."6He describes their commitment to fishing,".. .arising at the first sign of light,
they at once proceed to work, leaving the question of breakfast to be settled sometime during
the day."
As seen by Haicks,Winston takes a "live and let
live" attitude to the potlatch. In one memorable
scene the chief of the She-shahts speaks to the
missionary; at a deep level the chief recognized
that Christianity as practised took people away from
community values toward those of individualism.
You want my people to become Christians. Yss,
Missionary, I do know what a Christian is.The
Haidahs are Christians, and theTsimsheans, and
some other tribes. A Christian is a man who
never eats with his friends, but always sits alone
with his wife to eat. He never invites the other
Indians to eat with him. He never gives a
potlatch.That is a Christian, and, Missionary, I do
not want you to try to make Christians of my
people....You know this is our law and we do
not want to give it up. Our fathers before us
have potlatched, and we want to do as they did.
It is good to call our friends together and give
them presents.7
Harry Winston replied:
I do not understand your potlatches. I do not
know whether they are idolatrous or not. Until
I know I cannot speak If, however, your custom is simply social, and is not meant as worship, I see no harm in it. Certainly I do not object to your inviting your friends to eat with
you. Christians also do the same. Nor do I see
any harm in giving away money, or other
presents at a potlatch."8
We see a great difference when we compare
Winston's open attitude with that of Thomas
Crosby, the Methodist missionary. At Nanaimo,
some ofthe leading chiefs promised support if only
they could continue to dance. Crosby replied "No,
I cannot have anything to do with the old way, the
dance, the potlatch, etc., it is all bad."9
Haicks discusses the origin ofthe Chinook word
podatch and relates a legend of its origin; he points
out how potlatches involving feasting and gift-
giving are held to mark the important milestones
of life both for the individual and for the community. Summarizing the importance ofthe potlatch,
he says, "Take from the Indian this much loved
institution and he is no more an Indian."10 He
depicts a wedding potlatch in positive terms describing the elaborate preparations and the formal
invitation. The English words into which Haicks
translates the final invitation," Come for all things
are now ready," is a direct quotation from
Lukel4:17—one of Jesus'parables ofthe messianic
banquet. Women dance "with a graceful, springing motion;" a male dancer "skipped back and forth
across the room with such ease and grace that his
feet scarcely seemed to touch the ground." During another dance the "acting...was perfect." In
concluding this section, Haicks leaves open the
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 possibility that even the
missionary may have
joined in the final dance
on the last day:
Again and again the
dancers slowly circled
around the room,
some in standing posture, others bending
or going on all fours,
but all moving gracefully and in perfect
harmony to the accompanying music, in
which all, actors and
audience joined. It
was an inspiriting
sight and a fitting
close to the great
Although Swartout
himself didn't always take such a positive view, this
passage shows that at his best he could appreciate
potlatches at their best. Whatever his views of the
potlatch, however, Swartout had nothing good to
say ofthe Klo-kwan-na, or wolf-dance. Haicks says
that all missionaries seemed to regard the Klo-kwan-
na as "utterly bad and demoralizing, if not definitely idolatrous." However, because of missionary pressure "its more objectionable features are
being gradually eliminated."12
"On the West Coast ofVancouver Island" also
shows how Protestant missionaries relied on
schools as an entry to First Nations communities.
But school, with its accompanying discipline, involved a radical change for First Nations children
as compared to the freedom they used to enjoy. In
traditional culture they were never punished except by an appeal to fear. Haicks says in contrast to
the Victorian dictum that children should be seen
but not heard, "In all things pertaining to his welfare he is consulted as gravely as though he were a
senior member of the family, and his expressed
preferences often carry weight farther than in
matters concerning himself."13
While many people welcomed the schools, others were opposed. Haicks records a traditional
Native doctor, Yalh-kay who warned the people
that in the future their children,
...would be forcibly taken from their parents
and placed in prison-like schools where they
would be taught to despise the institutions of
their fathers Do you think the white man
loves you? Is his kindness disinterested? He is
wheedling you with soft words and kind deeds,
but he is laying a trap by which your children
will be separated from you and your potlatches
and dances will cease.14
Read in the light of today's court cases concerning Residential School abuse, these words,
whether based on an actual warning at the time
or a product of Melvin Swartout's imagination,
take on an eerie and prophetic significance.
As a good Presbyterian, Winston set himself
steadfastly against everything he considered superstitious or idolatrous. He opposed belief in the
power of Native doctors, or medicine men, who
"are able to cause a stick, or a stone, or a nail, or
any small object to become a chee-hah and fly into
the body of a victim, where it rushes about, inducing severe pain, internal rupture, and, finally
death.The object thus cast into the body of a person is called a 'min-nook-eck'"15
Native doctors could remove as well as cast min-
nook-ecks and sometimes the same doctor who had
cast the min-nook-eck was called on to remove it—
for a sum.Thus the doctor could hold entire tribes
in fear. In the old days, says Haicks, when someone was suspected of casting min-nook-ecks, a group
of men would be deputized to do away with him.
The white man's law of course regards this as
murder and so the doctors were able to "terrorize
the neighborhood with impunity"16 Later in a
contradictory comment, Haicks says, "in a white
community, if the law could not be invoked to rid
the community of such a pest, Judge Lynch would
have found for him a strong rope and a tree."17
Although Haicks admits that some Native doc-
Above: Melvin Swartout
and the Ucluelet Indian
11 Ibid, 118-126.
12 Ibid., 129.This comment
argues for a late date in
writing since Swartout
was strongly opposed to
the Klo-kwan-na when he
first arrived.
13Ibid, 72.
"Ibid, 181.
[S Ibid, 99.
mIbid, 103.
19 "Ibid, 109.
18 An interesting sidelight
to this story is the
statement by Haicks—
although the typescript
indicates that this was
crossed out in the
manuscript—that a
coroner wouldn't be
interested in an inquest
unless a large fine could
be collected. "The policy
was not so much the
prevention of crime as
the making of a revenue
out of it." (p 114) This, of
course, is exactly the
charge that Haicks makes
against the Native
doctors: they would  only
provide a cure in return
for money
Vancouver Island," 97-98.
20 Ibid, 236.
21 Ibid, 248.
22 Ibid, 282.
tors may not have been malicious, he maintains
that they are likely frauds.
As the narrative develops, Charlie, a well-travelled Native who spoke English, talked to Haicks
about the return ofYalh-kay the diabolical doctor
who, with his supernatural powers, had plans for
killing four people, including James, the one Christian convert, and Charles Haicks himself.
When Andrew, a promising schoolboy, fell sick
his father removed him from Yalh-kay's care and
placed him with Winston where he soon regained
health. But, after another brief contact withYalh-
kay Andrew came in from play, went straight to
bed and fell into a deep sleep from which he could
not be aroused. He then "began to shudder and
gasp for breath" and had a series of spasms. Within
a few hours he was dead. The Natives believed
thatYalh-kay had killed the boy with witchcraft.18
The missionary felt a particular need to oppose
taboos around death, such as the obligation to remove and cover a dead person as soon as possible,
to carry the body out feet first, so it cannot look at
the living and try to "induce their spirits to join
him.'The corpse had to be taken out not through
a door but through a window, "which must then
be immediately closed, preventing the spirit from
finding its way back to the abode of the living."19
Mentioning the name of a recently dead person
was taboo. A dead person's most valuable belongings had to be sacrificed or the "spirit of the departed might, at any moment lay claim to its former
possessions, and woe to the man who had the temerity to brave its displeasure."20
This became the focus of a major struggle between Winston and traditional culture, particularly
as represented by Yalh-kay. Following tradition,
people wanted to destroy a recently built house
after the owner had died; Winston, however, successfully argued against this. Some time later a little girl took sick and died. It was reported that
one evening at dusk, running past this house, she
had seen the ghost of the dead owner looking out
the window. People believed this to be the cause
of the girl's death and there was renewed agitation
to have the house destroyed.
In order to discredit the taboo, Winston persuaded James, who happened to be a relative of
the dead man, to move into the house. At a meeting with those who wanted to destroy the house,
Winston said, "Let the Christian live in the house.
It is a contest between Christ and Satan. If Satan
wins, you may have the house."21
Following this a rumour spread that James had
seen a ghost which, according to Yalh-kay, meant
that he would soon die. Soon James, who had never
been in good health, did take sick. Mild at first, the
illness progressed and James died. After the simple
Christian burial of his one convert, Winston had
no argument left." It was a contest between Christ
and Satan. Whose was the victory will only be
revealed at the end. But, in the meantime, the house
was destroyed."22
Apart from a few general comments about material progress, education and a slight curtailment
in the use of alcohol, this is the end of Haicks's
account. Some sentence fragments are followed
by a note that the "last page of the manuscript
appears to be missing."23 To say the least it is an
odd ending; missionary stories usually ended on a
triumphant note celebrating Christian victory.
The fictional story of James and his death closely
follows that of Septice, the real-life convert whose
brief career Swartout detailed in his letters. Septice
had been an active, committed convert, helping
with church services, prayer meetings, and evangelistic work; his death was a severe blow to
Swartout and his fellow workers.
There is no clear evidence to indicate when
Swartout started writing his pseudonymous account of missionary work but the death of Septice
(James) seems to have created a log-jam beyond
which he could not pass in his writing. Presumably, if Swartout had lived longer, he would have
found the time and the emotional energy to resolve this problem and bring his book to publication.
In retrospect, perhaps it is to Swartout's credit
that he could not overcome the emotional barrier
of Septice s death because to do so would have
required a certain smoothing over of uncomfortable facts and a falsification of his own feelings.
There was no triumphant ending and Swartout
was honest enough to let the facts stand.
Through Charles Haicks, Melvin Swartout
presents an idealized picture of his missionary work
and an idealized picture of what he thought missionary attitudes should be towards First Nations
culture. A more objective account of Swartout's
work remains to be done.^^
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 The Station Agent's Rifle
by Edward'
IN THE spring of 1948, British Columbia was
suffering its greatest flooding since 1894.
Dikes were bursting in the Fraser Valley and
rivers were overflowing their banks everywhere
in the interior.
On Sunday night, 30 May 1948, the engineer
of Canadian National Railways' westbound passenger train felt a distinct bump as his steam locomotive passed over the Thompson River
Bridge west of Deadman's Creek. When he arrived half an hour later at Ashcroft he reported
the bump to the night operator who passed the
report along to the engineer of an eastbound
freight train waiting at the Ashcroft siding.
The engineer of the eastbound freight stopped
his train when he reached the bridge and climbed
down out of the cab. In the beam of his locomotive's headlight he walked part way across the deck
of the steel span and saw a distinct dip in the
track over an undermined concrete pier.
The swollen Thompson River had begun to
erode the river bed around a huge cement pier
near the eastern end ofthe bridge. The engineer
returned to his train, asked the other four crew
members to get out and walk across the bridge,
then climbed back into the engine's cab and
slowly took his train across alone. His was the last
train to cross that bridge for a year.
During the night the pier continued to lean
further over and it became apparent that the
bridge was soon going to topple into the river.
Section man John McLeod vividly remembers
what happened the following morning, 31 May
1948, when his four-man section crew arrived
by a motorized track car from Savona:
By this time the pier was leaning over so bad
that the tracks were almost on edge. We disconnected the rails at the east end and when
the last bolt was driven out of the fish plate
the track jumped two feet toward the bridge.
Now the rails had to be undone at the west
I took a track wrench and a spiking maul, and
a tool to drive out the last bolt, and started
across.The bridge was now on a 60 degree angle. I walked hanging on to one rail, with my
feet down on the bottom rail.
When I drove the last bolt out on the west
end the track jumped three feet. Contrary to
my foreman's warning I decided to walk back
across the bridge. When I got over to the other
side I rolled a smoke and took only two puffs
on my cigarette when out she went.
The pier tipped over and steel rails—screaming like banshees—whipped from each end!
Spikes rained down! And two ninety foot steel
spans crashed into the river! One was carried
two hundred yards downstream.
In addition to the rails the bridge also carried
down valuable telegraph and telephone wires that
connected Vancouver with eastern Canada. The
taut wires had been dragged down to the surface
of the river and were in danger of being snapped
by logs and other debris swirling downstream.
Each wire had been connected to a glass insulator mounted on a small round wooden bracket
attached to a cross arm that had been bolted to
the bridge.
All of the wires had broken free except one.
But that one wire, still attached to its insulator
connected to the cross arm, was holding the rest
down. If this one wire could be freed then all of
the wires would spring up well above the surface
of the water and communications across the
country could be saved.
However there was no way anyone could get
out to the middle of the river to free it. John had
an idea. He suggested someone take the motor
car back to Savona and borrow a rifle and a box
of bullets from the station agent. He would try
and shoot the thin wooden peg in two that held
the insulator.
Within half an hour the foreman returned with
a rifle and John lay down on the embankment
and carefully took aim. The target was about an
inch and a half in diameter. As each bullet hit the
small round peg the wood splintered and weakened. Suddenly it broke in two releasing all the
wires into the air. The communication lines had
been saved.
The rifle John used was a .22 calibre Winchester semi-automatic, an expensive gun for its calibre, and rather uncommon since it was fitted with
a brass tube in the stock that could be pulled
from the butt for reloading. At the end ofthe day
No one knows the
history of Savona better
than Ed Villiers, the
author of about forty of
little known, well-
researched, informative,
and entertaining
booklets on Savona,
available through Esther
French, PO Box I 54,
Savona BC VOK 2J0.
21 the gun was delivered back to Savona's CNR station agent,
Robert Dillabough.
Fourteen years later, on 16 October 1962, at 6:45 P.M., a
pretty nineteen-year-old girl named Diane Phipps walked out
the front door of her parents' house in Nanaimo and waved
good-bye to her mother. "Don't be late," her mother called
out as Diane walked toward the front gate. "Have a good
time," shouted her father who was working in his garden at
the side of the house.
Diane had a date with Leslie Dixon, a young man she had
been going steady with for about six months. She had recently started a new job as a practical nurse at St. Paul's Hospital over in Vancouver, working three days straight and two
days off, and this was her third trip back home to Nanaimo.
Wearing a new black sweater and skirt, Diane walked to a
girlfriend's house where she spent the next couple of hours
visiting before her boyfriend called around and picked her
up. Dixon was tall and good looking and like Diane was also
19 years old. He had quit school in grade ten and was working as a service-station attendant in Nanaimo. His big interests were bowling and cars.
The couple drove to a gas station where Dixon bought
two dollars worth of gas then drove through Nanaimo, tooting the horn to various friends. They stopped briefly to talk
with a mechanic at the garage where Dixon worked. A little
after ten o'clock they were seen by two of Dixon's friends
heading down Departure Bay Road towards Piper's Lagoon,
five miles north of Nanaimo. Piper's Lagoon was a favourite
parking spot for young people—a lovers' lane.
They hadn't seen each other for a week and as they sat in
the car laughing and talking they were unaware that a man
was standing nearby in the shadows watching them. He observed them for a while and listened to Diane laugh. Then
quietly he slipped away and returned with a gun.
The following morning, when Leslie Dixon didn't return
home, his mother sent his two brothers,Vic and Ron, to search
for him. At ten A.M. they found Leslie sitting in his car at
Piper's Lagoon. His head was lying back and they thought he
was asleep. When Vic shook him he fell over. He had been
shot twice in the back of the head at close range.
There was no sign of Diane although her purse and coat
were in the car beside her boyfriend's body. Dixon's wallet
was still in his pocket, its contents untouched. The contents
of Diane's purse were also intact. Robbery, obviously, was not
a motive for the crime. The police brought in tracking dogs
and called in investigators from Victoria but they were unable
to locate a murder weapon or determine the whereabouts of
Diane Phipps.
At two o'clock that afternoon Darrell Morgan, a Nanaimo
resident, was in a rubbish dump four miles south of Nanaimo
retrieving a hacksaw he had left there on the weekend while
searching for scrap metal. As he walked by a stack of old car
parts he saw two feet sticking out from under a pile of rusty
fenders. He lifted a fender and saw a body. It was Diane Phipps.
He fled the scene and called police.
Police believe the girl had been forced from Dixon's car,
driven seven miles south by the killer, then murdered on a
lonely bush road. She had been shot once between the eyes,
and then beaten to death with a boulder. She had not been
sexually molested. Police ruled out the theory that the killer
could have been a jealous lover since the couple had been
going together for about a year.
The killings would become known as the Lovers' Lane
Murders and created headlines in theVancouver newspapers
for the next week. The RCMP had little to go on—no motive, no weapon, no suspects. They believed they were looking for a criminal psychopath. They received a call from a
young woman living on Hare wood Road, not far from where
Diane's body was found.
She told police that she had been watching a late night
television show when a man knocked at her door about one
A.M. on the night of the murder. He told her that his car was
stuck in the ditch just up the road and asked for the use of her
truck to pull him out.
The man climbed into the box of the truck as she drove a
couple hundred yards down the road where the man hooked
a chain from her truck to his car. She pulled it out ofthe ditch
and as the stranger unhooked the chain he told her to go
home. The next day she heard about the double murder and
called the police.
Officers examined the piece of gravel road and noted that
tire tracks had swerved suddenly off the road and hit a rock.
They theorized that the driver of the car was the murderer
and that Diane Phipps was still alive at that time and had
yanked at the steering wheel. With a description of the
stranger and of his car they felt certain it wouldn't be long
before they made an arrest.
The Nanaimo City Council offered a reward of $3,500—
later increasing it to $5,000—for information leading to the
arrest and conviction of the person or persons responsible for
the murders of Diane Phipps and Leslie Dixon. The reward
was equivalent to a year's wages. But despite the most intensive murder investigation in the history of British Columbia,
the reward went unclaimed and the police were completely
Three months following the murders the weather turned
bitterly cold. For the first two weeks of 1963 the temperature
on Vancouver Island seldom rose above the freezing mark. It
was so cold that up in the Cariboo a woman and her little girl
froze to death on the Alexis Creek road. Lakes everywhere
were frozen over. On January 29 a young boy was playing on
the ice on Long Lake, five miles north of Nanaimo, when he
saw a gun lying in the mud beneath the clear ice not far from
shore. He loosened a rock from the beach, smashed a hole in
the ice, and pulled out a .22 calibre rifle. Excitedly, he ran
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 home with the gun and asked his father to clean
it up and let him keep it.
As he wiped the mud and water off the gun
the father noted that it was a Winchester semiautomatic rifle in excellent condition.Why would
anybody throw away such an expensive gun? He
was suspicious. He took it down to the Nanaimo
detachment of the RCMP who immediately sent
it to Regina for ballistic tests. A short time later a
report came back that this was the gun that killed
Leslie Dixon and Diane Phipps.
The police were sure now that the case could
be solved quickly. They had a description ofthe
murder suspect, a description of his car, and now
the murder weapon. But a year passed and the
gun's owner could not be traced.The police remained baffled.
On Saturday 18 April 1964—almost a year and
a half after the gun was found—the Vancouver Sun
published an article in its "Weekend Magazine"
describing the murders and appealing to people
across Canada for information on the rifle used
in the two slayings.
The newspaper included with its story three
photographs ofthe gun, including a close-up picture of the butt end of the stock showing where
a brass tube could be pulled for loading. The gun
was described as a Winchester .22 calibre semiautomatic rifle, model 63, serial number 41649A,
manufactured on 5 October 1940, and sold in
1942—but the purchaser's name was unknown.
The article added:
The rifle is expensive for a weapon of this
caliber, and is consequently rather uncommon.
Anyone having knowledge of persons who have
possessed rifles of this description is requested to
inform the nearest police department or R.C.M.P
detachment immediately.Any information offered
will be held in the strictest confidence.
The newspaper story resulted in a flood of tips.
One of those tips led police to the original owner
of the gun—Robert Ralph Dillbough, a former
Canadian National Railways station agent at
Savona. When police arrived at Savona they
learned that Mr. Dillbough, the gun's original
owner, had died ten years earlier on 15 March
1954.The disposition of his estate, including the
rifle, had been handled by D.T Rogers of a
Right '.This is the .22 rifle that was used, to murder a
young Nanaimo couple in 1962. Fourteen years earlier, it
was used to save communication lines west of Savona
during the flood of 1948.
Do You Recognize
This Rifle?
23 Kamloops law firm. Some assets ofthe estate were
sold privately while other assets, including this
rifle, were sold at a public auction. The auction
had taken place in Kamloops on 19 February
The auctioneer was George Shelline, but when
police went to interview him they learned he
had been killed in an accident a year after the
auction took place.The police searched his records
but were unsuccessful in finding the name of the
gun's buyer. Once again they had come to a dead
The police checked 60,000 vehicle registrations seeking a car described by the witness.They
screened every rental car in British Columbia.
They interviewed thousands of people, took 200
written statements, examined 2,000 gun invoices,
and sought the help of the FBI in the United
States and Interpol in Europe.They toted up more
detective man hours on this murder investigation than any murder probe in British Columbia
history. But they still did not have a suspect.
So the Vancouver Sun ran another story about
the case. This time the newspaper asked for persons who had attended the Kamloops auction to
come forward. The story was carried across
Canada by the Canadian Press news service. Again
police received a flood of tips. This time one of
them led to the arrest of a suspect, a 35-year-old
NorthVancouver baker named Ronald Eugene
Ingram. Ingram had formerly lived in Nanaimo
and together with his brother, Wallace, owned
Parklane Bakery on Harewood Street. In early
1965, he and his wife and three children left
Nanaimo and moved to NorthVancouver.
Ingram had never been a suspect in the case
nor had he ever been interviewed by police.
Equipped with a chain saw, police went to the
Parklane Bakery and cut out a section of a retaining wall at the rear of the building where
Ingram used to shoot at rats. Slugs retrieved from
the wall matched those in the murder weapon.
Ingram's car was also examined, and although two
years had elapsed since the murders, human blood
stains were found in the vehicle.
Ingram was taken into custody on 7 August
1965 and brought to Oakalla Prison in Burnaby.
A few hours later he attempted to commit suicide by plunging his head into a plugged water-
filled toilet bowl. When found by a guard he had
no apparent pulse but responded to inhalator
treatment. Six weeks later, on 20 September 1965,
Ingram, through his lawyer, confessed that he had
shot Diane Phipps between the eyes and then
beaten her head in with a rock. The admission
was made to an all-male Assize Court jury minutes after a previous jury had found him fit to
stand trial for capital murder. He was charged
only with the girl's murder.
Following his admission of guilt three psychiatrists told the Court that in 1962 Ingram would
have been suffering from a disease of the mind.
The prosecutor suggested to the jury that they
had no alternative but to find Ingram not guilty
by reason of insanity, stating that" Ingram was in
such a deranged state of mind at the time of the
killings he was not able to appreciate the nature
and quality of his acts and could not have formed
an intent."
The following day a judge ordered Ingram to
be held in close custody indefinitely, or as Section 545 of the Criminal Code put it, "until the
pleasure of the Lieutenant-Governor is known."
He was transferred to maximum security confinement at the Forensic Psychiatric Institute of
Riverview mental hospital—then known as
Essondale—at Coquitlam, and remained in close
confinement for the next six years.
In 1971 doctors considered his mental condition had improved so dramatically that he was
granted unsupervised ground privileges. In May
1974 he escaped from the hospital but returned
voluntarily after being free for four days. He escaped again in August 1975. But this time he was
not recaptured for eight months.
In November 1976, the Vancouver Sun reported
that the doctors at Riverview hospital ruled him
sane and that a provincial review board recommended he be released. Despite pleadings from
his lawyer, the provincial cabinet still refused to
grant him his freedom.
I have searched through subsequent newspaper archives without being able to learn whether
Ingram was finally released and allowed to rejoin
his wife and family, who were now living in Edmonton. Nor did I learn who, if anyone, received
the reward for his arrest.
I do know, however, that the clue that solved
this case was a rifle—the same rifle once owned
by a station agent in Savona, the same rifle that
saved the trans-Canada communication wires
from being broken following the collapse of the
Thompson River Bridge in the flood of
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 Early Prince George
Through the Eyes of a Young Boy
by Eldon E. Lee
nwii'iTf n   in
IN 1929 at age six I was introduced to the vibrant energetic town of Prince George which
was bursting with optimism and enthusiasm
over the imminent construction of pulp mills and
the completion ofthe PG Railway from the south.
At that time Prince George was hardly more than
a village but to a young lad coming from California by way of an isolated ranch near Williams
Lake it seemed like a gigantic city
Family roots existed in Prince George where
my great-uncle James McLane had established a
business on Central Street in 1912. A second
great-uncle, Charles McLane, arrived from California in 1916. Their mother followed in 1918
to look after her boys. My own mother was invited to come up to Prince George in 1919 for
company to her grandmother. A teenager, she
went to Miller Addition High School from 1919
to 1921 before returning to California.
At the beginning of the school year, September 1929, my mother brought me to Prince
George since there was no school near the ranch.
We lived for a time at McLane's Auto Court on
the Fraser River just downstream from the northern end of the railway bridge. Johnson's or Goat
Island at that time stretched right up to the bridge
and we boys could climb down the bridge and
jump onto the island, which would not be possible any longer, since meanwhile the island has
eroded away and the tip lies 200 feet below the
From the Auto Court we moved to an upstairs apartment on Third Avenue just one block
off George Street over the office of a taxi firm
owned by the McLanes. Next door was a clothing store owned by Sam Salvo, an Italian, who
soon returned to his homeland. And next to him
was the Embassy Cafe. The Assmans had a general store also on this block. Around the corner
on George Street was Mayor Patterson's Clothing Store where I bought my first ever pair of
winter boots. (In California we did not need
winter boots). Nearby was the Astoria Hotel
owned by Bill Bellos. Bellos was an enterprising
Greek who brought in a huge bulldozer with a
brushcutting blade. He claimed to be able to clear
Eldon E. Lee, a retired
obstetrician and
gynecologist, lives in
Prince George. He is
the author of a number
of books including Ihey
Were Giants in Ihose
Days: Stories from the
Heart ofthe Cariboo.
Left: George Street looking
south, 1920s.
25 land for farming for 28 dollars an acre and went
broke doing this.
The town essentially centered on two-storey
commercial buildings along George Street and
Third Avenue with scattered houses radiating outward. There were also some commercial buildings along Central Street, mainly towards the
water tower on the rise of land above the Nechako
River. West of Central was a pine forest where
blueberries grew in profusion each summer.
South Fort George existed as a separate small
community with the BX paddle wheel boat
beached and decaying on the Fraser River bank
of what is today Paddle Wheel Park. I still have a
scar on my left knee resulting from a cut sustained in climbing over the old BX.
My introduction to Prince George was a happy
one when my mother took me to the store of
her old friend from 1921, Ina Allen, later Ina
Johnson. She plied me with chocolate bars and
made me feel welcome. When Ina's supply was
depleted I found that by taking a burlap sack to
Assman's store I could exchange it for a candy
bar. There was a supply of these sacks as coal was
delivered in them.
I came to Prince George for schooling and to
Miller Addition School I went. The school was
situated just west of Connaught Hill and here
my academic path was shaped in the formidable
presence of Miss Eliza Milligan. She firmly believed that sparing the rod spoiled the child, particularly boys, and soon discerned that my education needed attention particularly when I said
"zee" instead of "zed".
I must admit that I was no angel and received
timely correction with firm applications of her
16-inch leather strap applied to the open palm
of the hand. Apart from the schoolroom I received a good deal of learning in the schoolyard.
Of course there was a school bully, Nat Cheer,
and a code for a new boy, which I learned through
experience. I once stood up to Nat's harassment
and hit him as hard as I could. I took a thrashing
in return but it was worth it. He later became a
friend. Through such experiences one learns to
adjust in life. This is important as bullies exist in
every sphere of life. Later my Air Force flying
instructor turned off the motor in the air so that
he could better berate me for my inadequacies.
My school experience helped maintain my balance.
On weekends I rode my small bicycle along
the wooden sidewalks outside the Europe Hotel
and Columbus Hotel with friends Jimmy
Zimarro and Steve Prudente. In poor weather
we rode around the hotel lobbies until Mr.
Zimarro booted us out.All the city sidewalks were
constructed of rough boards and there was a raised
sidewalk from the end of George Street to Patricia
Boulevard in downtown Prince George.
Silent pictures were shown twice a week at
the Strand Theatre, which was across Third Avenue from where we lived. Several of us urchins
pooled our money to buy one ticket and the boy
on admission scooted down and loosened the exit
door so the others entered free.
Oh yes, I became an entrepreneur selling newspapers on the street for five cents apiece, crying
out "Prince George Citizen" and "Edmonton
Journal." I was supposed to give the money to
my mother but would succumb to temptation
occasionally and spend it on treats at Candy Allen's
Confection store on George Street.
I remember saving 75 cents to purchase a pair
of roller skates from Jake Leith, who had a hardware store on Third Avenue and subsequently
making a nuisance by skating up and down the
wooden sidewalks.
The winters were fearfully cold and all heat
came from wood- and coal-burning stoves. A stack
of wood 150 metres long was piled along the
upper reaches of Third Avenue where the present
Auto Wash is located. During weeks of cold
weather smoke rose straight up from every chimney and frost crystals hung in the air. Of course
we urchins walked to school, all bundled up and
wearing winter boots. When we arrived at school
we were half frozen with frosted cheeks and feet
feeling like chunks of ice. With warmth we experienced the misery of chilblains.
Springtime was a glorious happening.The flat
area below George Street flooded each year and
we built rafts and sailed along amid deserted buildings and outhouses invariably getting thoroughly
soaked. Then it was marble playing time with
aggies, blue babes, and dough babes.The marble
playing experts soon won all the marbles in the
game of "keeps" and at that point the sport languished.
We boys also had a game of "chicken". Standing a hundred feet apart on First Avenue we slung
cobble stones, the size of walnuts at each other.
The object was to duck and avoid the stones but
on one occasion a new boy was struck and went
home crying to his mother. She descended on us
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 with great wrath as we scattered.
There were some real characters in Prince
George in those days. One was Dick Corless who
did construction and ran a funeral parlour, back
of which we boys congregated and dabbled with
flying an airplane. There was Jack Dolly, a tall
spastic individual who lurched along the sidewalk
selling newspapers. We learned to keep out of his
way. He also had a queer little mother, plump
and doll-like, who kept a sharp eye out for Jack's
welfare.Then there was Pete Poulson, the town's
drunk living in a shack close to First Avenue on
Quebec Street.The boys used to throw stones at
his outdoor privy and Dick Corless, finding him
drunk one night, placed him in a coffin in the
funeral parlour to the consternation of those coming to pay last respects.
A stir was created one summer evening when
the wives of two prominent citizens raced from
Third Avenue to the Prince George Hotel in scant
attire.They were known to take a drop. Dr. Lyon,
a respected physician, always drove the biggest
car imaginable about town. He was not very
knowledgeable about cars and routinely demolished the traffic signal in the centre of George
Street. In wet weather puddles lay in the main
streets and his car splashed the common folk with
mud from spinning tires.
There was scandal: Billy Bexon, a town councillor absconded with Dr.Trefry's wife and Jimmy
McLane appropriated someone else's mate and
moved her and son into his Auto Court. There
were various other notorious happenings. Policeman Gray was shaking down the Chinese businesses until they complained to council that it
was costing them too much for protection. The
startled city council terminated the luckless constable and charged him with extortion.
I learned about life. The wife of Jake Leith
died of unchecked diabetes before insulin was
generally available, leaving Nathan and Bessie
without a mother. Pappas's business folded but
he subsequently established a large fur outlet in
Vancouver. Bill Bellos's land clearing scheme went
under and the longed-for pulp mills and railroads
did not materialize. Soon came the Great Depression and with it the impoverishment of
Charles McLane and indirectly our ranch in the
Cariboo. Personally I had some scary situations. I
was approached by a tramp on the way home
from school and had to run to escape, I got hit
by a car, and bitten by lawyer Wilson's large dog.
I also had a tooth pulled by dentist Dr. Hocking
for one dollar.
There were difficult things but there were good
things also. Mr. Mallis at the Sunday School of
Knox Church gave a feeling of reverence for holy
things and I experienced a lot of love and encouragement from home. Also, I did well in school,
either because of Miss Milligan or in spite of her.
I learned civic responsibility when on an impulse
I lined up a dozen empty whiskey bottles on a pile
of lumber behind the Prince George Hotel and
shattered them with stones. A prominent citizen
made me pick up every fragment and gave me a
stern lecture on public conduct as well.
They say it takes a whole village to raise a child
and my own experiences seem to confirm this,
for I received a lot of love, encouragement, and
direction from the experiences encountered in
Prince George. I trust that this atmosphere continues to this day^***
Above: Eldon Lee (age 6)
and his brother Todd, 1930.
27 Book Reviews
Books for review and book reviews should be sent to:
AnneYandle, Book Review Editor BC Historical News, 3450 West 20th Avenue,Vancouver BC V6S I E4
Alden L.Todd
Abandoned:The Story ofthe Creely Arctic
Fxpedihon, 1881-1884,
reviewed by Carol Lowes.
Goody Niosi
Magnificently Unrepentantlhe Story of
Merve Wilkinson andWildwood,
reviewed by Arnold Ranneris.
Ian Baird and Peter Smith
Ghost on the Grade: Hiking and Biking
Abandoned Railways on Southern
Vancouver Isand,
reviewed by Ken Wuschk
William J.Wheeler; ed.
Flying Under Fire: Canadian Fliers Recall
the Second World War,
reviewed by Mike Higgs.
Robin Percival Smith
Captain McNeil and his Wife the Nishga
reviewed by Pamela Man
Naomi Miller
Fort Steele: Gold Rush to Boom Town,
reviewed by Ron Welwood.
Derek Hayes
First Crossing:Alexander Mackenzie, His
Fxpedition Accross North America, and
the Opening ofthe Continent,
reviewed by Brian Gobbett.
Danda Humphreys
On the StreetWhereYou Live,Vol. Ill,
Sailors, Solicitors and Stargazers,
reviewed by George Newell.
Eunice M.L. Harrison
The Judge's Wife: Memoirs of a British
Columbia Pioneer,
reviewed by Donna Jean McKinnon.
Bruce Braun
Intemperate Rainforest Nature, Culture,
& Power on Canada's West Coast,
reviewed by Cara Prion
Howard Overend
Book Guy:A Librarian in the Peace,
reviewed by Arnold Ranneris.
Shirley Hewett
The People's Boat HMCS Oriole: Ship of
a Thousand Dreams,
reviewed by PhilipTeece.
Abandoned: The Story of the Greely
Arctic Expedition, 1881-1884
Alden L.Todd. Fairbanks, Alaska: University
of Alaska Press, 2001 . 323 pp. Illus., maps. $
22.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Carol Lowes
This recent reprinting of author Alden
Todd's harrowing 1961 account of the
sufferings imposed upon an American expedition sent into the Canadian High Arctic
during the First International Polar Year of
1881 will interest a wide audience.
The publishers have brought back into
circulation an important annal of arctic exploration. Much more than a story of geographical discovery and scientific achievement, this is also a poignant and pathetic, yet
often heart-warming tale of man's capacity
to endure against all odds. Compelling in its
integrity, the author's research is exhaustive
in pursuit of the truth regarding a glorious
venture that went horribly wrong.
Under the command of Lt. Adolphus
Washington Greely, the twenty-five men of
the Lady Franklin Bay Expedition worked
diligently together that first winter of 1881.
Greely proved a stern but kindly commander,
whose concern for his men's morale provides
some ofthe book's lighter moments (the various sporting contests, the impudent camp
" newspaper ," and the grand Thanksgiving
dinner make delightful reading). But he was
plagued from the start by discontent and jealousy amongst his commanding officers.
When the pre-arranged supply ship failed to
reach the expedition in the summer of
1882—and again the following summer—
discontent festered into insubordination and,
eventually, into mutiny as the men were
forced to endure a third winter marooned
without hope of survival.
Todd skilfully weaves the story from all
points of view. Official expedition journals
and private diaries of the doomed men allow us to witness every part of their ordeal:
the horrors of frostbite and slow death by
starvation, the individual heroism and bravery, the descent into criminal behaviour in
the effort to survive. At the same time, government and naval documents, augmented
by unpublished letters, reveal the larger picture of bureaucratic lethargy and bungling
that delayed the final rescue attempt.
When a rescue party at last reached the
expedition in 1884, eighteen men lay dead
and another died on the way home.
For Greely and his five fellow survivors,
the ordeal was far from over. Their triumphant homecoming, to national and international acclaim, was soon to be devastated
by malicious accusations of murder and cannibalism when six of the exhumed dead were
found to be mutilated.
To the author's credit, he neither accuses
nor excuses any one member of the expedition but, rather, lets the record speak for itself. He provides material enough for the
reader to draw certain conclusions regarding
these gruesome revelations, but those requiring more should refer to the introduction by
the famous explorer and anthropologist
Vilhjalmur Stefansson, who offers a grim yet
logical explanation of what likely happened.
This finely written and moving work is
supplemented by helpful maps and stunning
engravings of key episodes during the Greely
Reviewer Carol Lowes is a member of the Map
Society of BC. Her great-great-uncle, James
Murray, lost his life in the High Arctic as oceanog-
rapher aboard Vilhjalmur Stefansson's ill-fated
HMCS Karluk voyage of 1913.
Magnificently Unrepentant: The
Story of Merve Wilkinson and
Goody Niosi. Surrey: Heritage House, 2001.
236 pp. Illlus. $18.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Arnold Ranneris
Residents ofVancouver Island have become aware of a local hero in our midst. He
is Merve Wilkinson, owner and operator of
a forestry operation near Ladysmsith called
Wildwood. His name has become synonymous with enlightened forestry. Merve
Wilkinson was born in 1913 to English immigrants who came to Nanaimo, but soon
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 moved to a better life away from the coal
mining operations of nearby Wellington.
Merve was raised in the spacious fields and
forested areas around Quennell Lake. This
would become his lifetime home.
From the beginning Merve had a natural
affinity with the environment; this concern
was focused by attendance at a Youth Training Course at UBC in the 1930s, but his real
introduction to sustainable forestry was
through a Swedish correspondence course.
"The Swedish course in forestry was a godsend," he said, and he embraced to the full its
central principle: "what you leave in the forest is more important than what you take
out." He set about applying this to Wildwood
and demonstrated that good forest practices
could be applied here. This happened at a
time when clear-cutting and slash-and-burn
methods were all too common.
While Wilkinson's ecological approach
gradually gained recognition locally, it was
not until 1986 when a CBC radio program
" Pacific Report" interview expanded awareness of Wildwood in British Columbia and
beyond. There are many other stories in the
book: friendships and marriage and family,
gains and losses in relationships, participation in the 1990s Clayoquot disobedience,
finding a soul mate in late life, receiving the
Order of Canada and the Order of British
The book is delightful reading.The biographer lets Wilkinson's life speak for itself
from many excerpts from his journals. Photographs are interspersed throughout. It will
please conservation enthusiasts, but also people who like biography. It should have a place
in all British Columbia libraries.
Reviewer Arnold Ranneris is president of the
Victoria Historical Society.
Ghosts on the Grade: Hiking and
Biking Abandoned Railways on
Southern Vancouver Island.
Ian Baird and Peter Smith. Victoria: Heritage Architectural Guides. 2001. Distributed
by Empire Books, 630 Oliver Street.Victoria, BCV8S 4W3.
Reviewed by Ken Wuschki.
In the silky fashion of a spider web the
derelict railways of Southern Vancouver Island weave a story of the rise and fall of communities and industries in the forests. And
authors Ian Baird and Peter Smith have captured this web in a very accessible book for
those who enjoy experiencing history
through hiking and biking.
Covering eleven railway operations from
Nanaimo south to William Head, the authors
provide a brief historical background for each
one and then quickly turn the focus toward
accessing each route in person. They have
achieved something that is unique for making history appealing to a broader range of
people—having them experience what took
Through walking and cycling these tenuous networks people can start to begin to
understand that British Columbia's history
is more than dusty books and stuffy museums. Rather, it is a part of our everyday lives
in terms of railways, roads, buildings, cemeteries, and parks—a subtle perspective of
history through cultural artifacts of the everyday experience.
Baird and Smith make a good effort for
an interactive experience with history: mentioning some prominent milestones in a railway's history, such as Premier John Oliver's
driving the first spike on the Canadian National line fromVictoria to Duncan in 1918.
This enables the adventurous reader to reflect on today's Galloping Goose Trail past
when the bicycle tires are rolling along the
route in the Luxton area.
As the final spike is being driving into
Vancouver Island's railway history with the
potential closure of the Esquimalt and
Nanaimo Railway this year, Baird and Smith
have succeeded in keeping the Island's rail
history alive for people who want a casual
understanding of this period.
Reviewer Ken Wuschki, a student at Kwantlen
College in Richmond, is majoring in history.
Flying Under Fire: Canadian Fliers
Recall the Second World War
Selected and edited by William J. Wheeler.
Calgary: Fifth House, 2001. 256 pp. Illus.
$21.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Mike Higgs.
This admirable book, which is an anthology of the reminiscences and recollections
of twelve brave Canadians who served in the
RCAF during the Second World War, requires careful reading. Each memoir—the
average length is sixteen pages—gives a refreshingly direct, personal and up-close picture of what it was like to be young, patri
otic, and strongly motivated in those distant
days. There are many other benefits for the
reader, not least the exposition of an open-
hearted and almost simplistic notion of duty,
duty to King and Country, which pervades
the words and actions of the writers. From
our viewpoint at the start of the twenty-first
century, we feel, on reading these accounts, a
blend of nostalgia and surprise at a mentality long obsolete today, but still only sixty
years in the past.
Each of the twelve accounts has been previously published in the Journal of the Canadian Aviation Historical Society. One of them,
and surely the most interesting, is by a woman
who flew as a pilot with the ATA, or Air
Transport Auxiliary, in England. In her account, she artlessly uses the word "girl" to
describe herself and her fellow-pilots, in a
way that would be" inappropriate" today, but
it is perfectly in period. As a delivery pilot,
she was only required to take aircraft from
one place to another, but the variety of them
is astounding.
Other stories in this anthology are absorbing in a variety of ways. They include accounts of artillery-spotting in tiny Austers,
slow little machines whose duty was to report the fall of shells around a target. The
optimum position for the spotter was on the
line joining the gun and its target, which
meant that the Auster and the shell shared
the same airspace. We also read of the appalling Avro Manchester, a bomber that at
one stage had bombdoors that closed (after
the bombs had been released) by the action
of rubber bungee-cords, and of exploits flying the Typhoon and Whirlwind, of torpedo
operations in the Mediterranean, of attacks
on the Tirpitz, and of the peculiar trade of
being a winch operator in a target-tug air-
craft.The tugs towed a target (in the form of
a drogue) on a long wire cable, for fighters
to shoot at using live ammunition. Exuberant gun-play was of course discouraged, but
nothing can inhibit the exuberance of the
writing in this book, the triumph of fact over
Flying Under Fire is well illustrated, with
many contemporary photographs of aircraft
and crews. It has an excellent glossary. It is
printed to a high standard, with a durable
glossy cover, and will be an invaluable sourcebook when all of the contributors have made
their last landing. And the part of it that can
be perceived but not actually seen, the spirit
of adventure and sacrifice, is eternal.
Reviewer Mike Higgs is a retired CP Air pilot.
29 Captain McNeill and his Wife the
Nishga Chief
Robin Percival Smith. Surrey: Hancock
House, 2001.256 pp. Illus. $18.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Pamela Mar.
The name of American-born Captain
William John McNeill is a familiar one to
those who live on Vancouver Island. During
his tenure at Fort Rupert as ChiefTrader for
the Hudson's Bay Company, he had innumerable problems. His relations with the men
employed there and with the native population are recognized as stormy. In setting out
the extent of McNeill's work with the HBC
as seen through his letters to various officials, the ships' logs, and his journals, Robin
P. Smith has shown just how difficult and
fractious this could be. While McNeill has
generally been recognized as a stern and authoritarian figure who brooked no nonsense,
the Company on the whole thought highly
of him, as can be seen in their correspondence. He was a loyal servant, putting the
Company's needs before his own and sometimes being treated shabbily despite his tenacity. As a mariner he was often away from
his family for long periods.
The words "...and His Wife the Nishga
Chief" in the title of the book are a little
misleading, as there is not a great deal about
Matilda, and some of what Robin Smith
writes is drawn from his interpretation, as he
acknowledges. We know so little about the
history of Native women that it would have
been wonderful had there been more facts
to draw on. Smith's use of imagination in
dealing with conversations between various
characters is backed by the written record,
makes for pleasant reading, and moves the
story along.
The juxtaposition of Captain Vancouver's
charts made in the 1790s with contemporary Canadian and United States' ones is very
interesting and provides focal points for the
story. The collection of photographs brings
together many of the main characters and
there are photographs and sketches of the
various HBC forts that McNeill knew. The
photos give a glimpse of his large family,
though sadly there is none of Matilda. Her
death in the early 1850s must have preceded
the general use of the camera. His second
wife, Martha, also a Nishga Chief, whom he
married in 1852, sits stately with four of the
McNeill daughters, and Smith remarks that
she was every bit as colourful as Matilda, but
that that is another story. It is to be hoped
that he will follow this up. There is the odd
proofreading slip, and the oft-mistaken spelling of the name "Norman Morison" with
"rr" instead of the correct single "r". But
Robin Smith has drawn out much more of
McNeill's life than has been seen before.
There is a lot of research in this interesting
book, but it would have been much improved
with a lot of critical editing and an essay on
the sources consulted.
Reviewer Pamela Mar lives in Nanaimo.
Fort Steele: Gold Rush to Boom Town
Naomi Miller. Surrey: Heritage House Publishing, 2002. 240 pp. Ilus., maps $18.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Ron Welwood
If you are at all intrigued by the history
and character of Fort Steele, this book will
help to satisfy that curiosity. Anecdotes, facts
and figures are sequentially outlined chapter
by chapter.
The East Kootenay region in the Rocky
Mountain Trench of southeast British Columbia was first occupied by Kootenay
(Ktunaxa) and Shuswap (Kinbasket) peoples
prior to the discovery of gold.The gold rush
on Wildhorse Creek in 1864 changed this
landscape in more ways than one. A settled
community slowly grew on the banks of the
Kootenay River in the vicinity of John
Galbraith's cable ferry. Although named Fort
Steele, the town was actually a North West
Mounted Police post occupied for one year
by Major Samuel Benfield Steele and his men
who came to maintain law and order between the Natives and the newcomers.
Fort Steele: Gold Rush to Boom Town outlines events between 1864 and 1906. Archival records and weekly newspaper reports
from The Prospector of Fort Steele (1895-1904)
and Cranbrook (1905-06) provided the author with an ample supply of anecdotal and
factual information ("including building,
mining, politics, businesses, social events,
births, marriages, and deaths").
The reader could be distracted by some
awkward sentences, grammatical or typographical errors that should have been spotted and corrected by a vigilant editor. More
detailed maps would have been useful to
readers unfamiliar with regional locations
cited (e.g. Bummer's Flats, Westport, etc.).
However, historic photographs, illustrations,
a short bibliography, and an extensive, seven-
page index provide good directional points.
Also, biographical squibs not only provide a
glimpse into the lives of some "Steelites" but
also add character to the book.
Naomi Miller has well served the British
Columbia Historical Federation both as
President and as editor of British Columbia
Historical News. Now as an interpreter at Fort
Steele Heritage Town (declared a provincial
park in 1961), she relates with enthusiasm
and knowledge, many historical vignettes to
visitors. This inexpensive publication is just
an expansion of those tales and thus it adds
to the material used in Fort Steele's historical reconstruction.
Reviewer Ron Welwood is past president of the
British Columbia Historical Federation and an
avid student of Kootenay history.
First Crossing: Alexander Mackenzie, His Expedition Across North
America, and the Opening of the
Derek Hayes. Vancouver: Douglas &
Mclntyre, 2001. Illus. 320 pp. $50.00 hardcover.
Reviewed by Brian Gobbett
In her monumental British Columbia: a
History (1958) Margaret Ormsby gave voice
to the frontier character ofthe Pacific Northwest, entitling the first two chapters "Approach from the Sea" and "Approach from
the Mountains." Separated from more well-
travelled routes by distance and geography,
British Columbia, in her words,"stood apart
from the civilized world until late in the
eighteenth century." Subsequent surveys of
the history of British Columbia (perhaps
because they have been long in coming) have
reflected much different historiographic
trends, and have emphasized the role of the
"first British Columbians"1 while
downplaying the "heroic" achievement of
explorers such as Alexander Mackenzie.
Derek Hayes, author of the award-winning
Historical Atlas ofBritish Columbia and the Pacific Northwest (1999), objects to this trend in
First Crossing, claiming that it" is all too common for Canadians to complain that their
history is unexciting and that there are no
real Canadian heroes" (p. 11). Alexander
Mackenzie, in his mind, was one such individual.
In retracing the steps of the" heroic" Mackenzie, Hayes emphasizes the explorer's two
most famous journeys while in the employ-
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 ment of the North West Company: the canoe trip to the Arctic Ocean in 1789 and his
1793 venture down the Fraser river to
present-day Alexandria and then overland to
the Pacific, ultimately ending his westward
journey not far from present-day Bella Coola.
Relying heavily (although uncritically) upon
Mackenzie's journals (although we only have
a single hand-written copy of the first expedition and published versions ofthe second),
Hayes emphasizes the Herculean mental and
physical strength that were prerequisites for
such journeys. The second journey covered
more than 2,300 miles in total, with the return trip from Bella Coola to Fort Fork
(which even Mackenzie noted "proceeded
at a considerable rate") taking only thirty-
three days.The text is necessarily brief, however. Instead, much of First Crossing is dedicated to the beautiful reproduction of maps,
historical and contemporary photographs,
and various illustrations and paintings apparently depicting the life of the explorer or
miscellaneous facets of Native culture. Although these images are not always accompanied by a critical commentary and sometimes lack correlation with the main text,
they constitute an important collection of
relevant visual material.
This is an aesthetically pleasing volume
and Hayes has compiled a compelling collection of historical and contemporary images. The text is perhaps more problematic.
Mackenzie is presented as one of "our country's major historical figures" (p. 11), a forerunner of Canadian Confederation (p. 11),
who grew up bilingual "in true Canadian
style" (he spoke Gaelic and English as a child)
(p. 40). If Hayes wishes to resurrect Harold
Innis's argument from the 1920s that the
North West Company and the opening of
the west was a principal vehicle of the drive
toward Confederation, a more critical and
substantial discussion is necessary. As Barry
Gough notes in First Across the Continent: Sir
Alexander Mackenzie (1996), Mackenzie was
concerned with imperial power and commercial expansion and never imagined himself as a nation builder (pp. 205-206). Moreover, little attention is devoted to a critical
discussion of the interaction between Mackenzie and the indigenous peoples he encountered. Perhaps because Hayes relies heavily upon Mackenzie's own writings, too often aboriginal peoples are presented as mere
obstacles to the explorer's greater mission and
achievement. Recently, anthropologist
Anthony F.C.Wallace, in Jefferson and the In
dians (1999), notes that Mackenzie visited
Philadelphia in 1798 and donated a sea-otter skin blanket to the American Philosophical Society, an organization that aggressively
pursued knowledge of indigenous societies
and of whichThomas Jefferson was a prominent member. Although there is no indication that the British explorer and Jefferson
ever met,Wallace notes that Mackenzie's presence in Philadelphia is significant, particularly in light of the trans-continental rush for
spoils upon which nineteenth-century
America was about to embark and its attendant consequences for aboriginal peoples. In
contrast, while Hayes surmises that Jefferson
read sections of Mackenzie's published travel
accounts carefully in ascertaining the difficulties in crossing the Rocky Mountains (p.
268), there is little appreciation that in doing
so, the American president was participating
in the construction of an imperial knowledge that would ultimately refashion the
western half of North America.
Too little attention has been given to
the study of colonial explorers. In spite of its
purposeful attempt to entrench Mackenzie
into a Canadian mythology (which I see as a
fault but Hayes would obviously endorse),
this is an entertaining and valuable resource
for those interested in the life and travels of
Alexander Mackenzie.
1 R.L. Carlson uses the term "first British
Columbians" in broadly describing the
indigenous population of British Columbia in
the opening chapter of Hugh J.M. Johnston,
ed., The Pacific Province: A History ofBritish
Columbia (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre,
Reviewer Brian Gobbett once spent a summer
tree planting near Mackenzie, British Columbia,
an "instant town" created in 1968 and named
after the famous explorer.
On the Street Where You Live, Vol.
Ill; Sailors, Solicitors and Stargazers
of Early Victoria
Danda Humphreys. Surrey: Heritage House,
2001.186 pp.,Illus.,maps. $34.95 hardcover.
Reviewed by George Newell.
This volume continues in the format of
its preceding two volumes—in this instance
bringing together forty-two articles written
for newspaper publication.Two or more photographs accompany each article, and there
are ten maps of the Greater Victoria area (four
applicable to Volume I, three each for vol
umes II and III) indicating the locations of
the streets that form the basis for each chapter. There are some comments on source
materials, a bibliography, and an index.
As in the previous volumes, the subtitle is
but a teaser. The cast is more extensive. In
her introduction, the author elaborates: "The
people who populate these pages include
sailors and saloon-keepers, lawyers, bankers
and businessmen, architects and astronomers,
doctors, politicians, postmasters, even a poet
or two." One chapter, "Fan Tan Alley; If These
Old Walls Could Only Talk" is about the
Chinese community.The book, in the publisher's words, "introduces us to more of the
colourful characters who were drawn to the
city during the second half of the nineteenth
Again the publishers and the author have
produced a handsome and valuable book.
There is a feeling for the history of the city,
especially the social and business aspects. Between the lines a community is developing,
and the subjects of the articles are the people
responsible in large part for the form that
that development takes. Once more the photographs are an integral part.
Reviewer George Newell lives in Victoria.
The Judge's Wife: Memoirs of a
British Columbia Pioneer
Eunice M.L. Harrison. Vancouver: Ronsdale
Press, 2001. 295 pp. Illus. $19.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Donna Jean McKinnon
The Judge s Wife is a book of the writings
of an observant, interested, and interesting
woman of privilege, Eunice Harrison, who
came to the interior of BC in 1860 with her
Except for some early girlhood adventures
in the Cariboo, most of the stories in this
book tell ofthe years following her marriage
to Victoria lawyer Eli Harrison. After marrying, Eunice Harrison assumed her station
in society and took responsibility for her family and its social standing in Victoria while
Eli travelled extensively in Lillooet, the
Cariboo, and later Nanaimo where he was
county court judge.
Her stories not only include the kind one
expects from a woman of her time and her
position, but also include others that reveal
her curiosity and spirit of adventure. In one
episode, she tells of her decision to join her
husband in the Cariboo.
31 "Several years of close attention to domestic life without a real change made me
on second thought welcome adventure even
of the most robust sort", (p. 109).
Other stories are rich in the detail of social life inVictoria from balls to at-homes,
weddings, and regattas on the Gorge; others
give readers a fascinating insight into the layout of houses, and the heating, bathtubs, laundry, and other housekeeping routines of the
time. However, Harrison's interests never lingers solely on the domestic sphere as her
commentaries on social and political trends
of the day reveal. She writes of architectural
developments inVictoria, including the new
parliament buildings and courthouse, the
building of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo
Railway, and early water rights in the BC
interior (from her husband's memoirs). Other
stories tell of the acquaintances she made with
people of Native, Chinese, Japanese, and Sikh
Even though she lived for another 46 years,
Harrison's memoirs end in 1906 with a tale
of escape from San Francisco during the great
earthquake. Some details of her later life are
provided in the book's introduction by the
equally engaging writing of Dr. Jean Barman, who had earlier included some of
Harrison's excerpts in her book, The West
Beyond the West. Barman's introduction places
Harrison and her experiences in context not
only with respect to the period in which she
lived, but also respecting the period following the Second World War in which she compiled her writings, and it gives shape to the
personal stories that follow.
Reviewer Donna Jean McKinnon is Past President of the Vancouver Historical Society.
Intemperate Rainforest: Nature,
Culture, & Power on Canada's West
Bruce Braun. Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 2002. 347 pp. Illus. US$
68.95 hardcover.
Reviewed by Cara Pryor.
The Intemperate Rainforest examines
representations of British Columbia's famous
Clayoquot Sound. Environmentalists from all
over the world flocked there in 1993 in order
to lay themselves in front of logging
equipment and bring attention to a part of
the world that for them represented one of
the last remnants of pristine wilderness.They
left powerful David and Goliath images with
those who had watched them on TV and
seen their pictures in magazines and
newspapers. However, Bruce Braun argues
that these were not objective reflections of
the truth ofVancouver Island's west coast.
Rather, he argues that "precisely because
nature is something that must be represented
(it cannot simply speak for itself), the act of
representation becomes that much more
important, for it necessarily constructs that
which it speaks for." These representations
of the rainforest established and supported
unequal power relationships among
governments, forest industrialists, environmentalists, and First Nations peoples.
Braun is a political geographer, and in the
book he draws on post-colonial theory and
the rich literature on the politics of nature in
his deconstruction of artifacts such as maps,
paintings, and brochures that portray
Clayoquot Sound. The Intemperate Rainforest
is divided into six sections. In the first chapter he explains that Braun is most concerned
with revealing British Columbia's colonial
present, that is, the ways in which the colonial practices of marginalization and displacement of First Nations concerns have continued to operate. In so doing, he attempts to
provide opportunities for a fairer and more
effective environmentalism.
The second chapter argues that First Nations people had been conceptually
marginalized in the early process of colonization. He uses as an example the writings
of George Dawson of the Geological Survey
of Canada which separated Aboriginal peoples from their forest contexts. This enabled
forestry giant MacMillan Bloedel to establish itself as the proper steward of the rainforest. This position was reinforced through
the scientific rhetoric they employed in their
displays and exhibits.
But Braun does not stop with the usual
suspects of government and industry. He argues that those who are usually considered
the allies of First Nations people in their fight
for recognition of land claims also participate in their marginalization. By including
aboriginal peoples in a way that relegates
them to a pre-modern past and ignores modern activities, present concerns of aboriginal
peoples can be ignored. In the third chapter,
Braun finds examples of this in a coffee table
book, On the Wild Side, produced by the
Western Canada Wilderness Committee;
chapter four gives the example of the adventure tours that have become so popular
on Canada's west coast and elsewhere. Braun
goes even further in his search for the unusual and in chapter five treads rather effectively on some sacred British Columbian
ground in his critical analysis of the work of
Emily Carr. Chapter six examines the problems associated with creating clear distinctions between untouched ancient rainforest
and modified landscapes.
Residents of BC are rather proud of their
"Beautiful British Columbia," and therefore
nature in the province is very political territory. But Braun resists the idea that cooler
heads will be able to find a more "accurate"
representation of Clayoquot Sound. Instead,
he identifies the politics of nature and exposes hidden assumptions. He also highlights
representations that offer a different politics
of nature: the paintings of First Nations art-
ist.Yuxweluptun; the First Nations operated
Ahousaht Wild Side Heritage trail; the Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices
in Clayoquot Sound. As a result, The Intemperate Rainforest is an important contribution
to a better environmentalism. Because this
book offers so much, it is disappointing that
very few people besides scholars will be able
to slog through the rather dense prose.
There are other problems. Braun uses
Donna Haraway's concept of the modest
witness, the invisible and apparently objective recorder, to criticize George Dawson,
Emily Carr, and the producers of On the Wild
Side. However, Braun himself is conspicuously absent from The Intemperate Rainforest.
We never get a clear understanding of what
(besides academic work) shapes his politics
and perceptions. I was also sometimes concerned by Braun's treatment of aboriginal
peoples.The concerns ofthe Nuu-chah-nulth
are sometimes automatically given more legitimacy than those of non-aboriginal peoples. I was most concerned by one particular
instance. Braun uses the example of a white
protester who claimed to speak for nature.
He very carefully explains the inherent dangers in this practice. A few pages later, he
writes, "...Native people do not lose their
claim to speak for nature as soon as they begin to modify their environments...." The
contradiction here is troubling.
These problems aside, The Intemperate
Rainforest is a rich and worthwhile read. I
heartily recommend it.
Reviewer Cara Pryor is a PhD student in the
Department of History, UBC
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 Book Guy: A Librarian in the Peace
Howard Overend. Victoria: TouchWood
Editions, 2001. Illus. 284 pp $18.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Arnold Ranneris
This is a delightful adventure narrative by
a librarian who loved his profession, the people he worked with and served, and the landscape in which he worked. Howard Overend
was the librarian in charge of the Peace River
Branch of the BC Public Library Commission for 13 years (1958X972).Then it was a
land rich in natural resources and genuine
people, but scarce at the time in cultural resources such as books to enliven the days and
long nights of the northern winters.The author has drawn from his files, records, and I
suspect a diary, the accounts and details of
what it meant to be a pioneer in his chosen
way. He also drew from his love of the vast
outdoors of the BC Peace Bloc to put the
narrative in this context. Photographs are
sprinkled throughout the book and give
added interest. Humorous stories and details
keep the narrative light and lively.
Chapter titles such as "The Great Peace
Country," "Books by a Dam Site," "Packed
They Them Their Caravan," "Back of the
Northern Beyond," give only a hint of the
story. However, the real delight for me (a librarian) is the way in which Overend intertwines people and places and books. I also
enjoyed his rich prose descriptions:
September with its cool overnight frosts
and warm afternoon sunshine brings a
change to the Peace River scene. Combines
have shorn the fields of undulating gold and
left only a stiff, flaxen stubble to warm the
cooling earth. Roadside grasses, tall and fresh
and green in midsummer, are now the colour of honey and poplars rattle their yellow
leaves and shed them in swirls to the ground.
Another chapter entitled "The Shooting
of JFZ" is particularly memorable. It is the
account of the "shooting" of an NFB documentary "Journey from Zero", by the author and three other men tracing the long
trip ofthe bookvan from Mile Zero (Dawson
Creek) north 900 miles along the Alaska
Highway in the autumn of 1960. From the
At the Peace River Branch there is an air
of expectancy. Cartons of books that have
been packed during the brief summer have
grown to a veritable mountain...and ready
to load on the blue-green library van. For it
is time once more to go up the Alaska High
way, a high point in the year...
This is a delightful book—well written,
personal, personable, and inspiring. It is the
story of a man who made a difference to
many people by the sense of purpose and
adventure he brought to his vocation. It is
warmly recommended to all public libraries
and to people who love the northern part of
BC, and to readers who enjoy a good narrative adventure story and books themselves.
Four pages of notes at the end of the book
give appropriate added references. Photographs add vividness to the text. My only
suggestion is for a map to give a sense of
relatedness of places.
Reviewer Arnold Ranneris is a librarian and president of the Victoria Historical Society.
The People's Boat: HMCS Oriole:
Ship of a Thousand Dreams
Shirley Hewett.   Surrey: Heritage House,
2002. 174 pp, Illus. $26.95 paperback.
Reviewed by Philip Teece.
The stunningly elegant sail-training ship
Oriole has been a feature of the maritime
scene around Victoria (and in my own life)
since I was a child.Thus, like the many thousands of others who have admired the gracious old ketch on our coast during the past
half-century, I'm delighted to see her history in print.
Shirley Hewett has worked hard to recover all the details of the ship's story, and to
good effect.
A veritable archive of documentation and
no fewer than 130 historic photographs, carry
us through the ship's eventful life from her
launching in 1921 to her triumphant victory in the Victoria-to-Maui Race in 2000.
Characteristic of Oriole herself and of Shirley
Hewett's reporting is prominent mention of
Oriole's capture of the "Byrd Award for the
Crew having too much Fun."
She was built as a private yacht for Toronto distilling magnate George Horace
Gooderham. Her long association with the
British Columbia coast began after
Gooderham's death; in 1954 her new owners, the Royal Canadian Navy sailed her from
Halifax via Panama to Esquimalt Harbour.
In the same year the Navy at Esquimalt initiated its junior officer program HMCS Venture] Oriole assumed her role as the seagoing
venue for Venture s trainees.
As Shirley Hewett shows us, Oriole s training ventures have been varied and imagina-
tive.Typical ofthe Navy's creative uses ofthe
ship have been her crowd-thrilling participation in BC's annual Swiftsure Race, her
goodwill visits to California, Hawaii, and
Alaska, and her re-enactment of Captain
Cook's 1778 voyage to Nootka Sound.
A major delight in the new book is
Hewett's focus on the people—the hundreds
of individuals—who have been connected
with this ship during her long career on our
coast. Shipboard snapshots include a youth
who would later become a federal fisheries
minister, a Canadian prime minister, and
(perhaps) your own brother or sister.
The book also provides an intimately detailed look at the old ship herself, her design,
construction, the rigging and handling of her
huge sail area, and the structural problems
that an ageing vessel must inevitably face.
From an archival source in the eastern United
States Hewett has found (and here reproduced) the original 80-year-old plans for the
Oriole. My one very small quibble about this
fascinating book is a regret that the selected
plan sheets do not include the naval architect's drawings of Oriole s actual lines.
Reading The People s Boat, however, is a
nostalgic adventure. I know that thousands
of British Columbia coast watchers will find
it highly satisfying.
Reviewer Philip Teece, a retired Victoria librarian,
is the author of A Shimmer on the Horizon,
about his own coastal sailing adventures.
Tapho Files
Tapho Files is a quartertly full of articles about
cemeteries of all sizes, ages, and importance
as well as segments on symbolism, epitaphs,
monuments, stories of people and their burial
sites. Contact A Sense of History Research
Sevices Inc., 1405-69 Jamieson New Westminster, BCV3L 5 R3.
Arrow Lakes Historical Society
Bugles on Broadway, the last book of Arrow
Lakes Historical Societies Centennial Series,
can be ordered from the Arrow Lakes Historical Society office in Nakusp, Box 819,
Nakusp BC,V0G 1R0. Phone and fax is 250.
265.0110 or home phone 250.265.3323.
Price is $45 plus $10 for shipping. It is also
available in Kaslo at the Moyie and Fern's
Flowers, at Olivers Book Store in Nelson,
Grizzly Books and Serendipity Shop in
Revelstoke, and Meritxell Book Store in
33 Reports
Edward (Ted) L. Affleck
Eulogy presented by Bruce M.Watson on 24
March 2003 at a memorial service in St. Faith's
Anglican Church,Vancouver attended by a
large audience with as many differing interests
as were personified in Ted Affleck,
THANK you for coming to celebrate
Ted Affleck's life. All of us have different memories of Ted and what he
meant to all of us.
For me, two memories of the quintessential Ted Affleck come to mind. Both took
place in 1992 when we were on a historical
research trip along the Columbia, Snake, and
Kootenay rivers.We had stopped for the night
at the Massacre Rocks campsite in the desert
part of Idaho.
Fairly early in the evening,Ted was banished from the tent because of his outrageous
snoring, the offending loudness ofwhich he
strongly denied.
He settled himself on his mattress at a
neighbouring site out of earshot under the
open skies. In the morning he enthusiastically described a memorable night of a wonderful scene, after the snakes and lizards had
retreated under their rocks, of a crystal clear
sky, billions of twinkling stars, and shooting
comets. After taking all this in, he said, he
had a deep sleep, the best sleep he had had in
a long time. He talked about this for days
after.That wasTed. He always had a rich sense
of everything around him.
The second lasting memory stems from
an event that took place on the same trip
several days later. For my own research, I had
made contact with a few museums and historical organizations along the way. At the
destination, with pen in hand ready for the
interview I introduced the other guy—Ted
Affleck. I hadn't anticipated Ted's reputation
preceding us for, as soon as I mentioned his
name, the interview was lost. All wanted to
talk to him: the other guy. I couldn't get a
word in edgewise.This same scene happened
distressingly more than once. Ted was a respected historian. His research was impeccable and his facts were dead on. He was a man
of meticulous detail and had a justifiably good
These two unusual memories, for whatever reason, represent the quintessential Ted
and yet there was so much more to him.
So, just who was Ted Affleck? He was a
complex man, a man of many talents.
OurTed emerged as Edward Lloyd Affleck
on 5 April 1924 in Nelson in the middle of
the roaring twenties and coincidently in the
declining years of steamboating in that area.
As the country was racing toward and into
the Great Depression of the 1930s,Ted was
experiencing first-hand the thrill of riding
all the Canadian Pacific Railway
sternwheelers still in service in the Kootenay
and Arrow lakes.
When the rest of the country was economically crippled, Ted was accompanying
his father, a civil engineer and land surveyor,
on field trips into the rugged backwoods of
the area. He was acquiring a sense of land
and water and the historical soul ofthe place.
After attending school in Nelson, he went
on to graduate from UBC in Vancouver with
honours in chemistry. Nothing short of honours would have suited Ted. He graduated
just in time in 1945 to spend a brief period
with the Pacific Infantry Battalion.
At the end of the war he entered teacher
training at UBC and between 1946 and 1950
taught high school in Alberni, Kelowna, and
Mission. For the next two years he studied
librarianship in Seattle and worked as a science librarian in Eugene at the University of
Oregon. It was here that he was able to connect with the rivers of that area.
Back in Vancouver, Ted entered the accounting profession and, being Ted, did noth
ing in short measures. While working for the
Institute of Chartered Accountants and then
as an assistant professor at UBC, he chronicled the history of chartered accountants in
British Columbia, not once but twice. As an
accountant, he was generous with his time.
During his retirement years, he filled out tax
forms for free for a host of friends, many of
whom are probably sitting here now.
It was in the 1960s that Ted followed his
interest in acting in amateur theatre, something he had begun at University. It was at
this time he met and married Jean Galbraith,
a talented actress, and also my cousin. They
had 26 Vi years of happily married life together before Jean's untimely death in 1989.
On 1 November 1965, daughter Carolyn was
born and, four years later, in 1969, to complete the domestic picture, an energetic
bouncing baby, David, was brought into the
Ted recorded some of Jean's excellent quilt
making in a book that he published in 1987.
Jean's book and many others were published
through Ted's own Alexander Nicolls Press, a
name derived fromTed's maternal grandpar-
ent.The press was the launching pad forTed's
lifelong interest in steamboats and
paddlewheelers originally emanating from his
beloved Kootenay District of British Columbia. Over time, the net was cast wider and
eventually covered an area from Oregon to
the Yukon. He was known as "Steamboat Ted"
to some in the Kootenay area. I won't go
through the numerous publications, but he
garnered two awards, one from the British
Columbia Historical Federation and another
from the British Columbia Underwater Archaeological Society for his writing.
There was also the musical Ted. One day
in the 1970s, he bought a viola and taught
himself how to play it. The initial sound to
young daughter Carolyn's ear was that of a
"sick cow" but practice makes perfect and
the eventually accomplished player played
with the Brock House Music Makers, spending much time entertaining seniors.
Not only did he play the viola, he steeped
himself in opera, something upon which he
had become hooked from the age of ten from
the movies of Jeanette Macdonald and Nelson Eddy. One did not disturb Ted Affleck
when he was listening to "Saturday Afternoon at the Opera" on the CBC. Part of it
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 was that he was listening to see if he won yet
another prize on the " Opera Quiz." At the
mention of an aria,Ted would spontaneously
sing it. No prompting required. And, of
course, if Ted was interested in something,
he wrote about it, two publications alone for
the Greater Vancouver Operatic Society. He
spent decades putting together information
on the forgotten Golden Oldies of opera from
the 1600s.The essence of it was recently published as "Forsaken Phantoms ofThe Opera" in the prestigious Opera Quarterly, something of which Ted was fiercely proud. A
much larger version is still waiting to be published. As Ted took his opera very seriously I
used to purposefully, and some might say
evilly, intentionally elicit a look of utter disdain from him when I would, for example,
refer to Madame Butterfly as Madame
Butterball. I always felt a certain tone of irreverence was a healthy necessity in the presence ofTed.
Ted also sang in numerous choral groups
such as the Brock House Seniors Choir. He
also sang with the choir in this very church.
In addition, with his sense of drama and theatrical flair, he sang in operettas. Many of you
would have seen him bounding around the
stage in period costume in many productions ranging from the Pirates of Penzance to
Die Fledermaus, to mention a few. He was
most proud, however, of having joined the
Japan tour of Aida as a member of the chorus
in 1986.
He was truly a man of many talents.
I first met Ted in the 1960s around the
time he married Jean but it wasn't until the
1980s that I became reacquainted with him
at an extended family gathering in New
Westminster. At that gathering someone suggested putting together a family tree, maybe
something we could have ready for my father's 90th birthday in 1989.Ted launched into
it with great enthusiasm and became instrumental in helping to put together three
monumental family trees. For two years we
searched many archives and interviewed relatives. When I would be stonewalled by some
tight-lipped elder, Ted would say, "Bruce,
you've got to ask the right questions." And
so I learned interview techniques, the Ted
Affleck style. Largely through his efforts, these
family trees were ready in time for the 1989
gathering. Luckily Ted had tempered my
exuberance and sheer glee at unearthing family skeletons with a much more reasoned
guarded writing, for which I thank him.
Our mutual passion for history resulted
in an instant friendship and we would spend
hours on the phone fitting historical minutiae into the larger picture. From our research
trips during the summers, I also have fond
memories of us sitting on hillsides visually
reconstructing fur trade routes, forts, river
boat slips, and even battles. He became my
historical mentor.
When I think of Ted, however, I still think
of him, lying in his sleeping bag staring at
the stars at Massacre Rocks revelling in the
world around him.
We will miss his character, his sense of fun
and irony, his meticulous insistence on accuracy, his love of music and many, many more
things.Ted Affleck's legacy will certainly live
on in all of us.
—Bruce M. Watson
A. J. Spilsbury
Above: In 1988 Jim Spilsbury received a
Certificate of Merit for Historical Writing for his
book Spilsbury's Coast at the joint conference of
the Historical Society of Alberta and the British
Columbia Historical Federation at Banff.
COASTAL pioneer Ashton James Qim)
Spilsbury died Sunday, 20 April, at
the age of 97. Spilsbury earned his
spurs as a BC legend in several different arenas, spending his early childhood in
Whonnock, then following his parents to
Savary Island, where the family squatted on
the beach for 10 years.
Although Jim only completed elementary
school, he became an expert in the emerging
field of radio and established a radio sales and
repair business serving coastal communities
during the 1920s and 1930s. Later he partnered
with Jim Hepburn and began building radio
telephones under the name Spilsbury and
Hepburn.This later changed to Spilsbury and
Tindall and became one of the best known
manufacturers of radio telephone equipment
in Canada.
During the Second World War Spilsbury
acquired a Waco Standard floatplane to service his radio route and "accidentally" founded
Queen Charlotte Airlines. By 1952 QCA was
surpassed only by Air Canada and Canadian
Pacific in terms of scheduled air miles flown.
In 1955 Spilsbury sold it to PWA but continued at the helm of his radio firm, renamed
Spilsbury Communications, until well into
his seventies.
Spilsbury had been painting evocative
landscapes of the coast since his twenties and
in his retirement became a member of the
Canadian Federation of Artists and had several successful exhibitions. In 1987 he began
a fourth career as writer, recounting his coastal
experiences in Spilsbury's Coast, his flying
experiences in The Accidental Airline, and his
pleasure boating experiences in Spilsbury's
Album, illustrated with his own photography.
He received many awards from both the communications and transportation industry as
well as the Order of British Columbia and
the Queen's Jubilee Medal.
—Howard White
Noon Breakfast Point:
What's in a Name
"... we again visited the Shoals, whose edge we traced
to a Bluff which for distinctions sake we shall call
Noon Breakfast Point: therefore we have now determined their Extent. From the Low Point of yesterday they take an irregular NW Direction for 15
Miles. The edge is much indented, forming Spits,
that however extend but a very trifling Distance
into the Channel. " (Entry in Puget's rough journal for 13 June 1792)
MANY British Columbia place
names honour men or events of
some historic consequence; others note an obvious scenic splendour, while
some remain enigmatic and are either ignored
or forgotten. Noon Breakfast Point, in latitude 49° 15.9' North, longitude 123' 15.8'
West, and recognized by many boaters as the
southwest tip of Point Grey, is one of the lat-
ter.The name has more to do with back-breaking toil than the morning diversion of feeding the inner man, though we know that food
held a great interest to the sailor who thought
it up.
35 That man was Lieut. Peter Puget, who with
his boat's crew had their breakfast meal at
Noon on 12 June 1792 (corrected dating), on
what is now Point Grey. They had arrived in
the Discovery's launch, together with Capt.
George Vancouver who was in the ship's yawl,
or pinnace, after a six hour row across the Strait
of Georgia from one ofthe Gulf islands, where
they had taken a few hours rest in the early
morning hours. In his journal, Puget recorded
that the" Fourth Boat Expedition-Pinnace and
Launch" had left their anchorage in Birch Bay
at four o'clock in the morning of 12 June
(Vancouver's dating, actually 11 June) on an
examination of the coast northward. Their
course took them into Semiamoo Bay, where
Puget described the point of the bay at the
entrance to Drayton Harbor as being  "fine
low level land and produces large Quantities of
tolerable flavoured Strawberries & an abundance
of Wild Onions", to which he gave the delightful name of "Strawberry Level." His
commander, who took it upon himself to
assign names to geographic locations along
the coast, did not share Puget's enthusiasm
and the name is not mentioned in his journal nor on the charts. We know it today as
Tongue Point.
The little flotilla crossed Boundary Bay
and enjoyed lunch at the tip of Point Roberts
before attempting to move the survey forward northward along the coast. Here the
shallows at Roberts and Sturgeon Banks prevented a landing and the boats' crews spent
until nearly nine o'clock at night, trying to
find a channel through the delta to affect a
landing, though Puget did note that "two
places held much the Appearance of large
Rivers ". The tide and current forced the boats
almost into the middle of the Gulf where
the decision was taken to head for the western shore to seek an anchorage. It was not
until one o'clock at night that they were able
to come to a grapnel on a tiny beach that
provided only space enough to build a fire to
prepare the next day's provisions.The men all
huddled in the open boats until their departure three hours later.
The trip from Birch Bay to their Point Grey
breakfast spot had taken 32 hours, with the
men on the oars taking but one short break
for lunch at Point Roberts, before falling into
an exhausted sleep for three hours on the hard
thwarts of the boats and then continuing across
the Gulf. Puget's journal records that they,
"...visited the Shoals whose edge we traced
to a Bluff which for Distinctions Sake we shall
call Noon Breakfast Point "As was the earlier case with "Strawberry Level ."Vancouver
did not agree and chose to name the spot after his friend, Capt. George Grey of the Navy.
In 1981 I prevailed upon the Canadian Permanent Committee on Geographical Names
to officially designate the location of Noon
Breakfast Point in recognition of the arduous
day's work undertaken by the crews ofVancouver's boats, to serve as a memorial and a
reminder to all who trace their passage under
oars or sail.These men truly had hearts of oak
and put the "British" in British Columbia.
John E. (Ted) Roberts
Robert Burnaby
Some of Robert Burnaby's letters were
published in BC Historical News 31:2 and
32:2. Thanks mainly to the efforts of author
and historian Pixie McGeachie the collection of surviving letters has now been published under the title Land of Promise, Robert
Burnaby's letters from Colonial British Columbia, 1858-1863. Unfortunately the book is
only available from the publisher, the City of
Burnaby and Burnaby Village Museum.
Write to City of Burnaby, 4949 Canada Way,
Burnaby BC,V5G 1M2, Attention Jim Wolf,
Planning Department.
Hart House
The first printing of Life with the Moores of
Hart House, edited by Harry Pride and published by the Burnaby Community Heritage Commission, sold in less than two
weeks—they had to print another run. The
book records the environment and lifestyle
in the Hart House neighbourhood in
Burnaby around 1900. Interested? Write to
Harry Pride, 3770 Fir Street, Burnaby BC,
V5G 2A5 or phone him at 604.433.4797.
Above: Vancouver Historical Society's 2003 Incorporation Day lunch, celebratimg Vancouver's 117th
birthday was a great success. Highlighting the event was the presentation by VHS President Joanne
Savory (right), of this year's Certificate of Merit to Dr. Jean Barman (left) " ...for her outstanding
work in illuminating and preserving British Columbia s and Vancouver's social, educational, aboriginal, and women s history. "
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 Web Site Forays
by Christopher Garrish
Supernatural British Columbia
YEARS ago I was enrolled in a geography class at my local community college that was conducted by a professor who unabashedly believed in the presence
of Sasquatch in British Columbia. While never
having seen one himself, he was full of anecdotal evidence of their existence, such as an
incident involving a CN Rail crew that struck
an infant Sasquatch in the Kootenays. As the
story went, the men retrieved the limp body
from the side of the tracks, transported it to
the next small town where it was confined,
only to see the "mother" come a few hours
later to free her injured "child" and retreat
into the woods.
Where am I going with this story? Well,
truth be told, I thought it would act as an
effective segue into the topic "Supernatural
British Columbia" that I have chosen for this
edition of "Web Site Forays." While I have
made past claims about being a stickler for
content, given the nature of this topic, the historical utility ofthe sites profiled below should
be used at the reader's own discretion.
One ofthe more noteworthy sites out there
is UFO*BC <> based out of
Delta. The organization is actually registered
as a non-profit society in BC, and serves the
role of gathering information about UFO
sightings in BC and the Yukon, investigating
them as fully as possible, and then attempting
to make the public aware of the phenomenon.
There are a number of links on the main page
to areas covering recent sightings, historical
cases, news reports (did you know that Terrace is a hotspot for sightings?), and other related subjects. One of my favourite tales concerns a 1937 incident in Smithers involving
two BC Provincial Police officers on the trail
of a suspect. Upon coming to a cave the officers entered only to discover what they thought
were the skeletons of four dead men. Upon
closer inspection, however, the skeletons
turned out to be alien.
The second site I would like to introduce
you to is the BC Ghosts and Hauntings Research Society Web page <>.
The Society's site contains a number of interesting sections from a " Photo Gallery," to an
"Investigations" site, but, the most interesting
I found to be were the pages on "BC
Hauntings." Close to my heart is the story of
the horse carriage sounds heard around the
old Guisachan Farmlands in Kelowna. The
land was once the property of Lord and Lady
Aberdeen—whose fruit plantings in the area
proved pivotal in the early establishment of a
fruit industry in the Okanagan. I wonder: Are
the Aberdeens on that carriage? It is also possible to read about similar hauntings across
the province.The society is promising to have
dozens more of these stories posted in the near
future as it builds its on-line archive.
Next on my list is the BC Scientific
Cryptozoology Club <www. cryptosafari.
com/bcscc>, that is committed to the
exploration, research, and investigation of
cryptozoological animals from all over the
globe. While the Club's focus is not
geographically confined to British Columbia,
they do provide one of the better databases
out there on such local phenomena as
Ogopogo, Cadborosaurus, and the
aforementioned Sasquatch. Particularly
interesting for me was the story behind the
discovery, in 1937, of a Cadborosaurus body
inside the stomach of a recently harvested
whale off the Queen Charlotte Islands. The
story comes complete with pictures ofthe odd
serpentine shaped creature with a "camel-
shaped" head. How such an animal ever came
to be named after a small bay on the outskirts
ofVictoria is beyond me.
Finally, to round things off, I have decided
to cover a site for those of you who remain
skeptical of the subject matter covered so far.
The British Columbia Society for Skeptical
Enquiry <>, also known
as BC Skeptics, aims to bring rational," open-
minded" debate to issues concerning the paranormal. To be more precise, I believe their
aim is to debunk all talk of UFOs, Crop Circles, and other related fields. Unfortunately,
the site is a little crude in terms of navigability, and does not have much to present in the
way of content other than some recent .pdf
files of their newsletter; The Rational Enquirer.
Nevertheless, BC Skeptics remains a homegrown outlet for those who refuse to believe
in the more Supernatural aspects of British
Columbia. <J==^-'
Annually the Federation awards a $750
scholarship for an essay written by students
at BC colleges and universities on a topic
relatingto British Columbia's history. MARKI
SELLERS, a social activist and history student
at Simon Fraser University, was the winner
of this year's essay scholarship for her paper
"Negotiations for Control and Unlikely Partnership: Fort Rupert, 1849-1 85 I ."The paper
was recommended forthe scholarship by Dr
Paige Raibmon of Simon Fraser University.
Bob Griffin reported that "The committee
felt that this was a very well written and argued paperThe issues regarding the miners
at Fort Rupert and the conflict with the
Nahwitti have been discussed in the literature prior, but [Marki Sellers's] approach of
combining the conflicts into a connected issue was innovative and considered sufficient
reason to justify the committee's selection."
Marki Sellers's article appeared in the winter
edition (36:1) of British Columbia Historical
Each year a certificate of merit and fifty
dollars are awarded to an article published
in BC Historical News that best enhances
knowledge ofBC history and provides reading enjoyment.This year the judges decided
to grant this year's Best Article certificate to
LIBERTYWALTON for her article"How Shall
Frame Myself?," published in the fall issue of
2002 (35:4). Judges commented this "is a
delightful walkthrough time using the style
changes of a dress to mark milestones along
the way.This is a unique approach to presenting history.The article is well written and
comes across as being developed by a writer
who takes pleasure in putting her research
on paper for readers to enjoy."
The BC History Web Site Prize is awarded
jointly by the Federation and David Mattison
to recognize Web sites that contribute to the
understanding and appreciation of British
Columbia's pastThis year's award goes to the
Samson V was a sternwheeler that worked
on the Fraser River and is now a museum in
New Westminster The Web site shows information on the museum, the vessel's history, educational papers, and the restoration
and maintenance process.
37 Token History
by Ronald Greene
1 Max's newspaper obituary
(Victoria Daily Colonist, 6
April 1935, p 1) gave a
figure of $1,000,000, but
the Registrar of
Companies files
microfilm B5124, British
Columbia Archives)
indicate a figure of
$604,000 paid in cash,
which was still a tidy sum
in 1912. Several others
became shareholders at
the same time, acquiring
various, but minor
amounts of stock. Max
Leiser resigned as a
director 7 May 1915 and
sold his remaining share.
The date looks
suspiciously as if the
document was
backdated—see the events
of 8 May 1915 further
down—but it was
submitted to the registrar
by 13 May 1915.
2 Information courtesy of
Jim Geoghegan, a family
3 His farm was later
acquired by Arthur G.
Lambrick, see "Token
History," BC Historical
News 34:4.
4 City ofVictoria Retail
Liquor Licence Register,
1906 to 1917,Victoria
City Archives.
5 Victoria Daily Colonist, 27
January 1912.
0 The date of the change of
name is not given in the
Licence Register, but the
Daily Colonist reported the
name Blanshard among
the hotels whose licences
were renewed at the
meeting of 9 December
1914. Victoria Daily
Colonist, 10 December
7 According to Terry
Reksten, The Dunsmuir
Saga, his body was not
The Kaiserhof Hotel
The Kaiserhof Hotel in Victoria operated under this name
for just two years: from late 1912 to the end of 1914. That
tokens issued by it have survived is due to the inventiveness
of a group of schoolboys, who in the 1920s, after the hotel's
ownership and name had changed, used the then obsolete
tokens for a game and saved a number of tokens over the
The story of the Kaiserhof Hotel starts with
Max Leiser, who had been persuaded by his
brother Simon, of Simon Leiser & Company, to
come to Victoria in 1887. On his arrival Max
bought half the business of
Urquhart & Pither, wholesale liquor merchants, which then became Pither & Leiser. The partnership prospered. In March 1912
William Purser Geoghegan, of
Blackrock, Ireland, interested in
investing in British Columbia,
purchased the firm.1 Mr.
Geoghegan was the brew master
for the Guinness Brewery, although by this time he was 69
years of age and retired.2The partners, Luke Pither
and Max Leiser, each retained one share and remained directors for a time, although they retired from the day-to-day operation of the firm.
After the partners sold out Luke Pither moved
to Gordon Head where he lived quietly and
maintained a model farm.3 But Max Leiser was
not interested in retiring and looked elsewhere
for business opportunities. He invested heavily
inVictoria real estate, and by June 1912 purchased
the Klondike Hotel on the southwest corner of
Blanshard and Johnson Streets. The Klondike
Saloon had operated there since 1891, although
it was operated as a "no-name" saloon by John
Draut until 1899. It then had several operators
until 1906 when Harry Rudge took over.
Leiser had the Klondike rebuilt by Thomas
Hooper, a Victoria architect. It now became a
four-storey brick hotel, faced in terra cotta, and
was named the Max Leiser Building, of which
Leiser retained the ownership until he died in
1935. On 11 September 1912, Frederick W.
Kostenbader acquired the liquor licence of the
Klondike Saloon.4 It may have been at this time
that the name of the hotel was changed into
Kaiserhof. I have not been able to determine
whether Kostenbader operated the hotel and bar
for Max Leiser, or whether he leased the facility
and ran it on his own account. Kostenbader had
first appeared in the Victoria City Directory for
1912, listed as a steward at the Prince George
Hotel, but in January 1912 he was already the
president ofthe DeutscherVerein, or German Club,
which would indicate that he had been inVictoria for some time.
In the years immediately before the First World
War the city was very favourably disposed to
Germany and, in general, to things
Germanic. Large quantities of German capital were flowing into British Columbia, much of it through
the hands of Count Constantin Alvo
von Alvensleben, who was said to
have connections to the Kaiser.The
Deutscher Verein was very active and
popular. So popular that, when the
club celebrated the Kaiser's birthday in January 1912, those that accepted invitations and participated in festivities
included the Lieutenant-Governor, the Premier,
Mr. Justice Gregory, Commander Hose, Col.
Wadmore,and MajorW RidgewayWilson—three
senior local military people—, and three members of the legislature.5
The Kaiserhof operated its German Beer Garden, an open-air cafe beside the hotel, on
Blanshard Street—the Carnegie Library was the
only other occupant of the block. An advertisement in 1913 promoted "the ideal 35<L lunch"
which included a stein of beer. June 1914 saw a
wholesale licence issued to Mr. Kostenbader for
the Germania Importing Company.
However, with the start of war between Great
Britain and Germany in August 1914 sympathies
changed swiftly and significantly.The wave of anti-
German sentiment caused the royal family to
adopt the English name, Windsor, and by the end
of 1914 the Kaiserhof Hotel had became the
Blanshard Hotel.6 Whether this was an astute
political and business move or a patriotic gesture
remains unknown. A number of German nationals
had left for the still neutral United States after
the outbreak of the war, but Mr. Kostenbader
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No. 3 was still listed as the proprietor of the Blanshard
Hotel in the 1915 City Directory, published in April
By May 1915 the local newspapers were daily
running photographs of men killed or wounded
in action, local men appearing on page one. Anti-
German feeling ("Anti-Hun" feeling as it was
called at the time) was running high. On the
morning of Saturday, 8 May 1915, the readers of
the Victoria Daily Colonist were greeted with the
following headline in massive type: "Submarine
Gets Over 1,400 Victims." Below it was a large
photograph of the Lusitania.The entire front page
was devoted to the sinking of the vessel. There
were fifteen Victoria residents on board the
Lusitania, including Lieutenant J. Dunsmuir, the
popular son ofthe Hon. James Dunsmuir, former
Lieutenant-Governor ofBritish Columbia. Jimmy
"Boy" Dunsmuir was one of those lost in the
That evening, a crowd of initially 150 gathered outside the Blanshard Hotel. Soon the mob
swelled to five hundred, followed by a curious
crowd of two or three thousand. A riot started at
the hotel but at first little damage was done. The
cry, "to the German Club," was raised and the
mob surged down to the former premises of the
Deutscher Verein, which were quickly wrecked, a
piano being pushed out the second-storey window. The mob then returned to the Blanshard
Hotel, sacked it, and inflicted considerably more
damage.The total damage was reported at $20,000
in the newspaper.Windows were smashed in other
premises of local businesses with German names
or associations as well: Messrs Simon Leiser &
Co., Moses Lenz8, and the business formerly managed by Carl Lowenberg, former German consul, all suffered damage. The police and soldiers
stood by, watching as spectators, with the fire chief
refusing to put fire hoses onto the mob. Eventually a call for troops brought an armed detachment into town just before midnight. Guards were
placed at the damaged premises and in front of
Pither & Leiser just in time to save that business
from loss.The police, backed by the military, then
proceeded to end the riot. Attempts to repeat the
riot on Sunday were quickly stopped before more
than a few windows were broken. The Wednesday papers reported some convictions for possessing goods stolen during the riot.
On 14 June 1916 the licence for the Blanshard
Hotel was transferred to Thomas J.Williams9 and
the hotel was renamed the Cecil Hotel. Frederick
Kostenbader appears to have left Victoria and
British Columbia. I don't know where he went,
but Alvo von Alvensleben had moved to Seattle,
and Kostenbader may also have moved to the
United States.
In 1920 Messrs. Grant and Wilson became the
proprietors of the Cecil Hotel. Charles Wilson
had a son named Billy and it is to him that we
owe the survival of the Kaiserhof tokens. About
1926 Billy, who attended a small private boys
school on Rockland Avenue called the Collegiate School, took bags full of the tokens to school
and with his classmates devised a game they called
"Flipping Kaiserhofs". Several of these "boys" still
had a few ofthe Kaiserhof tokens forty years later
when I tracked them down.^^
Left: Frederick W
Kostenbader was already
president ofthe Deutsche
Verein (German Club) in
Victoria around 1912.
Moses Lenz was born in
Wisconsin, son of Jacob
Lenz. Jacob and Moses
Lenz and Gustav Leiser
formed a partnership of
Lenz & Leiser, dry goods
merchants. After Jacob
retired and Gustav died
Moses continued the
business, operating under
his own name by 1912.
Moses was the brother of
Caroline, Mrs. Simon
Leiser, and Sophia, Mrs.
Max Leiser.
Victoria Daily Colonist, 15
June 1916, reports:
Applications for transfers
were granted as follows:
Cecil, from Mr. A.J.
McColl to Mr.T.J.
Williams  " The
Licence Register
mentions the transfer
from A.J. McCool.but
not to him. This
confounds matters as I
have no other record of
either an A.J. McColl or
an A.J. McCool, and
neither name appears in
either the 1915 or 1917
City Directories.
four denominations, 5,
0, 25, and 50 cent.The
tokens are unusual in
that the denomination
was formed by a cut-out.
The only other British
Columbia tokens that
have this characteristic
are those ofthe St.
Francis Hotel, and S.S.
Yosemite. Dies for one
denomination ofthe
Kaiserhof and the St.
Francis Hotel tokens
have come out of a
Seattle maker's shop.
39 Around the Bend
by Edward L.Affleck
The Brief Career of the Okanagan Sternwheeler Fairview
In September of last yearTed Affleck sent me
the text for three columns for the "Steamboat
Round the Bend" series and he promised to
do at least three more for the series "given
sufficient health."The first two of these articles
appeared in the winter and spring issues. This
is unfortunately the last ofthe three and the
end of this series. Unfortunately he could not
add more to the series We have a number of
other manuscripts of'Ted Affleck on file that
will be published in following issues, with kind
permission of his daughter Carolyn..
FROM the early decades ofthe nineteenth century, the Hudson's Bay
Company brigade trail, a pack trail
for horses and mules, served as the link
between South and North Okanagan.
From Osoyoos the trail climbed up into
a high grassy watered trench west of the
bluffs that line Vaseux, Skaha, and
Okanagan Lakes.Today a pleasant country road takes one north through this
trench from the ruins of the Fairview
mining camp through Meyers Flat,White
Lake, the Marron Valley, and Shingle
Creek Valley into Prairies Valley and Garnet Valley west of Summerland on the
way to Peachland. Mining activity in
South Okanagan around 1890 prompted
a demand for water transport down
Okanagan Lake as a low-cost means of
freighting superior to horseback. This
caused Penticton at the foot of Okanagan
Lake to become a transfer point for the
mining camps to the south. A somewhat
backbreaking wagon road was built south
and west of Penticton to climb up to
the trench where existing trails could be
developed to handle wagon traffic.
In 1893 the Canadian Pacific Railway commissioned the stout
sternwheeler Aberdeen to work on
Okanagan Lake between its railhead at
Okanagan Landing and Penticton. The
ability of the Aberdeen to carry heavy
loads with speed and ease was noted av
idly by the miners and prospectors who
were active in camps in South Okanagan
and Similkameen. The smaller steam-
powered vessels then on the Lake frequently had to resort to pushing a deck
barge to carry any significant load, a practice which slowed a vessel down and rendered both vessel and barge somewhat
vulnerable during rough weather. The
fraternity in the booming mining camp
of Fairview, four kilometres up the hill
west of present-day Oliver, was particularly quick to express the view that if a
shallow-draft sternwheeler with adequate carrying capacity could be
worked from Okanagan Landing
through to Okanagan Falls at the foot
of Skaha Lake, the agonizing 41-kilometre hauling distance over the primitive road from Penticton to the Fairview
Camp could be almost cut in half. A
wagon road or better still, a railway, from
Okanagan Falls south and west to Meyers
Flat would be much easier to negotiate
than the existing wagon road out of
Penticton. The CPR, alas, showed no
inclination either to risk their prize Aberdeen on the shallow, sinuous channel
between Okanagan and Skaha Lake to
reach Okanagan Falls or to build a railway south of Okanagan Falls at a time
when large-scale mining activity in
South Okanagan was still in the speculative stage.
W. J. Snodgrass, a charismatic Yankee
with a determination to put Okanagan
Falls on the map, had in 1893 badgered
M.P.John Mara into securing some Federal Government financing for the clearing of snags in the Okanagan River
channel between Penticton and Skaha
Lake. Snodgrass then had the pint- sized
steam launch Jessie shipped up from New
Westminster and worked her between
Penticton and Okanagan Falls, sometimes pushing a small scow to deal with
overloads. Louis Holman built a small
screw steam launch, Miramichi, and also
attempted the channel. How much the
success of Snodgrass with his vessel of
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 limited carrying capacity influenced others is open to question, but a local syndicate, more susceptible than the CPR
to the blandishments ofthe mining promoters, agreed to risk some capital in
the building of a small sternwheeler to
work down to the nascent mining transportation centre of Okanagan Falls. Foremost among this syndicate was William
B. Couson, engineer on the Aberdeen, a
man Captain Joseph Weeks described as
"...a genius at toggling up steamboat
machinery. He could make an old engine run where ninety-nine men out of
a hundred would fail." 'The sternwheeler
Fairview rose on the ways at Okanagan
Landing over the spring of 1894 and was
ready for service by the first week of
August. She made her debut with a
moonlight cruise on Okanagan Lake
with Captain Thomas Riley, another investor, in command. Riley had sold his
interest in the Penticton, a small screw-
propelled vessel which he had worked
previously on the Lake, picking up scraps
of business not taken up by the Aberdeen.
With the Fairview, Riley sought to perpetuate this rival freight and passenger
service. On 11 August 1894, Riley set
out in the Fairview, bound for Okanagan
Falls. The trip down the channel below
Penticton was not a success.Yes, the channel was fairly clear of snags, but alas, the
real threat to navigation turned out to
be the overhanging branches of trees lining the sinuous banks ofthe channel.The
steamer had limited room to negotiate,
and one branch succeeded in impaling
the pilothouse of the Fairview. Pilothouse
askew, the Fairview limped back to
Okanagan Landing. Please Mr. Mara,
another appropriation, this time to clear
overhanging branches from the banks of
the channel.
Over the 1894-1895 winter, William
Couson, assisted by versatile shipwright
William McKissock, tinkered with the
Fairview, lengthening her 5 5-foot hull to
make her a more steady steamer in rough
weather. Throughout the 1895 year, the
Fairview was fairly active in jobbing on
Okanagan Lake, awaiting Federal Government money to clear the Okanagan
Francis Mansbridge
Launching History.The Saga of Burrard Dry Dock
Harbour Publishing Co. Ltd.
A.Terry Turner and Susan Hulland
Impressions ofthe PastThe Early History ofthe Communities of Crawford Bay,
Gray Creek, Kootenay Bay, Pilot Bay and Riondel, on the East Shore of
Kootenay Lake, BC
The Riondel &Area Historical Society.
E.G. Perrault
Tong:Tong Louie,Vancouver's QuietTitan.
Harbour Publishing Co. Ltd.
Kathryn Bridge
Phyllis Munday Mountaineer
XYZ Publishing.
Ian M.Thorn
E.J. Hughes
Douglas & Mclntyre and theVancouver Art Gallery.
channel before venturing again down to
Okanagan Falls.The CPR, not relishing
any competition, fenced off access from
its Okanagan Landing railway station to
the rival wharf used by the Fairview. After a so-so summer, the Fairview was laid
up in the fall and not brought out again
until the following June. On 1 July 1896,
flags and pennants flying, the Fairview
worked an excursion to Kelowna sponsored by the Vernon Lacrosse Club. It
was 1:00 A.M. on 2 July before a still
rowdy crowd of excursionists disembarked back at Okanagan Landing.
Messrs. Couson and Riley had barely
reached their respective houses at the
Landing before flames were spotted
shooting out from the upper works of
the Fairview. Thanks probably to a careless smoker, the tinder-dry vessel burned
to the waterline in minutes, her hull and
machinery a total loss. Couson pocketed
his losses and moved to the Hawaiian
Islands, while Riley became a mate on
the Aberdeen. Later in the year the eagerly awaited Federal Government appropriation for clearing the Okanagan
River banks was forthcoming.The short
unhappy career of the Fairview should
have warned off further speculation in
building sternwheelers to work all the
way from Okanagan Landing to
Okanagan Falls, but over the next fifteen years two more sternwheelers, the
Greenwood City and the Kaleden, were to
be built for this purpose with equally
unhappy results.^^
1. Weeks, Joseph B. "Steamboating on
Okanagan Lake" in Sixth Report (1935) of
the Okanagan Historical Society
41 Archives and Archivists
Editor Frances Gundry
Maps and BC History
Rare Books and Special Collections
(RBSC) is one of two map collections in
the UBC Library, the other being the Map
Library, which recently moved its reference and BC collections to the Walter C.
Koerner Library. RBSC has one of the
largest collections of pre-1900 maps in
Western Canada, and is the home of three
major collections of historical maps, including one of the largest collections of
Japanese maps ofthe Edo period (1600-
1867) outside Japan. The other two collections are the Howay-Reid and the
Rogers-Tucker. In addition, RBSC has a
large collection of cartographic archives,
that is, maps accompanying private papers
and university archives.
Howay-Reid Collection
The map collection began in 1931
when the Valedictory Class of Arts donated
a large collection of books, manuscripts,
newspapers, photographs and maps relating to Pacific Northwest history. It was
greatly enlarged by the bequests of Judge
Frederic William Howay in 1944, and his
friend Dr. Robie Lewis Reid in 1945.Both
men were interested in the voyages of exploration, and had copies of the published
journals of Cook, Vancouver, Mackenzie
and others.
Howay had a fine copy of Jose Espinosa
y Tello s Relacion del viage hecho por las goletas
Sutil y Mexicana en el ano de 1792 and its
accompanying Adas para el viage... (Madrid,
1802). Reid had Duflot de Mofras' Exploration du territoire de I'Oregon, des Californies
et de la MerVermeille (Paris, 1844) with its
accompanying atlas in his library.
The publication of Cook's Voyage
brought the North West Coast to the attention of the world, and his charts were
used extensively by later explorers and car-
tographers.Vancouver's voyage established
Britain's claim to the North West Coast,
and his charts, which combined the results of surveys by the Spaniards as well as
his own, remained the most detailed maps
of the coast for many years. Espinosa s Atlas was the first Spanish publication of
charts ofthe NorthWest Coast. Duflot de
Mofras' Adas includes one ofthe first maps
to depict the geography of the area between the coast and the Rockies.
Judge Howay was a founding member
ofthe Historic Sites Board of Canada, and
the British Columbia Historical Association—now British Columbia Historical
Federation—and was the first to write on
many British Columbia historical topics.
His collection is particularly rich in books,
manuscripts, maps, and photographs relating to the history of pre-Confederation
Canada and the Pacific Northwest, including the voyages of exploration and the fur
trade. If a publication was not available for
his library, he often acquired a copy. If there
was no English translation, he had one
made. In this way he acquired a sizeable
collection including maps, in original or
copy form, of Western Canada and the
Pacific Northwest. Howay's friend, Reid,
was a lawyer and historian, and a founding
member of the British Columbia Historical Association, and was also instrumental
in launching the British Columbia Historical
There is a wide range of maps in
Howay's collection, including Delisle s
maps showing the mythical geography of
de Fonte, British Admiralty charts, Spanish voyages of exploration, blueprints of
the site of an Hudson's Bay fort, photocopies ofthe manuscript maps in the British Columbia Department of Legal Surveys, and promotional maps for new British Columbia "cities."
About the same time as the Howay and
Reid bequests, Mrs. A. J.T.Taylor presented
the Library with her husband's Arctic collection, much of which had been assembled with the help of his friend, the Arctic
explorer Vilhjalmur Stefansson. Taylor, a
native ofVictoria, was a prominent engineer in British Columbia involved in building the Lions' Gate Bridge, the British
Properties, and the Capilano Estates. Dur
ing the Second Word War he was an advisor to the British Ministry of Production
in London and New York, and for ten years
was responsible for the Guinness interests
in British Columbia.
There is also a small collection of maps
and plans in the cartographic archives
from the Taylor Engineering Co. Ltd. and
the Granby Company's Dolly Varden
Mine and other mining claims.
In 1961 funds were donated in memory
of a former faculty member, Dr. Gilbert
Norman Tucker (1898-1955), to set up a
collection of historical maps, with emphasis
on French Canada and the Pacific. Dr.
Tucker, a native ofVancouver, was a professor of Canadian history at UBC from
1948 until his death. Basil Stuart-Stubbs,
then head of Special Collections, with the
advice of professors Coolie Verner and A.
L. (Bert) Farley, was able to develop a representative collection ofthe work of many
important cartographers prior to 1850,
such as Ortelius, Mercator, Jansson, Jaillot,
Robert deVaugondy Delisle, Bellin, Jefferys,
Faden and the Arrowsmiths.
Dr. Farley, a professor of Geography,
wrote his doctoral dissertation on the historical cartography of British Columbia,
and published two atlases on the province.
Basil Stuart-Stubbs was University Librarian from 1964 to 1981 when he became
Director of the School of Librarianship.
He collaborated with Dr.Verner, a professor of Adult Education whose avocation
was the history of cartography, on The
Northpart of America, a cartographical history of Canada that was published a few
days before Verner's death1 in 1979.
Coolie Verner added a number of interesting items to the Historical Map Collection over the years, culminating with
the bequest of his library, map collection
and papers in 1979. His map collection,
consisting of some 400 maps, including
originals and some photocopies, was used
extensively in research for the Glenbow-
Alberta Institute exhibition2 on the open-
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 ing of the Canadian West. In addition, Dr.
Verner provided for a trust fund to assist
in the development of the collection.
Two significant collections have been
donated to Special Collections in the past
decade. The L. Stanley Deane Collection
of about 300 maps, plus books and atlases,
was received in 1994. The maps include
works by such notable cartographers as
Blaeu, Robert de Vaugondy Jansson, and
Hondius.Two atlases donated by Dr. Deane
are composite world atlases by John Senex,
published ca. 1708-1711, and Vincenzo
Coronelli, published ca. 1650-1718. In
1998 Dr. Miguel P. and Julia G. Tecson
donated their collection of maps and prints
ofthe Philippines.The collection contained
about 120 maps, including works by Bellin,
Bonne, and Robert de Vaugondy.
Cartographic Archives
The Cartographic Archives includes
maps from the University Archives, including plans of the campus, and architectural
plans by Sharp and Thompson (later
Thompson, Berwick, Pratt and Partners),
the university architects. Many maps are
from fonds (i.e. archival collections) in the
Manuscript Collections in RBSC, which
include several collections relating to the
resource industries in British Columbia,
such as timber cruises and mining claims,
as well as engineering drawings for machinery in the salmon canneries.
Trutch's Map of British Columbia to the
56th.parallel, north latitude, compiled in 1870,
was updated in January 1871 and published
in London in October, provides a picture
of British Columbia at the time of confederation, including all the roads, trails,
forts, and other settlements. Lt. J. I. Lang,
R.E., surveyed the Greater Victoria area
in 1887-1888 for the War Office which
resulted in Vancouver Island, British Columbia, an Ordnance Survey style map in 6
sheets. There are many maps of the gold
fields, from the Fraser River in 1858 to
the Klondike in 1897-98.The settlement
process was very important, as can be seen
in the maps ofthe British Columbia Railway Belt showing lands along the Canadian Pacific Railway, and in the Pre-emp-
tor's Map Series published by the Provincial Government, as well as in the maps
produced by various auctioneers and land
RBSC has the largest collection of fire
insurance plans of British Columbia municipalities.These plans, which can be one
sheet showing a town, mill or cannery to
15 multi-sheet volumes showing the city
ofVancouver, provide wonderful detailed
" pictures" of places in the past. But this is
another story.
Finding Maps in RBSC
Historical maps in RBSC are catalogued, and may be found in the Library's
online catalogue at <http:// /
welcome.html>. Cartographic archives
have fonds or collection level entries in
the online catalogue, such as the British
Columbia Electric Railway Company
(BCER). These entries are for the collection as a whole, and refer users to the
inventory of the collection to find the
maps in that collection. If there is an
online inventory of the maps in a collection, such as the BCER, there is a link
from the entry to the inventory, which is
available on the RBSC website <http:// cartog.html. >
Rare Books and Special Collections is located in the Main Library of the University of British Columbia.
—Frances Woodward
Reference Librarian / Map Librarian
Rare Books and Special Collections.
University of British Columbia
Vancouver BC
1 For an obituary, see Edward H. Dahl, "Professor
Coolie Verner 1917-1979," Cartographica.v.Yl
(Spring 1980): 118-120; for a bibliography of
his work, see Frances Woodward, "Coolie
Verner's publications relating to the history of
cartography and carto-bibliography,'
Cartographica,v.\7 (Spring 1980): 120-122; for a
review, see Edward H. Dahl and Conrad E.
Heidenreich, "A critical analysis of The
Northpart of America, a facsimile atlas of early
Canadian maps," Cartographica,v.\7 (Spring
1980): 1-23.
2 Javorski, Mary. The Canadian West Discovered: an
exhibition of printed maps from the early 16th to early
20th centuries. Calgary: Glenbow Museum,
1983. 75 p., ill.
History Helps
An invitation to visit Gwen Szychter's Web
site <> and admire what
an enthusiastic researcher; historian, and author does and has done for her community
Gwen's free e-mail newsletter'History Helps"
is now in its third year and contains a wealth
of interesting information on the history of
Delta and beyond. Subscribe and let others
know about the site and the newsletter
Fire in Nelson
On Sunday 4 May at four o'clock in
the afternoon, there was a fire at the Nelson Museum.The MV Amabilis, a reconstructed and partially refitted 40-foot
Forest Service boat, and an entire
wooden shed area at the back ofthe museum went up in flames. Nelson's fire
department responded instantly and in
large numbers and the cinder block museum, archives, and art gallery building
was saved.
There was no water damage, but
smoke affected the museum quarters.
Within 48 hours, insurance representatives and experienced conservationists
were on the scene.The museum collection was moved to a vacant building and
has undergone a pressurized ionized air
wash decontamination process.The museum building is under repair but may
be open to visitors this summer. Plans
are underway to retain the museum and
art gallery's high profile in the community, so do include Nelson in your cultural itinerary this summer.
Nelson has been in search of a new
combined building for the Museum,
Archives, and Art Gallery for many years
and has undergone two capricious and
unsuccessful Recreation and Cultural
Centre referendums in recent years. Just
prior to the fire, city officials started to
contemplate re-locating the museum to
the city's fine Victorian city hall, with
the city hall moving on to vacated or a
down-sized provincial government
building. It's definitely moving time in
—Frances Welwood
43 Conference 2003, Prince George
Remarks by The Honourable lona Campagnolo, pc, cm, obc,
Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia, at the Awards Banquet
at the University of Northern British Columbia, Prince George.
President ofBC Historical Federation, Mr. Wayne
Desrochers, President ofthe University of Northern British Columbia, Dr. Charles Jago and Mary
Jago, Vice President Dr. Deborah Poff and Dr.
Alex Michaloff distinguished historians, Members ofthe Historical Federation, Sponsoring Partners, EG. Oral History Group, UNBC Administrators, faculty, students and staff, fellow North-
I ACKNOWLEDGE with respect the customs
and culture of the Carrier-Sekani First
Nations and all their Peoples in whose
traditional territories we meet this evening.
It is nearly a historical event for me to be
able to join you at this conference and awards
event, as I have not had the opportunity to
visit my favourite university since assuming
this post and I look forward to next year's
celebration of the 10th anniversary of the
University of Northern British Columbia.
We will meet then with due ceremony and
not a little historic nostalgia. It is always a
certain delight for me to be" home" again in
"our" North, in the company of so many
former University of Northern British Columbia colleagues. Because he is such a mag
nificent administrator we may occasionally
forget that Dr. Jago is also a historian of rank,
with his 16th and 17th Spanish history expertise. Perhaps, it is done in the same manner that the Spanish exploratory history of
our province is eclipsed if not forgotten in
commemorating the British predominance
in that field. The Victors, as they say, write
history but your federation is proving that
history is in balance.
I am very pleased to have this opportunity to speak with you on northern history,
being written from a northern perspective,
which I observed as both old and new Prince
George, passed before me in the parade this
morning. Having lived a good part of my
life in close proximity, if not always directly
in the north, I confess to some opinions on
the matter, however as you are all aware, Lieutenant-Governors have no public opinions,
so that perhaps explains your instructions that
I speak for no more than three minutes and
then am invited to reflect on personal history! (A topic on which I might speak for
three days!)
When I think of the history of northern
British Columbia, I try to envision the time
immemorial that was lived here before the
arrival of the first explorers. In addition, I
recall the sort of history that was a staple of
my younger life on the Skeena River and in
Prince Rupert, when we could rely on hearing of the exploits and actions of the European-based community, while others were
invisible and denied opportunity to participate. Later, working in radio in Prince Rupert
in the 1960s, we could expect an occasional
media story emanating from our region without our input, from an outside production
crew flown in and out as quickly as possible,
bringing all their cliched views to bear on
the story of the day. That such records now
pass for" historic research" is a matter of concern for us who lived its reality and who were
acutely aware of its distortion at the time. In
those years the invariable formula of "reporting on the North" followed a familiar pattern: beginning with references to some
hopeless economic situation, a few salmon
and timber, followed by a nod to the local
" town fathers" (there being few" town mothers" in those days), and then by vigorous, us
versus them parochial" streeters", mainly from
town characters, and a few sidebar salutes to
the hard-living, hard-drinking, tough little
"frontiersy" men, with a few of the "feisty"
women of the region.These reports inevitably concluded with negative references to
First Nations, and perhaps a beautiful sunset
thrown in to demonstrate a lack of ill will. It
was always a wonder to me that those doing
such "reports" managed to complete them
in record time, most of it social, with little
reference to any "on the ground" expertise
in a determined effort to not let anything
interfere with their stereotypical preconceptions.
As your conference addresses Work and
Society: Perspectives on Northern British
Columbia History, I am delighted that as important decision makers, you are charged
with weighing, measuring, and sifting history's values—accepting that each one of us
see the value through the prism of our own
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 As I said, when I think of Northern history, I try to envision it in terms of "time
immemorial," knowing that the length of
habitation on this land is a constantly shifting target, starting now at 10 millennia and
extending to some twenty-two thousand
years. With the explorers, in 2005
Fort St. James will celebrate a
200th anniversary, followed by
Fort George in 2007; theirs is the
beginning of the recorded human
record on this land as seen through
European lenses. So while your recorded references are few as
Northerners you have a particular challenge to embrace the oral
traditions, reaching back through
the mists of time to link it with
the subsequent literary voice.
In my opinion we are searching for a new and more inclusive
story of the great "coming together of peoples" that is today's
British Columbia. Research attests
that the more diverse people are,
the more creative and innovative
they are: here in the most diverse
province in the world's most diverse nation we are especially encouraged to find new ways to tell
our story. We seek to extend the
record, to preserve some of its truths and to
include what would have been recovered
with what would otherwise be lost by joining non-traditional records into the written
record to preserve the reality of British Columbia and its unique human family.
In this, I believe we have been very well
served by the presence of inspired leadership
of the University of Northern British Columbia. It is appropriate that the historical
federation should meet here in this institution that by its presence has so invigorated
the writing of the northern history from a
northern perspective and has led the way
toward a far more inclusive interpretation of
our past. For example, the famed Nisga'a
agreement has given us a whole new perception on the reality of Aboriginal Rights
and Title issues, which when I was a girl was
a concept whispered about in so called" radical circles". In cooperation with all the Colleges and University Colleges of the North
and particularly in partnership with Wilp Wil
Hoesk Nisga'a, UNBC and its associates are
blazing a new post secondary trail that I know
will ultimately have many branches and profoundly affect the way that our history is recorded.
History is on every hand. I recently visited Powell River, there I was told: embedded in a log pond breakwater, lay the pathetic hull of the once proud Union Steamship Cardena. That rusted hulk conjured a
flood of memories of our northern coast, in
particular ofthe Canadian Pacific "Princesses"
and Canadian National "Princes," now all
vanished, and the many voyages I took as a
child, aboard our own miniature "cruise
ships" in terms of the luxury of white linen,
sterling silver, fine food, and beautiful scenery that today summons the world but then
was a contrast to our near-colonial lives at a
salmon cannery in the summer. The Union
vessels also doubled as logging, ore, cannery,
freight, mail, and passenger boats, and were
blacked out during the Second World War,
with families singing war songs around the
piano in the lounge and talk fearful of Japanese submarines marauding along the coast,
through which we stealthily travelled. We
were secure in the knowledge however; that
we were in the protective embrace of our
fisherman's" Gum Boot" navy, which Canada
considered adequate to Pacific Defense at the
time, as of course, the Atlantic was given priority.
Tonight the British Columbia Historical
Federation makes its annual awards.The Lieutenant-Governor's medal goes to Francis
Mansbridge, whose magnificently documented history of the Burrard Drydock is a
masterpiece of hard research, fine photographs, and accessible writing. I remember
very clearly the day that the Prince Rupert
Drydock was towed out of the harbour, taking with it jobs and futures, but leaving behind a record of unparalleled ship building
in support ofthe Second World War.
The prize winners this evening
bring us into closer contact with
who we are as people and where
we have come from, and even a
glimpse of where we might be going.The West Coast has often been
portrayed as an exotic contrasting
element to" real" civilization: we, the
counterculture, sometimes have
been an ethnological treasure trove
to be plundered. But it was people
such as you gathered here tonight
who have worked to rebalance the
accounts ofthe history of this province of this region. I think of the
great Margaret Ormsby who first
broke the respectability barrier by
giving an authoritative voice to authentic and inclusive British
Columbians who had been previously ignored or marginalized as
"eccentrics". Northerners including
myself are often portrayed as eccentrics; I tend to think of myself as
simply" Northern!" My sincere congratulations to tonight's winners.TerryTurner, Susan
Hulland, and Francis Mansbridge! In terms
of your Federation's work: BC remains supremely rich and beautiful and challenging!
As you convene this conference you must
be awed by the magnificence of the sources
that surround you. As a representative of Her
Majesty, Queen Elizabeth, the Queen of
Canada, and on behalf of all your fellow citizens of this remarkable province, I thank you
for preserving our whole heritage through
all the history that surrounds us and for the
ever-lengthening tapestry that you are weaving that is the tale of all our people. <J==^-'
Above: The Honourable lona Campagnolo, pc,
cm, obc, Lieutenant Governor ofBritish
Columbia, speaking to the attendants ofthe
Awards Banquet at Prince George.
Opposite page: Listening to Susan Hulland s
acceptance words for the 2nd prize.. Her Honour
stands in the centre. On the right are the
HonoraryAide-de-Camp, andTerryTumer. Helmi
Braches is standing behind Susan Hulland.
45 46
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 Conference Impressions
by Rosemarie Parent
PRINCE GEORGE, gateway to the north,
was a wonderful site for this year's annual conference.jointly hosted by the
University of Northern British Columbia
(UNBC), the Prince George Library, and the
College of New Caledonia. There were also
many volunteers not tied to these institutions
who helped to make the whole weekend one
to remember.
For all travelling from different parts of BC,
especially to first-time visitors to Prince
George and area, the weather co-operated to
make the trip most enjoyable. Eighty delegates
and some friends were there to take part in
the tours and programs.Thursday, during the
day, two workshops were provided with grants
from the Canada's National History Society.
Melva Dwyer, who arranged the workshops,
reported that with 56 registrations, the classes
had to be repeated. Linda Willis presented the
workshop on the preservation of historic photographs that she also gave so successfully in
Revelstoke last year, and Dr. Maija Bismanis
spoke on " marketing your museum, gallery
and historic site."
Thursday evening at the College of New
Caledonia, as people registered for the convention, a delectable display of wonderful hors
d'oeuvres, desserts, and punch made by Chef
Graham and the students ofthe Culinary Arts
Programme were eagerly sampled. Welcoming words were spoken by Dr. David Holm
ofthe Conference Committee, who is a History Instructor of the College, Sonja Pighin
ofthe LheidliT'enneh Nation, acting Mayor
Sherry Sethen, College President Dr. Terry
Weninger, and lastly Ramona Rose of UNBC
Archives, who headed the Conference Committee.
Friday morning, a bus tour was provided
to LheidliT'enneh cemetery and the church
at Shelley outside the town centre. When the
town of Prince George was started at the site
of the traditional Native village the inhabitants were removed to Shelley, outside town,
where the church now stands. Other delegates
chose the walking tour after viewing slides of
the heritage sites to be seen in Prince George.
In the afternoon, many participated in a
bus trip of the East Line with stops to examine the sites of historic sawmill communities.
Others visited the Prince George Railway &
Forestry Museum that has many interesting
and unique artifacts in the process of restoration. All the groups had excellent guides with
endless knowledge.
Saturday morning the AGM was held at
UNBC. Treasurer Ron Greene reported
amongst other things that since we no longer
would receive the yearly $4,000 grant from
BC Heritage Trust, we have to find other
means to cover the cost of producing BC Historical News if we want to avoid a general increase in the subscription fees. John Atkin will
replace Fred Braches as editor starting with
the September issue. John has many talents
and we are fortunate that he is willing to take
on the task. More volunteers will be involved
with the production and distribution of the
Secretary Ron Hyde reported a continuing growth in membership. We have now
more than fifty member societies representing around 4,000 members. Seven societies
joined us recently.
Helmi Braches, who heads the Historical
Book Writing Competition, told us that 39
books had been accepted for the competition and named this year's winners.The winners ofthe BC History Web site prize, the W
Kaye Lamb Essay scholarship, and the Best
Article Award were also announced
Each member society read their reports
and transcripts will be produced for all member societies. Nelson brought the sad news of
arson in the wooden addition at the back of
their museum. It is thought that if it had not
been raining recently, the museum would have
also been destroyed.
The election saw Dr. Jacqueline Gresko
nominated as president and Dr. Patricia Roy
as First Vice President. New members at large
are Alice Marwood and Dr. Patrick Dunae,
and Second Vice President Roy Pallant. Secretary Ron Hyde, Recording Secretary
Gordon Miller, and Treasurer Ron Greene
returned to their respective offices. Hard
working Melva Dwyer, an active member of
the executive for many years, is now our Honorary President.
After a lunch there was a selection of eight
different sessions with speakers on several topics regarding history of the area. Talks were
given by students or instructors of the UNBC
and local archivists and were very interesting
and well presented.
The banquet and book awards presentation was held in the Administration Building
atrium, which provided a lovely setting for
the evening. The Honourable lona
Campagnolo, Lieutenant-Governor of BC,
was the honoured guest, piped in by a local
piper to the head table. Her Honour, a gracious lady, gave an inspiring speech on Northern BC, her home in her early years. After
the Lieutenant-Governor presented the
awards to the winners of the book competition a sumptuous buffet meal was offered, prepared in the kitchens of UNBC.
To end the evening Dr. Morrison presented
an entertaining and informative talk about
the Bullion Pit Mine near Likely. The impressive scar left by mining is some 120 metres deep and it has very steep walls.The site
is unknown to most visitors to the area. After
the talk, Terry Simpson, representing
Nanaimo, the host of the 2004 conference,
accepted the traditional yardstick from
Ramona Rose. Wayne Desrochers passed on
the Federation's gavel to the new president,
Jacqueline Gresko. This concluded another
great conference.
Thanks go to all the workers on the organizing committee and the many volunteers
who did such a fine job. <J==^-'
<<<   Photos on opposite page
Top left: Peter Trower andYvonne Klan... there
is poetry in their lives and work.
Top right: Overlooked in the pomp and
circumstance ofthe Federation's awards banquet
was another, less formal, ceremony—the repatriation ofthe Phoenix Hotel spittoon. The spittoon
had somehow made its way to Duncan where it
came to the attention of Cowichans Myrtle
Haslam. Myrtle felt that it rightly belonged in its
original homeland and contacted Boundary's Alice
Glanville, left, who was delighted to receive it on
behalf of the Boundary Museum.
Middle left: Alice Glanville and Uncle Ben.
Middle right: Eighteen years of past presidents
ofthe Federation. From left: Wayne Desrochers,
Ron Welwood, Myrtle Haslam, Alice Glanville,
John Spittle, and Leonard McCann.
Bottom left: Our new president Jacqueline
Gresko, hardly willing to stand still for a minute.
Bottom right: Upper Fraser: a wonderful sky
and the railroads that played such an important
part in the development of this area.
47 Federation News
The World of Sir James Douglas
To celebrate the bi-centenary of the birth of
the first Governor of British Columbia, the
Canadian Unity Council sponsored a bus
tour of Fort St. James from Prince George
on the Sunday following the conference.
There was no charge for the day tour and
admission to the Fort was free. Many of the
delegates profited from this generous offer
and thoroughly enjoyed the trip. A report
about their discoveries is scheduled for the
fall issue of BC Historical News. A warm thank
you to the Canadian Unity Council and their
director GiseleYasmeen.
New Members
The Federation welcomes new members
Bella Coola Valley Museum Society, Hudson's Hope Historical Society, UNBC
Northern BC Archives, and Fort Nelson
Historical Society.
The New Excutive
Congratulations to Melva Dwyer for her
well-deserved nomination as Honorary
President of the Federation. A welcome to
our new executive members: First Vice President Patricia Roy, Members at Large Alice
Marwood and Patrick Dunae, and Editor
John Atkin.
Apologies to readers and to Chuck Davis and
Ronald Greene for inadvertently introducing two small but important errors to their
articles in the previous issue (36:2).
The British Columbia gold coins described
in Ron Greene's "Token History," (36:2) were
unknown until 1883 and not 1983.
An incorrectly-placed "em-dash" in the first
paragraph of Chuck Davis's" A Palace of Entertainment," (36:2) suggests that "The Jazz
Singer" was shown in the Orpheum in 1927.
The text should read:" The advent of film... in
1927—the same year the Orpheum
opened—with Al Johnson's feature," The Jazz
Singer," pounded another nail...." The "Jazz
Singer" was never shown in the Orpheum.
BC Historical News
Aside from John Atkin a number of volunteers will assist in all kinds of work needed
to produce and distribute the journal. These
volunteers include Anne Yandle (book reviews) , Tony Farr (proofreading), Cathy
Chapin (maps), Joel Vinge (subscriptions),
Ron Hyde (Federation and members matters) , and Ron Greene (treasurer) as well as
Eileen Mak (distribution), and Diana Breti
(copy editing).
Above: Now a veteran of six conferences,
Emilie Desrochers helped welcome delegates and
guests to the University of Northern British
Columbia in Prince George.
MANUSCRIPTS submitted for publication in BC Historical News should be sent
to the editor John Atkin. Submissions should preferably not exceed 3,500 words.
Submission by e-mail ofthe manuscript   and illustrations is welcome. Otherwise
please send a hard copy and if possible a digital copy ofthe manuscript by ordinary mail. All illustrations should have a caption and source information. It is understood that manuscripts published in BC Historical News will also appear in any
electronic version ofthe journal.
W. Kaye Lamb
Essay Scholarships
Deadline 15 May 2004
The British Columbia Historical Federation
awards two scholarships annually for essays
written by students at BC colleges or
universities on a topic relating to British
Columbia history. One scholarship ($500)
is for an essay written by a student in a first -
or second-year course; the other ($750) is
for an essay written by a student in a third-
or fourth-year course.
To apply for the scholarship, candidates
must submit (1) a letter of application; (2)
an essay of 1,500-3,000 words on a topic
relating to the history of British Columbia;
(3) a letter of recommendation from the
professor for whom the essay was written.
Applications should be submitted before
15 May 2003 to: Robert Griffin, Chair BC
Historical Federation Scholarship Committee, PO Box 5254, Station B.Victoria, BC
V8R 6N4.
The winning essay submitted by a third-
or fourth-year student will be published in
BC Historical News. Other submissions may
be published at the editor's discretion.
BC History
Web Site Prize
The British Columbia Historical Federation and David Mattison are jointly sponsoring a yearly cash award of $250 to recognize Web sites that contribute to the understanding and appreciation ofBritish Columbia's past. The award honours individual
initiative in writing and presentation.
Nominations for the BC History Web
Site Prize for 2003 must be made to the
British Columbia Historical Federation,
Web Site Prize Committee, prior to 31 December 2003. Web site creators and authors
may nominate their own sites.
Prize rules and the on-line nomination
form can be found on The British Columbia History Web site:  <http://
Best Article Award
A Certificate of Merit and fifty dollars
will be awarded annually to the author of
the article, published in BC Historical News,
that best enhances knowledge of British Columbia's history and provides reading enjoyment. Judging will be based on subject
development, writing skill, freshness of material, and appeal to a general readership interested in all aspects of BC history.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -Vol.36 No.3 jftritish Columbia ffCistorical {Federation
Affiliated Groups
Archives Association of British Columbia
Women's History Network of British Columbia
Northern B.C. Archives - UNBC
Member Societies
Alberni District Historical Society
PO Box 284, Port Alberni, BC V9Y 7M7
Anderson Lake Historical Society
PO Box 40, D'Arcy BC VON 1L0
Arrow Lakes Historical Society
PO Box 819, Nakusp BC VOG 1R0
Atlin Historical Society
POBox 111, Atlin BC V0W1A0
Bella CoolaVaUey Museum Society
PO Box 726, Bella Coola BC VOT ICO
Boundary Historical Society
PO Box 1687, Grand Forks BC VOH 1H0
Bowen Island Historians
PO Box 97. Bowen Island, BC  VON 1G0
Bulkley Valley Historical & Museum Society
Box 2615, Smithers BC VOJ 2N0
Burnaby Historical Society
6501 Deer Lake Avenue, Burnaby BC  V5G 3T6
Chemainus Valley Historical Society
PO Box 172, Chemainus BC  VOR 1K0
Cowichan Historical Society
PO Box 1014, Duncan BC V9L 3Y2
Delta Museum and Archive
4858 Delta Street, Delta BC V4K 2T8
District 69 Historical Society
PO Box 1452, Parksville BC V9P 2H4
East Kootenay Historical Association
PO Box 74, Cranbrook BC  VIC 4H6
Finn Slough Heritage & Wetland Society
9480 Dyke Road, Richmond BC  V7A 2L5
Fort Nelson Historical Society
PO Box 716, Fort Nelson BC  VOC 1R0
Fraser Heritage Society
Box 84, Harrison Mills, BC   VOM 1L0
Galiano Museum Society
20625 Porlier Pass Drive
Galiano Island BC  VON 1P0
Gray Creek Historical Society
Box 4, Gray Creek, BC VOB ISO
Gulf Islands Branch BCHF
c/o A. Loveridge S22, C11,RR# 1
Galiano Island BC  VON 1P0
Hedley Heritage Society
PO Box 218, Hedley BC  VOX 1K0
Hudson's Hope Historical Society
PO Box 98, Hudson's Hope BC VOC 1V0
Jewish Historical Society of BC
206-950 West 41st Avenue,
Vancouver BC V5Z 2N7
Kamloops Museum Association
207 Seymour Street, Kamloops BC  V2C 2E7
Koksilah School Historical Society
5213 Trans Canada Highway,
Koksilah, BC VOR 2C0
Organized 31 October 1922
Kootenay Lake Historical Society
PO Box 537, Kaslo BC VOG 1M0
Langley Centennial Museum
PO Box 800, Fort Langley BC VIM 2S2
Lantzville Historical Society
c/o Box 274, Lantzville BC VOR 2H0
Lions Bay Historical Society
Box 571, Lions Bay BC VON 2E0
London Heritage Farm Society
6511 Dyke Road, Richmond BC  V7E 3R3
Maple Ridge Historical Society
22520 116th Ave., Maple Ridge, BCV2X 0S4
Nanaimo & District Museum Society
100 Cameron Road, Nanaimo BC V9R 2X1
Nanaimo Historical Society
PO Box 933, Nanaimo BC V9R 5N2
Nelson Museum
402 Anderson Street, Nelson BC V1L 3Y3
North Shore Historical Society
c/o 1541 Merlynn Crescent,
NorthVancouver BC  V7J 2X9
North Shuswap Historical Society
Box 317, Celista BC VOE 1L0
Okanagan Historical Society
PO Box 313,Vemon BC V1T 6M3
Princeton & District Museum & Archives
Box 281, Princeton BC VOX 1W0
Qualicum Beach Historical Society
587 Beach Road,
Qualicum Beach BC V9K 1K7
Revelstoke & District Historical Association
Box 1908, Revelstoke BC VOE 2S0
Richmond Museum Society
Minoru Park Plaza, 7700 Minoru Gate,
Richmond BC V6Y 7M7
The Riondel & Area Historical Society
Box 201, Riondel BC VOB 2B0
Salt Spring Island Historical Society
129 McPhillips Avenue,
Salt Spring Island BC V8K 2T6
Silvery Slocan Historical Society
Box 301, New Denver BCV0G ISO
Surrey Historical Society
Box 34003 17790 #10 Hwy Surrey BC   V3S 8C4
Terrace Regional Historical Society
PO Box 246,Terrace BC  V8G 4A6
Texada Island Heritage Society
Box 129,  Blubber Bay BC  VON 1E0
Trail Historical Society
PO Box 405,Trail BC V1R 4L7
Union Bay Historical Society
Box 448, Union Bay, BC VOR 3B0
Vancouver Historical Society
PO Box 3071,Vancouver BC V6B 3X6
Victoria Historical Society
PO Box 43035, Victoria North
Victoria BC   V8X 3G2
Williams Lake Museum and Historical Society
113-4th Avenue North
Williams Lake BC V2G 2C8
Yellowhead Museum
Box 1778, RR# 1, Clearwater BC VOE 1N0
The British Columbia
Historical Federation is an
umbrella organization
embracing regional
SOCIETIES are entitled to
become Member Societies
ofthe BC Historical
Federation. All members of
these local historical
societies shall by that very
fact be members ofthe
organizations with
specialized interests or
objects of a historical
both classes of membership are one dollar per
member of a Member
Society or Affiliated Group
with a minimum membership fee of $25 and a
maximum of $75
membership should be
directed to:
Ron Hyde, Secretary
BC Historical Federation
#20   12880 Railway Ave,
Richmond  BC V7E 6G2
Phone: 604.277.2627
British Columbia Historical Federation is a charitable society under the income tax act Return Address:
British Columbia Historical News
Joel Vinge, Subscription Secretary
561 Woodland Drive
Cranbrook,   BC    VIC 6V2
Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 40025793
Publications Mail Registration No. 09835
We acknowledge the financial support of the   Government of Canada, through the Publications Assistance Program (PAP), toward our mailing costs.
Contact us:
BC Historical News welcomes
stories, studies, and news items
dealing with any aspect of the
history of British Columbia, and
British Columbians.
Please submit manuscripts for
publication to the new Editor,
BC Historical News, John Atkin,
921 Princess Street,
Vancouver BC V6A 3E8
Phone: 604.254.1429
Send books for review and book
reviews directly to the Book Review Editor, BC Historical News,
AnneYandle, 3450 West 20th
Avenue, Vancouver BC V6S 1E4,
Phone: 604.733.6484
Please send correspondence about
subscriptions to
Subscription Secretary, Joel Vinge
561 Woodland Drive
Cranbrook BC VIC 6V2
Phone/Fax: 250.489.2490
Subscriptions: $15.00 per year
For addresses outside Canada add $10.00
Any book presenting any facet ofBC history, published in 2003, is eligible.This
may be a community history, biography, record of a project or an organization, or personal recollections giving a glimpse of the past. Names, dates and
places, with relevant maps or pictures, turn a story into "history." Note that
reprints or revisions of books are not eligible.
The judges are looking for quality presentations, especially if fresh material is
included, with appropriate illustrations, careful proofreading, an adequate
index, table of contents and bibliography, from first-time writers as well as
established authors.
The Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing will be awarded to an
individual writer whose book contributes significantly to the recorded history of British Columbia. Other awards will be made as recommended by
the judges to valuable books prepared by groups or individuals.
Winners will receive a Certificate of Merit, a monetary award and an invitation
to the BCHF annual conference to be held in Nanaimo in May 2004.
SUBMISSION REQUIREMENTS: All books must have been published in
2003 and should be submitted as soon as possible after publication. Two
copies of each book should be submitted. Books entered become property
of the BC Historical Federation. Please state name, address and telephone
number of sender, the selling price of all editions of the book, and, if the
reader has to shop by mail, the address from which it may be purchased,
including applicable shipping and handling costs.
SEND TO:   BC Historical Federation Writing Competition
PO Box 130, Whonnock BC  V2W 1V9
DEADLINE: 31 December 2003


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