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 British Columbia
Historical News
Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation
Volume j2, No. 2
Spring 1999
$5-50
ISSN 1195-8294
Captain Vancouver
Diary of a Pioneer
Farmer
Simma Holt
Compass North
Water Rights in the
Okanagan
Vancouver's North Shore
Mountains
Estella Hartt
Courtesy Victoria Maritime Museum (copy of orginal painting in National Portrait Gallery)
"There are tantalizing reasons for believing that this is a portrait of the George
Vancouver, but careful review by John Kerslane, Deputy Keeper at the National
Portrait GaUery in the 1950s led to its reclassification: ...all we have is a painting of a
middle-aged man dressed in mufti, backgrounded by a globe showing the track of Cook's
voyage and a few books on voyages of exploration: a painting of an unknown man by an
unknown artist."—B. Guild Gillespie, On Stormy Seas British Columbia Historical Federation
Organized 31
October, 1922
Member Societies
Alberni District Historical Society
Nanaimo Historical Society
Box 284
PO Box 933, Station A
Port Alberni
Nanaimo BC V9R 5N2
BC V9Y7M7
Nicola Valley Musuem & Archives
Alder Grove Heritage Society
PO Box 1262, Merritt BC ViK 1B8
3190 - 271 Street
North Shore Historical Society
Aldergrove, BC  V4W 3H7
1541 Merlynn Crescent
Anderson Lake Historical Society
North Vancouver BC V7J 2X9
Box 40, D'Arcy BC VoN 1L0
North Shuswap Historical Society
Arrow Lakes Historical Society
Box 317, Celista BC VoE 1L0
RR#i, Site iC, Comp 27,
Princeton & District Museum & Archives
Nakusp BC  VoG 1R0
Box 281, Princeton BC VoX 1W0
Atlin Historical Society
Qualicum Beach Hist. & Museum Society
Box in, Atlin BC VoW lAo
587 Beach Road
Boundary Historical Society
Qualicum Beach BC V9K 1 K7
Box 580
Salt Spring Island Historical Society
Grand Forks BC VoH 1 Ho
129 McPhillips Avenue
Bowen Island Historians
Salt Spring Island BC V8K 2T6
Box 97
Sidney & North Saanich Historical Soc.
Bowen Island BC VoN 1G0
10840 Innwood Rd.
Burnaby Historical Society
North Saanich BC V8L 5H9
6501 Deer LakeAvenue,
Silvery Slocan Historical Society
Burnaby BC V5G 3T6
Box 301, New Denver BC VoG 1 So
Chemainus Valley Historical Society
Surrey Historical Society
Box 172
Box 34003 17790 #10 Hwy.
Chemainus BC VoR 1K0
Surrey BC V3S 8C4
Cowichan Historical Society
Texada Island Historical Society
PO Box 1014
Box i22,Van Anda BC VoN 3K0
Duncan BC V9L 3Y2
Trail Historical Society
District 69 Historical Society
PO Box 405,Trail BC ViR 4L7
Box 1452, Parksville BC V9P 2H4
Vancouver Historical Society
East Kootenay Historical Association
PO Box 307i,Vancouver BC V6B 3X6
PO Box 74, Cranbrook BC ViC 4H6
Victoria Historical Society
Gulf Islands Branch, BCHF
PO Box 43035,Victoria North
c/o A. Loveridge, S.22, C.ii, BJR.#i
Victoria BC  V8X 3G2
Galiano BCVoN 1P0
Hedley Heritage Society
Box 218, Hedley BC VoX 1K0
Affiliated Groups
Kamloops Museum Association
207 Seymour Street
Kamloops BC V2C 2E7
Koksilah School Historical Society
5203 Trans Canada Highway
Koksilah BC VoR 2C0
Kootenay Museum & Historical Society
402 Anderson Street
Nelson BC ViL 3Y3
Lantzville Historical Society
c/o Box 274, Lantzville BC VoR 2H0
Kootenay Lake Historical Society
Box 537, Kaslo BC VoG 1M0
Lasqueti island Historical Society
c/o P. Forbes
Lasqueti Island BC VoR 2J0
Nanaimo and District Museum Society
100 Cameron Road
Nanaimo BC V9R 2X1
Okanagan Historical Society
Box 313/VERNON BC ViT 6M3
The British Columbia
Historical Federation is
an umbrella organization
embracing regional
societies.
Questions about
membership and
affiliation of societies
should be directed to
Nancy M. Peter,
Membership Secretary,
BC Historical Federation,
#7—5400 Patterson
Avenue, Burnaby,
BC V5H 2M5
Please write to the
Editor for any changes to
be made to this list. British Columbia
Historical News
Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation
Volume 32, No. 2
Spring 1999
$5-50
ISSN 1195-8294
Thank you
2 Captain Vancouver
by B. Guild Gillespie
4 "Vancouver Sunday"
byJ.E. (Ted) Roberts
30 The Declining North Point
by Leornard W. Meyers
10 When the Ditch Runs Dry
by George Richard
18 The diary of Edward Marriner
by Jack A. Green
20 Historic Echoes ofthe North Shore Mountains
by A.C. Rogers
24 Against a Tide of Change: Simma Holt
by Laura Duke
30 The Story of Estella Hartt
by Rosemarie Parent
31 BOOK REVIEWS
38 NOTES AND NEWS
39 FEDERATION NEWS
Any country worthy of a future
should he interested in its past.
W. Kaye Lamb, 1937
?J\f^
& Peter
When you read this pubUcation, do you ever think
about the editorial decisions made to make it all
possible?
Naomi Miller has been the volunteer editor of
British Columbia Historical News since her inaugural
issue in the FaU of 1988. She has nurtured this
pubUcation with tender loving care for just over
ten years or 42 issues!
Right from the start Naomi soUcited "articles on
any aspect of British Columbia history." She always
acknowledged receipt of each submission and, once
pubUshed, sent a thank-you letter along with several compUmentary copies to the author. Under
her guidance BC Historical News grew in size from
32 pages to its current 40.
Mailing this journal from the East Kootenays
became a growing chaUenge, particularly with the
ever increasing rules and regulations imposed by
the postal authorities. Fortunately Naomi and her
helpmate/husband, Peter, had both the patience
and the stamina to make certain that the quarterly
deadlines were met and the journal deUvered in
time. This feat itself deserves a heroic medal.
We are grateful to the MiUers for their faithful
service to the British Columbia Historical Federation and, particularly, to the British Columbia Historical News. Although she bids fareweU as editor,
Naomi wiU maintain her Unk with this journal by
assembling the News and Notes column.
It is no surprise that Naomi passed on a very
detailed list of procedures to her successor. I am
certain Fred Braches wiU continue to maintain the
high professional standard she estabUshed. We thank
Naomi (and Peter) very much and wish them a
weU deserved retirement.
Ron Welwood
President. British Columbia Historical Federation
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Captain George Vancouver:
200 Years Dead on May 12th, 1998
by B. Guild Gillespie
Brenda Guild Gillespie,
writer and illustrator,
lives in Coquitlam.
Captain George Vancouver spent his 35th
birthday just off Point Grey, on June
22nd, 1792. He ate a hearty breakfast in
the company of welcoming natives and Spanish
Captains GaUano andValdes.
Less than six years later, on May 12th, 1798,
he died broken of health and spirit. The intervening years had been hard on him. He'd ac-
compUshed so much, yet earned for it more heartache than he could bear.
What exactly did George Vancouver do? And
what went wrong? To understand, let's put ourselves in his shoes, starting from today, from famiUar ground and waters.
Imagine you're up coast in a 25-foot saUboat.
You have every amenity and safety device. You
put into a snug cove on a pleasant evening.There's
no one around for mUes. A wind comes up, then
a gale. Soon, you're in a roUicking storm, and it's
getting dangerously rough in your Uttle nook.
Now, burn aU your charts, every last one. Replace them with a sketch ofthe coast, with only
San Diego, San Francisco, Nootka Sound, Mt. St.
EUas, and a few other geographic features noted,
none accurately.
Deep six your radio. There's no communication with civiUzation as you know it for so many
mUes that it would take you months to get there.
Chuck your motor, every modern power and
saU aid.Add some oars and oarlocks—you'U need
them to get around when the wind dies.
Replace aU your hi-tech clothing with natural
fibres and oilskins. Remove your cosy cabin; you'U
sleep Under tarps in the boat or in canvas tents
on shore.
Get rid of aU but basic cooking tools.You have
no fresh food, except what you can gather. You've
got sauerkraut, saltbeef, and bug-infested biscuits,
which you've been eating for months.
Anything looks better than this.
Getting worried? Don't—we've barely begun.
Now that we're down to the basics, let's get down
to work. You've got half a dozen of these poorly
equipped boats, and you've got 145 lusty young
men to keep occupied. Most are as couth as Eng
Ush footbaU fans and as keen to work as mules.
You have a couple of wooden ships to caU
home, but they're leaky, cranky tubs, and you're
packed cheek by jowl in them. A modern saUor
would jump ship after a week with one-quarter
the company, but you've got to keep them aU
living and working civiUy together for years.
Now, here's your little chore. Chart the continental shoreUne from San Diego to present-day
Anchorage. Prove once and for aU that there is
no navigable Northwest Passage. Do it with unreliable equipment, and do it in two summers
please—three, if you must.
At the same time, stay at Nootka Sound for as
long as it takes to solve a pressing diplomatic problem with occupying Spaniards, and complete this
assignment without instructions. And don't forget to coUect botanical specimens at every stop.
By the way, you're dog sick with a mysterious
disease and getting worse. Several times, you're
close to death, but don't let this slow you down.
Spend your winters on the Hawaiian Islands,
which are as seductive as Tahiti, where your friend
WUUam BUgh was mutinied three years before,
and your whole crew knows it. Don't let them
faU in love with native women, but don't interfere with their pleasures, or they'U rebel for sure.
Are things seeming a Utde tight now, a Uttle
difficult? WeU, here's the ringer. Put a psychopath on board, and not just any Joe sort of psychopath, but a fuU-blown one who's related to
everyone important back home. This teenage
Lord-in-waiting,Thomas Pitt, doesn't Uke authority. He's handsome and popular, in a crazy way.
He makes Ufe difficult for you, every day for three
years, until you arrange a ride for him to China
in another ship.
This is what George Vancouver put up with,
and here's what he accompUshed: In three short
summers, he used his smaU boats to chart the
most intricate 10,000 miles of coastline on the
planet. For the first time in recorded history, the
limits of the world were known, which had an
impact equal to seeing Earth from the moon in
1969.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Vancouver kept his men so healthy that only
six died in nearly five years of saUing—far more
than would have Uved had aU stayed safely at home.
They didn't adore their captain, but their respect,
measured by their unprecedented accompUsh-
ments, was obvious.
Vancouver got King Kamehameha to cede
Hawaii to Great Britain, a tidy gift for King
George III, if he wanted it. (He didn't.)
Vancouver didn't complete his diplomatic mission—how could he?—but he didn't botch it
either. It got deferred. His botanist brought back
a ton of New World plants, plenty to satisfy old
Farmer George, the King, although another ton
would have been nice. But then again, charting
every river and island on the coast would have
been nice too. Some things would require a return trip or two, but so what? Look at what did
get done.
To Thomas Pitt, none of this mattered. He
despised the man who, as captain, held aU others'
Ufe and death in his hands. Back in England, the
tables turned.There, Pitt became Lord Camelford,
Baron of Boconnoc, and took his seat in the
House of Lords. Now he could harass Vancouver
at whim, with impunity. No Peer of the Realm
had ever been charged with or convicted of undoing a commoner, which Pitt had firmly in
mind.
Vancouver's last few years were grim. The Admiralty (formerly headed by Camelford's cousin
Lord Chatham) delayed paying him. The government (under Prime Minister and cousin
WUUam Pitt the Younger, with Secretary of State
and brother-in-law Lord GrenviUe) refused to
honour his achievements. Camelford hounded
Vancouver and kin relendessly. Vancouver's cries
for help and justice went nowhere, critical documents disappeared, and creditors pounded on his
door.
Vancouver knew that redemption lay in pub-
Ushing his journal. He worked to his last breath
completing the official report of his voyage. It's
dry reading, but his first concern was for sailors
who might Uve or die by its accuracy and completeness. Had he lived, he planned to pubUsh
more entertaining accounts for armchair geographers, based on his extensive shipboard notes.
These vanished. Very Utde exists in Vancouver's handwriting today. No official portrait was
commissioned, and the only certain image we
have is a caricature of him being beaten in a London street by an enraged Lord Camelford. After
this incident, Vancouver lost hope of acceptance
by his beloved country and, with it, his desire to
Uve.
Camelford reeled from disaster to disaster, eluding charges of mayhem and murder of a feUow
officer only because of his tide and connections.
He died at age 29 in a duel with his best friend
over a strumpet.
George Vancouver's journal was an instant
bestseUer, although the EngUsh continue, to this
day, to underrate him. His birthplace at King's
Lynn was torn down in the 1960s for a shopping
maU. His grave at Petersham is Uttle better tended
than those around it. Enquiries at the National
Maritime Museum are often as not greeted with,
"Oh him. He's not important."
He came from an enUghtened famUy, with two
brothers who advocated progressive agriculture
and social poUcies. Camelford particularly hated
Vancouver's treatment of native peoples—far too
accepting and concerned about their weU-being
for blueblood tastes.Vancouver had unusual sensitivity for women too, with no condescension
evident in his writings and a Uberal bestowing of
women's names on geographic features.
Now he's out of fashion, just another old
white-guy explorer/exploiter. Pity, because he was
too modern for his times, which got him into
trouble then, and he stiU can't get an even break.-d5*
This text, previously
published in The
Vancouver Sun, May 9th,
1998, is reproduced here
with kind permission of
the author.
Shown below is Brenda
Guild Gillespie's drawing
of Captain Vancouver's
grave at St. Peter's
Churchyard in Petersham.
An illustration from her
book On Stormy Seas, The
Triumphs and Torments of
Captain George Vancouver.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 66
Vancouver Sunday" in Victoria
by J. E. Roberts
J.E. (Ted) Roberts,
shown here at Christ
Church Cathedral
alongside a copy ofthe
well-known Vancouver
painting given on loan
by the Victoria
Maritime Museum.
J.E. Roberts published
A Dicovery Journal
reviewed in this issue
of BC Historical News.
^111
- till % 1
B
ON Sunday, May 10,1998, a special service was held at Christ Church Cathe-
dral.Victoria, BC to commemorate the
200th anniversary of the death of Capt. George
Vancouver who died in Petersham, Surrey, on
May 12, 1798. Vancouver is buried in the quiet
churchyard of St. Peter's Church in that London
suburb and every year, on the Sunday closest to
the date of his death, a 'Vancouver Sunday' service is observed, attended by visiting dignitaries
from Canada and the United Kingdom.
In an effort to stimulate a greater interest in
Vancouver and an appreciation of his work, the
Friends of Vancouver sponsored the Victoria
service which was patterned, in part, on previous
services held at Petersham. With one or two exceptions, Vancouver has been poorly served by
historians and writers of fiction and is remembered primarUy for the unfortunate conflict with
one of his midshipmen, young Thomas Pitt, who
became 2nd Baron Camelford. Until very recendy,
the distorted remarks expressed by many historians have gone unchaUenged, but new information, uncovered at the University of British Columbia, has been the cause for a re-examination
ofthe facts, the result being a complete vindication ofVancouver's actions.
The service provided an opportunity to review Vancouver's character and to briefly examine the charges brought against him by the family of Thomas Pitt and to note how false these
charges were, though accepted as fact by many
writers of history. One historian has described
Vancouver as being "pig-headed and stupid",
whUe another has given us "narrow-minded" and
"lacked the abiUty to unbend". We have yet another teUing us that as explorers went.Vancouver
was "pretty smaU potatoes" and one more, babbling on about Vancouver's "missing rivers", insisting that "... his faUure to find the Fraser was
... unforgivably careless and slack."These sentiments are expressed in sources used in our schools
today and present a totaUy unfair evaluation of a
great explorer and seaman.
The worst distortions of Vancouver's character are found in George Bowering's novel Burning Water which has the barest veneer of fact covering the whatever-it-is from which that author
suffers and which has been foisted on the reading pubUc as worthy of Uterary merit. In contrast, another noveUst, Brenda GuUd GiUespie, has
written On Stormy Seas, a fictional, yet sensitive
account of Vancouver's Ufe. Though it is based
on some soUd research, On Stormy Seas and its
author are totally out-gunned by Bowering who
has been given the support and recognition of
the Canada CouncU, in an act that defies aU logic.
Bowering continues his character assassination
of worthy men in his latest book, Bowering's B. C,
A Swashbuckling History, wherein he reprints comments from Dr. Kaye Lamb, reflecting on
Bowering's earlier effort, Burning Water. The back
cover of this work carries adulatory remarks from
reviewers of questionable historical competence
but Bowering leaves Dr. Lamb hung out to dry
with Dr. Lamb's remarks placed, alone and without context, on page 406, the last page of the
puffed-up BibUography. They read:
.. .taking only scant account of historical facts and
good taste ... he [Bowering] has bespattered his
pages with numerous errors of fact that are both
poindess and needless... without a shred of evidence ... the facts speak for themselves....
The primary aim ofthe Friends ofVancouver
is to correct the distortions concerning the Ufe
of George Vancouver and his work. Working
through the schools in the province, and by taking a few moments during one day in the year to
acknowledge the work of one of England's greatest seamen and surveyors, we hope to make "Vancouver Sunday" truly a day to remember.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Text of an Address by J.E. Roberts Given on
VANCOUVER SUNDAY at Christ Church
Cathedral,Victoria, BC, May io, 1998
It would be nice to teU you that George Vancouver was a particularly godly man and that
he loved his Lord, but there is nothing in the
historical record to substantiate this idea. However, when we consider that in his relatively short
lifetime Vancouver had circumnavigated the globe
three times, he would have seen more of the
wondrous beauty of God's world and more of its
terrors than most men of his time, or since, and
he could not but have been aware of the power
and mystery of creation.
One would never know this from his writings, for there are few references to Providence
in his journal, other than the more or less obUga-
tory inclusion of thanks to the Almighty at its
end. On this occasion, when referring to the men
lost during the voyage, he wrote:
The unfortunate loss of these five men from the
Discovery produced in me infinite regret, but
when I averted to the very dangerous service in
which we had been so long employed, and the
many perUous situations from which we had
providentiaUy been extricated with all possible
adoration, humiUty, and gratitude, I offered up my
unfeigned thanks to the Great Disposer of all Human Events, for the protection which thus, in his
unbounded wisdom and goodness he had been
pleased, on aU occasions, to vouchsafe unto us,
and which had now happUy restored us to our
country, our famiUes, and our friends, (emphasis
added)
The journals ofthe Discovery's and Chatham's
officers are strangely sUent about deUverance, even
after escaping the possible loss of Discovery in a
grounding in Queen Charlotte Strait in August
of 1792, when the only words of thanks that I
have found are in the journal of young midshipman Thomas Heddington ofthe Chatham, who
at age 16 in 1792, was the youngest in the squadron. He was moved to write:
Here the Discovery hung until the early hours of
Monday August 6, when at 2am, the rising tide
floated the ship free and as Providence directed
she was hove off.
The record shows that much as Vancouver was
a stickler for adhering to the rules ofthe Navy, a
study of the various journals shows that in one
respect he paid sUght heed to the Articles ofWar.
Article 1 of these regulations required that:
AU commanders, captains, and officers, in or belonging to any of His Majesty's ships or vessels of
war shall cause the pubUc worship of Almighty God,
according to the Liturgy ofthe Church of England
estabUshed by law, to be solemnly, orderly, and rev-
erendy performed in the respective ships; and shall
take care that prayers and preaching by the chaplain in holy orders of the respective ships, be performed diUgendy; and that the Lord's day be observed according to law.
The Discovery did not carry a Chaplain and
there is no record of divine service being held
regularly on board ship, only the occasional reference to prayers being said to the men assembled for muster.
We do know that George Vancouver was an
emotional man who often wore his heart on his
sleeve and expressed himself in a manner not
commonly associated with officers in the Royal
Navy. The most poignant example was when he
witnessed the destruction of one ofthe ship's boats
as it was being hoisted in after returning from
another ship in the convoy they were in, en route
home to England from St. Helena at the end of
the voyage. He wrote:
I do not recoUect that my feeUngs ever suffered so
much on any occasion of a similar nature, as at this
moment. The cutter was the boat that I had constandy used; in her I had travelled very many mUes;
in her I had repeatedly escaped from danger; she
had always brought me safely home; and although
she was but an inanimate conveniency, to which, it
may possibly be thought no affection could be attached, yet I felt myself under such obligation for
her services, that when she was dashed to pieces
before my eyes, an involuntary emotion suddenly
seized my breast, and I was compeUed to turn away
Left: A detail ofthe
painting shown on the
front cover alleged to
represent Captain
Vancouver. Dr. Kaye Lamb
reminds us "that there is
considerable evidence to
suggest that the portrait
may well be authentic."
(The Voyage of George
Vancouver, p. 1612)
A copy of this painting is
in the collection of Victoria
Maritime Museum. The
original is at the National
Portrait Gallery, London.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 "Here the Discovery
hung until the early hours
of Monday August 6..."
Part of an Etching from
Vancouver's Voyage.
^SSg^rJ^-VS^'^^^^ X'''.-< X'vX,:'^' S3
§S3jSr3i^l':Tt''i^r.i '''.""
to hide a weakness (for which, though my own gratitude might find an apology) I should have thought
improper to have pubUcly manifested.
During the last 10 years of his Ufe, Vancouver
was not a weU man and he died in Petersham on
May 12,1798, of what has now been diagnosed
as kidney faUure. The charts prepared under his
direction during his great survey of the North
West coast of America have sUght errors in latitude and longitude, caused primarUy from errors
in the Nautical Almanac that was used to reduce
the thousands of observations taken by Vancouver and his officers.This problem remained with
Vancouver, even after his death, when the head
and foot stones to his grave were moved with
the result that he is not where he thought he
was.
On the side of the Register, under date of
December 17, 1892, the Vicar made this addition:
N.B.The head and foot stone over the brick
grave in which the remains of Capt. George Vancouver Ue were in my presence lifted, raised six
inches and drawn six inches aside to the south.
The consent of the Agent-General of British Columbia and two church-wardens of this parish
having been previously obtained in order to effect
an improvement to the churchyard and to place a
raU to the ToUemache tomb.
I have not found a reference to the stones being replaced to their original position.
Vancouver's voyage was the longest continuous journey ever undertaken under saU and its
success was due entirely to the interaction of their
commander, the ship and its crew. AU had to be
first rate and the faUure of one would have meant
the faUure of aU.
Probably the fittest of the three was the ship,
the Discovery, a ship-rigged, sloop-of-war, 300 tons
burthen with a complement of 100 men and with
a few features which were "state of the art" for
her time. She had a raking stem, not found on
ships of this period and had straight sides with a
sUght outward flair, making her a very dry ship.
The Discovery was one of the earUest ships fitted
with a quadrant on her tiUer and she is the first
ship in the Navy that I can find a record on of
carrying a small boat at her stern, though this
was common practice with East Indiamen.
Her crew may be said to have been typical of
her time and Vancouver and his officers worked
them up into a smaU, but efficient group of men
who were able to rise to any chaUenge. It must
be noted that the average age of Discovery's crew
was less than 22 years, including a few 15 and 16
year olds. Where Vancouver stood out, was in
that he accompanied many of the boat parties
engaged on the actual surveys. He did not just sit
back on board while the others laboured, but he
was out on the water, sharing the hardships of
bad weather and short rations with his men.
It may be argued that the commander was the
weakest Unk and here I feel that he is being so
rated only because of his abrasive personaUty. His
quaUfications as a surveyor are unchaUenged, developed from his experiences with Cook on two
voyages around the world, during which time he
learned how to deal respectfuUy with aU manner
of indigenous peoples. His leadership quaUties
were weU founded from his service as 1st Lieutenant in the Europa, a ship with a crew of 700
men operating in the foul climate ofthe Caribbean. What, then, went wrong?
During the course of the voyage, it had been
necessary for Vancouver to send a young midshipman, Thomas Pitt, son of Baron Camelford,
back to England because of a series of infrac-
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 tions that included the charges of purloining,
breaking the glass in the compass, sleeping on his
watch and theft of ship's stores. The hot-headed
youth, on his return to England chaUengedVan-
couver to a duel and in a chance encounter in
the street, attacked Vancouver and his brother,
Charles, with his cane. This became the subject
of a cartoon, entided "The Caneing in Conduit
Street" which depictedVancouver as a despot and
detaUed his aUeged mistreatment of his crew. The
incident soon subsided and was forgotten by aU
but Lady Camelford, young Thomas' mother,
who was determined to get her pound of flesh
from the man who had abused her dear son.
Lady Camelford turned to Archibald Menzies,
the botanist who served on the voyage, and asked
him to compUe a record of aU ofthe instances
where her son had suffered at his Captain's hand.
Menzies apparendy decided that he alone was
not going to be the only tatder, and contacted
Joseph Whidbey, the Discovery's Master for corroborating evidence. This pathetic record is in
the Banks' Correspondence in the British Museum and has served as the only basis for historians' charges against Vancouver. In it, the charges
against Pitt noted previously, were triviaUsed and
dismissed as the actions of young men in general.
In fact, they were aU very severe and worthy of a
true flogging to any man who lacked the protection of the noble name of Pitt. Vancouver
attemped a bit of psychology with his punishments of young Thomas and tried to embarrass
him before his peers, and instead of a real flogging, had him bend over a gun in the cabin and
take a whipping. It must have been quite a sight
to see this big lad being whipped in a cabin with
less than six foot head room under the beams.
Any physical pain that Pitt felt would have been
minimal and Vancouver hoped that putting him
in this position would have him change his ways.
Again, when Pitt was punished for faUing asleep
on his watch, instead of a flogging, he was put in
irons with the common seamen and lost aU privileges of his rank.
Vancouver's soft treatment of Pitt came to a
shuddering halt in an incident that has gone unrecorded for nearly 200 years. It involved punishments inflicted aboard the Discovery in August
of 1793 which Menzies recorded in his journal
were of such an unpleasant nature, that, "on seeing
which all the natives left the Bay." This involved the
theft of some copper sheets that could not be
"£&<- *& a*. #£*/£*.t- &£) c^C  1&2. Zi+orfru******-.
resolved. It was shordy after this episode that Pitt
was sent home.
The answer was found in a scrap of a letter
placed in a 2nd edition copy of Vancouver's Voyage held in Special CoUections at the University
of British Columbia which reads:
I am very credably informed that Capt.Vancouver
was never again employed because he flogged Mr.
Pitt afterward Lord Camelford. Now the story is
this: the Captn missing some sheets of copper cd
not learn who had taken them he therefore tied
up the Boatswain during the flogging the boatswain feeUng the pain said Oh Mr Pitt how can
you see me thus used, Capt V perceiving that mr
Pitt had taken the copper ordered the boatswain
to be released & Mr P take as many lashes as the
boatswain had recd, I think Mr Vancouver's conduct very manly and those who disrespected him
for it very unmanly I wish I cd take him [by] the
hand for it but alas he is dead.
It is smaU wonder that no one would admit to
remembering this incident.Those who knew the
facts chose to remain sUent, or what is worse,
concocted stories to discredit Vancouver. It has
taken aU of these years to learn the truth of what
happened and I thank you for your interest and
support of our efforts to clear the name of a truly
great explorer and seaman, Captain George
Vancouver.*^
Above: "77ze answer was
found in a scrap of a letter
... held in Special Collections at the University of
British Columbia..."See
also J.E. Roberts' article
"The Camelworth
Controversy" in BC
Historical News,
Spring 1995, Volume. 28
No. 2
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Stylized Arrows and Compass Roses:
The Declining North Point
by Leonard W. Meyers
Leonard Meyers lives
in Vancouver
Left: North arrows
compiled by the author
from hundreds of British
Columbia land surveyors'
plans prepared over the
past one hundred years.
Graphics by Leonard Myers
The North point is taken for granted. It
is ignored for it is always there. It is generaUy treated with indifference untU,
suddenly it is required, and it is not around, nor
anywhere to be found.Then, and only then, is its
true worth recognized. And how futile is one's
sense of direction without it. For, without the
famiUar and faithful north point, the subject literally takes off in aU directions, yet secured to
none.
The north point, Uke a poor relative or a man
without a country, has no status of its own. It is
not an island unto itself. It does not educate or
interpolate. It is always an adjunct. Almost a second thought—even an afterthought—when the
rest of the plan has been completed in aU its elegance and technical perfection. But the north
point can point the way to an island, and the lay
ofthe land. Without it any map or chart is almost
as meaningless and ineffectual as a ship without a
rudder.
The exact origin of the north point is lost in
antiquity. But it is probable that the ancient Egyptians used some sort of a symbol to directionaUy
orientate their land areas, cities and structures such
as the pyramids. And to redefine property Unes
after each subsequent flooding of the NUe. The
father ofthe first true north point—certainly the
first classical one—might well have been the
Greek geometer and astronomer Eratosthenes
who measured, for the first time, a meridian arc
in 230 B.C.. But the north point didn't come into
its own until the discovery ofthe magnetic compass and the subsequent arrival ofthe days of sea
travel, exploration and navigation, and the general acceptance that the earth was round and replete with magnetic poles.
As the north finaUy became defined, it was a
simple matter for the early chart and mapmakers
to superimpose on their product a facsimUe of
an elaborate compass point, indicating the north.
And, for the first time the explorers and navigators knew where they were going. And they've
been going ever since. And the north point was
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 here to stay. It has been used and reUed upon by
cartographers, surveyors, engineers and drafting
firms.
During the period of exploration and colonization, when the use of projections became universal, cartography work was done by experts. In
fact, for several hundred years, map drafting was
considered one ofthe foremost professions.
Ever since the early sea chart Tenderers became enamoured of their profession it was the
custom to embeUish the charts. They were produced individuaUy by hand, and were elaborately
decorated and coloured, showing mythical creatures representing the winds, as weU as other denizens ofthe ocean. Marine masterpieces with lavish and oudandish Ulustrations of mythological
creatures: seahorses, King Neptune complete with
trident, mermaids, and devious denizens and demons of the deep. The north point did not escape attention. In fact, more often than not, it
was the focal point of the inspired chart artist's
creative zeal. Nor did the land plan, or map, escape this early artistic adornment.
This practice prevaUed, with certain modifications, for centuries, culminating, finaUy, in a
grand flourish of swirls, whorls, curUcues, flowers and filigree ornamentation symboUzing the
friUy fashion of the Victorian era. But, like everything else in this changing world it, too, was
subject to change, to revision, to pruning and
streamUning. It had to come. The north point
was getting out of hand. It was getting altogether
too ornate and elaborate. It had to be brought
down to earth again.
Even as early as a half century ago the handwriting was on the wall. The axe was about to
fall. A technical chronicler ofthe times was moved
to remark on the excesses of the north point
which, in many instances, even contained two
heads - one pointing to the magnetic, the other
to the astronomic north. In his words: "I have
seen the plans of noblemen's estates got up with
such elaboration that they were almost pictures!
For instance, the north points were painted to
represent lUies of the vaUey and other beautiful
flowers, evidence of the artistic skill of the
draughtsman "
Then came the twentieth century. And the
lacy, excessively embeUished north point, Uke the
garish hairdo, hat and burgeoning bloomers had
to go! The modern engineer, architect, surveyor
and cartographer simply would not expend the
time on it. Nor did he want his draftsman to
waste time on it. There were instances where he
expended more valuable time executing an elaborate north point than on the entire plan.
As a consequence, today, what with the double coffee break and aU, certain interests would
Uke to aboUsh the north point altogether. And it
isn't as though certain cartographic firms haven't
already. In particular those, whose maps are oriented so that the top ofthe map is always north.
But its complete abandonment is not Ukely. No
self-respecting artist or draftsman would permit
it. The north point would go over his dead body.
He would see it as his epitaph first! And with
good reason. The average draftsman, unUke his
professional superior, is an artist and in many instances a dedicated one. However, in deference
to the doUar-and-cents attitude of his employer,
he reluctandy wUl agree to cut the friUs. He wiU
prune his plan to the bone until he is left with
Utde else but skinny Unes and gaunt lettering.
Even his figures are not much more than mere
skeletons of a once proud and rococo past. And
many draftsmen have already become expendable with the advent ofthe map rendering computer, which turns out a sterUe product, to say
the least, compared to the talented artist-draftsman
of yesterday.
The north point is the draftsman's last stand. It
is the last remnant of his creativity and originality. The only part of his plan that he can take
liberties with, and take artistic Ucence with. He
knows fuU weU he can do it up and doctor it in
any way he Ukes, for no one pays the sUghtest
attention to it—untU he inadvertendy forgets to
put it on.
And thus the decUne ofthe once proud, florid,
and garishly embroidered north point is under
way. It is now only a thin shadow of its former
self. It has seen a better day. But it is stiU in there
pitching and pointing the way.-d5*
Below: Part of a chart of
Rye Harbour drawn at the
end ofthe 17 th century by
Captain Greenville
Collins.
Left: Compass rose from
an early map ofthe city of
New Westminster prepared
for Colonel Moody.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 When the Ditch Runs Dry:
Okanagan Natives, Water Rights, and
the Tragedy of no Commons
by George Richard
George Richard
received his history
degree at Okanagan
University College. He
teaches history and
geography (social
studies) at KLO
Secondary in Kelowna.
He tries to find work
as a high school
teacher in BC.
1 Federal lawyer advising
Department of Indian
Affairs official, March 15,
1909, in Black Series,
RG10,Vol. 4040, File
269,190, Reel C10172.
2 "Canadian Indian Water
Rights ofB.C,"
spokesman Albert
Saddleman addressing the
Royal Commission on
Aboriginal Peoples in
Kelowna June 16,1993.
3 A Summary Report
Given to Local
Governments Interested in
the Westbank Treaty
Negotiations, August 7,
1997, 5.
4 Article 2613 in Civil
Code; document provided
in Richard Bardett,
Aboriginal Water Rights in
Canada: A Study of
Aboriginal Title to Water and
Indian Water Rights.
(Calgary: University of
Calgary, 1988), 48.
s Duane Thomson, "The
Development of Irrigation
Law and Institutions in the
Western States".
(Unpublished essay, 1980),
4.
6 James Douglas to
Secretary of State for the
Colonies E.B. Lytton,
February 9,1859, in Black
Series, RGlO.Vol. 4010, 6.
"It is a long standing [question] but apparendy nothing has been done to secure a definite decision as to
Indian Water rights. It seems to me action in this connection should be taken at once because the longer
the matter is aUowed to drag the greater wiU be the compUcations and difficulties in the way of final
adjustment."1
"We find ourselves between a rock and a hard place in that the reservations were set up by the federal
government who have fuU fiduciary trust responsibUity to the Native people. On the odier hand, water
rights are handled by the province, so this makes it very difficult for First Nations to try to deal with a
province which has so far shown no mercy on First Nations people."2
"Water is the most important resource in this area ofthe Province....The potential loss of access to the
water supply in the [Westbank First Nation] land claim area wUl have a devastating effect on
communities within Kelowna, Westbank and Lakeview."3
Ever since European setdement began in
earnest in the late 1850s in British Columbia's interior, natives have struggled to
hold on to their right to water. Eventually,
Okanagan natives and their peers across the province lost this right through Victoria's dogged determination to control aU of this precious resource.
The federal Department of Indian Affairs did try
in vain for over forty years to secure some water
tenure for natives on their reserves, however, Ottawa eventuaUy gave up.The federal government's
position on native land tenure on reserves also
worked against natives. Ottawa's abandonment of
tenure and misguided Indian Affair's poUcy left
native farmers, already suffering from restricted
water access for four decades, further marginalized.
Before British Columbia became a colony in
1858, and shordy after, the British Crown considered water rights to be riparian in nature.
Riparian rights are common law rights wherein
possession of water is finked to adjacent land
ownership:
He whose land borders on a running stream, not
forming part ofthe pubUc domain, may make use
of it as it passes, for the utiUty of this land, but in
such manner as not to prevent the exercise ofthe
same right by those to whom it belongs. He
whose land is crossed by such stream may use it
within the whole space of its course through the
property, but subject to the obUgation of allowing
it to take its usual course when it leaves his land.4
EngUsh common law aUowed two forms of
riparian water usage—natural and artificial.
"Natural" use is defined as domestic use. "Artificial" use is one which increases one's comfort or
prosperity. Riparian owners had urdimited "natural" (domestic) use of water. "Artificial" (irrigation) users could use the resource as weU, however, never to the detriment ofthe "natural" user
under the riparian system. It is this riparian system the federal government beUeved it had inherited from the British Crown to which it would
apply as the definitive water law affecting natives
on reserves.
The riparian mindset stiU existed within the
newly-developed British Columbian colony in
early 1859 when Governor James Douglas was
making arrangements for managing native reserves across the colony. Douglas wanted to make
sure natives could support themselves on the land:
I have but Utde doubt that the proposed measure
wiU be in accordance with the views of Her Majesty's Government and I trust it may meet with
their approval, as it will confer a great benefit on
the Indian population, and wiU protect them
from being despoUed of their property, and will
render them self-supporting, instead of being
thrown as outcasts and burdens upon the Colony.6
When Douglas refers to "self-supporting", he
and his peers are insinuating native use of their
reserve land for agriculture.
As a result of Governor Douglas' vision, aU
reserve lands that were staked out for BC natives
by the Colonial government in the 1860s needed
10
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 to display not only potential for agriculture but
they had to have access to water. In one letter to
the colonial office, J. TurnbuU writes about one
piece of unnamed reserve land along Okanagan
Lake suggesting "the whole of the flat may be
considered eUgible for agricultural purposes as it
can be irrigated with very Utde trouble." 7Years
later, stipendiary magistrate of the Colony responded to a Lytton missionary justifying the
placement of a certain reserve saying it was "indispensable that the reserve should be weU sup-
pUed with wood and water."8 There is no question the colonial government endeavoured to
ensure natives across the colony and the Okanagan
VaUey had ample water on their reserves. This
being said, it is just as obvious the creation of
native reserve land before Confederation by the
Colonial Office was never of great importance
when compared to the needs and demands of
non-native setders.While surveyors mapped out
the future home of the Okanagan nation, the
Colonial Legislature passed a number of statutes
which changed water tenure and abandoned
riparian use of water.
The first of this series of legislation was the
Gold Fields Act of 1859. With non-native gold
miners streaming into the interior ofthe colony,
Governor Douglas reaUzed he had to act quickly
to ensure some form of colonial regulation to
mitigate potential water and stream-bed disputes
between miners. The legislation compromised
riparian rights:
Any person desiring any exclusive ditch or water
privilege shall make application to the Gold
Commissioner. ..stating the name of every applicant, the proposed ditch head and quantity of water, the proposed locality of distribution, and if
such water shall be for sale, the price at which it is
proposed to sell the same, the general nature of
the work shall be completed; and the Gold Commissioner shall enter a note of all such matters as a
record.9
For the first time, a licensing system had been
estabUshed where the colony "could grant exclusive rights to the use of defined quantities of
water—not necessarily for use by a riparian
>>  10
owner.
The next step was to ensure property rights
for new setders.The colonial government incorporated fee simple legislation giving an individual
right to own tide to land:
British subjects and aliens.. .may acquire the right
to hold and purchase in fee simple, unoccupied
and unsurveyed and unreserved Crown Lands in
British Columbia, not being the site of an existing or proposed town or auriferous land avaUable
for mining purposes, or an Indian Reserve or setdement."
Natives Uving on reserves then—and stiU to
this day—cannot hold tide of land in fee simple.
This shortcoming led to compUcations for natives in trying to acquire water tenure in the future.
A third and fourth piece of legislation further
entrenched the colony's power over water. In
1865, the government's land ordinance set out
new rules for diverting water:
Every person lawfiilly occupying and cultivating
lands may divert any unoccupied water from the
natural channel of any stream, lake or river
adjacent to or passing through such land for
agriculture and other purposes, upon obtaining
the written authority ofthe Stipendiary
Magistrate ofthe district...12
For the first time in the colony, a person who
owned property away from a stream or river bed
and possessed a water Ucence issued by the colony
had more legal authority to use that water than a
property owner who lived beside the same creek
and did not have a Ucence. Five years later, the
land ordinance would be amended with additional clauses. One of these clauses dictated "priority of right to any such water privilege, in case
of dispute, shaU depend on priority of record." n
In essence, the legislation mandated no matter
how long someone had lived beside a water
source, the first person to register a water licence
had the first priority to the water.
By the time British Columbia joined Confederation in 1871, its water laws were exphcit
and uncompromised by any other governmental
jurisdiction in the land. AU colonial water laws
immediately became provincial legislation ipso
facto. However, aU matters deaUng with natives
had now been transferred to Ottawa under Article 13 in the Terms of Union:
The charge ofthe Indians, their trusteeship and
management ofthe lands reserved for their use
and benefit, shaU be assumed by the Dominion
Government...to carry out such a poUcy, tracts of
land of such extent as it has hitherto been the
practice ofthe British Columbia government to
appropriate for that purpose, shaU...be conveyed
...to the Dominion Government in trust for the
use and benefit ofthe Indians on application of
the Dominion Government....14
There is no mention of water rights in Article
13 or in any of BC's Terms of Union. However,
one legal scholar suggests water rights are im-
Winning essay submitted
for the 1998 British
Columbia Historical
Federation Scholarship
competion.
Recomending Professor:
Dr. Duane Thompson,
Okanagan University
College
In 1997 George Richard
won the Burnaby
Historical Society
Scholarship
7 Ibid., 13.
8 Stipendiary Magistrate P
O'Reilly to Reverend J.B.
Good, March 4,1871, in
Black Series.Vol. 4010,14.
" Cold Fields Act, Section
VI, August 31,1859, B.C.
Archives, File NW346
B862, 2.
"'Tracy St. Claire,
"Economic Diversification
ofthe Penticton Reserve:
Pre-settlement to 1920."
(M.A. Thesis, Simon Fraser
University, 1993), 62.
" B.C. Land Ordinance
Law, paragraph III, August
27,1861, in Black Series,
Vol. 4010, Section Two,
13-14.
12 An Ordinatuefor
Regulating the Acquisition of
Land in British Columbia,
Section 44,April 11,1865,
B.C. Archives, File
NW346 B862, 5.
13 An Ordinance to Amend
and Consolidate the Laws
Affecting Crown Lands in
British Columbia, Section
32, June 1,1870, B.C.
Archives, File NW346
B862, 1866-71, 7.
14 British Columbia Terms
of Union.Article 13,
document in Bardett,
Aboriginal Water Rights in
Canada, Appendix.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
11 15 Ibid., 45.
" St. Claire, "Economic
Diversification on the
Penticton Reserve," 62-63.
17 Smith to Powell,
December 5,1884, in
Black Series,Vol. 4010,18.
18 Powell to Smith,
December 9,1884, Ibid.,
19-20.
19 St. Claire, "Economic
Diversification on the
Penticton Reserve," 63.
20 Ibid., 64,
21 Duane Thomson, "A
History ofthe Okanagan:
Indians and Whites in the
Setdement Era. 1860-
1920," (University of
British Columbia: Ph.D.
Thesis, 1985), 330.
22 Black Series, RG 10,Vol.
3683, File 12669, Reel
10120,1-5.
23 A miner's inch is an
early Brirish Columbian
term for measuring water
volume.This measurement
would be taken in a
miner's slough box. Water
running in a one-foot
wide slough box one inch
deep for one hour would
constitute one miner's
inch. A typical water
record claim by Okanagan
natives would be for 100-
200 miner's inches a
month—enough water to
effectively irrigate between
300 and 400 acres of land.
24 Bardett, Aboriginal Water
Rights in Canada, 175; also
see St. Claire, "Economic
Diversification on the
Penticton Reserve," 64.
25 Ibid., 64.
26 For more information,
see Duane Thomson, "A
History ofthe Okanagan,"
326-330; also see Cole
Harris, T7ie Resettlement of
British Columbia: Essays on
Colonialism and
Geographical Change,
Vancouver: UBC Press,
1997, 230-232; see also
Wayne Wilson, Irrigating the
Okanagan: 1860-1920,
(Vancouver: UBC Press,
1989).
pUed with the use ofthe phrase "tracts of land".
Richard Bardett beUeves "to deny water rights
to lands appropriated under Article 13 would
defeat its intent." 15
The federal government certainly had the impression water rights were granted along with
the tracts of land for natives. When estabUshing
new reserves while touring the province in 1877,
Indian Reserve Commissioner G.M. Sproat was
under the assumption riparian rights existed on
aboriginal lands. In fact, "Sproat repeatedly assured bis superiors...that water rights were being
granted on those reserves." 16 EventuaUy, Sproat
would be proven wrong. Neither the setders nor
the provincial government recognized his authority to grant water to natives. BC's Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, WUUam Smith,
made his case to the federal Indian Superintendent:
The Indian Commissioners seem to have had not
the slightest authority to confer any rights to water upon the Indians, and their action in assuming
to do so could be productive of nothing but injury to the persons it was professedly intended to
favour.... If the Indians require water for irrigation
purposes, let them or the agent who has charge of
them apply for a record of a reasonable quantity
and I see no reason why it should not be granted.
17
However, I.W. PoweU said obtaining that record
Uke Smith said was not the case. The Indian Superintendent responded back that natives could
not take out provincial water records because BC
water law prevented Natives from doing so.
PoweU added that so long as these legal and jurisdictional misunderstandings continued, native
productivity in agriculture would be negatively
affected:
Until this [legislation] is effected it must be apparent that Utde can be done in the way of encouraging [Indians] to put permanent improvements on and utilizing land. 18
PoweU's prediction turned out to be true the
next year. In the Department of Indian Affairs
annual report for the Okanagan VaUey, some natives were reportedly "gready impeded" in their
agricultural pursuits because of a lack of water
for irrigation.19There also were several complaints
by Okanagans "that settlers were depriving them
of their water."20
Changes would not come until 1888 and even
then, those changes made it more difficult for
natives to obtain water rights.The Provincial Land
Act was amended, however it specified why na
tives could not obtain water records. It cited that
since reserve natives did not own land in fee simple, they could not obtain a Ucence. 21 Conse-
quendy, Indian Agent J.W. MacKay gathered all
the water Ucences and re-appUed with changes.
The Indian Agent, on behalf of the federal government, now became the appUcant for the water Ucence with the recipient ofthe Ucences rights
and privUeges to be cited on the Ucence as simply "Indians". MacKay filed 33 appUcations from
the Okanagan region in June of 1889.22The 33
claims made by Okanagan natives involved over
six-thousand "miner inches" 23 of water per
month.
By 1892, these latest water claims were negated by the province. Victoria passed the Water
PrivUeges Act "declaring that no exclusive right
to water could be acquired by riparian owners."
24 This effectively made native water records
invafid. Adding weight to the province's case
against the natives were the growing number of
non-natives moving into the valley. As many of
these ranchers took out water Ucences themselves
and used stream water for irrigation, it became
increasingly evident that "there was not enough
water for both sides." 25 EventuaUy, these non-
native water Ucences would take precedence over
native water claims because of the 1870 Land
Ordinance declaring priority of right to water
was dictated by vaUd priority of record. It took
another five years before both senior levels of
government were able to work out an acceptable
arrangement for natives to once again re-submit
their water records.
From the time this latest aUowance took place
untU World War I, the Okanagan VaUey saw tremendous change. Prior to the 1890s, the valley
was primarUy catde country with ranching the
mainstay for the non-native economy. However,
these pioneer ranchers were retiring at the same
time the Canadian Pacific RaUway spurUne was
constructed into the vaUey.This new transportation Unk brought hundreds of people, including
entrepreneurs such as J. Robinson, to the area.
Men such as Robinson bought land from aging
ranchers and sent surveyors into the hUls to map
a course of bringing water down for irrigation.
Peachland (1899), Summerland (1900) and
Naramata (1902) were aU communities created
by Robinson. He then subdivided the land,
planted orchards and marketed ten and twenty
acre plots to single, middle-class EngUshmen,
many of whom aspired to become gendemen
12
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Photo courtesy Historic O'Keefe Ranch (Native Collection) ID: Fl 6-12, Provenance: Okanagan indian Band
farmers.26
It was important for entrepreneurs like
Robinsori to attract this class of immigrant because these men had access to capital. Since none
of the infrastructure or irrigation works were in
place, a large amount of money was needed to
estabUsh the new system. For some individuals
and irrigation companies during this era, the cost
was too much and many went insolvent. However, some men like Robinson made a lot of
money. When addressing a Western Canada Irrigation Convention in Vernon in 1908, Robinson
said aU orchard land in Summerland six years earlier had been worth one hundred thousand dollars, but in that year, the same land with irrigation was assessed at two million doUars.27
Considering the rapid expansion of irrigated
land the provincial government decided to create an irrigation commission in 1907 to investigate how its water laws should be amended to
meet the changing times. The main instigator
for this Commission was Okanagan poUtician
Price EUison. Considering his sizable land holdings around the Vernon and Kelowna areas that
had not yet been set up for irrigation, he certainly had a personal stake in its findings. M The
foUowing year, Commissioner L.G. Carpenter
recommended changes to the Water Act which
would see private water rights further soUdified.
He based much of his recommendation on the
system being used in Colorado where whole
streams could be diverted into others. Carpenter
found this "practice is a natural development [of
irrigation laws] and in many cases it is to be encouraged." 29
By this time, it had become painfuUy obvious
to Okanagan natives that the playing field and
rules for acquiring water worked against them
not just in deaUng with the provincial government, but also in dealing with the Department
of Indian Affairs. Under SirWUfred Laurier's Liberal government, "the central aim of Indian
administration...was to keep expenses at an absolute minimum." 30 This meant that trying to
acquire irrigation infrastructure was out of the
question and natives stiU had to stick with obtaining water via an earthen ditch. Considering
the mass diversion taking place on some creeks
in the vaUey in order to provide non-natives with
water for orchards, the situation on some reserves
became desperate. In 1908 and 1910, the Chiefs
of the Shuswap, Okanagan and Couteau Tribes
wrote to Prime Minister Laurier explaining the
conditions they were Uving under on reserve land.
Among their grievances were water rights as some
reserves "had no irrigation water" and in many
places, they were "debarred from obtaining wood
and water."31 By 1913, undeveloped agricultural
native reserve land became very noticeable alongside non-native orchards. The vast amount of
property underdeveloped by a lack of water concerned the provincial government to a point of
Left: Three Okanagan
natives, Henry Wilson,
Johnny Lawrence and
Victor Alexander, build a
dam for white settlers on
Siwash Creek near Vernon.
Incidentally Siwash is
Okanagan slang for
Indian. It is called White
Man's Creek today.
2' Ibid.; also see Vernon
Netvs.August 13,1908,1;
also see George Richard,
"Price Ellison: A Gilded
Man in British Columbia's
Gilded Age", Wasa, B.C.:
BC Historical News.Vol 31,
No. 3, Summer, 1998.
28 See Richard, "Price
Ellison", BC Historical
N<wi,Vol.31,No.3,
Summer, 1998.
29 Report ofthe Irrigation
Commission of British
Columbia. January 22,
1908, in B.C. Sessional
Papers 1908, Microfilm,
Okanagan University
College, D13.
w Sarah Carter, Lost
Harvests: Prairie Indian
Reserve Farmers and
Government Policy,
(Montreal and Kingston:
McGill-Queens University
Press, 1993), 237.
"The Chiefi ofthe
Shuswap, Okanagan and
Couteau Tribes of B.C. to
Laurier.August 25,1910,
in Maracle et al., We Get
Our Living like Milk from
the Land. (The Okanagan
Rights Committee: The
Okanagan Indian
Education Resource
Society), 1993/4, 114.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
13 32 Thomson, "A History of
the Okanagan," 239.
" Evidence submitted to the
Royal Commission on Indian
Affairs for the Province of
British Columbia: Okanagan
Agency, October 2 -
November 11, W3,Vol. 10,
OUC Library.
24 1913 Royal Commission
Evidence, see pages 15,67,
82,108, and 127 for more
information.
"Ibid., 153.
16 Ibid., 236.
" Ibid.
38 Fairview Water District
records, Penticton
Precinct, November 24,
1913. Kelowna Museum
Archives.
59 Billings and Chochrane
(Lawyers for the Board) to
DIA, August 4,1913,
Black Series, RG 10 80-1/
51,Vol. 11, File 9755, part
2.
40 Ibid., 2.
41 Ibid.
42 Ibid., 3.
43 Thomson, "A History of
the Okanagan," 321.
estabUshing a Royal Commission on Indian Affairs.
The main focus ofthe Royal Commission on
the part ofthe province was to see how to make
these uncultivated lands productive. The natives
testifying at the Royal Commission had two
messages for the commissioners: first, stop the
federal government from seUing off reserve land
to non-natives, and second, the land can only be
made more productive with irrigation. In the
early 1900s, the Department of Indian Affairs had
started to seU off land that had been deemed "unproductive" because of a lack of access to water.
32 The revenue from these sales went back into
the reserve to help the natives continue their sustenance Uving. To a person, natives or chiefs addressing the Royal commission in the Okanagan
requested the practice of cutting off land be
stopped. 33 Many natives also were concerned
about the Umited access to water they had had
and how many springs and streams which decades before had run weU in the summer were
now reduced to a trickle because of non-native
irrigation works upstream.34 Indian Agent J.R.
Brown even testified how one setder in the North
Okanagan would not let natives use the water
near his flume unless they paid him for it.3S
When Royal Commission Chairman Chief
Justice Wetmore made his recommendations with
regard to Indian reserves to the Canadian and
British Columbian governments, the hope that
Okanagan natives and their peers in the interior
would receive some redress was revived.Wetmore
acknowledged the many complaints made by natives on their water rights and feared those complaints were "only too true." x The recendy created provincial Board of Investigation in handling
water issues had appointed a lawyer to act on
behalf of natives. In the end, Wetmore said he
had "no doubt decisions wiU be just a given, which
wUl be just as possible, and which...wiU improve
the present conditions of the Indians in respect
to their water needs."37 With those words, it appears as though natives foUowed through on trusting the system. Through the Indian Agent a
number of natives throughout the vaUey.but particularly around Penticton, appUed for more water Ucences through the Penticton precinct of
the Fairview water district.38 Unfortunately, the
Royal Commission Chair's words regarding redress appeared more than ever to be the rhetoric
of faUure on behalf of natives.
The Provincial Board of Investigation's man
date seemed determined to ensure that natives
were disenfranchised from the process of obtaining water rights in order to favour the non-native pubUc. After its first meeting, the Board notified the Department of Indian Affairs unequivo-
caUy that the federal government's "right to allot water to the Indians was absolutely denied."
39 It also informed the Department it had can-
ceUed two native water record permits: in one
case, the board claimed the Native was not able
to show tide to the lands he wanted to irrigate;
the Board suggested in the other case a Native
had a water Ucence for over 30 years "but [had]
made no use whatever ofthe waters." *° Furthermore, the Board determined with this case that
because the Native had "abandoned" his Ucence
and that there are "other parties...more deeply
interested than the Indians"41 in this Ucence, the
Native's tenure should be revoked.
Although it is not specified who the other parties are, one institution it was definitely not was
the Department of Indian Affairs. Later in the
letter, the Board informed the Department that
even though they anticipated an appeal over the
abandonment case, the Board members saw "no
reason why the Department should be brought
into the matter at aU." 42 The terseness of this
letter indicates three things: first, the Board had
made it clear that it did not want the Department of Indian Affairs involved with water issues
or representing reserve natives on water issues;
second, one must assume the poUtical body was
only wiUing to consider non-native water claims.
The reference to "parties" in the letter probably
indicated non-native farmers or municipaUties
that would want access to the amount of water
aUocated in the previous water Ucence. FinaUy,
even though the Board's position was taken before testimony into the 1913 Royal Commission, it certainly indicates that the poUtical mindset
ofthe Board of Investigation would have to move
substantiaUy in order to conform to Chief Justice Wetmore's wishes.
It should come as no surprise that shordy after the Royal Commission completed its work
"the 1889 [Federal Indian reserve water] notices
were claimed to be meaningless by the Provincial Government in a submission to the Board of
Investigation adjudicating water rights." 43 The
Department of Indian Affairs had assumed pubUcation ofthe records in the BC Gazette would
be sufficient to formaUze the records, but the
Province claimed formal appUcations had to be
14
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 approved by an Order-in-CouncU. By 1919, there
was stiU no change in this status. The situation
frustrated the Department to the point of taking
legal action against the Province.Victoria did not
seem too worried about this:
Mr. ElUs [Chair ofthe Board of Investigation]
stated that he would...take the matter up with the
Council for the Province and ascertain what position the Province intends to take as to the whole
situation. We have not yet heard from Mr. Ellis as
to the position which the Province proposes to
take.44
This being said, the federal government knew
it would be a difficult court case to win. Even if
Ottawa used Article 13 in the Terms of Union,
the Deputy Superintendent General of Indian
Affairs stated that he was "doubtful of our being
able to succeed in the courts."45 Today, this article is seen as a key in justification for native water rights in BC.
With the legal avenue closed and continual
lobbying on the part of federal bureaucrats toward provincial water officials not going anywhere, the last avenue left was a poUtical solution. Dufferin PattuUo came close to doing this.
Late in 1919, the BC Minister of Lands promised the Department of Indian Affairs "that the
Indians shaU have the same right in respect of
water, as has the white man in British Columbia."45 However, PattuUo made it clear that only
native water records issued since 1897 would be
recognized.This meant that federal water records
handed out between 1877 and 1897 would stiU
not be recognized. Considering the influx of set
dement in the Okanagan vaUey during the 1890s,
the start date on vaUd water record permits would
be late "enough to give priority to white setders' records."47
Once again, the Department of Indian Affairs
sent out an employee to tour the province and
gather updated information on old and existing
water records.Within two years, M. Balls was able
to confirm that in the Okanagan vaUey there were
58 claims involving seventy-five hundred miner's inches.48 These claims involved aU the water
running out of Smith Creek on theTsinstikeptum
reserve west of Kelowna.49 Balls was able to bring
this information to the Indian Water Claims Royal
Commission which toured the Okanagan in July
of 1921 for two days.
AU of the testimony before the Indian Water
Claims Royal Commission during the two days
was given by provincial and federal experts on
water and irrigation. For the most part, aU experts testified that Okanagan natives needed more
water even though the amount of water avaUable
then would not be sufficient to run any serious
commercial farming or orchard operating. One
sad example ofthe consequences ofthe past fifty
years of water rights legislation involved a spring
tapped by David GeUady.The son of the Westbank
pioneer buUt a flume at a spring above a portion
of Westbank reserve No. 9. With his water permit, GeUady was able to divert aU water from the
spring to his property. One native famUy, who
lived beside the spring downstream from the
flume and had a water record, was now faced
with no water access. M. BaUs also noted the long
44 Deputy Superintendent
General of Indian Affairs
to Prime Minister Arthur
Meighen, September 30,
1919, in Black Series,
RG10 80-l/51.Volll,
File 9755, Part 3, p. 2.
45 Ibid.
46 Pattullo to DIA,
November 14,1919, in
Black Series, Vol. 11, Part
4, p.3.
47 Thomson, "A History of
the Okanagan", 331.
48 M. Balls, Water Records
appurtenant to British
Columbia Indian
Reserves. Report #3
Okanagan Indian Agency
and supplement report.
Public Archives Canada,
RG89,Vol. 563, File 557,
and RG89,Vol. 581, File
985.
49 This is Westbank •
Reserve No. 9 today; ibid.
Left: Two men examining
dam and headgate at
Siwash Creek.
Photo courtesy Hliior-c C'Keefe Ranch
(Native Collection) ID: F16-11,
Prownance: Okanagan Indian Band
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
15 so Testimony from the
Indian Water Claims Royal
Commission, July 21,
1921, in Black Series,
RG10ACC80-l/51,Vol.
11,137.
S1 Ibid., 138-139.
" 1913 Royal Commission
Evidence, 67.
531921 Royal
Commission, 143.
54 For more information,
see Thomson, "A History
ofthe Okanagan," 332.
55 Ibid., 331.
56 1913 Royal Commission
Evidence, 109.
57 Testimony from the
1921 Royal Commission,
in Black Series, RG10
ACC80-l/51,Vol.ll,
178; see also Thomson, "A
History ofthe Okanagan",
332.
58 M. Balls, Okanagan
Indian Agency Water
Records Report, June
1921,15; see also 1921
Royal Commission, in
Black Series, RG10
ACC80-l/51,Vol.ll,
178-181.
59 1913 Royal Commission
Evidence, 200.
60 Thomson, "A History of
the Okanagan," 332.
61 Ibid., 331.
62 Indian Water Rights
Investigation by the
Dominion Water Power
Branch,July21,1923,in
Black Series, RGlO.Vol.
3661, File 9755-7,1.
length of the flume meant much of the water
was lost in the conveyance toward GeUady's property. In fact, GeUady told BaUs "there is only sufficient water to irrigate three rows of potatoes."
50 BaUs suggests that if the flume was dropped,
the fanuly could get enough water to at least irrigate a half-acre garden. However, the Commission noted that GeUady had a prior water record
whUe the natives' claim feU in between the years
1877 and 1897 and feU in the category of federal
water records that were voided by the Province.
The matter would not be pursued further.51 There
are other notable cases of Okanagan injustice,
specificaUy toward natives' rights to water. They
include the claims of Antoine Pierre and Paul
Terrabasket.
Pierre was a Penticton native with a cultivated
peach and plum orchard along Trout Creek west
of Summerland. He took out a water Ucence in
1897 requesting one hundred miner's inches of
water. However, when the Municipality of
Summerland was created, it blocked and diverted
the creek above his intake leaving him with no
water. Pierre testified at the 1913 Royal Commission that he wanted redress based on what he
beUeved were riparian rights saying "when a government gives a reserve, a certain amount of water goes with it."52 By the time ofthe 1921 Indian Water Claims Royal Commission, while
Pierre's fruit trees had withered and died, the Mu-
nicipaUty of Summerland had arranged with the
Department of Agriculture to send 100 acre feet
to the senior government's experimental farm
located immediately below Pierre's property. 53
Pierre never received compensation even though
he had a legitimate water record claim Usted with
the federal and provincial governments.54
The other blatant miscarriage of justice involved Sirrulkameen Native Paul Terrabasket.55
Terrabasket owned fifty acres of land on reserve
No. 6 near Keremeos, a place where his father
had farmed wheat, oats, hay and potatoes for decades. 56 Seeing the success of orcharding in the
vaUey, Terrabasket wanted to pursue modern irrigation and attempted to obtain a water Ucence
from the province. The Board of Investigation
rejected the appUcation and instead affirmed the
record held by the Similkameen Fruidands Company which succeeded the tide of land and water
from pioneer rancher Manuel Barcelo who had
acquired the permit in 1875.57 However, for the
next decade, the company could not make use of
the permit, a condition which should have seen
the tide to the water records canceUed by the
province. In the meantime, Terrabasket continued to divert the Umited water he had on BUnd
and Causton Creeks for his fledgUng orchard and
was able to "make good on taking and using what
Utde water" M was avaUable. During this time,
unbeknownst to Terrabasket, Royal Commissioners discussed cutting off four-hundred acres from
the Terrabasket reserve in an effort to raise money
through re-sale to non-native farmers.59 By 1922,
the company began to use Barcelo's ditch upstream fromTerrabasket's reserve and slapped the
native with a restraining order preventing him
from diverting the creek back.Terrabasket ignored
the Supreme Court writ to save his crops. He
was consequendy arrested, tried and jaUed.61
In Ught of these cases, it should not be a shock
that during the 1920s, the provincial government
remained defiant in officiaUy granting any water
to natives despite PattuUo's promise of years earUer. By June 1925, Federal Indian Commissioner
for BC W.E. Ditchburn seemed exasperated in
respect to bis deaUngs with Victoria over this issue:
It [was] impossible for us to obtain justice for the
indians so long as we are bound by the provisions
ofthe British Columbia Water Act, for the British
Columbia Government wiU not give any consideration to Indian claims for water except when
they are in fuU conformity with the provisions of
that Act to which provisions there have always
been a string attached, in the way of having Or-
ders-in-Counril passed, or as is now the case, the
consent ofthe minister. Old aUotments made by
the Indian Reserve Commissioners have been ignored entirely.61
In the meantime, the amount of water avaUable for natives on reserves continued to drop.
A progress report done by the Dominion's Water Power Branch in 1923 showed "the water
requirements of many reserves... have been
found to be in excess ofthe quantity of water
recorded." 62
By the end of 1925, the federal government
gave up on its four-decade fight with the Province and developed a new attitude toward the
issue of water rights. In a letter to the Provincial
Board of Investigation's Water Rights Branch,
Ditchburn surrendered the federal government's
native water records dated prior to 1897 which
included several Okanagan Ucences. Ditchburn
says the Department felt that "retaining these]
rights from which the Indians can derive no benefit, would put both this   Department and the
16
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Provincial authorities to needless effort and expenses." 63 Certainly expense could be a chief
reason for why Ottawa abandoned this fight, but
it could very weU be a change of attitude within
the government or the senior bureaucrats within
the Department of Indian Affairs. More research
wUl have to be done on this question before a
conclusive answer can be reached.
In a span of over sixty years, BC and Okanagan
natives lost their inherent right to water. They
lost that right primarUy because of a determined
provincial government which estabUshed their
water laws as a colony and then doggedly held
on to them, not only to prevent federal influence
into an important government jurisdiction but
also to service non-native setders at the expense
of natives and their reservation communities.The
Department of Indian Affairs apparendy did want
natives to have legal access to water but after four
decades of taking on the Province, Ottawa gave
up the pursuit without a court chaUenge due to
the expense and possibly other poUtical reasons.
As a result, reserve natives throughout the decades were further marginaUzed as they had Um-
ited or no access to an economicaUy valuable resource.    »^>
Bibliography
Primary Sources
B.C. Sessional Papers: 1908. Report ofthe
Irrigation Commission of British
Columbia. Microfilm: OUC Library.
Evidence Submitted to the Royal Commission on
Indian Affairs for the Province of British
Columbia: 1913. Okanagan Agency. Vol. 10.
OUC Library.
Gold Fields Act 1859. B.C. Archives. NW 346
B862 1858-63
Land Ordinance 1865, 1866 & 1870.B.C.
Archives. NW 346 B862 1858-1871.
"Local Government Interest in the Westbank
Treaty Negotiation: Summary Report,"
given to Kelowna City CouncU and the
Central Okanagan Regional District,
August 7th, 1997, CKOV News Archives.
Living Landscapes
http://www. royal, okanagan.bc.ca
National Archives of Canada. Black Series: RG
10Vol.4010 File 259,190 Reel C10172;RG
10Vol.3683 File 12669 Reel 10120; RG 10
80-1/51 Vol.11 File 9755 Parts 2,3 & 4;
RG10 Vol.3661 File 9755-6 & 9755-7.
National Archives of Canada.
Royal Commission on Aboriginal Affairs:
1993. CD-Rom, OUC Library.
National Archives of Canada. Royal
Commission on Indian Water Rights: 1921.
RG 10 ACC 80-1/51 Vol.11.
National Archives of Canada. Water Records
appurtenant to British Columbia Indian
Reserves. Report Number 3: Okanagan
Indian Agency and Supplement. March
31st, 1926. M. BaUs. RG 89 Vol. 563 FUe
557 and RG 89 Vol.581 FUe 985.
Vemon News, August 13th, 1908.
Water Records of Penticton Precinct:
Fairview Water District/1913. Courtesy
Kelowna Museum Archives.
Unpublished Sources
St. Claire, Tracy." Economic Diversification on
the Penticton Reserve: Pre-setdement to
1920." SFU: MA Thesis, 1993
Thomson, Duane. "A History of the
Okanagan: Indians and Whites in the
Setdement Era, 1860-1920." UBC: Ph.D
Thesis, 1985.
Thomson, Duane. "The Development of
Irrigation Law and Institutions in the
Western States." Essay. 1980.
Secondary Sources
Bardett, Richard. Aboriginal Water Rights in
Canada: A Study of Aboriginal Title to Water
and Indian Water Rights. Calgary: University
of Calgary Press, 1988.
Carter, Sarah. Lost Harvest: Prairie Indian Reserve
Farmers and Government Policy. Montreal &
Kingston: McGiU-Queens University Press,
1993.
Harris, Cole. The Resettlement of British
Columbia: Essays on Colonialism and
Geographical Change. Vancouver: UBC
Press, 1997.
Maracle, Lee et al. We Get Our Living Like Milk
from the Land. Okanagan Rights
Committee:The Okanagan Indian
Education Resource  Society, 1993/94.
Richard, George. "Price EUison: A GUded
Man in British Columbia's GUded Age" in
BC Historical News, Vol. 31 No. 3, Summer
1998.
Wilson, Wayne. Irrigating the Okanagan: 1860-
1920.Vancouver: UBC Press, 1989.
63 Ditchburn to Board of
Investigation, November
23,1925, in Black Series,
RGlO.Vol. 3661, File
9755-7, 1.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
17 Edward Marriner
Pioneer Farmer of Cowichan
An annotated summary of his diaries 1862-1884
by J. A. Green
J.A. (Jack) Green lives
in Duncan, BC.
.. .Edward's diary is short,
with large gaps, and in the
main a farm record... .My
typed transcript only
covered 75 pages and the
only things that I omitted
were his long dissertations
on the sermons he heard
in church.—
J.A. Green in a letter to
the Editor, December 15,
1998
It is not known where
Edward's original diary is
kept today.
Edward Marriner, the son of a clergyman,
was born in England, September 10,
1843. At age nineteen Edward left home
for Vancouver Island on the saUing ship Frigate
Bird, which saUed from England on August 5,
1862.
Though the voyage lasted for five months the
ship did not caU in anywhere en route for fresh
water or suppUes. Despite the stale water, monotonous food and cramped conditions Edward
voices no complaint. It was his nature to accept
reaUty as it came. After four months out he mentioned that "another pint of water stopped per
man making two quarts for three quarts". Two
quarts of water per day, for aU needs, is a scanty
aUowance. He appears to have been traveUing
deck, so would have had better accommodation
than the steerage passengers. He speaks of sighting a dozen or so ships during the voyage, seeing
albatross, whales, porpoises and flying fish, and
catching a shark by hook. Bonito he found very
fine eating.
There was some friction among the crew and
passengers. Two men got drunk and were put in
irons. The mate got into a fight with one ofthe
crew and the captain had to come to the mate's
assistance. They got the man down, put him in
irons, and proceeded to kick him in the face.
When a passenger spoke up for the man the passenger was put in irons for a time. Next the captain took over aU firearms on the ship, and stopped
aU drinking of alcohol. Once a smaU fire broke
out on deck, from ashes knocked from a pipe,
but it was easUy extinguished. The captain kept
absolute control of the ship.
There were bad storms. On 31 August a gale
broke off the upper masts (topgallant and royal)
on both the main and mizzen masts. Some saUs
were spUt and some carried away. However the
ship carried spare spars and canvas and the damage was quickly repaired. On 19 September a jib
was carried away and on 11 October, off Cape
Horn, they lost the spanker. It took sixteen days
beating back and forth to round the Horn, and
big seas washed away a closet and part of the
bulwarks.
On 23 December they entered the Straits of
Juan de Fuca, but were held up by adverse winds,
so that it was not until 27 December, with the
aid of a steam tug, that they docked in Victoria.
Edward visited some contacts in Victoria, but
stayed on the ship until 19 January, working as a
stevedore to earn extra money.
In 1862 Victoria was just a minor seaport, with
a population of only 2,500. Five years before there
had been a gold rush and 25,000 gold seekers
passed through the town on the way to their
dreams of finding a mother lode. Since then the
town had gone from boom to bust, but by 1862
it was recovering and was weU suppUed with saloons, hotels and restaurants. The Victoria Theatre seated 500.There was aVictoria PhUharmonic
Society, a Masonic Lodge, a cricket club and horse
racing.There were churches, schools, a hospital, a
Ubrary and a poUce barracks. Merchants were
represented by a Board ofTrade, and the many
businesses included the Bank of British Columbia, and the Bank of British North America. A
few streets were paved, but most were still mud
and horse droppings, with wooden sidewalks.The
"birdcage" pagoda-Uke legislative buUdings were
being buUt, and St. Ann's Academy suppUed instruction to young ladies.
With several British naval vessels stationed at
Esquimalt there was an active social Ufe with formal visits, dances, band concerts and parades.The
first of the bride ships, carrying a group of unmarried girls seeking famUy and fortune, arrived
in 1862.
On January 20, 1863, Edward started for
Cowichan on foot, spending the night in North
Saanich. Next day he traveUed by canoe to what
he caUed Shawnigan Casde—possibly an inn at
Mill Bay standing at the terminus of the
Shawnigan-MUl road. After a day he went on to
Dr. John Chapman Davies' farm where he spent
a few days reading, shooting and meeting local
men. On the 28 January he walked to Chemainus
18
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Photo courtesy Cowichan Valey Museum Archives and J A. Green
to find out about avaUable farms, and six days
later purchased a farm which he describes as being near a lake. The farm must have had flat land
cleared already as he refers to it as the "big prairie". Later he would acquire the large farm on
Cowichan flats with which his name is associated, but the sequence is lost through gaps in the
diary. He started construction of a log house on
the property, and stiU found time for community
service, helping with the buUding of a church/
schoolhouse at Somenos, which started March
14,1863.
This church/schoolhouse completed, the Rev.
A.C. Garrett held services there on his visits from
Victoria, and WH. Lomas opened his school.
The buUding stood on the shores of Somenos
Lake where the BC Forest Museum is now. In
1869 Mr. Garrett left the area, later becoming
Bishop of North Texas.
To obtain his farm equipment Edward hired a
canoe and arranged with Patrick Brennan (best
known for his brushes with the law) for the hire
of a scow. Using the scow, he brought oxen from
Saanich to Cowichan on 16 March. A week later
he had finished his "house" and moved in. Edward
was now preparing a farm garden, assisting in
construction of the church, and working part-
time at Dr. Davies' farm. Living alone he must
also have had to cope with cooking, cleaning,
tending the oxen and other chores. A busy man!
Five days of snowfaU in March would not have
helped.
Edward retained his interest in the AngUcan
Church. During his stay in Victoria, and after
moving to Cowichan, he attended church regularly and participated in church work. He took
his reUgion very seriously and a large portion of
his diary is given over to dissertations on the contents of sermons given during church services.
There is now a gap in the diary from AprU 14,
1863 to March 31, 1864. By AprU 1, 1864, he
had his cow shed completed and had acquired a
wUd heifer. A few days later his cow had a caff.
By 4 AprU he was ploughing and two days later
seeding and harrowing. In May he sowed peas
and carrots and was seUing butter which he
churned himself. WhUe neighbours helped him
with heavy construction he did his full share in
helping others.
There is a three-year gap in the diary from
May 10,1864 to June 12,1867. In June and July,
1867, Edward was building bis dairy. Logs were
cut and floated down the river to his farm. Next
they had to be hauled to the site and peeled.
Edward got cedar shake bolts from William
Duncan (after whom the city of Duncan was later
named) and spUt them into shakes. On 29 June
Duncan and a Mr. Evans helped him raise the
logs for the dairy. He put rafters in place, laid
shakes, made and instaUed a door and completed
the gable ends.Then the floor and shelving were
put in. AU this was done with simple tools— saws,
hammers, wedges, axe, and floe—with human la-
The only photograph ofthe
Marriner family we have.
From left to right: Nettie,
Arthur, Mary, Gertie and
Mrs. Augusta Marriner,
Edward Marriner's wife.
Since Arthur looks about
20 years of age in the
picture, and he was born in
1881 the photo could be
circa 1900. The photo is
taken in front ofthe old
Patrick Brennan house,
built in 1860, which
Augusta Marriner bought
in 1894.
.. .They [Edward and his
brother, Harry Marriner]
were in partnership for
quite a few years on the
flats, before any of the flats
were dyked. They secured
a canal strip from the
government for a building
site, the piece between the
road and the river. Finally,
after Edward had been
married some time, they
parted, and Harry, the
elder brother, bought what
is known as the Clifls, and
owned by the Wilsons. He
lived in a log house, just
behind Queen Margaret's
School.
Edward and his family
continued to live in the
old home on the flats until
he [Edward] was killed by
his team. He used to milk
quite a number of cows. In
fact all the places on the
flats used to keep more
cows than all the rest of
the district. Both the
Marriners were fine
men.... Our first
celebration of
Confederation was held
on the Cowichan flats on
Marriner's farm.—
John N. Evans, date of
writing unknown, possibly
February or March, 1929.
Provided by J.A. Green.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
19 Edward & Augusta
Marriner's children
Mary Louisa
1872-1928
Edward Haslewood
(Hasle) 1875-1880
Gertrude (Gertie)
1875-1939
Henrietta Augusta
(Nettie) 1877-1961
Edward Arthur
(Arthur) 1881-1919
The Mary Marriner
diaries, of which we have
the originals in the
Cowichan Valley Museum
Archives, fill several large
volumes covering the years
1894-1925....Her diaries
are a mass of local
happenings, plays and
entertainments, walks, trips
to Victoria etc. ...To the
best of my knowledge
nothing has ever been
done to write or publish
articles based on the
diaries. [I] transcribed the
first volume which is not
an easy task because of
reading the writing. I
started to transcribe the
second volume not long
ago, but.. .had to stop.—
J.A. Green in a letter to
the Editor, December 15,
1998
Some selling prices
Beef
5*
PER POUND
Veal
6t
PER POUND
Eggs
101
PER DOZEN
Wheat
2f
PER POUND
Oats
3*
PER POUND
bour, and the oxen for hauUng.
A parsonage had been buUt in Quamichan in
preparation for the estabUshment of St. Peter's
Church there. The Reverend W.S. Reese arrived
as resident missionary for the large parish which
included Cowichan, Shawnigan, Chemainus and
Salt Spring Island.
On 7 July Edward attended church and confirmation service in the parsonage, and Bishop
George HUls consecrated the burial ground.The
foUowing day Edward traveUed to Victoria on
H.M.S. Sparrowhawk courtesy ofthe British navy.
On his return, though, he had to walk to North
Saanich and travel by canoe from there.
Edward Marriner was hauUng raUs for fencing
and a corral. His hay was cut, turned and cocked
up. He was killing and butchering his own catde
and pigs, and seUing the meat. He was harvesting
wheat, oats and turnips, as weU as hay. AU this at
age 23.
There is now a 13/4 year gap in the diary, from
June 28, 1868, to December 31, 1881. In this
period Edward visited England and married
Augusta, a sister-in-law ofW.S. Reese, the rector
of St. Peter's Church, Quamichan.
At this point Edward's diary is reaUy just a farm
record and cashbook. He only mentions his wife
and chUdren when, on an occasional Sunday, he
drove them to church. His brother Harry (Henry)
1840-1887, who may have been with him on
the ship coming out, and who was his partner in
the earUer years, is barely mentioned.
In 1882 he was employing many natives on
his farm, paying men 75 cents per day and women
50 cents. Either he didn't attempt to record their
native names, or the angUcized names were more
commonly used, as we have Canute, Pierre,
Machiel, Modock and so forth, and there are
many such as: Old CharUe, Koksilah CharUe, Lac's
Mother, Litde Jimmy, Johnnie,YoungJohnnie,Big
Johnnie, and Litde Johnnie. He also employed
white men when needed,
The farm was now an active substantial business, producing beef and pork, eggs, butter, plums,
apples, carrots, onions, potatoes, black currants,
wheat, oats and hay. Some goods were sold by
the ton. Since this was before the time of the E
& N RaUway wheat, oats and hay had to be taken
by team to the steamer dock at Maple Bay for
shipment to such merchants as:
A.R. Johnson, General Grocer & Feed, Nanaimo
Henry Saunders,Wholesale & RetaU Grocer,
Victoria
VanVolkenburgh, Butcher, Victoria
D.B. Le Neveu, Merchant, Victoria
Edward was also hauUng wood and renting out
his team and wagon.
A lot of business was done on credit or by
barter. Even the natives working for him were
paid in a variety of ways—cash, groceries, offsets,
or by teUing them to go to Ordano's Store and
to charge what they needed to his account. Prices
at Ordano's Store seem low by our standards:
Tea
Four pounds for 50 cents
Scotch whisky
$1.00 per botde
Bourbon
Fifty cents per botde
Boots
$2.00 per pair
Pain kUler
• 3754 cents per botde
Knives
37J4 cents each
Half-cent figures are mentioned frequendy, even
as amounts put in the church coUection, but there
was no coin avaUable in those values. The usage
was probably based on 12J4 cents being half of
two bits (25 cents) or one eighth of a doUar as in
the old Spanish pieces of eight.
The farm continued to prosper and expand
until October 23,1884, when Augusta Marriner
made an entry in the diary regarding "My dear
husband's accident and death." No detaU is given
except that it involved a horse and wagon. Edward
was buried in St. Peter's burial ground on October 26,1884.Three days later Augusta entered in
the diary "Sold to Saunders 36 pounds butter."
She, with her three daughters, and Arthur, continued to operate the farm.
Her daughter Mary, a very outgoing person,
now took over maintaining the diary, and developed it to provide a detaUed description of Ufe in
Cowichan.This is a valuable and very interesting
historical record covering the years 1894-1925.
An important factor in the success of Edward
Marriner's farming was his exceUent relations
with the natives. They suppUed the labour that
he needed, and helped him in emergencies such
as floods. After Edward's death it was this same
cooperation that enabled Mrs. Marriner and her
famUy to make a Uving from the farm, though
much reduced without Edward's energy and expertise. In later years they were Uving in very
straitened circumstances.
Augusta Marriner died in 1916, at the age of
75. In 1919, Arthur Marriner was thrown from a
horse and kUled. None of the chUdren born to
Augusta and Edward married and with the death
of Nettie in 1961, this pioneer fanuly of Cowichan passed into history^
20
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Historic Echoes of the North Shore
Mountains
by A.C. Rogers
Vancouver is blessed with the natural
beauty of mountains bordering the north
shore of Burrard Inlet close to the city
offering adventure and the chaUenge of hiking
and skiing. Despite ever increasing pressure of
summer and winter sports, so far the many recreational developments haven't destroyed the
beauty of these hUls. However, that may not last
into the oncoming decades.
But what about the early history of exploration of the lofty Lions, Grouse Mountain,
Seymour Mountain, and Hollyburn Ridge?
While researching other subjects, I happened to
discover an article pubUshed in the Vancouver Daily
Province of July 30,1902, which sheds some Ught
on early adventures on these mountains.
The story, entided "In The Region of the
Clouds. Mountain cUmbing fad now counts its
devotees among both sexes", features the accom-
pUshments of Mrs.J.A. Green of 1149 Haro Street
and her two daughters aged fifteen and seventeen as being the first women to reach the summit of Crown Mountain. They were accompanied on this July trip by a young bank clerk (not
named) and another unnamed man who acted as
their guide.
In 1902 this adventure was no trivial feat.There
was no estabUshed traU to foUow. After a good
night's rest at the CapUano watershed dam and a
good breakfast, the party of five loaded their packs
with provisions and blankets for a three-day trip
and started at 9 a.m.
The five hikers foUowed the road from the dam
a short distance until they reached the smaU stream
coining down from the valley between the mountains on the left. There was no traU in the virgin
forest, so they foUowed the stream until it reached
a canyon which was too precipitous for them to
enter. They left the creek, with the guide blazing
their way as they struggled through the forest,
seeking a route around old windfaUs and other
obstacles. After two hours the heavy underbrush
became became thinner, but it stiU was rough
going. The mountain seemed to be a series of
benches. A Utde more than halfway up there is a
decided shoulder on Crown Mountain which is
plainly visible from the city.The cUmbers reached
this area after five hours of strenuous travel and
then had more gende slopes to cross before reaching the next high bluffs.
After leaving this shoulder, the group struggled on for another four hours through vast areas
of blueberry bushes that made the advance difficult. It was not until another one-and-a-half-hour
travel from the shoulder of the mountain that
they reached the first snow in a Utde hoUow sheltered from the sun. Its appearance was haUed with
joy by the hikers who had now been without
water for nine hours. They dropped their packs
and started a Utde fire to make tea and have a
Utde food. Fortified by this repast, they progressed
a Utde higher and reached the snow Une where
more steep bluffs and ledges made for stiff cUmbing. As the cUmbers came closer to the summit,
the snow banks became deeper. After struggUng
up one dangerous rocky cUff, they came out on a
Utde plateau just west ofthe highest tip of Crown
Mountain.
The party prepared a level spot to spend the
night on the summit, and after a rest and a hearty
supper, they watched the glowing sunset and a
bright moon Ughting up the landscape. The city
Ughts were far away Uke distant stars laid out in
rows. The Ughts of New Westminster were visible too, as were those of steamers out in the Strait
of Georgia, and the flashing Ughts on the Fraser
sand heads and Brockton Point aroused particular interest. Although tired and weary, the travellers didn't faU asleep until after midnight.
The group had brought fireworks to send up
as proof they had reached the summit, but unfortunately they had lost those in the long struggle up the mountain. However, their friends did
see the campfire which was kept going as it was
quite cold.
In the morning the hikers cUmbed the remaining rocks to the summit from where they had a
commanding view of the mountains extending
north from their lofty peak, the course of the
CapUano River beyond the dam, and the Lions.
They searched for a possible ascent of the latter
to the west via Sisters Creek and wondered if the
A.C. (Fred) Rogers lives
in Qualicum Beach
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
21 Photo by Fred Rogers -1940
Above: 77ie twin peaks of
Crown Mountain with the
Camel on the right.
Right: A view ofthe
Camel from Crown
Mountain showing a group
of mountain climbers
fevfc-
' ^
1
1 ■'  - ™
■
j
i    5
;'l
'
1
win
)
-<
i^KFfl
Lions had actuaUy been cUmbed.
An old deserted campfire provided proof to
the Utde group that they were not the first human beings to reach the summit of Crown Mountain.They looked for other marks of recent visitation but didn't find any. So they decided to let
other future cUmbers know they had been preceded by building a stone cairn near a clump of
old stunted trees. In addition they inscribed their
names in the bark of one ofthe trees.
The descent from the mountain was almost as
time consuming as the ascent since the hikers
had trouble finding a route down around the
numerous bluffs.They often had to retrace their
steps to find a safe route. For part ofthe way they
were able to foUow the blazed trail made on the
way up, but they frequendy lost it.
There is no doubt that in order to tackle this
cfimb, Mrs. Green and her daughters must have
been in good condition. The Province reporter
asked Mrs. Green if she enjoyed her adventure,
and she said she certainly did and was soon planning a trip up Grouse Mountain and, if possible,
a trip to the Lions.
The newspaper story didn't reveal who the first
hikers were to reach the summit of Grouse
Mountain, but it did contain other information
relating to this peak. In 1902 a record in hiking
time was set by a party composed of Dr.
Robertson and two companions who started their
cUmb at the ferry terminal in North Vancouver
early in the morning and reached the summit
about noon. After spending considerable time on
the mountain, they returned late that evening.
The time made on that trip, however, was improved later that year by another lone hiker. Mr.
A.F. Bush started from the North Vancouver ferry
terminal at 9 a.m. and arrived at the peak of
Grouse at 1:35 p.m. He remained on the summit
until 3:30 and returned to the ferry dock at 6:30
p.m.
There was an estabUshed rough traU up Grouse
Mountain in 1902, but climbing parties were
eyeing other coveted, chaUenging mountains that
year. Towards the end of July a group made the
first ascent of another aUuring peak known then
as the Sleeping Beauty, later named Mount White.
This mountain was at the head waters of Lynn
Creek on the east side.The members of this group
were not named, but they said, due to the absence of a trail, the cUmb was a long and hard
one.
Photo by Fred Rogers -1937
22
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 &•
..-.., ... 'V.   .,
1
- [
•    ^,„:'X.   T    fl!T^,;/-X.
*                F*?^^^
m
£ ;J J5
.
rasas:
ii ^ .r^j ■* -.
The toadstool shelter at the
foot ofMt. Seymour trail.
This was once a large
Douglas fir stump cut to
provide a resting place and
.shelter. From left to right:
Ken Farris, Lil Todgress,
and Marge and Fred
Rogers.
Photo by Fred Rogers - winter 1943
The most difficult peaks on the North Shore
are the Lions on the west side of CapUano River,
and as far as is known, the twin summits had not
yet been cUmbed in 1902. Mr. R. Jamieson and
Mr. Alex Graham, two weU known city school
teachers, left during the second half of July on
the steamer Defiance to attempt a climb from
Howe Sound. They were weU prepared for several days outing and had informed their friends
they would Ught a fire on the peak if successful.
However, although straining their eyes for two
evenings, the friends were not rewarded by the
sight of that fire.
On returning home, the cUmbers reported they
had reached the base of the twin peaks after a
hard struggle of bush whacking in virgin forests,
but were then hampered by deep snow which
was in a soft, melting condition and hence dangerous because of possible sUdes. In 1901 another
party had made an attempt to scale the Lions,
and they had had a very narrow escape from this
same danger. A huge snow sUde had been set in
motion and raced down the steep slope, passing
only a few feet from where the cUmbers stood.
Before reaching the forest, the sUde had developed into quite a large avalanche.
Other weU known mountaineers who explored
the North Shore were Don and PhyUis Munday.
From Mrs. Munday we know that the ladies of
her era wore their skirts until they were in the
forest and then hid these garments and continued in bloomers, conforming to the style of early-
day hiking attire for females.    -^>
Left: The author, age about
three, holding a bottle of
his father's home brewed
beer.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
23 Against a Tide of Change:
an Interpretation of the Writings of
Simma Holt, i960-1974
by Laura Duke
Laura Duke was born
and raised in
Vancouver. She is
currently completing a
Canadian Studies
Major and a History
Minor at UBC. Laura is
particularly interested
in Canadian post-war
social history.
1 Marjorie Nichols, "An
essay that speaks for itself,"
Tlie Vancouver Sun, 11 Sept.
1984.
2 Marian Bruce," The
Liberal Party Pooper," Tlie
Vancouver Sun, Weekend
Magazine, 1 Jan. 1977, 5.
3 ibid, 6.
4 "Sun Reporter Wins
Press Club Awards," Tlie
Vancouver Sun, 24 June
1959. (The majority ofthe
biographical information
was found in the
biography files at the
Vancouver Public Library.
Unfortunately not all the
articles contained in the
files were labelled with
their respective page
numbers.)
s Barry Broadfoot,
"Freedomite Story Told by
the 'Witch Woman'," Tlie
Vancouver Sun, 10 Oct.
1964,6.
""Leon Holt,71,dies at
tennis," Tlie Vancouver Sun,
28 Nov. 1985, A10.
7 Jean Barman, Tlie West
beyond the West: A History of
British Columbia^ revised
ed. (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1996), 270.
When the media fails in its true duty to the public, tyrants can move in...
It can and will happen here, if the press fails to look at the real problems in society... 1
—Simma Holt
Simma Holt was Uke a mother to British
Columbia. She has been described as a
"Mary Worth on speed,"2 and her numerous awards and accompUshments are evidence of
the genuine concern she had for others. As a jour-
naUst, author, social activist, and poUtician, Holt
aimed to build a better society for British
Columbians. She exposed what she saw as society's weaknesses in her articles, books, and motions in ParUament, vowing to attack them with
fuU force.
Holt was, however, the product of a generation whose values would be challenged in a society facing unprecedented demographic change.
Holt held values popular with the majority of
adult Canadians during 1950s. Closely knit nuclear famUies, traditional gender roles, societal
responsibUity, and reUgious and sexual conformity characterize the 1950s definition of an ideal
society and one that Holt adhered to. Her preoccupation with chUd welfare is also characteristic
of Canadian society in this period. By the early
1960s, however, the cluldren born after the second world war were no longer chUdren but adolescents forming their own ideas. Their values
were created in reaction to those of their parents
and adults Uke Holt. The conflict of ideals experienced by the two generations was characterized in Holt's works as a series of social crises.
Sexual freedom, experimentation with drugs, teen
pregnancy, unwed motherhood, and reUgious non
uniformity were aU threats to the social status
quo. Holt and her generation saw these phenomena as symptoms of a sick society. Lax morals and
poor parenting had resulted in a rebeUious and
troubled generation on the road to disaster. Perceiving this new code of teen behaviour as 'abnormal' because it differed from her conservative values, Holt exposed youth problems in or
der to solve them by offering parents advice from
chUd care experts. Although she had a genuine
concern for the weU being of youth, Holt ap-
pUed her mondity and constrained adolescents
to her generation's values. She faded to recognize that the baby boomers' rejection of 1950s
conservative values was a deliberate decision to
assert an identity different from that of their parents.
Born in Alberta in 1922, Simma Holt was one
of eight chUdren of Russian immigrants.3 She
attended the University of Manitoba and graduated in 1944 with a bachelor of arts. WhUe in
school Holt worked as a freelance journaUst for
the Winnipeg Free Press and the Canadian Press.4
Soon after graduating she went to work for The
Vancouver Sun and remained there as a reporter
and columnist for the next thirty years. Holt
married a high school math teacher, Leon, and
the two enjoyed a home on the scenic skyUne of
West Vancouver's British Properties.5 The Holts
were also members of the Vancouver Lawn Tennis and Badminton Club, a private athletics club.6
With two incomes and no chUdren, Simma Holt
enjoyed the economic security ofthe upper middle class and shared their moral and social values.
The post World War II period was a time of
prosperity for many Canadians, and was welcomed after a decade of severe economic depression and a dislocating war. Canada had emerged
from the conflict in a relatively good position
compared to its counterparts in Europe and escaped the kind of repression that had occurred
after the Great War.7 Canadians were eager to take
this occasion offering peace and prosperity to
setde down and create the stable society they had
longed for. This post-war reconstruction was actively encouraged by governments at both the
federal and provincial levels. FoUowing the rec-
24
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 ommendations ofthe Marsh Report of 1943 (and
Britain's Beveridge Report of 1942 on which it
was modeled), Prime Minister Mackenzie King
and his Liberals moved to estabUsh a system of
social welfare.8 Introduced in 1945, famUy allowances provided aU Canadians with chUdren a
minimum standard of welfare. Historian
Dominique Jean, writing about the affects the
aUowances had on Quebec famUies, outlines four
reasons for their introduction: to increase support for the federal Liberal government, stimulate the postwar economy, secure children s welfare, and promote women workers to return to
the home.9 Although reluctant to give up jobs
that offered them economic independence, many
women did not have much choice but to leave
their wartime jobs.10 The government as weU as
employers encouraged women to make way for
the men who were coming home from the front
by resuming traditional gender roles as mothers
and wives.
At the same time, however, many women and
men were in search of a sense of security and the
"better times" they beUeved to have existed before the war.11 This ideal was sought and repU-
cated through the traditional separate spheres of
the male as the "breadwinner" and female as the
"angel ofthe hearth". Men were responsible for
the economic activity ofthe fanuly, whUe women's purpose was to give birth to and raise chUdren. Women had a duty to become wives and
mothers, consequendy single and chUdless women
of marriageable age were scorned by their communities. Creating strong nuclear famiUes was
considered as the obvious Ufe-goal for many
Canadians, and aberrations from this definition
were seen as "abnormal". Children did indeed
come to this generation seeking security, and they
came in droves. Between 1946 and 1955 3.1 mU-
Uon babies were born in Canada at the height of
the "baby boom".12 FamUies in this period, therefore, played a key role in shaping the values and
ideas of the country with unprecedented influence. HomosexuaUty, in turn, was unacceptable
because it did not fit the mould ofthe "normal"
and ideal Ufestyle.13 Communal Uving that various religious minorities engaged in was also
shunned, as were the traditional cultural practices of various ethnic minorities. "Normal", as
was defined by psychologists and various experts
in this period, meant homogeneity and the practices of the majority. Difference from the conservative ideal was not accredited to personal
choice, but to abnormaUty and deviant behaviour.
Simma Holt fit the mould of the dominant
majority. She was married and enjoyed a middle
class economic existence. Although Holt had her
own career, whUe she was a Member of ParUament in Ottawa she would fly back to Vancouver
once a week to take care of her husband: "she
plays the dutiful Hausfrau role...preparing meals
a week or more in advance for her husband
Leon..." 14 Holt, however, did not have any chUdren of her own. This fact perhaps accounts for
her ceaseless concern for child welfare. Holt's father told her, "Simma, you have no chUdren, but
the chUdren of the world have to be yours."15
These were words Holt Uved by, her concern for
chUdren infiltrating aU her work.
The majority of Holt's attention went to teenagers. By the late 1950s and early 1960s the baby
boom generation was growing into adolescence,
and youths were branching out and forming their
own values.The largest concern for the conservative parents ofthe 1950s was their teen's sexual
development. Holt too was concerned with the
increasing sexual freedom of teens and wrote a
book, Sex and the Teen-age Revolution* so that "this
knowledge wUl give parents, and those stiU stum-
bUng through their teens, better understanding
of what is one of the most urgent—virtuaUy
universal—problems of our time."16 A compUa-
tion of two series of articles written for the Sun,
Holt's book was concerned with breakdown of
"teen-age moraUty" as a result of the boomer
generation's openness to their sexuaUty and wiUingness to engage freely in intercourse: "The
problems young people face are intensified, the
breakdown in moraUty is greater, and there is Utde or no guUt about their sexual freedom."17
Youth were rejecting their parents' sexual norms
and this was seen by mainstream adults as social
decay. More teenagers were having sex, and this
was interpreted as heightened immoraUty Like
the rest of her generation, Holt was concerned
with moraUty and the maintenance of the conservative society she had helped buUd. She argued that:
...on the one hand, [some of] the highly idealistic
and ambitious boys and girls cUng to the old moral
concepts almost as puritanicaUy as if they were
part of the Victorian era. But on the other side, as
definite and as positive that they are correct in
their way of life, are the sexually precocious, confused, misguided (or unguided), many equaUy intelligent and bright. These make up the core ofthe
Essay submitted for the
British Columbia
Historical Federation
Scholarship competition
1998
Recomending Professor:
Dr. Robert A.J. McDonald
The University of British
Columbia
The author wishes to
thank Dr. Robert A. J.
McDonald for his helpful
direction and comments
throughout the research
of this article.
s Robert BothweU et al,
Canada since 1945: Power,
politics and provincialism,
revised ed. (Toronto:
University ofToronto
Press, 1989), 49.
' Dominique Jean, "Family
Allowances and Family
Autonomy: Quebec
Families Encounter the
Welfare State, 1945-1955,
in Canadian Fatnily History,
Bettina Bradbury, ed.
(Mississauga: Copp Clark
Pitman, Ltd., 1992), 402-
405.
10 Doug Owram, Bom al
the Right Time: A History of
the Baby-Boom Generation
(Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1996), 27.
"ibid, 28.
12 ibid, 31.
13 Gary Kinsman, The
Regulation of Desire
(Montreal: Black Rose
Books, 1987), 105-106.
14 Bruce, 6.
15ibid,6.
16 Simma Holt, Sex and the
Teen-age Revolution
(Toronto: McClelland and
Stewart Ltd, 1967), 24.
17 ibid, 21.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
25 '"ibid, 17.
"Simma Holt, "Unwed
Motherhood A Rising
Problem," The Vancouver
Sun,25 May, 1960,9.
20 Simma Holt, "B.C.
Society Seriously Sick,
Says Expert," Tlie Vancouver
S«», 31 May 1960,1.
21 Mona Gleason,
"Psychology and the
Construcion ofthe
'Normal' Family in
Postwar Canada, 1945-
1960," in The Canadian
Historical Review 78, no.3
(Sept. 1997), 446.
"ibid, 443.
23 Simma Holt, "Experts
Tell Parents: Build Close-
Knit Unit," The Vancouver
Sun, 19 May 1966,9.
24 Simma Holt, "Dad's Not
the Boss Any More," The
Vancouver S«nA 18 May
1966, 14.
25 Simma Holt, "Cannabis
Weed ofWoe," appendix
in Proceedings of Canadian
Senate on Legal and
Constitutional Affairs
(30th Parliament, 1st
session, 1974-76), 20:22.
26 ibid, 20:14.
"ibid, 20:14.
M
~^H
"^r.'Sf,«™
^Srflft^ 'eji>t5fcJJ
^B
:^EI
KreifiPji^KL i'   •!("■
.■^fc;*^!
a-iS^I
jj
^
Hb_^HI
teen-age breakdown of traditional standards of
moraUty.18 (emphasis added)
Holt's word choice here Ulustrates her standpoint on teenage sexual behaviour. The idealistic
and ambitious teens are those who are fastidiously
devoted to Victorian prudery while those who
do not adhere to Holt's values are understood as
being precocious, or having developed earUer than
normal.
Normal for Holt, then, meant sexual modesty
during the teens. She was supported in this assessment by psychologists who maintained that
the sexual freedom youths were reUshing was the
symptom of a troubled society. In her 1960 series
on the problem of unwed motherhood,19 Holt
consulted American psychologist Dr. Joseph C.
Lagey. He maintained that, "The increased sex
activity and drinking among school-aged chUdren today is a symptom of a seriously Ul society," and was "the logical outcome of the worship of freedom— including sexual freedom."20
"Experts" Uke Dr. Lagey not only determined
the problems society was facing, but also offered
solutions.
A popular element of postwar culture, experts'
advice was sought by parents to enable them to
raise "weU adjusted" kids.21 Parenting was not an
innate abUity, but something that required the
rational know-how of psychological experts.
However, like Holt, psychologists were also
swayed by their own generation's values in estabUshing what was considered normal. Sociologist
Mona Gleason maintains that,
...psychologists' discussions of normal famUies
and normal famUy members were shaped not by
objective, unchanging scientific 'truths,' but by the
hegemonic values and priorities ofthe middle
class in postwar Canada.22
The estabUshment of child-rearing guidelines
by postwar psychologists was also a tool to enforce the values and standards of the dominant
middle-class in Canada. Like Holt, Canada's chUd-
care experts saw the behaviour of teens as deviant and abnormal because it did not conform to
their own personal values. Instead of attacking
the root ofthe problem of unwed motherhood—
lack of sex education and access to birth control— Holt and the experts saw it as a moral problem, and the fault of poor parenting.
Parenting was seen by Holt as the source for
many teenage problems. Parents that didn't provide adequate discipUne or teach moral and social values to their chUdren were neglecting their
duties as parents and also to society by failing to
produce good citizens. Holt attributes a vast
number of perceived social problems to poor
parenting: unwed motherhood, homosexuaUty,
drug use, and hippiedom. Unwed motherhood
was attributed to parents faUing to teach their
girls that "their most precious possession is their
virtue," and by "giving them more freedom than
they could handle."23 Fathers that faUed to affirm
their position as head ofthe household were also
not meeting parental requirements. Holt asserted
that an absentee father could result in "the development of effeminacy among boys, and for
the current upsurge injuvenUe homosexuaUty.."24
Without proper understanding of moral standards and good role models, BC's youth was headed
for disaster. Instead of considering sexual Uberty
or homosexuaUty among youth as something
natural and healthy, Holt and parents beUeved
these things were unnatural, immoral, and, therefore, social problems. Insisting that traditional
morals were more desirable because they had
provided their generation with security, Holt and
psychological experts tried to persuade parents
that their teens were not engaging in normal
"teen" behaviour, but were suffering from a lack
of parental discipUne.
Holt also attributed the "social crises" of recreational drug use and hippiedom to teenagers'
parents. Entrance into the drug cult was the result of lack of parental love and education. Teens
who felt neglected by their parents numbed their
sorrows with drugs and found a support network
of "peace and love" with hippies. Undoubtedly
threatening Holt's generation (in the late 1950s),
street drugs like cannabis, LSD, hashish, and later
heroin and amphetamines were a phenomenon
relatively new to both parents and youth.25 Not
weU understood and associated with the counter
culture movement and crime, drugs and the personal freedom that was attributed to their use
were threatening to an adult generation that valued societal responsibiUty.26 As an MP in Ottawa
Holt wrote a booklet entitled "Cannabis Weed
of Woe" to educate people about marijuana. Holt,
however, puts a greater emphasis on the effects
the drug wiU have on society than the adverse
effect it would have on a person's health:
If we set cannabis free, we could have 732,000
"pot heads" in five or ten years, and a new drug
to add to the carnage on highways and in the entire fabric of our society.27
Again, Holt's concern for society as a whole is
evidence of her clash of values with the new gen-
26
BC HISTORICAL NEWS -SPRING 1999 eration that was interested in personal freedom
and experimentation. As weU, instead of crediting drug use to teens' personal choice, Holt
blamed lack of parental love and concern. In the
booklet Holt writes:
As long as [cannabis] remains on the law books
with strength, the poUce wiU pick up young people, hopefully many before it is too late, stopping
them either through reunion with street workers,
social workers, counseUors, and by education.28
Holt wrote this under the assumption that if
youth were educated and loved by parents they
would choose not to use drugs. A conscious and
autonomous decision to stray from conservative
moral standards was clearly alarming and difficult to swaUow for Holt, and those who beUeved
that observing conservative values led to happiness.
Hippies were also an area of youth concern
for Holt. In the opening of her book The Devil's
Butler Holt describes the new counter culture of
hippies as: "Gende, passive people [who] left their
parents' homes in search of a new world of love,
understanding, and peace—and regressed, instead,
into a nether world of brutaUty, selfishness, and
hopelessness."29 (emphasis added) Again, Holt
concerns herself with the individuaUsm of youth,
beUeving that they should concern themselves
with society's weU being over their own. Youths
are again portrayed as innocent victims of their
own parents' faulty parenting. By faUing to educate their chUdren about their responsibUity to
others, parents created self-absorbed teens:
The vagrant young began preying on each other,
buUding their own criminals. And in the community at large they were tolerated by some, but despised by most. The adult society dared not look
too closely at what it had created. 30 (emphaisis
added)
As can be interpreted here, parents held the
responsibUity for their chUdren's actions. To acknowledge that youth had consciously rejected
conservative values would mean that those values faded youth in providing support in times of
need. Instead, maintaining the integrity of her
beUefs Holt portrays teens as victims, misguided
and vulnerable:"... today's wandering young people who, deprived of the normal social protections of famUy and community, become the casualties of violence."31
Throughout her work, youths are always portrayed as innocent and essentiaUy good, yet occasionaUy having made uneducated Ufe decisions.
It is always assumed by Holt that had chUdren
been properly educated by
parents, they would have
not chosen the wrong path
down the road of sexual
freedom, drug use, or independent self-definition.
Holt refused to acknowledge that the boomer teens
were making deliberate
choices to be different
from their parents because
it made no sense to her—
why would anyone choose
to stray from an ideal society Uke that ofthe 1950s?
The baby boomer
youths were not the only
ones who rejected Holt's
conservative values: the
Doukhobor people did as
weU. A Russian reUgious
minority group that had
estabUshed itself in Canada at the turn of the
twentieth century, the Doukhobors did not conform to the norms and values popular to Canadians. Simma Holt wrote a book about a sect of
the Doukhobor people, the Sons of Freedom,
who had estabUshed a colony in the Kootenay
District of British Columbia in 1912.32 During
the late 1950s and early 1960s when Holt was
writing the book, tension between the
Doukhobors and the government (at both the
federal and provincial levels) was high. The
Doukhobors had insisted from the day of their
arrival that they would not comply with the laws
ofthe Canadian governments because they only
adhered to God's law.31 In turn, they had refused
to become naturaUzed citizens, register their lands
with the government, send their chUdren to
school, and provide the governments with birth,
death and marriage information since their immigration.34 Although the federal government offered them immunity from conscription, they
were continuaUy asked to adhere to the other
Canadian laws they rejected, especiaUy that of
compulsory education for chUdren. In 1952, the
new attorney general, Robert Bonner, took a
zero-tolerance approach with the Doukhobors.
Adults were imprisoned and chUdren were seized
for faUure to comply with Canadian law.35
Holt had Utde sympathy for the Doukhobors
and their assertion of reUgious persecution. To-
taUy foreign to Holt was the view that people
Simma Holt with a poster
ofGolda Meir on the wall
behind her.
Photos of Simma Holt on the previous
page and this page are reproduced
with kind permission of The Vancouver
Sun.
28ibid, 20:15.
29 Simma Holt, Tlie Devil's
Butler (Toronto:
McClelland and Stewart
Ltd., 1972), 12.
Mibid, 12.
31 ibid, 7.
32 Simma Holt, Terror in the
Name ofGod:The Story of
the Sons of Freedom
Dukhobors (Toronto:
McClelland and Stewart,
1964), 50.
"ibid, 20.
34 ibid, 46.
35 ibid, 168.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
27 3" ibid, 232.
37ibid, 232.
38ibid, 48.
39 Barry Broadfoot,
"Freedomite Story Told by
Witch Woman," Tlie
Vancouver Sun, 10 Oct
1964, 6.
40 Holt, Terror in the Name of
God, 295.
41 ibid, 296.
might not want to conform to the dominant values of middle-class Canadians. In an interview
with a Freedomite Doukhobor Holt asked:
Don't you feel this is a hard way of Ufe for a
child? Have you ever considered putting your
chUdren on a road you had not taken— the non-
Doukhobor one where they could Uve in peace
in their community and perhaps have careers?36
Holt had difficulty accepting (if she did at aU)
that people can have fulfiUing Uves foUowing different beUefs. Ignoring that much of the hardship and unhappiness in Doukhobor communities came from their persecution, Holt presses on:
"Could you not see any happiness in careers, say
as lawyers, writers, nurses, doctors, who serve humanity?"37 Holt had an honest beUef that happiness can only be found in adherence to the moral
and social values she espouses, here especiaUy that
of serving one's community. Something of a red
Tory, Holt beUeved in protecting conservative values ofthe coUective over individual freedom. Particularly distasteful to her was the non-compU-
ance of Doukhobors to Canadian law. Although
essentiaUy peaceful people, the Doukhobors remained threatening to the Canadian majority
because they rejected mainstream values. Even
though this was done on reUgious grounds, Holt
had no sympathy for these people:
The question of whether the government was
wrong to demand that the Doukhobors obey the
law to the letter wiU forever be the subject of debate. Some felt that the government should have
given them the land without their becoming citizens or accepting the oath of allegiance. Many of
these beUeved that it was primarily religious conviction that kept the Community Doukhobors
from making entries for their land. Others felt as
many do today, that the Doukhobors had been
given too many special privileges, that the law had
been bent too often to suit them.38 (emphasis added)
The Doukhobors were threatening to Holt
because they contravened many of her morals.
They refused their responsibiUty to the larger
community of citizenry, lived communally,
marched nude without modesty, and forsook
material possessions by burning them. Worst of
aU, they taught this immoral behaviour to their
chUdren.
Holt's primary objective in writing Terror in
the Name of God was to expose how the
Doukhobor chUdren were being treated.39 Again
Holt's concern for chUdren surfaces, reveaUng her
beUef that chUdren were an investment to be
cultivated for society's future. Her concluding
chapter, entided "The Solution", outUnes her
answer to the Doukhobor "problem": "There can
be only one answer. That is to break the chain.
The only way the chain can be broken is by removing the new links—the chUdren." Again chUdren are the innocent victims of their parents.
Misguided and abused because they were not
taught mainstream social and moral values,
Doukhobor children were destined to a life of
unhappiness if not removed from their parents
and their culture. Convinced that if given the
opportunity Freedomite children would freely
choose a middle-class "normal" Canadian Ufe-
style, Holt advocated the removal of Doukhobor
children from their parents: "One courageous rescue-attempt was made by the British Columbia
government—the first enforced education ofthe
chUdren."40 What Holt condones echoes the seizure and subsequent education in residential
schools of Native chUdren. Like native children,
the only way to help the Doukhobors was to
assimilate them into the dominant culture, moulding them into model citizens:
The Sons of Freedom terror wiU never end unless
every Canadian accepts the tragedy of these chUdren as his or her individual responsibiUty and
takes immediate—and sincere—steps to save these
tormented youngsters. It may mean enactment of
special laws—laws that might well upset decent
Canadians who resent infringement on human
freedom. There can be no doubt that the civil liberties
of a vicious gang of outlaws...may have to be sacrificed
for the civil liberties ofthe majority of law-abiding citizens. And no doubt the Uves of chUdren may have
to be put before the strange and perverted love of
the misguided parents.41 (emphasis added)
For Holt, it is essential for aU Canadians to
adhere to mainstream values to maintain social
stabUity The actions of the Doukhobors were
threatening because their moral and social values
not only contradicted those of Holt and the mainstream, but also because these were taught to
chUdren.To have subsequent generations of people who failed to integrate into conservative
Canadian society was intolerable and a shame for
Holt and others.They were convinced that what
they had achieved in the 1950s—stability and
material prosperity—were the keys to a happy
and fulfiUing life. Believing that what they had
achieved was desirable for aU, they sought to impose their beUefs on the Doukhobors by assimilating their chUdren.
Holt had her heart in the right place; she longed
28
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 to help kids and build a better society by teaching a young generation good morals.Those who
were growing up in the 1950s had economic
advantages her generation had never had and thus
opportunities to do great things.42 In educating
chUdren and parents, she felt she could help foster the conservative values ofthe 1950s, creating
a cohesive society instead of a cluster of individuals. Holt put her values and Ufestyle at the
apex, and denounced any variation of this as an
aberration.
This perspective was not only ethnocentric and
moraUstic, but undesirable for many. Single parents, homosexuals, and ethnic and reUgious minorities were left Utde choice by Holt but to deny
their Ufestyle as abnormal, thus denying their individual experience. By teaching conservative
values Holt beUeved she was offering people an
opportunity to achieve success, but this was based
on her own ideas of what personal accompUsh-
ment meant.
It is also interesting that Holt herself had freedom and opportunity in the 1950s that many
other women did not have.Without chUdren Holt
was able to pursue a career that undoubtedly offered her a feeUng of personal achievement and
self-fulfUlment. Although many mothers during
the 1950s credited looking after their famUies as
fulfiUing and a chaUenge, other women felt they
had more to contribute to society than weU-
rounded chUdren.43 Did Holt make a conscious
choice to have a career over having kids? Perhaps
Holt's preoccupation with chUdren and youth in
her writing stemmed from a belief that as a
woman she should devote her career to this
"woman's concern".
Whatever the reason for Holt's work, her concern remained with estabUshing a better society.
Having Uved through World War II, Holt was part
of a generation that had buUt freedom as a group
and subsequendy stressed the importance of collective stabUity over private freedom.These views,
however, ended in a clash with the baby boomers'
value of individual freedom and the increasing
cultural diversity ofthe 1960s in British Columbia and Canada. WhUe Holt's goal of creating a
better world for Canadians was noble, her ideal
world was not acceptible to the emerging "teenager" generation. The culture that developed in
the 1960s fought to counter the previous generation's values, a pattern of youthful chaUenge
that continues to this day.    -eft
References cited
Barman, Jean. Tne West Beyond the West: A History of
British Columbia., Revised edition.Toronto: University ofToronto Press, 1996.
BothweU, Robert et al. Canada since 1945: Power,
politics and provincialism. Revised ed. Toronto:
Univerity ofToronto Press, 1989.
Broadfoot,Barry."Freedomite Story Told by the'Witch
Woman'." The Vancouver Sun 10 Oct. 1964, 6.
Bruce, Marjorie." The Liberal Party Pooper."
77ie Vancouver Sun, Weekend Magazine, 1 Jan.
1977, 5.
Gleason, Mona. "Psychology and the Construction
ofthe 'Normal' Family in Postwar Canada, 1945-
1960." The Canadian Historical Review 78, no. 3
(Sept. 1997), 442-477.
Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. New York:
DeU PubUshing, 1963.
Holt, Simma. "B.C. Society Seriously Sick, Says Expert," 77»e Vancouver Sun 31 May 1960,1.
 "Cannabis Weed ofWoe," appendix in Proceedings of Canadian Senate on Legal and Constitutional Affairs 30th ParUament, 1st session, 1974-76,
20:7-20:26.
 "Dad's Not the Boss Any More." The Vancou
ver Sun 18 May 1966,14.
 The Devil's Butler. Toronto: McCleUand and
Stewart Ltd., 1972.
-"Experts TeU Parents: BuUd Close-Knit
Unit." 77ie Vancouver Sun 19 May 1966,9.
-Sex and the Teen-age Revolution.Toronto:
McCleUand and Stewart Ltd, 1967.
 "Social Disaster in B.C.: Our Teen-age Birth
Rate Exploding." The Vancouver Sun 13 May 1966,
12.
 Terror in the Name of God: The Story ofthe
Sons of Freedom Doukhobors. Toronto: McCleUand
and Stewart, 1964.
 "Unwed Motherhood A Rising Problem."
77ie Vancouver Sun 25 May, 1960,9.
Jean, Dominique. "FamUy Allowances and FamUy
Autonomy: Quebec FamUies Encounter the Welfare State, 1945-1955." In Canadian Family History,,
401-437. Bettina Bradbury, ed. Mississauga: Copp
Clark Pitman Ltd., 1992.
Kinsman, Gary. The Regulation of Desire: Sexuality in
Canada. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1987.
"Leon Holt, 71, dies at tennis." The Vancouver Sun 28
Nov. 1985.A10.
Nichols, Marjorie."An essay that speaks for itself."
The Vancouver Sun 11 Sept. 1984.
Owram, Doug. Born at the Right Time: A History of
the Baby-Boom Generation.Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1996.
"Sun Reporter Wins Press Club Awards." 77ie Vancouver Sun 24 June 1959.
42 Simma Holt, "Social
Disaster in B.C.: Our
Teen-age Birth Rate
Exploding," The Vancouver
Sun> 13 May 1966,12.
"Betty Friedan,"The
Problem That Has No
Name," in Tlie Feminine
Mystique (New York: DeU
Publishing, 1963), 16.
sex?
TEEN-.SGE
REVOLUTION
AN  OHIDINAL PUBLICATION ai-BO
ant
simma holt   ,
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
29 The Story of Estella Hartt
by Rosemarie Parent
Rosemarie Parent is
vice president of the
Arrow Lakes Historical
Society in Nakusp
Left: Estella Hartt in her
pioneer teaching days in
Southern Saskachewan
Information for this article was compiled by
Rosemarie Parent from
the Arrow Lakes Historical Society archive
files and Whistle Stops
Along the Columbia
RiverNarrows, printed
by the Burton New Horizons Book Committee in 1982
Photo courtesy Rosemary Parent
Herb growing is an up-and-coming industry these days, but years ago the Arrow Lakes region had its own flourishing herbal business. Its owner was one of the area's most enterprising and interesting women:
EsteUa Hartt.
EsteUa Maria Hartt was born in Kingsclear,
New Brunswick, on March 10, 1876. She completed her schooUng and normal school training
in New Brunswick and was one of six teachers
chosen to attend a three-month course in nature
and science in Guelph, Ontario, at the turn of
the century.
After the First World War, Miss Hartt taught
school in Saskatchewan, where she became a weU-
known commercial teacher in the Success Garbutt
Business CoUege circles. Later, she became principal of the Weyburn Success CoUege.
Hartt retired in 1928 to care for her ageing
mother and came to the Arrow Lakes, where she
purchased property at Bird's Landing. She had
the soU of her property analyzed and found the
soU suitable for growing ginseng and golden-seal.
Cultivating these herbs, she developed a thriving business and was successful in finding European markets by shipping through the botanical
gardens in Cincinnati and New York.
Ginseng and golden-seal require shade to grow
weU, so she buUt waist-high fences and covered
them with shakes. While the herbs were being
raised, Hartt planted varieties of walnut and hazelnut trees around her garden. When they were
able to provide the shade required by the herbs,
she removed the fences. After a time, a synthetic
product replaced the herbs and the market diminished. However, Hartt managed to keep her
mother, uncle and herself on her sales. She also
helped to support the Three HUls Missionary
School in Alberta, which was a favourite charity
of hers.
Her mother passed away in 1935, and her uncle in 1942. She continued to live alone until BC
Hydro purchased her property in 1962. She then
moved to Kaleden near Penticton and made her
home with two close friends from her Weyburn
CoUege days. She died in Penticton, 91 years old,
in the summer of 1967.
Hartt is remembered for her hospitaUty and
strength of character. She was interested in woodwork, taxidermy and nature study. Her coUec-
tions of butterflies and insects were beautifuUy
mounted. She also had hundreds of specimens of
prairie flowers and herbs, which were aU botani-
caUy classified to make exceptional coUections.
She was noted for her beautiful penmanship,
Old EngUsh writing, pen and ink etchings, and
oU paintings. Pat Philcox, a pioneer of Bird's Landing, remembers Hartt weU because her famUy
visited in the summers on a property close to
hers. She gave marveUous dinners on beautiful
English china and read Bible stories to her and
the other children.
EsteUa Hartt proved to be an entrepreneur
extraordinaire at a time when women usuaUy only
entered into nursing and teaching professions.
What is more she did it weU and with flair.-^
30
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 Book Reviews
Books for review and book reviews should be sent to:
Anne Yandle, Book Review Editor BC Historical News, 3450 West 20th Avenue, Vancouver BC   V6S 1E4
Tomas BartroU
Genesis ofVancouver
Reviewed by Gordon EUiot
John E. Roberts
A Discovery Journal
Reviewed by Robin Inglis
John Graham GilUs
"A Lovely Letterfrorm Cede"
Reviewed by A.C. Waldie, M.D.
Robert Gordon Teather
Mountie Makers
Reviewed by Richard J. Lane
Norman Simmons
The Sale-Room
Reviewed by PhylUs Reeves
Suzanne Anderson
Good Morning Quadra
Reviewed by Kelsey McLeod
Howard White & Peter A. Robson (Eds.)
Raincoast Chronicles 18
Reviewed by James P. Delgado
Peter D. Omundsen
Bowen Island Passenger Ferries
Reviewed by Gordon Elliott
Frances Martin Day, PhylUs Spence &
Barbara Landouceur
Women Overseas
Reviewed by Naomi MUler
Also Noted:
Wild Wacky Wonderful British Columbia; answers to
questions you never thought to ask.
Eric Newsome.Victoria, Orca Book Publishers,
1997.144 pp., paperback. J9.95. Hundreds of
interesting anecdotes relating to B.C. history.
Orca's Family and More Northwest Coast Stories.
Robert James Challenger. Surrey, Heritage
House, 1997.48 pp. Ulus., paperback. 89.95.
A collection of West Coast fables from Victoria.
Index lo the 1891 Census of Canada: District of Alberta.
Regina Branch, Saskatchewan Genealogical
Society, 1998. J25. Available from Regina
Branch, Saskatchewan Genealogical Society, c/o
37 Procter Place, Regina, SK S4S 4E9
George Jay School 1909.
Warren & Bob Gretsinger.Victoria, 1998.73 pp.
$12 including postage. History of the school
bringing memories to life and telling of changes
imposed by the Department of Education.
Available from George Jay Elementary School,   .
1118 Princess Ave.,Victoria,BCV8T 1L3.
Charcoal's World; the true story of a Canadian Indian's last
stand.
Hugh A. Dempsey.Calgary, Fifth House, 1998.
181 pp. Illus. paperback J12.95. A balanced and
fascinating account of the battle of wits between
Charcoal and Major Steele ofthe NorthWest
Mounted Police.
Reviewers:
Gordon Elliott is an editor, and author of
Quesnel, Commercial Centre ofthe Cariboo
Gold Rush.
Robin Inglis is director ofthe North Vancouver
Museum and Archives and president ofthe
Vancouver Spanish Pacific Historical
Society.
Adam C. Waldie is a retired physician who
grew up in Trail.
Richard J. Lane is an academic who writes on
BC literature and history. He currendy
lives and works in London, England.
Phyllis Reeves Uves on Gabriola Island and
sometimes gets lost amidst notes and
photographs.
Kelsey McLeod is a member of the Vancouver
Historical Society.
James P. Delgado is executive director of the
Vancouver Maritime Museum.
Naomi Miller is a well-known former editor of
this journal.
Genesis of Vancouver: Explorations of its
site 1791, 1792 & 1808. Tomas Bartroli.
[Vancouver] Author, 1997.195 pp. Maps,
Bibliography,Appendices, Index. $10.Avail-
able from Marco Polo Books, 3450 West
20th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V6S 1E4
Reviewed by Gordon Elliott
This brilUandy organized volume involves
its readers in solving a kind of mystery. They
know at the outset that Vancouver City exists, and in short order they learn about the
site and its inhabitants in 1790.Then laid out
for them is an overview of events in North
America between 1773 and 1790, with a
narrowing down to its Northwest Coast and
a stiU further narrowing to the early explorations of the coast. A summarizing passage
Usts events from 1774 to 1790 and another
comments on events in 1790. This constant
limiting ofthe focus of "what, why, when,
and where" sets the stage for the discovery
of the location of the city, the "genesis" of
the city,"[t]he earUest recorded explorations
of the site ofVancouver City, from the sea
and from the land". But the introduction
material does not teU ofthe "who" and the
"how", a couple of major elements of any
good whodunit.
The "who" and the "how" and the various expeditions of discovery — the people
there at the time and how they worked —
constitute the core of this book. Why they
saw and what they did see and why at that
time they did not see what we now take for
granted create a sense of suspense that grows
as each ofthe exploring groups misses some
thing that a reader feels should not have been
missed. In addition, BartroU defdy leads the
reader step by step through the problems by
quoting from ships' logs, by quoting other
scholars, and even by making shrewd guesses,
and stating blundy that he is making those
guesses. For instance, having no real explanation for the make-up ofthe crews on the
San Carlos and the Santa Saturnina, Francisco
de EUza's expedition out of Nootka, BartroU
ventures what he calls "a possible explanation".
On Eliza's 1791 expedition were such
experienced men as Juan Carrasco who had
been with Manuel Quimper at Clayoquot
Sound and Juan de Fuca Strait, Jose Maria
Narvaez who had earlier traveUed from
Nootka to Juan de Fuca Strait, and Lopez de
Haro who had akeady inadequately charted
the west coast ofVancouver Island. When
EUza became iU, Narvaez and Jose Antonio
Verdia took over, and their map, which became part of the EUza papers, indicates by
longitude and latitude the location of the
present city ofVancouver. But how did they
miss Mud Bay and Boundary Bay, and how
could they assume that what is present-day
Richmond and beyond was covered by water? BartroU has explanations that help answer some of our questions. But no mention
yet of the Fraser River which was surely
spewing mud around Point Grey.
In 1792 the Spanish had two other vessels
on the coast, the Sutil under Dionesio Alcala
Galiano, and the Mexicana under Cayetano
Valdes. The British were also present with
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
31 two vessels, the Discovery under Captain
George Vancouver, and the Chatham under
WUUam Robert Broughton. Before discussing these two expeditions separately, BartroU
gives reasons for their being here at the same
time.
The Vancouver and the GaUano expeditions he treats as meticulously as the Eliza
expedition, but here BartroU fo cusses on the
coasdine from Point Roberts to Point Grey.
With Vancouver, the reader explores Burrard
Inlet and makes contact with natives the
Spanish had met the year before. Then up
the inlet with both of them to Indian Arm,
not into it with the British, but into it with
the Spanish. Both saw Stanley Park as an island. Neither had discovered the river which
to us is so evident in the world of Greater
Vancouver. Both European groups had
friendly deaUngs with the natives and, in spite
of the Umitations imposed by different languages, had friendly dealings with each other.
BartroU suggests how the language problem
might have been overcome. He also explains
how the Spanish had fresh milk on board to
give to the British: they carried goats along
with them. The Europeans met again with
an obvious mutual respect, and a sentimental
footnote teUs us that Vancouver was already
dead when, at Gibraltar in 1805,Valdes was
wounded and GaUano kiUed.
Again BartroU prepares us for another stage
of exploration by describing what is now the
Interior ofthe Province of British Columbia with its two major rivers, the Fraser and
the Columbia. The description leads
smoothly into Simon Fraser's 1808 trip down
the river named after him and necessarUy
mentioned in any discussion of Greater Vancouver which extends eastward into the
Fraser Valley. From Lytton with Fraser himself, and with some direction from BartroU,
we come down a violent river, meet friendly
people, miss the site of New Westminster, and
encounter a hostile viUage at Musqueam.
Fraser drew no map, but did leave a journal
or narrative in which he expressed his "great
disappointment in not seeing the main ocean,
having been so near it as to be almost within
view."
That could have been one place to end
the story ofthe discovery of all parts of what
is now the site of Greater Vancouver: the
Galiano chart had been published in 1795,
and a chart ofthe coast published along with
Vancouver's book in 1798. But Fraser had
left no map. In 1813 and 1814 David
Thompson, an employee ofthe NorthWest
Company knowing about the earlier charts
and acting on information from John Stuart
who had been with Fraser, constructed a map
showing the river down which Fraser had
journeyed. Then Thompson himself descended the Columbia from Ketde FaUs to
Astoria and, by comparing longitudes and
latitudes with those noted by Fraser, determined that the two were different rivers.The
fur trade companies reproduced Thompson's
sketches and used them extensively and, even-
tuaUy, in 1849, after being printed in London, the sketches became important in the
opening up of the whole area to immigration and development, with the eventual City
ofVancouver as its centre.
This book is a challenge to read because
of its detaU, but a challenge worth accepting.
Spend time studying the plates, do not scamp
the appendices, read the footnotes with care.
And who worries about the odd speUing error and the overuse of "etc." when the overall rewards are so great?
A Discovery Journal. John E. Roberts.
Private publication. Available from the
author at #3-630 huxley street,victoRIA, B.C.V8Z 3X8. Telephone 250-727-
2282. Price $30.00 + $10.00 postage and
handling.
Reviewed by Robin Inglis
In the aftermath of the peaceful setdement
of the Nootka Controversy in the FaU of
1790, that breached the Spanish claim to sovereignty over the Northwest Coast of
America in Britain's favour, the government
in London sent George Vancouver in command of Discovery and Chatham on a "voyage of discovery to the North Pacific Ocean
and Round the World." He was to meet with
a Spanish commissioner at Nootka on the
west coast ofVancouver Island and to receive
control of Spain's establishment there, but
above all he was to chart the entire coast from
CaUfornia to Alaska to determine if indeed a
Northwest passage actually existed. Prime
Minister WilUam Pitt's administration was
keen to gain as thorough a picture as possible of a still (at least in Europe) largely unknown coast in which imperial manoeuvring
and a frantic maritime fur trade had given it
such a compeUing interest.
Vancouver's detailed and meticulous
charting of one ofthe world's most difficult
and complex coastal regions was a remarkable achievement that went largely unappreciated at the time and is really only now re
ceiving the attention it deserves thanks to
Kaye Lamb's Hakluyt Society edition ofVan-
couver's journal (1984) and the renewed
interest that has attended the bicentennials
of the various voyages that finally put the
long coast of modern-day British Columbia
and Alaska onto the world map. Seemingly
there is Utde credit in disproving maritime
mysteries—in this case the fable of a great
passage from the Pacific to the Adantic—
rather than discovering new, rich or interesting lands, and one has to agree with the
author of A Discovery Journal that Vancouver's
voyage stiU eUcits too little attention in the
larger historical context of British naval exploration and hydrography.
In their first season on the coast, during
the summer of 1792, Vancouver's ships entered Juan de Fuca Strait and, estabUshing
the insularity ofVancouver Island, spent three
months sailing round it to Nootka where
commissioner Juan Francisco de la Bodega y
Quadra was waiting to meet with his British
counterpart. A Discovery Journal provides a
day-to-day account of the activities of that
summer's progress.The author gives us a de-
taUed synopsis ofthe extant documentation
quoting from time to time from the original
sources. Once in Fuca Vancouver instituted
an approach to surveying the fragmented
coasdine that was to be repeated in the two
following years, 1793 and 1794. From a temporary anchorage, for example Discovery Bay
near Port Townsend or Birch Bay near
BelUngham, crews in small boats would set
out from the ships on extended expeditions
to explore inlets such as Puget Sound or
Burrard Inlet, move through channels Uke
Rosario and Johnstone Straits and identify
islands Uke Quadra Island east and north of
Campbell River. Each of these different
launch expeditions and the progress of the
ships themselves is covered simultaneously
by the author, as they took place, with reference given to modern American and Canadian charts.There are also copious notes providing even more detaUed information along
with references to documentary and pubUshed sources. The relevant sections ofVan-
couver's chart are reproduced as necessary
and when, north ofthe San Juan Islands, the
Spaniards Dionisio Alcala Galiano and
Cayetano Valdes enter the picture, detailed
analysis of their activities is provided with
sections ofthe Spanish charts of 1791 and
1792 also being reproduced. We thus get not
only a detaUed account of what happened
and when, but a fascinating glimpse of the
32
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 co-operative spirit that quickly developed
between the two groups of explorers experiencing new lands and waterways so far from
home.
DetaiUng the every move of the major
players who provided the first definitive picture of our local waters is an enormous undertaking, demanding extensive knowledge
ofthe waters themselves, navigation and the
principles of surveying. With this pubUcation Ted Roberts has in effect given us a bird's
eye view of the movement of ships and
launches—a kind of running research note.
There is a vast amount of derail and not many
will read A Discovery Journal as a book per se;
rather it is a work to be dipped into to check
a fact or a position or the activities of a certain part of the coastal survey. It is an exhaustive effort which if only Vancouver enthusiasts may want it in their personal collection, certainly deserves to be in every
major university, coUege and public Ubrary.
A Discovery Journal is prefaced by three
short essays that deal with Vancouver's reputation and legacy, provide a survey ofthe early
exploration ofthe Northwest Coast prior to
1792, and cover some ofthe issues surrounding the voyage such as the brutaUty of naval
Ufe in the Eighteenth century, Vancouver's
"style" as a commander, and his ultimately
disastrous clash with the young and well-connected Thomas Pitt, who came to openly
chaUenge his authority. Here one feels that
Roberts is on famiUar but for him less safe
ground. He is right to stress Vancouver's devotion to duty and adherence to the letter of
the law, but he protests too much in trying
to rationalize Vancouver's shortcomings as a
leader of men which added up to the fact
that Discovery was something less than a model
or happy ship. Vancouver, as has now been
ably demonstrated by medical scholars, was
by no means a weU man throughout the voyage—in fact he was suffering a debUitating
disease that led within a few years to his untimely death. One cannot doubt his personal
courage. However his inordinate use of the
lash, his stupidity in aUowing the Pitt affair
to become a personal trial of strength that
meant that he could win the battles but not
the war, and his outbursts of temper that
bordered on insanity meant that he forfeited
the basic respect of many of his officers and
men. A commander need not expect to be
loved, but a number of men reaUy hatedVan-
couver and the wholesale desertion from his
cause by those who had been close to him
for five years when he needed their support
and recognition for what they had achieved
together cannot easily be explained away.
Another quibble is the author's statement that
before 1792, "...the continental shoreUnehad
remained for most of its length a terra incognita
notably above 48°." This seems to me to dra-
maticaUy shortchange the tangible—if not
weU pubUcized—achievements of the Russians and Spanish, even of La Perouse. Vancouver filled in the details of a coasdine already very weU covered and whose general
oudine was clearly understood by those who
were saUing it by the end of 1791.
But these are minor points about a pubUcation whose clear intent is not to explore
character or the history of the exploration
ofthe Northwest Coast or the Nootka Crisis. Ted Roberts' contribution to our understanding and appreciation ofthe "season of
'92" is a major one, enhanced by a good bibUography and index and notes that are an
invaluable guide to the sources and further
reading. His years with Vancouver, which have
spanned the best part of half a Ufetime, have
long made the author a valued friend to Vancouver scholars and enthusiasts. It is indeed
good news that the fruits of his interest and
hard work have found their way into print
and the pubUc domain, as sadly this is not
always the case with researchers who have
much to pass on to their coUeagues and contemporaries but who lack the tenacity and
maintenance of focus and discipUne that
Roberts has displayed.With A Discovery Journal as a handy guide for our travels with Vancouver in the summer of 1792, we can be
grateful beneficiaries of the author's own
praiseworthy achievement.
"A lovely letter from Cecie": The 1907-
1915 Vancouver Diary and World War I
Letters of Wallace Chambers. John
Graham Gillis. Vancouver and Seattle,
Peanut Butter Publishing, 1998.181 pp.,
illus. Paperback. $19.95.
Reviewed by Adam C. Waldie, M.D.
This deUghtful book is a collage of letters
and diary notes covering seven years in the
Ufe of Wallace Chambers, a young middle-
class gendeman, in Vancouver prior to World
War I. WaUace was a maternal uncle ofthe
author.
The first twenty-five pages of this sUm
volume are 1914-1915 diary entries written
by WaUace Chambers in England and France
describing, in a poetic prose, the stark horrors of war. Interspersed are comments on
nature amidst the cacophony of batde, suggestive of Dr. John McRae, "...and the larks,
stiU bravely singing fly", or of Farley Mowat
in the later war,"...and no birds sang". After
a gap of six months, the diary resumes sporadically, giving a brief account of trench life
as a machine gun officer in the Canadian
Scottish ending when Wallace was killed in
action on July 6, 1915. FoUowing the last
diary notes is a letter to Cecie from Wallace's
good friend and feUowVancouverite, Capt.
Walter P. Kemp, and another from his commanding officer, Capt. WaUace Fergie, both
giving detaUed accounts ofWallace's injuries,
death, and funeral service, all within a matter
of hours. A parcel containing his personal
effects was sent by regular post, but there was
a note of his dying request that his field glasses
be given to the CO. for safe keeping, as they
were a present from Cecie.
"Cecie" of the tide is a shadowy figure.
Litde wonder, since she had returned to her
home in England after meeting WaUace in
Blairmore, Alberta, in 1905, where her father was a mining engineer for a time. After
WaUace's mother died suddenly of a stroke,
he and his sisters set up a home in the heart
ofVancouver where he worked as a clerk for
Evans, Coleman & Evans. For nine years
WaUace courted Cecie by maU but could not
afford to go to visit her overseas. His real
estate investments, mosdy in present-day
KitsUano, did not produce an immediate fortune, and in fact they suffered from the weU-
known depression of 1913, attributed (even
then!) to unrest in the Balkans. WaUace had
been in the reserves in Vancouver, but, though
he apparendy had the opportunity to become
an officer, he could not afford to do so, as
officers stiU had to provide their own uniforms at that time.
The remaining 150 pages consist of scattered quotes and comments about Ufe in the
heart ofVancouver from 1907 to 1913 taken
pardy from diary notes and from family let-
ters.The records of skating, parties, canoe and
saUing trips, visiting musicians, and operatic
performances would indicate some things
have not changed in the hundred years of
Vancouver's Ufe, though skiing is not mentioned. Bicycle outings were very much in
vogue, but the phenomenon ofthe automobile was just emerging. Interestingly, the
church seems to occupy more time in the
life of this group than it would today, but
though there are brief comments about the
quaUty ofthe sermon or the music, one gets
the impression it was more of a social centre
than it would be today.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
33 Despite a busy social, cultural, athletic, and
church Ufe, Wallace's later Vancouver diary
entries indicate an increasing frustration at
being unable to fulfill his dreams of marriage
to Cecie. Fate came to his rescue in a bittersweet way with the outbreak ofWordWar I
on August 4,1914. Wallace was amongst the
first in Vancouver to enUst, and having mustered atValcartier, set saU from Quebec on
September 30th, for Plymouth.
WaUace and Cecie were married in London December 19,1914. FoUowing a short
course in machine gunnery in Kent, he was
sent to France in February. By the end of
AprU he was in the trenches. He was kUled
in action and buried at Armentiers on July 6,
1915. Apart from one letter from a mUitary
hospital in London where she was working,
there is no remaining record of Cecie.
Today, one can hardly imagine a courtship being carried on for nine years by maU,
but obviously it did happen. My own parents, who met briefly in Ontario in 1913,
wrote letters for seven years, became engaged
by mail, and were married when Dad journeyed back across the continent. Likewise a
paternal uncle wrote to his fiancee in Scotland for ten years, then married her the day
she arrived in British Columbia.
Part of the joy of browsing in such an attractive Utde book is trying to decide if the
names of many of the young people mentioned are not actuaUy the forebears of some
of today's weU-known Vancouver famiUes.
There is Uttle problem with distinctive names
like Bell-Irving, Van Roggan, Leckie, and
Townley.The latter is even identified for us
as an architect and presumably the principal
in the firm of Townley and Matheson, who
buUt the City Hall for Mayor Gerry McGeer
in the early 1930s. Others are a Uttle more
speculative.Was the Paymaster ofthe 16th
Btn., Capt. S.V Heakes, related to Air Vice
MarshaU Heakes ofthe RCAF in Word War
II? Was Dr. George Earnest GUUes the same
elderly doctor who was so famiUar in the
Vancouver hospitals into the 1950s?
The author, Dr. Jack GUUs, is a practicing
cardiologist, whose father and uncle were
pioneer doctors in Merritt. He was an occasional consultant for this reviewer. This being a non-medical subject, it may come as a
surprise that he writes with such a pleasant
turn of phrase. Dr. GUUs has skUfidly avoided
the use of too many notes and explanations,
leaving the fragmented text and elegant
typesetting to be an art form in themselves.
Mountie Makers: Putting the CANADIAN in RCMP Robert Gordon Teather.
Surrey.BC: Heritage House, 1997.160 pp.
Photographs. $14.95
Reviewed by Richard J. Lane
With his book about the process of RCMP
training, Robert Gordon Teather provides us
not only with a glimpse in a general sense
into what has been traditionaUy a secretive
institution, but also a glimpse into the past,
since training methods are constandy being
reviewed and where necessary, updated. In
his author's foreword, Teather argues that
We have been made different through the
RCMP training procedure. To outsiders, this
process may appear brutal and tough throughout, but it has worked for over one hundred
years. Times have changed, and it is a shame
indeed that the training that historically was
used to 'make Mounties' is now being tempered—some would say corrupted—by pop
psychology and the confused priorities ofthe
Me Generation.
What would be useful and informative at
some point in Teather's narrative would be
some specific details concerning the modernization of basic training, and some examples of his notion of "pop psychology" to
compare with the past. Such a criticism aside,
Teather's account of basic training, drawn as
he notes on the experiences ofthe different
troops over a six-month period, is compel-
Ung, reveaUng and structured in an interesting way. For the troops are being watched
throughout not only by the narrator and the
reader, but also (without the troop's knowledge), by Corporals Withers and Wheeler.
The latter adds some unexpected twists to
events later on in the book.
Teather presents the reader with a series
of problems that the troops must encounter,
solve and then learn from for more general
appUcation in the field. He shows not only
how the troops are taught to achieve perfection in their duties, but also why their actions may be necessary, and the further im-
pUcations such actions might generate, for
example, with the serious issues involved in
the use of firearms. Behind the particular
events and stories that make up the book Ue
two ever-present notions: that death is always close by (through accident, assault or
self-infliction) and that the hardships the
troops endure must always be put into relation to the heroic courage of "Francois
Labeau" who suffers a serious spinal injury
during a game of the appropriately named
"murder baU.". Labeau becomes determined
not only to complete a basic training that
involves great physical hardship and endurance, but also to graduate with his troop. He
becomes a significant factor in the transition—key to the training process—from "a
troop of individuals" to "an individual troop".
As the book progresses the reader gets to
share the frustrations and accompUshments,
the lows and the highs ofthe training process. Many of the lessons may seem quite
crudely taught by contemporary standards,
but they are effectively taught for a job which
ultimately involves an individual officer confronting at times severe personal danger.
Teather, in lamenting the passing of earUer
techniques of basic training, doesn't explain
how today's RCMP must function within a
more compUcated and "sensitive" society;
needless to say, any modern poUce force must
balance survival techniques with subde skills
of diplomacy. WhUe it is not the role, perhaps, of a historical account of the RCMP
to discuss modern-day poUcing, a sense of
why the RCMP training has been modified
could have been provided to contextuaUze
the fascinating insights Teather has provided.
The Sale-Room; a story written in the hope
of achieving a postponenemt of its own
end. Norman Simmons. 1998.180 pp. photographs. Available from the author at
RR2, Site 52, C-32, Gabriola, B.C. VOR
1X0. $17.50.
Reviewed by Kelsey mcCleod
"On a wet February day toward the end of
the 21st century, an auctioneer pessimistically surveyed his sparsely occupiedVancou-
ver sale-room." From the block, a battered
sUver plated jug with a Uzard-shaped handle
waits for its future to be decided and reminisces about its past. Within this whimsical
framework, Norman Simmons tells the story
of his Ufe, which began in a CouncU house
on"a street at the very eastern edge of greater
London" and continues on a British Columbia island.
As the subtide indicates, Simmons hopes
the book wUl keep memories aUve and preserve treasured objects for another generation. He adds,
"In the meantime, perhaps it holds some
minor historical interest for those interested
in such histories. I also hope that it might
encourage others to leave their own record."
I share his hope, for this Utde book is a remarkable achievement.
34
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 With the same single-minded determination and intelUgence which enabled him
to build a horticultural business in postwar
England, he embarked upon his autobiography. He sought out Uterary and historically
minded mentors, took creative writing classes,
mastered the computer as he had hundreds
of other tools, learned to scan his photographs
and postcards, located and shrewdly assessed
printers, copiers, and binders, made economic
decisions, and produced his book.
Simmons details how things worked —
his mother's washing mangle, a camp oven,
the pipes in his greenhouse — and how places
looked and felt. Every page stimulates the
reader's memories. Oh yes, that's how it was.
I'd better make a note before I forget. And
what did I do with that photo?
Good Morning Quadra: The History of
HMCS Quadra. Suzanne Anderson.
Duncan, Half Acre Publishing, 1997.
171 pp ., illus. Paperback. $16.
Reviewd by Kelsey McLeod
If you are interested in BC's Sea Cadet Training program from any aspect, this book could
be a valuable resource. WhUe limited to
HMCS Quadra, located at Goose Spit,
Comox, it gives a good overaU picture of
cadet training in all its aspects. (There are six
simUar camps, nation-wide!)
1943 was the first year cadets used Goose
Spit. At that time the official name for the
Spit was HMCS Naden (III). The camp served
later as Cadet Camp Comox, and in 1956,
was renamed Quadra, after the Spanish explorer on our coast, Bodega y Quadra. Hundreds of youngsters, aged twelve to nineteen,
get seamanship training at Quadra every summer. There are about two hundred cadet staff
members, officers, and civUians to instruct
them. Boatswain skills, saUing, gunnery, and
music training are all taught, and the programs, gear, and uniforms are free for the
youths attending.
Those famiUar with the programs are convinced that the training is an invaluable asset
to all involved. Though not a recruitment
program for the Armed Forces, it does give
excellent preparation for such, and it is surprising to read that most cadets prefer to join
the Mounties.
There are sixteen chapters in aU, and every
aspect ofthe camp Ufe is covered in minute
detaU, whether it is training, commanding
officers, or how the food supplies were obtained. Parades, band concerts, etc. all get full
treatment.
There are pictures of aU the commanding
officers, the actual camp, parades, etc. The
appendix Usts Memorial Award winners.
WhUe HMCS Quadra is in British Columbia, the cadets come from Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba as well, which wiU
give the book a wider readership.
Anderson has commanded two cadet units,
worked on staff at Quadra, at Pacific Regional
Headquarters, Quadra Easter sea Training and
the regional regatta there. She is currendy a
member of the directing staff at Regional
Cadet Instructor School (Pacific) — excellent qualifications for the writing of this book.
In these days of seeking government grants
for pubUshing, Anderson also deserves credit
and support for self-pubUshing an exceUent
history of western Sea Cadets. If you want a
copy, the address is: Half Acre Publishing,
7311 BeU McKinnon Road, Duncan, B.C.
V9L 3W8.
Raincoast Chronicles 18. ed. by Howard
White and Peter A. Robson. Madeira
Park, Harbour Publishing, 1998. 80 pp.,
illus. $14.95
Reviewed by James P. Delgado
The Raincoast Chronicles are now a British
Columbia institution in their own right.
Unique, reminiscent, discoursive, and pertinent, the Chronicles are a wealth of information about the coast of this remarkable province. In number 18, editors White and
Robson once again provide a variety of
coastal tales that range from reminiscences
to historical retelUng and debate. Reminiscences include Hallvard Dahlie's short but
memorable time at Cape St. James Light in
1941, Michael Skog's interviews with fisherman Hank McBride, Vickie Jensen's remarkably detaUed and contextuaUy weU-
placed recounting ofWorld War II shipbuUd-
ing with Arthur McLaren, and a brief but
chilUng account by Duane Noyes of Mike
Burke's near-death experience in a capsized
self-unloading barge. My favourite, an absolute dehght, is Dick Hammond's account of
a 1919 encounter between Svendson and the
taxman. Historians weigh in with David R.
Conn's history of log barging on the coast,
Ruth Botel's account of Claud Carl Botel,
Northern Vancouver Island pioneer, Douglas Hamilton's well argued discussion that the
Japanese submarine 1-26 reaUy did shoot up
Estevan Point Light in 1942, and Tom Henry
and Ken Dinsley tell the recent (1960s) history of the development of the venerable
submersible Pisces. A worthy addition to the
series, Raincoast Chronicles 18 is a rich, delightful read.
Bowen Island Passenger Ferries. The
Sannie Transportation Company 1921-
1956. Peter D. Ommundsen. N.p., 1997.64
pp. $14.95. Available from Sandhill Book
Marketing,#99 - 1270 Ellis St.,Kelowna,
B.C.V1Y 1Z4.
Reviewed by Gordon Elliott
This short paper-backed history of passenger ferries to Bowen Island from 1920 to
1956 is indeed concise. Its overall 64 pages
include a two-page index, five pages of footnotes, two pages Usting iUustrations, one page
Usting the fleet, 23 pages of pictures, a graph
showing passenger development, a 1928 passenger schedule which shows the fare as 25
cents, and a map of Howe Sound. Apart from
the tide page, the pubUcation details, the table of contents, and a preface, there are 24
pages of text, not every one of them full. All
for $14.95.
Crammed into these few pages is the story
ofthe ferry service to Bowen Island's developing hoUday world.John Cates started it all
with the Terminal Steamship Company and
his resort, which the Union Steamship Company acquired in 1920 and operated until
1962.John H. Brown decided to supplement
the steamer service with the Sannie—named
after an AustraUan race horse which had paid
Brown a hundred to one —, and in 1921
formed the Sannie Transportation Company
which began operating from Horseshoe Bay
to Snug Cove on May 21 of that year.
Through the determination of one of the
original partners, Thomas David White, the
Sannie connections remained until the Black
BaU took over in 1956, its first trip on December 7.
The short informative text should appeal
to many readers.Those interested in dimensions, construction, and design ofthe five Uttle
Sannies which appeared over the years will
be fascinated by the technical details. Those
interested in local, home-grown, grassroots
poUtical activity might learn something from
the persistence ofthe Bowen Island Property Owners Association which was unhappy
with the service and the 1955 fare increase
to 55 cents, or 80 cents return, in spite of
costs for the ferry company having risen fourfold since 1921; the politically alert might
also be interested in the roles of W.A.C.
Bennett and Flying Phil Gaglardi.Those in-
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
35 terested in demographics wiU see the effect
of the North Vancouver Ferry system on
Bowen Island's economy and its ferry service, the building of the Second Narrows
Bridge, the buUding ofthe Pacific Great Eastern Railway, the carving out of a new road
from North Vancouver to Horseshoe Bay, and,
of course, the erecting of the Lions Gate
Bridge. Those interested in the dangers of
success can learn something from the growth
of competition and from the threats of takeovers. The book even contains a reference to
rum-running.
In general, a successful Utde book, even
though a reader might at times wish for some
more humanizing personal information. We
do, however, learn something about the gen-
demanly Tommy White, but a word or two
on the hotel he had owned in Vancouver
could have helped. In addition, although we
know when Tommy White died, his wife
Mary just seems to have disappeared in spite
of her having been a key player; andjudging
from a Utde private research, she seems to
have been even better liked on Bowen than
Tommy himself.Two other books might flesh
out this one a bit: Irene Howard's Bowen Island and Gerald Rushton's Whistle Up the
Inlet.
Women Overseas: Memoirs of the Canadian Red Cross Corps. Editors Frances
Martin Day, Phyllis Spence & Barbara
Ladouceur, Ronsdale Press, 1998,
382 pp. $18.
Reviewed by Naomi Miller
This is a beautifully coordinated coUection
of stories by a few of the 641 Canadian
women who were selected to serve overseas
with the Canadian Red Cross.These writers
opted to go to England to join a father,
brother, fiance or husband as weU as to help
those whose lives were disrupted by war.
Many women gave up good jobs or interrupted university studies to take on overseas
volunteer work that was dangerous and much
more demanding in time and energy than
the paid jobs they left behind them. Corps
members were granted the courtesy of officer's rank but no pay. On out-of-country
duties the Canadian Red Cross provided each
member $5 per week and accommodation:
Otherwise they were self-supporting.
WhUe the memoirs of service in WW II
run paraUel, teUing ofthe volunteer work and
training done here in Canada, the wait for a
drafting to saU—usually in a wartime convoy—to England, and their first leave in Eng
land, the detaUed description of their duties
was amazingly different. Most mentioned
1 .ondon and buzz bombs. AU had a brief stint
of 'general duty" serving or cooking meals,
making beds, sorting and distributing layettes for babies born of Canadian fathers, taking toUetrits to wounded soldiers or writing
letters for the miured.They worked hard and,
in off-duty time, played hard. A camaraderie
developed which continued long after the
return to civUian Ufe.
Each ofthe 31 contributors describes her
particular assignment(s).The chaUenges were
obvious but accepted and overcome. Ambulance driving in blackout conditions with
British vehicles dissimilar to those in Canada
was necessary, exciting and ultimately rewarding. Nurse's aids duties might be with newly
blinded men, prisoners of war, battle-injured
soldiers near the front Unes or convalescent
men awaiting transfer back home. Others
became occupational therapists or welfare
officers. Some were escorts for war brides
and children enroute to new homes in
Canada. A few had the responsibUity of organizing the entire Canadian war-reUef effort in Normandy in the immediate postwar period. Each teUs of what she saw. There
are over 100 iUustrations bringing the stories more vividly to Ufe.
For formal occasions these Red Cross
volunteers were accorded "one pip "miUtary
status which stood them in good stead at
Buckingham Palace or for ceremonies conducted elsewhere.
Those of us who remember the 1940s
picture the attractive, friendly Red Cross
Corps members serving at Maple Leaf Clubs
or canteens. The work described in these
memoirs shows that these young ladies handled many other programs and activities.
Even less known was the role of Canadian
Red Cross workers in the Far East during
and foUowing the Korean War. Women Overseas includes three dramatic reports by social
workers recruited to counsel peacekeepers
in the demiUtarized zone, or to offer marriage counselUng to Japanese girls and their
intended Canadian partners.
Frances Martin Day is an active member
of the Overseas Club in Victoria. (Her tale
commences with the death of her husband
overseas days before she was to saU for England). She was ably assisted in the editing of
this book by PhyUis Spencer and Barbara
Ladouceur, two ladies who edited a companion volume of war bride stories, Blackouts to Bright Lights, reviewed by PhyUs Reeve
inBCHNews,29:l (1995/96):37.
Symposium: Fur Trade Days
on the Lower Fraser
Co-sponsored by the Vancouver Historical
Society, the Vancouver Museum and Fort
Langley National Historic Site. The symposium will discuss the role of First Nations,
women and fur traders in BC history.
20 March 10:30-03:30 at the Vancouver
Museum (free) and continued 3 AprU 10:30-
3:30 at Fort Langley. ContactVancouver Historical Society, Phone 878-9140.
Address/URL: www.vcn.bc.ca/vhs
Site to Mark
If you have not done so you may want to
visit http://virtoria.tc.ca/resources/bchistory.htlm
compUed by David Mattison and "dedicated
to aU historians of British Columbia."
Margaret Ormsby
Scholarship Committee
The Margaret Ormsby Scholarship is
pleased to announce that the essay prizes to
honour Margaret Ormsby are now an annual affair. This year's prize winners included
Dorothy Barenscott at Okanagan University
CoUege, Carol Baird and Teresa Hampel at
the University CoUege ofthe Fraser VaUey,
and Erin Ashbee at Malaspina University
CoUege.
The Committee is still fundraising for
scholarships to encourage the study of BC
history. Tax deductible donations can be sent
to the Margaret Ormsby Scholarship Committee, 1454 Begbie Street, Victoria, B.C.
V8R 1K7.
BC Archives Action
Committee
The B.C. Archives Action Committee is a
group of historians and other archives users
who have gathered together to lobby the
government for adequate funding for British Columbia Archives and ultimately for an
Archives Act that wiU protect historic material in the province. It also provides a voice
for archives users around the province to suggest and respond to changes at the B.C. Archives. This year representatives from the
Committee among other things made a presentation to the Legislative committee reviewing the Freedom of Information and Privacy legislation—asking that the act take into
account the needs of historians. The BCAAC
contact person is John Lutz, History Department, University of Victoria, PO 3045,Victoria, BC, V8W 3P4.
36
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 News and Notes
News items concerning Member and Affiliated Societies and the BC Historical Federation should be sent to:
Naomi Miller, Contributing Editor BC Historical News, PO Box 105, Wasa BC VOB 2K0
Swiss Guides Festival
The Centennial of the Swiss Guides working in the Canadian Rockies wiU be celebrated by ongoing events in 1999.The Canadian Pacific Railway employed certified
mountaineering guides from Switzerland to
hike with guests at their Banff Springs Hotel, Chateau Lake Louise and Glacier House.
In the early years the guides were seasonaUy
employed and returned to Switzerland for
the winter. Commencing in 1909 the men
and their famUies stayed in Canada year round
with duties to care for alpine buUdings by
snow removal and the Uke. By 1912 five of
the guides were installed in Swiss type houses
in "EdelweissVUlage" adjacent to Golden, BC.
This unique community was very much promoted in tourist literature. Retired guide
Walter Feuz purchased aU five houses when
the guiding program was discontinued.These
Swiss gendemen, who hiked or chmbed in
the era when a white shirt and tie was worn
on every outing, Uved to a ripe old age and
left large families (many stiU in or near
Golden).
The Swiss Guides Festival commences at
Chateau Lake Louise on the May long weekend. Displays and activities in Golden commence June 12 and conclude November 13.
For details of programming contact the
Golden Chamber of Commerce at (250)
344-7125 or 1-800-622-4653.
Love's Farmhouse in Burnaby
Burnaby ViUage Museum held an official
opening ofthe restored home of Jesse and
Martha Love on Sunday, November 29,1998.
The house was buUt in 1893 and remained
in the famUy till 1971. It was about to be
torn down in 1988 but the Burnaby Historical Society (under the leadership of the
late Evelyn SaUsbury) acquired the house and
had it moved to their museum property.Jesse
and Martha Love had eleven chUdren. The
rededication of their residence was the occasion for a family reunion of Love descendants. One hundred and sixty five family members assembled that day. They came from
CaUfornia,Washington and from across BC—
Merritt, Horsefly, Nanaimo, and the Lower
Mainland.
This large farmhouse, restored to its 1925
appearance, is a very special addition to the
Burnaby Museum complex.
Japanese Canadians in WW I
On November 11, 1998, a large crowd assembled at the Japanese Canadian War Me- •
morial in Stanley Park. As weU as veterans—
Japanese Canadian citizens—there was representation from Vancouver City CouncU,
Vancouver Parks Board and Vancouver PoUce with its five-man PoUce Mounted Squad.
Of special interest this year was the unveU-
ing of a plaque with names previously omitted in the Usting of Japanese Canadians who
served in World War I.The names were added
thanks to an astonishing paper odyssey of
Major Roy Kamamoto, Canadian Armed
Forces, retired, now Uving in Kelowna. To
find those names Kamamoto spent 3,500
hours to check 660,000 pieces of paper in
some previously sealed records opened by
the National Archives in 1995.—
Medals for Sidney, BC
To honour one of Sidney's earUer citizens
Mayor Don Amos arranged a very thought
provoking display. He assembled a coUection
of medals, including aU Victoria Crosses,
awarded to British Columbia servicemen.
FamUy members attended. Each winner was
described, or introduced if still aUve, at an
assembly on November 11th.
The late Cyrus Wesley Peck.VC, DSO
and Bar, served with the Canadian Scottish
Regiment in WW I and was a hero at Vimy
Ridge. On returning to civiUan life he became an MLA, founding a ferry service between Salt Spring Island and Victoria, mainly
for island farmers to get their produce to
Victoria. The ferry was christened the Cy
Peck. He also convinced Ottawa to buUd a
new Post Office in Sidney in the midst of
the depression.The media of his era described
Peck as "the most popular man in Western
Canada". Mayor Don Amos undertook to
reintroduce the memory of this man to
present-day citizens of Sidney.
Halcyon: A Phoenix Rising
Halcyon Hot Springs, on the north eastern
shore of Arrow Lake, was discovered and
purchased in 1890. A series of owners operated a health spa from 1893 onward.
Retired Surgeon-General Frederick
Burnham operated this health resort from
1924 to 1955, when he lost his life in the fire
that consumed the hotel building. Tourists
traveUed to this spa on the SS Minto or other
lake steamers.
New owners of that attractive site are currendy buUding resort facUities. Today's trav-
eUer can access the property right beside
Highway #23 between Galena Bay and
Nakusp. MUton Parent of Nakusp is preparing a history of Halcyon Resort.
5 th Fraser River History
Conference
This popular faU gathering is to be staged in
LiUooet on October 1 to 3,1999.The manager of HistoricYale, Blake MacKenzie, does
the planning. He is looking for speakers willing to present Fraser River stories and information in sessions of 45-60 minutes. If you
would Uke to be a presenter or to obtain a
registration packet contact: Fraser River History Conference, Box 1965, Hope, BCV0X
1L0 Phone (604) 869-5630 Email
prospect@uniserve. com
CAIN Enabled-AABC/ASA
The Archives Association of BC and the Archives Society of Alberta wiU converge on
Revelstoke between 14 and 17 AprU, 1999.
Sessions have been organized on current issues in the management of aboriginal archives
and the progress and future ofthe Canadian
Archival Information Network (CAIN).
Topics ofthe workshops include "Introduction to Archives for Museums, " and "Copyright". Interested? Please contact AABC
Vice PresidentKeUy Stewart at (604) 661-
6889 for detaUs. Registration deadUne March
12. 1999
Revelstoke celebrates its 100th birthday,
this year. The Revelstoke Historical Society
and the Revelstoke Railway Museum made
local arrangements.
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
37 Federation News
Naomi Miller.. .resting after a job well done
In righthand column from the top
down: 1) Peter batching and bundling
journals, 2) Naomi writing postal information 3) Piled batches 4) Naomi and Peter
stuffing mail sacks.
In December, Joel Vinge, Subscription
Secretary, witnessed the last time the
journal was prepared for mailing in Wasa.
He took the photographs shown on this
page and wrote this account ofthe work
done by the Millers to get the journal out
on time, as usual.
This and future issues of the journal will
be mailed commercially from Vancouver,
using quite sophisticated modern technology. Not that the new Editor can relax.
Desktop publication technology allows
him to add design and layout of the journal to his editing work. The journal
reaches the printer ready for printing
and binding.
The Extraordinary
Volunteers from Wasa
Over the past WA. years Editor Naomi,
and Peter MUler, "Coordinator of MaU-
ing," have developed a complex routine
to produce and distribute BC Historical
News. As Naomi's role as editor is celebrated elsewhere in this issue the following wUl provide a condensed view
ofthe steps required to maU the journal.
After finalizing the content of the
journal and after much communication
on many occasions with the printer the
journal is ready to be picked up.
Naomi and Peter prepare their truck
by loading a tarp in case it rains or snows,
then drive the 45 kms to Cranbrook to
pick up the journals. They pick up 22
cartons, weighing 35 to 40 lbs. each, containing over 1200 journals, from the
printer.Then they stop at the post office
to pick up 75 maU sacks. Once they get
home they lug the cartons of journals
and the maU sacks into their house to
occupy their Uving and dining room.
The journals are then prepared for
maUing. Labels, which are sorted by
postal codes, are individuaUy affixed to
each of the journals. The journals are
carefuUy sorted by postal code and subcodes and bundled into batches, and each
batch is labeUed with precise postal code
information.These batched journals are
then pUed in orderly pUes throughout
their living room. When this phase is
complete, Naomi and Peter together stuff
the bundled journals into the sacks and
fasten the identifying labels. Then they
lug the loaded sacks down to the front
door.This time there were 72—an average.
The sacks are loaded onto the truck,
covered with the tarp, and taken to the
post office in Cranbrook, to be maUed.
This effort, as usual, has taken almost
three fuU days.
This time, it was the last time.
Thank you, Naomi and Peter!
38
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 British Columbia Heritage Award conferred to Naomi Miller
Just in time for publication we received the
happy news that Naomi Miller,former Editor of BC Historical News, will receive this
year's British Columbia Heritage Award.
The award is conferred annually by the
Minister responsible for culture in the
province of British Columbia. On February
16, during Heritage Week, Naomi will be
presented a special recognition plaque at
a public meeting at the Parliament Buildings in Victoria.
Nominations for the Award are reviewed
and selected by the British Columbia Heritage TrustThe executive ofthe British Columbia Federation submitted Naomi Miller's name for the British Columbia Heritage Award. Alice Glanville, Federation's Past
President, prepared a document for this
submission, reviewing Naomi's many contributions to preservation and promotion
of our heritage and history. A transcript of
Ms. Glanville's text is on the right.
With the BC Heritage Award comes an endowment of $10,000 from the provincial
government to a heritage-related nonprofit organization of the recipient's
choice. Naomi plans to assign the endowment to the maintenance of SS Moyie, the
100 year old sternwheeler berthed in
Kaslo, in recognition ofthe remarkable
work ofthe Kootenay Lake Historical
Society to raise funds, and oversee
stabilization, preservation and
restoration of what is today a National
Historic Site and a BC Landmark.
The executive of the BC Historical Federation would Uke to submit the name of Naomi MUler
for the British Columbia Heritage
Award.
Born in Kaslo in 1927, she graduated
from the University of British Columbia in 1951 with a Bachelor of Science
degree in Nursing.
From 1961-1986, she held positions
at many levels in Girl Guides of Canada
and was given Honourary Life Membership in 1981.
Her efforts in promoting heritage
conservation and awareness are many and
varied. She joined the Golden and District Historical Society in 1968. In 1983
she and her husband received the first
Award of Merit from the BC Museums
Association for "the buUding, development and presentation ofthe Golden &
District Museum."
1986-1988 President of East Kootenay Historical Association and President
of British Columbia Historical Federation
From 1986 on, she lobbied for the
preservation of the WUd Horse Gold-
rush Site. She conducted tours of the
WUd Horse area for international students.
From 1986 to 1988 she gave lectures
on local history to Elderhostel groups at
East Kootenay Community CoUege.
1987 -1990 Charter Director of
Friends of Fort Steele Society. She
worked on a volunteer pUot project to
index Fort Steele's 1890s newspaper.
During the summer session weekly duties at Fort Steele Heritage Town included that of interpreter. She planned
and led bus tours for East Kootenay Historical Association with a commentary
en route.
In 1983, under the sponsorship ofthe
BC Historical Federation, she formulated and conducted the Writing Competition for BC books. The books can
be on any facet of BC history and must
contribute significantly to the recorded
history of British Columbia. With the
winner receiving the Lieutenant Governor's medal and a money prize, this
competition has generated considerable
interest.
In 1985 she estabUshed the BC Historical Federation Scholarship which is
given annuaUy to a coUege or university
student who submits the best essay related to BC history.This essay and other
worthy submissions are pubUshed in the
BC Historical News.
From 1988 she has been editor of BC
Historical News, a volunteer position
which requires considerable time and
expertise. She has continued the high
standards for this publication and has
reached out to aU parts of the province
for submissions. She will retire from the
editorship in January 1999, but wiU continue to review news and notes from the
various provincial societies.
In 1992 she became a member ofthe
BC Advisory Council to the Minister
and served from its inception to its dissolution.
From 1993 to 1996 she was a member of the BC Heritage Trust.
In 1995 she was granted a Honourary
Life Membership in the BC Historical
Federation.
Besides writing articles for BC Historical News, she and Wayne Norton edited the book The Forgotten Side of the
Border: British Columbia's Elk Valley and
Crowsnest Pass.
As members of the BC Historical
Federation, we reaUze the important role
Naomi has played in the organization. It
is largely through her efforts that the
Federation has generated interest
throughout the Interior. She has also
encouraged the amateur historian to play
a greater role. AU of this she has done as
a true volunteer, often at considerable
personal expense.
Alice E. GlanviUe
Past President
BC Historical Federation
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999
39 Conference '99 in Merritt
The Nicola Valley Museum Archives
Association welcomes aU history buffs
to the BC Historical Federation Conference from AprU 29 to May 2,1999.
Deadline for registration is AprU 5th.
Thursday afternoon and evening, the
Museum wiU be open for viewing, with
a wine-and-cheese social held in the
Senior Citizens Centre (in the same
buUding) from 7 to 10 p.m.
Friday, a bus tour includes visits to a
faUow deer farm, the Upper Nicola
Ranch, historic Murray United Church,
cemeteries, QuUchena Ranch where
ranching of 100 years ago is demonstrated. Lunch wUl be at the QuUchena
Hotel where most ofthe plumbing and
heating is original Edwardian style. After a catered supper in Merrit there wUl
be evening entertainment at the Civic
Centre.
Saturday morning, the Annual General Meeting wUl take place, foUowed by
a catered lunch.Then the afternoon bus
tour goes to the large Highland VaUey
Copper Mine. Please wear comfortable
clothing and good walking shoes. Anyone not going on the bus can arrange a
walking tour with lunch at the historic
BaiUie House.
The Awards Banquet features presentations and speaker Wendy Wickwire on
the Thompson Indians.
Sunday morning, a pancake breakfast
is on the agenda for visitors prior to leaving the host community.
Registration forms with details of a
variety of accommodations are avaUable
from the secretary of your local historical society or may be requested from:
Bette Sulz or Barbara Watson, PO Box
1262, Merritt, BC V1K 1B8
Phone or fax (250) 378-4145.
Prices have been set as foUows:
FuU Conference $115
Friday or Saturday only $60
Banquet only $30
For those reluctant to drive, Greyhound
offers seven buses per day between
Merritt andVancouver.
BCHF Seeks A New Recording Secretary
Get weU soon, George! Our current
volunteer R.George Thomson has been
having medical problems since our September CouncU meeting. He regrets any
inconvenience created but wUl be forced
to retire.
Is there someone who is wiUing to
volunteer to assume the duties of recording secretary for five meetings per year?
Three of those meetings are on Conference weekend. Please contact President
Ron Welwood or Corresponding Secretary Arnold Rannaris.Their addresses,
phone and fax numbers are shown inside the front cover.
BC Archives Photos
Considering that the BC Historical Federation, via the BC Historical News, is a
major player in the dissemination of historical information, the BC Archives has
kindly offered to provide annuaUy up to
a dozen prints of their photographs and
paintings, drawings and prints coUection
at no charge to BC Historical News. A
maximum of four cover photos and two
inside illustrations per issue wiU be provided free of charge, to be used solely as
Ulustrations in the News, on order ofthe
Editor only. Authors submitting manuscripts for pubUcation, and wishing to
use Ulustrations from the BC Archives
coUection, are requested to provide the
appropriate registration numbers to allow us to order the Ulustrations, at no
charge, under this agreement.
We accepted this offer with many thanks.
The Good and the Bad
To make a long story very short: the
good news is that Members of our Member Societies wUl continue to enjoy a
reduced subscription rate for BC Historical News. The bad news is, because of
substantiaUy higher mailing rates, we had
to increase our subscription rates from
$12 to $15 for individual subscriptions,
including those of members of affiUated
groups. Institutional subscriptions have
increased to $20. These increases wiU
apply as from January of this year.
MANUSCRIPTS FOR PUBLICATION
in BC Historical News
should be sent to the editor.
Submissions, not to exceed 3500 words,
SHOULD BE DOUBLE SPACED. It WOULD BE
appreciated if authors could also send
us their manuscripts on diskette or as
an email attachment.
Illustrations are welcome and should
be accompanied by captions, precise
source information, registration
numbers where applicable, and permisSION FOR PUBLICATION. If POSSIBLE PROVIDE
ORIGINAL PHOTOS OR DIGITAL IMAGES, FOR
THE BEST REPRODUCTION RESULTS.
British Columbia Historical Federadon
SCHOLARSHIP 1998-1999
The British Columbia Historical
Federation annually awards a $500
scholarship to a student completing
third or fourth year at a british
Columbia college or university.
To apply for the scholarship, candidates
must submit:
1. A letter of appUcation.
2. An essay of 1500-3000 words on a topic
relating to the history of British Columbia.
The essay must be suitable for pubUcation,
in British Columbia Historical News.
3. A professor's letter of recommendation.
Applications should be submitted
before May 15,1999
Send submissions to:
Frances Gundry
Chair, B.C. Historical Federation
Scholarship Committee
255 Niagara Street
Victoria BC    V8V 1G4
(250) 385-6353 (home)
(250) 387-3623 (work)
frances. gundry@gems3. gov.bc. ca
Since the winning essay wiU, and other
selected submissions may be pubUshed in
British Columbia Historical News, all
applicants should be prepared to send us
a copy of the essay on diskette—any
format or program is acceptable.
40
BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SPRING 1999 British Columbia Historical Federation
PO Box 5254, Station B., Victoria BC V8R 6N4
A charitable society under the income tax act
Executive
Honorary Patron
His Honour, the Honorable Garde B. Gardom, Q.C.
Honorary President
Len McCann, Vancouver Maritime Museum
Officers
President: Ron Welwood
R.R. # 1, S-22 C-i, Nelson BC ViL 5P4
Phone (250) 825-474.3    welwood@netidea.com
First Vice President:Wayne Desrochers
#2 - 6712 Baker Road, Delta BC V4E 2V3
Phone (604) 599-4206   Fax. (604)507-4202
Second Vice President: Melva Dwyer
2976 McBride Ave., Surrey BC V4A 3G6
Phone (604) 535-3041
Secretary: Arnold Ranneris
1898 Quamichan Street,Victoria BC V8S 2B9
Phone (250) 598-3035
Recording Secretary: R. George Thomson
#19-141 East 5TH Avenue, Qualicum Beach BC V9K 1N5
Phone (250) 752-8861
Treasurer: Ron Greene
PO Box i35i,Victoria BC V8W 2W7
Phone (250) 598-1835    Fax (250) 598-5539    pdgreen@pinc.com
Member at Large: Roy J.V. Pallant
1541 Merlynn Crescent, North Vancouver BC V7J 2X9
Phone (604) 986-8969
Member at Large: Bjobert J. Cathro
R.R. #1, Box U-39, Bowen Island BC VoN 1G0
Phone (604) 947-0038
Past President: Alice Glanville
Box 746, Grand Forks BC VoH 1H0
Phone(25o) 442-3865    aglanvil@powerlink.com
Committee Officers
Archivist: Margaret Stoneberg
Box 687, Princeton BC VoX 1W0
Phone (250) 295-3362
Membership Secretary: Nancy Peter
#7 - 5400 Patterson Avenue, Burnaby BC V5H 2M5
Phone (604) 437-6115
Historical Trails and Markers: John Sptctle
1241 Mount Crown Road, North Vancouver BC V7R 1R9
Phone (604) 988-4565
Scholarship (Essay) Committee: Frances Gundry
255 Niagara Street,Victoria BC V8V 1G4
Phone (250) 385-635     frances.gundry@gems3.gov.bc.ca
Publications Assistance: Nancy Stuart-Stubbs
2651 York Avenue,Vancouver BC V6K 1E6
Phone (604) 738-5132
Writing Competition—Lieutenant Governor's Award:
Shirley Cuthbertson
#306 - 255 Belleville Street,Victoria BC V8V 4T9
Phone (250) 382-0288 Fax (250) 387-5360
British Columbia Historical News
Publishing Committee see column on right side
British Columbia Historical News
Journal of the B.C. Historical Federation
Published Winter, Spring, Summer and Fall
Editor: Fred Braches
PO Box 130
Whonnock BC, V2W 1V9
Phone (604) 462-8942
braches@netcom. ca
Book Review Editor
Anne Yandle
3450 West 20™ Avenue
Vancouver BC, V6S 1E4
Phone (604) 733-6484
yandle@interchange. ubc. CA
Contributing Editor
Naomi Miller
Box 105
Wasa BC VoB 2K0
Phone (250) 422-3594
Fax (250) 422-3244
Subscription Secretary
JoelVinge
R.R.#2,S-i3C-6o,
Cranbrook BC ViC 3H3
Phone (250) 489-2490
nisse@bc,sympatico.ca
Treasurer BCHN
June de Groot
SSi Site 17-55
Cranbrook BC V1C4H4
Phone (250) 426-8817
gertanius@cyberlink.bc.ca
Publishing Committee
Tony Farr
125 Castle Cross Road,
Saltspring Island   BC V8K 2G1
Phone (250) 537-1123
Please send correspondence regarding
subscriptions to the Subscription Secretary
Membership fees
Members of Member Societies      j 12.00 per year
Members of Affiliated Groups     j 15.00 per year
Individuals (non-member)     j 15.00 per year
Institutional Subscriptions J20.00 per year
For addresses outside Canada:
add s 5.00 per year
This publication is indexed in the Canadian Index,
published by Micromedia, and in the Canadian
Periodical Index. Back issues of British Columbia
Historical News are available in microform from:
Micromedia Ltd. 20 Victoria Street,
Toronto ON   M5C 2N8T0LL Free 1-800-3872689
ISSN 1195-8294
Production Mail Registration Number 1245716
The British Columbia Heritage Trust  has
provided financial assistance to this projecc co
support conservation of our heritage resources, gain
further knowledge and increase public understanding
of the complete history of British Columbia.
Visit our website: http://www.selkirk.bc.ca/bchf/mainl.htm Return Address:
British Columbia Historical News
JoelVinge, Subscription Secretary
RR#2 S-13C-60
Cranbrook,  BC    VIC 4H3
Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 1245716
BC Historical News welcomes
manuscripts dealing with the history
of British Columbia and British
Columbians.
Please submit stories or essays on any
aspect ofthe rich past of our
province to: The Editor BCHNews,
Fred Braches,
POBox 130       »
Whonnock BC V2W 1V9
Phone: (604) 462-8942
Email: braches@netcom.ca
Contributing Editor Naomi Miller
PO Box 105,Wasa,BCVOB 2K0
welcomes news items.
Phone: (250) 422-3594
Fax: (250) 422-3244
Send books for review and book
reviews direcdy to the Book Review
Editor, Anne Yandle
3450 West 20th Avenue
Vancouver BCV6S 1E4
Phone: (604) 733-6484
Email: yandle@interchange.ubc.ca
Please send correpondence about
subscriptions to the Subscription
Secretary, Joel Vinge
RR#2 S-13 C-60
Cranbrook BC ViC 4H3
Phone: (250) 489-2490
Email: nisse@bc.sympatico.ca
bc historical
Federation
writing competition
The British Columbia Historical Federation invites submissions of books for -
the seventeenth annual Competition for Writers of BC History.
Note that reprints or revisions of books are not eligible.
Any book presenting any facet of BC history, published in 1999, is eligible.
This may be a community history, biography, record of a project or an
organization, or personal recollections giving a glimpse ofthe past. Names,
dates and places, with relevant maps or pictures, turn a story into "history."
The judges are looking for quality presentations, especially if fresh material is
included, with appropriate illustrations, careful proofreading, an adequate.
index, table of contents and bibUography, from first-time writers as well as
established authors.
The Lieutenant Governor's Medal for Historical Writing will be awarded to
an individual writer whose book contributes significandy to the recorded
history of British Columbia. Other awards will be made as recommended
by the judges to valuable books prepared by groups or individuals.
All entries receive considerable publicity. Winners will receive a Certificate of
Merit, a monetary award and an invitation to the BCHF annual conference to be held in Port Alberni in May 2000.
SUBMISSION REQUIREMENTS: All books must have been pubUshed
in 1999 and should be submitted as soon as possible after pubUcation. Two
copies of each book should be submitted. Books entered become property
ofthe BC Historical Federation. Please state name, address and telephone
number of sender, the selUng price of aU editions ofthe book, and, if the
reader has to shop by mail, the address from which it may be purchased,
including appUcable shipping and handUng costs.
SEND TO:  BC Historical Federation Writing Competition
c/o Shirley Cuthbertson
#306-225 BelleviUe Street Victoria BC    V8V 4T9
DEADLINE: December 31,1999

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