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British Columbia Historical Quarterly Jul 31, 1955

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 THE
BRITISH
COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
JULY-OCTOBER, 1955 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Published by the Archives of British Columbia
in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
EDITOR
Willard E. Ireland,
Provincial Archives, Victoria.
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor.
Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings,
Victoria, B.C. Price, 50tf the copy, or $2 the year. Members of the British
Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the Quarterly without
further charge.
Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical Association
assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. BRITISH COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
"Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. XIX Victoria, B.C., July-October, 1955 Nos. 3 and 4
CONTENTS
Page
Henry Press Wright: First Archdeacon of Columbia.
By Donald H. Simpson     123
Harry Guillod's Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862.
Edited, with an introduction and notes, by Dorothy Blakey Smith..  187
Notes and Comments:
British Columbia Historical Association  233
Okanagan Historical Society  237
Rossland Historical Museum Association  239
Plaque to Commemorate the Birthplace of Emily Carr  239
Contributors to This Issue  241
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Flatt: The History of the 6th Field Company, R.C.E., 1939-1945.
By R. H. Roy  243
de Kiewiet and Underhill:   The Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence,
1874-1878.
By John T. Saywell      244
Stanley: In Search of the Magnetic North.
By R. H. Roy  246 (Photo courtesy Gernsheim Collection, London.)
Henry Press Wright. HENRY PRESS WRIGHT:   FIRST ARCHDEACON
OF COLUMBIA
Among the notable clergymen who served the Diocese of Columbia
in its pioneer days, few had as varied a career or as forceful a personality as Henry Press Wright, first Archdeacon of Columbia and later
Archdeacon of Vancouver Island. Some of his descendants still live
in the Province whose great future he foresaw and proclaimed, but he
himself has been unjustly neglected in the work of historians and biographers.1
He was born in India on December 9, 1816, and his early years
were spent with the 59th Regiment, of which his father, Captain John
Wright, was Paymaster.2 He commented, when an elderly man: " In
days long past, as a boy, I longed for adventure and travel."3 His circumstances encouraged this very natural ambition, for not only did he
travel with his father's regiment in the east, but one of his brothers was
an officer in the regiment, and another served in eastern seas: Lieutenant E. D. Wright was wounded when leading the forlorn hope at
the taking of Bhurtpore in 1826, and Captain C. M. M. Wright, R.N.,
(1) I would like to thank all those whose co-operation, as indicated in footnotes, has made this article possible. The Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel has given permission to consult and quote from documents in its Archives
and books in its Library, and its staff have been unfailingly helpful. The Rev.
L. E. M. Claxton, the Rev. R. W. Tyler, several of Archdeacon Wright's descendants, and officials of the War Office Library, Public Record Office, and British
Columbia Archives have also given considerable assistance.
(2) Captain Wright's name appears on his son's marriage certificate, and his
service, commencing on October 31, 1799, is recorded in the Army List, October,
1829, p. 37. According to Manuscript Location Returns in the War Office
Library the 59th Regiment was in the East from 1806 to 1829, being based in
Bengal from 1815. H.P.W.'s date of birth has not been traced in any register,
and that given is derived from the retirement of Army Chaplains at the age of 60;
in his case this was on December 9,1876.   See also note 260.
(3) Portsmouth Times, May 8, 1877.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 3 and 4.
123 124 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
took part in such actions as the attack on the pirate stronghold of
Ras-al-Khyma in the Persian Gulf, where he was wounded, in 1819,
and in similar operations in the Straits of Malacca in 1832.4
The 59th Regiment returned to England early in 1829. On October 24 Captain Wright died at Weedon.5 Details of Henry's early education have not survived, but in 1833 he entered the newly estabUshed
University of Durham. This university was primarily designed for
those preparing for the ministry of the Church of England; it therefore
seems likely that his future career had been decided by that time.6
The Divinity Lecturer there was the distinguished theologian, the Rev.
Hugh James Rose, whom he later described as " a leader in everything
high and heavenly . . . one from whose lips it was my privilege to
receive many a learned lesson."7 His progress at the university was
satisfactory, and in 1836 he was awarded the University Essay Prize.8
Perhaps the most significant aspect of his years at Durham, however,
was the beginning of his friendship with George Hills, a man of his
own age who was to have a profound effect on his life.9 Another friend
was James Skinner, two years his junior, whose erratic and rather un-
(4) Wright, Portsmouth, p. 93. (H.P.W.'s books are cited in these footnotes
by short titles, as indicated in the list of his works at the end of this article.) He
had a sister Sophia (Mrs. Wroughton); G. A. Wright, B.C.S., and Capt. W. B.
Wright, B.C.S., to whom he erected memorial windows at Greatham, may also
have been brothers.
(5) Army List, November, 1829, p. 83. It is not clear if H.P.W. came home
earlier than this, but references in Church in Army, p. 2, and Crimean Chaplain,
p. 24, suggest that he spent some years in India.
(6) Registrar of Durham University to author, April 5, 1955. He signed the
Matriculation Register in that year, but there is no other record of him at Durham.
(7) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 52-53. Hugh James Rose (1795-1838) was
ordained in 1818 and soon attained a high reputation as scholar, writer, and
preacher; he was a friend of most of the leading Tractarians. In 1833 he was
appointed to the Chair of Divinity at Durham, but ill health compelled his resignation after only a few lectures.
(8) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362.
(9) O. R. Rowley, The Anglican Episcopate of Canada and Newfoundland,
London, 1928, p. 37. In 1878 H.P.W. referred to " my old friend of 50 years
standing," so their acquaintance may have begun earlier. George Hills (1816-
1895) was ordained in 1840; in 1841 he became a Curate at Leeds and in 1846
incumbent of St. Mary's. From 1848 to 1859 he was Vicar of Great Yarmouth,
and Bishop of Columbia from 1859 until his resignation in 1892. 1955 Henry Press Wright 125
studious disposition gave little hint of his later eminence as scholar and
divine.10
In 1836 Henry Wright moved to Peterhouse, Cambridge, where he
was admitted on October 1; he obtained a Gisborne Scholarship in
1838, and was Classics Prizeman.11 Two years later he was rusticated
for twelve months,12 but employed part of that time in translating six
lectures by Bishop Luscombe and writing a long historical introduction.
The Church of Rome, compared with the Bible, the Fathers of the
Church, and the Church of England was published in 1841,13 and he
proceeded to a B.A. the next year.
Ordained Deacon by the Bishop of Bath and Wells in 1841, with
a tide to the curacy of Croscombe in Somerset, Henry Wright spent
two years in this beautiful village below the slope of the Mendips, with
its mediaeval church furnished with a profusion of Jacobean carved
oak. His ordination to the priesthood by the Bishop of Gloucester
and Bristol took place in 1842; the following year he was appointed
one of the three curates of Frome Selwood, but on April 27 returned
to Croscombe for his marriage to Anne, eldest daughter of Isaac Nalder,
a silk manufacturer in the neighbouring hamlet of Darshill.14
St. Peter's, Frome Selwood, the parish church of a market town of
over 10,000 inhabitants, was built on the site of a church founded in
(10) Maria Trench, James Skinner; a Memoir . . . , London, 1883, pp.
11-12 (note by H.P.W.). James Skinner (1818-1881) was a foundation scholar
of Durham University in 1833 and eventually became a Fellow. He was ordained
in 1841, and from 1846 to 1850 was Officiating Chaplain at Corfu. Bad health
limited his activities for the rest of his life, but he wrote a number of theological
works and hymns, and was a pioneer of the English Church Union.
(11) T. A. Walker, Admissions to Peterhouse 1615-1911, Cambridge, 1912,
p. 456. His mother was then living at 16 Marshall Place, Perth. His tutor was
Mr. Hind, M.A.
(12) Professor H. Butterfield to author, November 21, 1955. It is recorded
that on " 3 February 1840 it was agreed at a meeting of the Master and Fellows
that H. P. Wright be required to leave the University until 13th of January 1841,"
but no reason is given.
(13) According to the preface, he had read this attempt to explain the position
of the Church of England to the French, while in France in the summer of 1839.
Bishop Luscombe, British Embassy Chaplain in Paris, had the oversight of British
congregations on the Continent.
(14) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362; J. A. Venn, Alumni Can-
tabrigienses, 2nd series, VI, Cambridge, 1954, p. 593; Certificate of H.P.W.*s
marriage, of which a copy is in the author's possession. His M.A. dates from
1861, when he went to British Columbia. 126 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
Saxon times by St. Adhelm; Bishop Ken was buried near its walls.
After a year there, Mr. Wright moved to a vastly different parish as
Curate of Guiseley, a busy manufacturing town in the West Riding of
Yorkshire which had sprung up round what was once a quiet village.15
When he left, the esteem he had gained was shown by the presentation
of a beautiful little travelling communion set in a cone-shaped case.
The chalice was inscribed: " Presented by the teachers of the Guiseley
Sunday Schools as a token of love to their clergyman, the Revd. H. P.
Wright B.A., Easter 1845." It was indeed a suitable gift for one who
was to travel so many thousands of miles as a military chaplain and
missionary.16
His new appointment was as Perpetual Curate of St. Mary's, Quarry
Hill, Leeds.17 This was in the gift of Dr. Hook, Vicar of Leeds, one
of the outstanding parish priests of the nineteenth century, who was
doing much to counter the spiritual desolation of the great manufacturing city.18 It was said that he never made an error of judgment in
selecting clergy for work in the city or for his staff of curates, and many
men who later attained eminence in the Church began under his supervision.19   One of his curates at this time was the Rev. George Hills.20
Though Mr. Wright now had an independent charge, with a curate
to assist him, his stipend was miserably low and the work most arduous.
He later wrote:—
In the year 1845 I became incumbent of a manufacturing district, containing
17,000 operatives. Of necessity thousands of the people were never seen by myself or curate, and every street possessed its haunts of vice and blasphemy. It
seemed, however, that this overwhelming population was not sufficiently oppressive; for, shortly after my induction, I received a War Office letter, addressed to
me as the officiating chaplain in charge of a regiment of foot, a troop of horse
artillery, and a troop of cavalry. The endowment of my living being only 68/ 5s.,
I was glad to receive an additional 20/ a year for the troops, and I felt justified in
taking the money, inasmuch as, every Sunday, I accommodated in my church sev-
(15) J. A. Venn, loc. cit.
(16) Mrs. K. Mitchell (H.P.W.'s granddaughter), who now owns this gift, to
author, March 8, 1955.
(17) Clergy List, 1846, p. 258.
(18) Walter Farquhar Hook (1798-1875) was ordained in 1821. His strong
personality soon made its mark, and in 1837 he became Vicar of Leeds, a city with
a population of 123,000 and totally inadequate religious provision. He succeeded
in dividing the parish into smaller districts with their own parish churches. In
1859 he became Dean of Chichester, and died in that office.
(19) D. W. Duthie, A Bishop in the Rough, London, 1909, p. xi.
(20) Rowley, The Anglican Episcopate, p. 37. 1955 Henry Press Wright 127
eral hundred soldiers, and, during the week, visited the sick in hospital, and superintended the military school. I need scarcely observe, that, all I could do, under
the circumstances, was unworthy the name of spiritual care; the minds and
souls of men, who of all others required my special attention, were of necessity
neglected. As to church parade, it was literally hated by the troops: they had to
march, nearly a mile, through streets crowded with a noisy rabble, and then, after
divine service, to return under the same escort.21
This miUtary duty, however, was the means of introducing Mr.
Wright to the main sphere of his clerical life. At that time the religious
care of the army had devolved, through years of neglect and parsimony, on four commissioned chaplains, all elderly, and a number of
officiating clergy, who in most cases had civil duties as well and did
not regard the army as their career.22 In April, 1844, a new Principal
Chaplain, the Rev. G. R. Gleig, had taken over the direction of the
Chaplains' Department, and was already laying the foundation of knowledge that was to result in its complete transformation.23
Mr. Gleig was gravely concerned at the evils arising from expecting overworked clergy such as Mr. Wright to give adequate service to
the troops for an additional pittance, and in 1845 he introduced a
scheme for soldier curates, at a stipend of £75 per annum, who would
make attendance on the troops their main concern, and thus take a
greater interest in the work than was possible under the existing
scheme.24 Mr. Wright was given this appointment for Leeds in the
autumn of that year.25
He did not lose his connection with general parish Ufe, however,
and in 1846 was first editor of a new pubUcation, the Church Sunday
School Magazine, which contained such items as a serial, Piety and
Prosperity, notes on Scriptural geography, paragraphs on the meaning
of Holy Days, and accounts of overseas missions.26
His stay at Leeds was not a long one. Mr. Gleig had obviously
marked him as a suitable man for fuU-time military service, and when
(21) Wright, England's Duty, pp. 3-4.
(22) Journal of the Royal Army Chaplains' Department (hereafter cited as
J.R.A.C.D.), in, p. 519; IV, pp. 34-42.
(23) George Robert Gleig (1796-1888) was Principal Chaplain 1844-46, and
Chaplain-General 1846-75. His remarkable career is described in J.R.A.C.D., IV,
pp. 14-77, 320-358; V, pp. 9-29, 95-114.
(24) Ibid., IV, p. 47.
(25) Gleig to Dr. Hook, August 12, 1845. W.O. 4/348, p. 429. (This letter
and the other official letters subsequently quoted are in the Public Record Office.)
(26) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362, says 1845, but Vol. I
begins in 1846.    The contributions are unsigned. 128 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
a vacancy for an officiating chaplain occurred in the Island of Cepha-
lonia in June, 1846, he offered it to Mr. Wright, who accepted.27 The
Chaplain-General described him, in a letter to the outgoing chaplain,
as " earnest, devout, & sincere."28 He sailed in August with his friend,
the Rev. James Skinner, who was appointed officiating chaplain at
Corfu.29
Corfu and Cephalonia are the most important of the seven Ionian
Islands off the coast of Greece, which at that time were under British
protection. There were British troops on four of the islands, and Mr.
Wright, in addition to his duties on Cephalonia itself, had to pay a
monthly visit to the regiment on Zante, and an occasional one to the
detachment on Ithaca.
The conditions he found were startUng. " When I landed in Cephalonia, in September, 1846," he wrote,
the soldiers worshipped in a barrack-room, a part of which was curtained off for
two married men, so that we were liable to be interrupted, periodically, by the
cries of a sickly or newly born child—there were no vessels for Holy Communion,
not even a surplice for divine service.30
He wrote to Mr. Gleig, and received a sympathetic but bracing
answer:—
Do not however permit a disappointmt. of this sort however keen to damp yr.
zeal. St Paul had neither surplice nor Communion plate yet in synagogues &
market places & wherever else he cd. find an opening he spoke the truth with power
& brought over daily converts to the truth. You must consider yourself as a Missionary in Cephalonia & bear all manner of privations for the sake of Him whose
minister you are. The time must come wherein the indecency of having no place
wherein a British Garrison may assemble to worship shall force the Governmt. in
office, whatever it may be to build one.31
Mr. Wright settled to his task and within two years produced a scheme
for building a church on Cephalonia by subscription among the officers.
The Chaplain-General reluctantly rejected this plan, since the action
of one garrison in this way might give the authorities an excuse to
justify taking no steps on other cases. This point of view, whUe understandable as a long-term policy, must have been discouraging.32
(27) Gleig to H.P.W., July 2, 1846.  W.O. 4/349, pp. 164-165.
(28) Gleig to Rev. W. Hare, July 2, 1846.   W.O. 4/349, p. 163.
(29) Trench, James Skinner, pp. 32-33;   Gleig to Skinner, June 26, 1846.
W.O. 4/349, p. 156.
(30) Wright, England's Duty, p. 5.
(31) Gleig to H.P.W., December 8, 1846.   W.O. 4/349, p. 215.
(32) Gleig to H.P.W., August 3, 1848.  W.O. 4/349, p. 418. 1955 Henry Press Wright 129
In 1851 he was transferred to Corfu in place of Mr. Skinner. Here
there was a handsome new church, built in the Greek style. During
his duty in the " lovely island," he found much gratification in the support he received, not only from leading officers such as General Tylden,
R.E., but from N.C.O.s and men, led by Sergeant Gibbon, who met
every Sunday in his house.33 For him personaUy, however, it was tragic,
for three of his four children died there, and in 1853 he returned to
England on leave to save the life of the fourth, his daughter Mary, who
was iU.34 While the family was in England his son Frederick was born.35
During this leave, too, he joined the small band of commissioned chaplains, his appointment dating from May 6, 1853.36
II
During the closing months of 1853 there was an increasing likeh-
hood that Britain and France would go to war with Russia in support
of Turkey, and preparations began.    The Chaplain-General, in spite
(33) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, pp. 59-60, 67, 74-75.
(34) Ibid., pp. 2-3.   The children of Henry Press and Anne Wright were:—
Mary Jane Pearson, born Cephalonia, January 17, 1847.   Married Captain (later Major-General) Henry Spencer Palmer (1838-1893) in
New Westminster, October 7,1863.   There were four or five children.
She died in Victoria, January 10, 1934.
Frederick George, born November 17, 1853.    Married Jane Kathleen
Good (died 1893) in Victoria, September 16, 1880.   There were
eight children of this marriage, and one of his second marriage.
He died at Barholme, March 22, 1926.   For his career see note 253.
Nina Geldart, born Canterbury, December, 1856.   Married Rev. Robert
Stewart Hare, M.A., later Vicar of Beighton, May 30, 1885.   There
were seven children.   She died at Mickleham, October 1, 1948.
Alice Alford, born Canterbury, 1860.   Died unmarried in Victoria, February 9, 1879.
Ernest Augustus, born Victoria, May  16,   1862.   Died unmarried in
Saskatchewan, 1929.
Three children, name and sex unknown, were born between 1844 and
1852, and died in the Ionian Islands, 1846-1853.    It is possible that
there were two other children, but if so they did not survive infancy.
This information has been derived from the British Columbia Archives, from Mrs.
Mitchell and Mrs. Kirkham (children of the Rev. F. G. Wright), the Rev. A. N.
Hare and other children of Mrs. Nina Hare, from Somerset House, and other
sources.   H.P.W.'s many descendants have travelled all over the world, including
British Columbia, China, Central America, South Africa, Australia, and India.
(35) J.R.A.C.D., II, p. 264.
(36) Army List, December, 1854, p. 82. 130 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
of great efforts, had only seven commissioned clergy, and all save one
were at key posts.37 The remaining man was Mr. Wright, and when
he returned to Corfu he was warned to hold himself in readiness to
proceed to the seat of war as Principal Chaplain if hostilities seemed
imminent.38
He left London for Newhaven on February 9, 1854, and had a
pleasant journey through France, Piedmont, Rome, and Naples, his
route including the battlefields of Marengo and Cannae. He finaUy
reached a Uttie fishing vUlage, Molfetta, on the eastern coast of Italy,
and thence saUed by Austrian Lloyd's steamer to Corfu. Hardly had
he arrived than he received orders, issued on February 23, to proceed
to Constantinople.39   War was declared on March 28.
Mr. Wright now prepared for active service, reducing his baggage
to two portmanteaus and a hand-bag, a saddle and bridle, metal plates,
a gridiron and, thanks to the ingenuity of a sapper friend, a folding bed
which could be reduced almost to pocket size. Early in April he left
by steamer, voyaging by Zante, Syra, the Piraeus (whence he paid a
short visit to Athens), Smyrna, Mitylene, and Tenedos to the Darda-
neUes. At Gallipoli he saw the lines of tents that indicated part of the
British expeditionary force, but the main base was at Constantinople,
and after a brief halt the steamer continued to its destination. Mr.
Wright was assigned a lofty and spacious room in the Turkish barracks
at Scutari, across the Bosphorus from Constantinople. This accommodation, he found, had to be shared with aU manner of vermin.
More and more troops arrived, and encamped on the plain behind
Scutari. A small staff of chaplains, drawn from officiating clergy hastily selected and sent out, also arrived—five of the Church of England,
one Presbyterian, and two Roman Catholics. These numbers were
smaU for the minimum duties required, and quite inadequate when
there was sickness to contend with.
At the end of May an alUed force was sent to Bulgaria to strengthen
the Turkish resistance to the Russians, who were invading the Balkans.
(37) J.R.A.C.D., IV, pp. 64-65.
(38) The author has utilized his own unpublished history of the work of
Chaplains to the Forces in the Crimean War for most of the background material
in the following pages. The account of H.P.W.'s experiences until October, 1854,
is derived from his Recollections of a Crimean Chaplain unless other sources are
indicated.
(39) H.P.W. to Gen. Windham, April 12, 1856.   W.O. 28/191. 1955 Henry Press Wright 131
Mr. Wright found a friend in a French Protestant pastor, M. Roerig,
and was also able to befriend a lonely French midshipman who, feeling
very homesick, found in the chaplain someone who not only treated
him with understanding kindness but could speak his tongue fluently.40
The other chaplains also accompanied the forces, and he shared with
the Cavalry Chaplain the only servant they could obtain, a drunken
Irish lad.
There was very Uttle fighting in the ensuing months, but there was
great distress due to the ravages of sickness among the troops. Mr.
Wright took charge of the hospital at Varna, the headquarters of the
allies, where the lack of beds and proper equipment added to the sufferings caused by disease. " The mortaUty at Varna was quite appal-
Ung," he wrote. " I buried twice, and sometimes thrice, daUy; and
my average, including deaths in two small encampments, was nine."
The other chaplains did valiant work in the camps, and the Morning
Post correspondent commented: "How these clergymen stand the
work I cannot imagine; they are from morning to night in hospitals,
or on horseback, or burying the dead."41
To add to the perils of disease, there was a disastrous fire on August 10 in which half the town of Varna was destroyed. Mr. Wright
was in the area at the time, and hurried to the scene, where he took his
share in handing buckets to quench the flames—a dangerous task, since
the magazine was threatened, and a terrible explosion only avoided by
the gaUant work of those who checked the spread of the fire.
At the end of August the weakened armies left the tragic scenes of
Bulgaria to engage the enemy in open conflict by invading the Crimean
peninsula and attacking the naval base of Sebastopol. The troops were
embarked at Vama; Mr. Wright sailed on the Georgiana, leaving behind
on the wharf his grey horse, ready saddled and bridled, since there were
no official instructions for its transport.
The armies began to land in the Crimea on September 14, and by
the 17th disembarkation was completed. Mr. Wright was assigned to
headquarters, but when he found that the 4th Division had no chap-
(40) Mrs. Kirkham (Archdeacon Wright's granddaughter) to author, May 27,
1955. This episode was told to her about fifty years later by the Frenchman,
then a retired admiral. The date is not definite, but the period when Britain and
France were both using Varna seems probable.
(41) Colonial Church Chronicle (hereafter cited as C.C.C.), VIII (1854-55),
p. 116. 132 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
lain, he volunteered to act in this capacity as weU, and the troops were
paraded on the sands for divine service. He then proceeded to the
small group of tents that housed the staff, and took a service for the
devout Commander-in-Chief, Lord Raglan, and his officers.
The next day the march south towards Sebastopol began; there
was a brief cavalry encounter in the afternoon of the 19th which came
to nothing, and later the army pitched camp for the night. Mr. Wright
was fortunate enough to fall in with a friend of Corfu days who had
the rare luxury of a beU tent. After a meal he was invited to share
this covering, and with a number of officers " packed closely together
like herrings in a barrel" spent a rather unsettled night. A battle was
obviously imminent, and before going to sleep aU joined him in prayers.
At 2 a.m. he was roused by the entry of a messenger bringing orders
for his left-hand neighbour to make preparations to meet the Russians,
who were known to be ahead in strength.
The armies were astir early on the morning of September 20 and
advanced to the River Alma, which was to give its name to the battle
fought that day. The Russians were on the heights on the other side,
but after a gallant and keenly-fought action were forced to retreat.
The British 4th Division was in reserve, so Mr. Wright was not closely
involved in the action; but as soon as he could he waded the river and
helped to tend the wounded, including the mortally-wounded Russian
General Karganoff. As it grew dark he rejoined his Division, first
meeting the 3rd Division and noting with concern that its Chaplain, the
Rev. George Mockler, who had been Ul in Bulgaria, looked extremely
unwell.
The next day, after many hours among the wounded, Mr. Wright
conducted the burial service over the 200 dead of the Light and Guards
Divisions, buried in a common grave on the spot which had seen the
fiercest fighting. It was too dark to read, but he spoke the impressive
words of the service from memory and gave a short exhortation to those
present to prepare for a soldier's death.
The armies marched again on the 23rd, and disease began to strike
down men on aU sides. Mr. Wright's friend and helper, General Tylden,
R.E., died of cholera and was buried before the march began. " I buried
the old warrior in the vineyard close to the Burliuk bridge," wrote the
chaplain, " and when I left,—a wUd plum-tree hung mournfully over
the grave." 1955 Henry Press Wright 133
Camp was pitched that evening by the River Katcha. Mr. Wright
commented on his appearance at this time:—
Since the night of the 19th my bed had been the bare ground, of which I had
nothing to complain, save that it acted very disparagingly upon black cloth . . .
nothing could defend my dress; by night and by day it gathered not dust but dirt;
as to changing, that was impossible, for my baggage was far away on board the
"Georgiana." My hat was the most curious article; it had often been found
under nests of pickaxes and shovels and other heavy things, and more than once
I had reduced it to the pancake form by the all night weight of my own body;
indeed, it was only by the most delicate manipulation that I could get it into
wearing condition: so that altogether my costume was in a very dilapidated state;
I believe I was very much like a broken-down waiter on a begging expedition.
The next morning he was deUghted to meet members of the 57th
Regiment, friends from his Corfu service. That evening he had his
first glimpse of Sebastopol. At this point there was some possibUity
that the city would be attacked from the north, but it was finaUy decided
to by-pass it to the east and attack from the south, and on the 25th the
armies moved, in blazing heat, towards the plateau where the rest of
the campaign was to be fought. In the evening camp was pitched by
the Traktir Bridge; Mr. Wright, after some foraging, found tomatoes,
beetroot, and cabbage, and with these and some salt ration meat, seasoned with pepper " of which I always carried a supply in my waistcoat-
pocket," cooked an agreeable stew in his camp-kettle.
The foUowing day the advance continued to Balaclava, which was
easUy captured and became the very inadequate port for the entry of
British supplies. Three days later the Uttle band of chaplains suffered
its first loss; the Rev. George Mockler, who had completed the journey on a stretcher, died of cholera. Mr. Wright hurried to his bedside
and read the service for the Visitation of the Sick; his stricken comrade murmured " Beautiful prayers, beautiful prayers" and shortly
afterwards died.
It was hoped that a rapid campaign would reduce Sebastopol before
the winter, but this hope was frustrated by two Russian counter-attacks.
The first, aimed at Balaclava, was deUvered on October 23, a day
famous for the charges of the Light and Heavy Brigades and the " thin
red Une " of Highlanders.42 The Russians gained some ground by this
action, and on November 5 deUvered a heavy attack on the British
right flank.   This battle, known as Inkermann, ended with the Russian
(42) It is possible that Mr. Wright witnessed this incident, as Lord Raglan and
his staff were on the heights overlooking the battle. 134 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
repulse; but the aUied casualties were such as to prevent any possi-
biUty of a successful assault on Sebastopol, and a winter campaign,
for which the armies were inadequately prepared, became inevitable.
A number of senior officers feU at Inkermann, including General
Cathcart, commanding the 4th Division, and General Strangways of
the Artillery. The summit of a hiU formerly used as an observation
post by the dead General, and known as Cathcart's HiU, was chosen as
their burial place, and this became the chief British war cemetery in
the Crimea. Mr. Wright conducted the funeral late in the afternoon
of November 6; he was deeply moved by the death of one whom he
described as a " true nobleman."43
November 14 brought a great storm, which demoUshed and destroyed much of the shelter available for the troops and sank a number
of supply ships. The winter was a time of terrible hardship. The miserable road from Balaclava to the camp became almost impassable;
such supplies and comforts as there were could hardly reach the troops;
and disease, cold, and hunger took a terrible toU. Conditions in the
base hospitals at Scutari were also very bad. The public indignation
and concern aroused in England resulted in the mission of Florence
Nightingale and her nurses to Scutari, the Times Fund for comforts for
the troops, and the estabUshment by the S.P.G. of a fund for paying
part of the cost of additional chaplains to the forces, of whom twelve
were sent out between October and the end of the year.
This timely assistance, together with a smaU increase in the number of Government-appointed clergy, enabled Mr. Wright to go to
Constantinople in mid-December, to see something of the work of the
chaplains in the hospitals, and to have a short leave.44 He was very
much gratified by what he saw and, though anxious to have the maximum number of clergy in the camp, reaUzed the great need of the hospitals and arranged for a reasonable proportion of new arrivals to remain
there.45
Mrs. Wright had traveUed to Constantinople with her famUy and
had remained there to await the arrival of Florence Nightingale and
her party.   She then traveUed home on a smaU ship, the only woman
(43) Wright, Portsmouth, p. 73.
(44) Rev. T. Freeth to S.P.G., January 15, 1855; Rev. G. Proctor to S.P.G.,
December 24, 1854. (All quotations from S.P.G. correspondence are from manuscripts.)
(45) Rev. W. E. Hadow to S.P.G., December 26, 1854. 1955 Henry Press Wright 135
on board. It was an adventurous voyage; the captain was a drunkard,
and half-way home the crew came to her to beg her to ask the captain
to delegate his duties to the first mate, as otherwise they would mutiny.
She accepted this task, persuaded the captain to agree, and the first mate
brought the ship home safely.46
Mr. Wright returned to the Crimea on January 25, 1855, on the
Melbourne, where an unfortunate incident occurred when he found
that his cabin was also claimed by a doctor. The ensuing dispute,
pardonable in men who had done much to strain their nerves, was soon
amicably settled; they shared the accommodation, and Mr. Wright
helped to put up shelves for the doctor's belongings. Unfortunately
Mr. MacDonald of the Times, already resenting Mr. Wright's action in
forbidding one of his chaplains to act as a distributor for the Times
Fund without official sanction (and ignoring the fact that he had also
made immediate appUcation for such permission), described the incident in most offensive terms in a report which appeared in the Times.
Fortunately the Chaplain-General made an immediate investigation
and was able to submit a complete reply which was duly pubUshed.47
Mr. Wright's visit to Scutari had convinced him of the value of
women nurses. As a result of his report Lord Raglan asked for some
to be sent to Balaclava, and this was done.48
As the bitter weather continued, the self-sacrificing work of the
chaplains took its toU: of twenty of aU denominations who served during the winter eight eventually died and eight were invaUded.49 Between November, 1854, and March, 1855, two clergy of the Church
of England (the Rev. W. Whyatt and the Rev. G. H. Proctor) and
three of the Church of Rome (the Rev. J. Wheble, the Rev. M. Canty,
and the Rev. D. Shehan) died in the Crimea. The sharing of hardships and of a great task brought clergy of different denorainations
together in friendly co-operation: Mr. Whyatt watched by the dying
Father Canty only a few weeks before his own death. In later years,
when correspondents in the Times made overmuch of denominational
differences in the Chaplain's Department, Mr. Wright commented indignantly:—
(46) Rev. A. N. Hare to author, December 3, 1955.
(47) London Times, February 8, 1855, p. 8; March 20, 1855, p. 10.
(48) I. B. O'Malley, Florence Nightingale 1820-1856, London, 1934, p. 275.
(49) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 83. 136 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
Should we ever have another war in the Crimea (which God forbid), and [the
critics] will join the chaplain department of our army, they will find the thermometer at 7° below zero an effectual cooler of all " wretched theological disputes," and
a dripping bell tent peculiarly calculated to put a damper upon all unkind feeling.50
In spite of these losses, new volunteers were forthcoming. Between
March and the late summer the S.P.G. sent out thirteen more chaplains, and there were some additional government appointments. With
the spring came renewed military activity and minor engagements—
Mr. Wright wrote in April: " There is just now a sharp firing of musketry, but it is so common that we think nothing of it."51—but the
armies were not yet ready to launch a major assault. Improved weather
brought visitors to the Crimea. Mr. Wright may weU have been one
of the chaplains who welcomed Florence Nightingale at Balaclava when
she landed in May to visit Crimean hospitals.52 He certainly met the
eccentric and flamboyant but warm-hearted chef, Alexis Soyer, who
came out to improve army cooking.53 Another traveller was Roger
Fenton, the pioneer photographer; he took a photograph of Mr. Wright,
whose face showed an unaccustomed grimness, presumably due to the
unfamUiarity of posing for this new medium, and a more relaxed group
of the Principal Chaplain with eight of his coUeagues.54
Another photograph taken by Fenton was of Lord Raglan conferring
with the French and Turkish commanders. They were completing plans
for the long-delayed assault on Sebastopol, but when this was launched
on June 18 it was defeated with heavy casualties. Bitterly disappointed,
Lord Raglan feU a prey to the cholera and seemed to have no resistance.
On June 28 Mr. Wright read the service for the Visitation of the Sick
by the Commander-in-Chief's simple camp bed. "At the close of the
heart searching service," he wrote, " I placed my hand upon the broad,
handsome forehead of the noble soldier, and commended the departing
soul to the keeping of God. A few minutes after the great man went to
his rest."55   Whatever his defects as a commander, Lord Raglan was an
(50) London Times, October 29,1857, p. 11.
(51) C.C.CLX (1855-56), p. 20.
(52) O'Malley, op. cit., p. 304.
(53) Alexis Soyer, A Culinary Campaign, London, 1857, p. 287.
(54) Roger Fenton's own prints are now in the possession of Mr. and Mrs.
Helmut Gernsheim, through whose kindness copies of these photographs have been
obtained.
(55) Wright, Portsmouth, p. 62. 1955 Henry Press Wright 137
honourable and kindly man and, as his chaplain weU knew, a devout
Christian and reader of the Bible.56
Additional chaplains arrived, but there was much Ulness during the
summer, and several died or were invaUded home. Early in August
Mr. Wright had only seven of the nominal strength of nineteen fit for
duty.57 It was not until the end of the year that the position was reaUy
satisfactory.
The campaign continued after the failure of the June attack; there
were many small encounters and trench raids, and on August 16 the
Russians launched a heavy attack on the aUied right flank at the Traktir
Bridge. This sector was now held by the French, who defeated the
attack without British troops being engaged, but Mr. Wright visited the
scene to assist the wounded after the battle.58 The final assault on
Sebastopol was planned for September 8, when the French succeeded in
talcing the Malakoff, though the British were unable to estabUsh themselves in the other principal fortification, the Redan. The next day the
city was evacuated; the campaign was over. There was some outcry at
the fact that the last action of the British forces had been a faUure.
Mr. Wright, however, commented: "Had our army assailed as at
Badajoz the failure wd. have been lost in the success but John BuU
cannot bear to be in a lowly place even though a mighty blessing is
vouchsafed him."59 It feU to him to draw up the official order of service
for the thanksgiving for victory on November 4.60
There was no precedent for the exact status of a principal chaplain
in wartime, and it was a matter of some deUcacy to estabUsh it. Roman
CathoUc chaplains (who came directly under the mUitary authorities)
and Presbyterians were under his supervision only for making certain
official returns; his personal contact was with those of the Church of
England.61   He was responsible for their aUocation to the camps in the
(56) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, pp. 28-30.
(57) W. H. Russell, The War from the Death of Lord Raglan .... London, 1856, p. 47.
(58) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 75; letter to London Times published in
issue of November 13, 1855, p. 7.
(59) H.P.W. to S.P.G., October 16, 1855, regarding London Times article of
September 29, 1855.
(60) General Orders Issued to the Army of the East . . . , London, 1856,
p. 179.
(61) Adjutant-General to H.P.W., September 3 and October 19, 1855, and
to Rev. J. Campbell, September 3 and October 10, 19, and 22, 1855. W.O. 28/110
& 111.
2 138 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
Crimea and, through the Military Commandant at Scutari, to the base
hospitals. He had a marquee near headquarters, and a soldier clerk to
assist him.62
Another of his duties was the organization of books for the troops.
Through the S.P.C.K. he obtained a supply of Bibles and Prayer Books
("the small Ump-covered Prayer-book . . . as it is easily carried in
the knapsack or breast")63 for issue through the chaplains, and in the
Times he appealed for comforts and recreational reading: "I would
therefore strongly press upon the generous-hearted the plan of sending
goods to us at cost price for the use of the body, and amusing books gratis
for the improvement of the mind."64 Unfortunately the books were not
always attractive; an officer visiting Headquarters commented: "I suspect some old ladies and gentlemen have been weeding their Ubraries,
and getting a reputation for benevolence at smaU expense."65 Mr.
Wright, in a second letter to the Times, appealed for weU-fiUed boxes,
but added:
When I say well-filled, I do not mean crowded, as some were last year, with
old annual reports of the many religious societies, almanacks of 1817, dark mysterious divinity, heavy controversial tracts, last volumes of novels, Armenian bibles,
trigonometrical tables, Loo-shoo grammars, pamphlets on turnpikes &c., but nicely
packed with tales, novels, biography, Chambers's many publications, Dickens's
works, and such like, all of which are read with intense pleasure.66
Though his clergy were not numerous they came from varied backgrounds, and tactful supervision was required. Its success was borne
out by the tributes of some of the chaplains. One wrote to the S.P.G.:
"... you are much indebted to him, for his accurate judgment of
the soldier's character, his thorough knowledge of the world, added to
a simple faith, and a laborious energy in his work, give him an authority
which no man can wield more impartiaUy, & to which all most readUy
submit."67 Another recaUed " the readiness with which Mr. Wright has
entered into our difficulties, the alacrity he has always displayed on
(62) Adjutant-General to Sir R. England, May 20, 1855.   W.O. 28/109.
(63) C.C.C., LX (1855-56), p. 19 (letter of April 22, 1855).
(64) London Times, July 31, 1855, p. 9.
(65) A. 1. Shand, The Life of General Sir E. B. Hamley, Edinburgh, 1895,
Vol. I, p. 76.
(66) London Times, August 30,1855, p. 5.
(67) Rev. H. Robinson to S.P.G., October 31, 1855. 1955 Henry Press Wright 139
matters of business and above all his affectionate manner towards aU the
Chaplains."68
His own view of his chaplains was summed up in the report he sent
to the S.P.G. in October, 1855, a year after the appointment of their
first chaplain. In his covering note he commented: "I have given you
the truth in a plain print dress." The report did not make exaggerated
claims for the results achieved—the task was uphUl and the disappointments were many, but " while war hardens the heart of some it caUs forth
the best of feelings in others & with aU that I have said my firm conviction is that God has wonderfuUy blessed the ministrations of the
MUitary Chaplains whose privilege it has been to accompany the Army
in the East. ..." He gave the highest praise to the S.P.G. for the
work it had done, particularly in selecting clergy " known for piety and
not for party."69
Soon after this he had to enter into a much less gratifying correspondence. One of the Assistant Chaplains at Scutari wrote to the
Times complaining that chaplains were accorded too little respect there,
that quarters were dirty, and that the dress of some of his coUeagues was
too informal. The other chaplains in the hospitals indignantly denied
that their treatment was unsatisfactory, and on October 30 Mr. Wright
wrote:—
With regard to quarters, chaplains fare as princes and nobles have patiently
fared, and therefore cannot justly complain. The Quartermaster-General has no
control over the insects of the East. ... In the field the clergy have shared the
heavy trials of a noble army, but, while patiently enduring them, they have never
failed to receive the kind consideration of all under whom it has been their privilege to serve.70
Mr. Wright's health had been unsatisfactory for some time, and he
was granted leave; he sailed to Scutari on the Bahiana early in January,
1856. On the quayside at Balaclava he was surprised to see the Irish
lad, Dennis, whose drunkenness had made him such an unsatisfactory
servant in Bulgaria, but who now claimed to be a reformed character.71
At Scutari he visited the great cemetery by the General Hospital and
saw the grave of General Karganoff, whom he had assisted after he
(68) Rev. T. Coney to S.P.G., January 12,1856.
(69) H.P.W. to S.P.G., October 16, 1855 (report and covering letter).
(70) London Times, October 9, p. JO; November 9, p. 5; November 13, p. 7,
1855.   (The whole correspondence is reprinted in J.RA.CD., IV, pp. 70-73.
(71) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 18; Adjutant-General to H.P.W., November 14, 1855 (W.O. 28/111); Sir J. H. Lefroy, Autobiography, 1895, p. 183. 140 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
received his fatal wound at the Battle of the Alma.72 On January 10
he sailed for England.73
He spent some time at Reading, undergoing surgical treatment for
a painful internal Ulness,74 and since peace was signed on March 30 he
did not return to the Crimea. He retained the post of Principal Chaplain,
and wrote to the Times to give information about the Crimean cemeteries
for the benefit of relatives of those buried there.75 At the end of the
war he was awarded the Crimean Medal (with bars for Alma, Balaclava,
Inkermann, and Sebastopol) and the Turkish Medal. He was also one
of the British recipients of the Turkish Order of the Medidjie, of the
Fifth Class.76
The period of his illness and convalescence was by no means a time
of stagnation. WhUe stUl in the Crimea he had submitted to the
Chaplain-General a scheme for the permanent enlargement of the Chaplains' Department to twenty Chaplains to the Forces and forty Assistant
Chaplains, the latter to be promoted when vacancies occurred and to
receive, meanwhile, increases of salary in proportion to their length of
service. He took up the plan again with Mr. Gleig, who submitted it,
with the exception of the portion regarding pay, to Lord Panmure,
Minister for War. The plan was accepted.77 On October 1, 1856, the
Chaplains' Department was increased to twenty Commissioned Chaplains and thirty-five Assistant Chaplains, with Crimean veterans well
represented in both categories.78
Ill
On recovering his health Mr. Wright took up his first appointment
to a British garrison, that of Canterbury.79 The state of affairs there
was most depressing.    There were 1,800 recruits, a larger proportion
(72) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 50.
(73) H.P.W. to Gen. Windham, April 12, 1856, from 7 Coley Hill, Reading.
W.O. 28/191.
(74) Ibid.
(75) London Times, May 20, 1856, p. 10.
(76) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362. These bars were given
for service in the Crimea at the time of these battles, and not only to participants
in them.   See note 42. '
(77) Wright, England's Duty, p. 11-12.
(78) Army List, December, 1856, p. 102.
(79) Ibid. His letter to the London Times in May was written from Canterbury. 1955 Henry Press Wright 141
than on most home stations. Looking round the dreary barrack-rooms
with only one candle for every twelve men, the smaU and inadequate
library, and the oil-lit barrack-square, the only places provided for off-
duty hours, the chaplain found it easy to understand the appeal of the
warm and weU-Ut public house, the frequent convictions for drunkenness,
and the general low level of conduct. With these and other problems
in mind he wrote a pamphlet in the form of an open letter to the Secretary for War.
England's Duty to England's Army. A Letter addressed to the Right
Hon. General Peel, Secretary of State for War, on Matters affecting the
Body, Mind, and Soul of the British Soldier was published in 1858 at
one shUling, and went into at least three editions. The Very Rev.
A. C. E. Jarvis, Chaplain-General from 1926 to 1931 and historian of
the Department, has called it a " remarkable document ";80 it is indeed
remarkable, not only for its wise and enlightened outlook, but for the
amount of cogently argued material in its 8,000 words. Mr. Wright
opened with a survey of the bad state of reUgious provisions for the
army, illustrated from his own experience, and of the improvements
already effected. From this he passed to urging the need to provide
military chaplains for the troops in India, in the proportion of one to
each regiment. On this basis, the total number of chaplains of the
Church of England for the army would be ninety-two. He then proposed that a proportionate number of chaplains of the Church of Scotland (eight) and of the Roman CathoUc Church (twenty-five) should be
appointed. " When the fight becomes fierce and bloody, there is no cry,
' Presbyterians and Roman CathoUcs to the rear,' but the one universal
shout is ' Forward! forward!'" he commented.
Next he surveyed the deplorable and gloomy conditions of most
barracks, and made a plea for well-lit barrack-rooms, club-rooms with
canteen faciUties, and the opening in all garrison towns of Soldiers'
Institutes, with War Office contributions towards the rent. He quoted
the experience of such buildings at Scutari in the Crimean War as evidence of their value.
Other measures proposed for the moral welfare of soldiers were to
grant the first good-conduct badge after two instead of five years, to issue
all recruits with Bibles in the form most acceptable to their reUgious
(80) J.R.A.C.D., V, p. 95. The pamphlet is reproduced in its entirety on pp.
95-109. 142 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
persuasion, and to encourage a greater interest by regimental officers
in miUtary schools. Conditions for married men were deplorable:
"... hundreds of girls who, when they married into the army, were
quiet and modest, have been sacrificed by a system unworthy of South
Sea islanders, much less of a Christian people renowned for common
sense and refinement." He therefore pleaded for decent married quarters
at barracks. Throughout he denounced the old cry "The greater the
rascal the better the soldier " and urged the development of quaUties of
moral courage and strength.
The closing paragraphs of the pamphlet put the case for encouraging
clergy to serve in the army by commissioning Assistant Chaplains and
increasing their pension facilities.
The fact that ideas in this pamphlet have now become commonplace
should not obscure their foresight and enlightenment in relation to their
time. They played their part in the gradual improvement in the status
and condition of soldiers. The proposals regarding chaplains were
largely followed in developments of January, 1859, when a new system
of grading them into four classes, with promotion and increased pay
foUowing length of service, came into force, and Presbyterian and
Roman CathoUc clergy were given commissions.81 The former Assistant
Chaplains were, for the most part, made 4th Class Chaplains, and the
Chaplains placed in the 3rd Class. There were no appointments to the
1st Class, but the 2nd contained two names: John Edward Sabin,
formerly Senior Chaplain at Scutari Hospital, and Henry Press Wright.82
Mr. Wright's interests were by no means limited to his connection
with the army; he gave lectures in St. George's HaU, two of which—on
his Crimean experiences and on Prince Daniel of Montenegro—were
printed in a smaU book.83 He was a man of many friends, amongst them
Dean Alford. When a daughter was born to the Wrights in the late
summer of 1860 she was christened Alice Alford, the Dean presumably
acting as godfather.84
(81) J.R.A.C.D., IV, pp. 327-328.
(82) Army List, February, 1859, p. 116.
(83) Wright, Crimean Chaplain.
(84) Rev. A. N. Hare to author, December 3, 1955. Henry Alford (1810-
1871) was Dean of Canterbury from 1857 until his death. He was a man of
many friends, as well as being a prolific author and a classical scholar, and is
widely known as a writer of hymns. 1955 Henry Press Wright 143
IV
The nineteenth century was a period of great missionary expansion,
and Mr. Wright was keenly interested in the spread of the Church of
England overseas. He had acted as a local secretary for the S.P.G. from
the early days of his ordination, and declined a salary for his work in
this respect at Canterbury.85 When, at the close of the Crimean War,
the Society was initiating a Mission at Constantinople, he gave valuable
if cautious advice, advocating that a beginning should be made with
" stray members " of the Church amongst sailors and workmen, rather
than an over-ambitious plan for evangeUsing Moslems, Greeks, and
Armenians.86   In England's Duty he wrote:—
I am no wild enthusiast, ready rashly to violate all the prejudices of the Hindoo,
and so invite the Almighty to remove from us our Eastern empire; but this I would
do: I would be true to Him who has entrusted that empire to us for a holy purpose. I would, most respectfully but urgently, press upon our rulers the bond we
are especially under, to preach the Gospel to all nations entrusted to our care.87
His interest in Africa was shown by his Early History of the African
Church and its Missions, pubUshed in 1858.88
It was therefore with particular pleasure that he heard in 1859 of
the appointment of his old friend the Rev. George Hills, Vicar of Yarmouth, as first Bishop of Columbia, with the spiritual oversight of the
colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia.89 The See had
been endowed by Miss Burdett-Coutts, who had also given £10,000 to
provide a stipend for two archdeacons.90 Mr. Wright foUowed with great
interest the early days of the diocese, commenting: "The Bishop of
Columbia is my dearest friend and I would do anything in the world to
support him," but observing with some concern the dispute between the
Bishop and the S.P.G. about the proper supervision of mission funds.91
Then, on February 19, 1861, he received a letter from the Bishop
appointing him Archdeacon of Columbia.   "At this hour yesterday,"
(85) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 7, 1861.
(86) H.P.W. to S.P.G., November 16, 1855. (He suggested the Rev. George
Hills as a suitable man to advise.)
(87) Wright, England's Duty, p. 16.
(88) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362. No copy has been traced
in the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, or the libraries of the C.M.S. or
S.P.G.
(89) C.C.C., 1859, p. 119.
(90) C.C.C., 1858, p. 480.
(91) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 2, 1860. 144 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
he wrote to the S.P.G., " I had no idea that I should ever see B.Columbia—should it please God to spare me I shaU ere long have the high
privUege of standing among the pioneers of the church." Later in the
letter he commented, with typical bluntness:—
There is no great sacrifice made in serving the Church in Columbia where the
climate is good and hardships comparatively few—so I can lay no claim to a Missionary Spirit but should I be permitted to be useful in the new Colony to the
Church & the Bishop most thankful shall I be.92
He secured his release from army duties and having been placed on
the seconded Ust, so that, though drawing no pay, he retained his commission and seniority, he prepared to leave England with his famUy.93
There was some initial difficulty with the S.P.G. about his stipend. The
Bishop, who had assumed the right to dispose of the Archdeaconry Fund
as he thought fit, assigned the whole of the interest (£400 per annum)
to Mr. Wright, adding £100 annuaUy for four years from the £800 accumulated interest and aUowing him the balance for his passage.94 The
S.P.G. Committee did not agree with this, as Miss Burdett-Coutts had
intended two Archdeacons. She herseU was content to abide by the
Committee's decision, but felt that any plans made should be limited to
three years.95 Mr. Wright wrote that £200 would be a reasonable annual
augmentation of an existing stipend for archidiaconal duties, but would
not suffice for a special appointment. His own position was quite
clear:—
To me personally the decision of the Society will signify nothing as I have
agreed to go & go I must. . . . Were I a man of property I should not write
upon the question but leave it for the Bishop himself to consider with the Society.
Not that I think unpaid Missionaries of whatever rank they be, are to be deemed
prizes. The Labourer is worthy of his hire and the man paid as a general rule is
best kept to his work because he has no temptation to take liberties with it.96
In a later letter he added: " . . . if it be said that the famUy is not
a necessary part of a missionary's kit I answer and I think you wiU agree
with me that a missionary without a family in such a colony as Columbia
(92) Bp. Hills to H.P.W., December 20, 1860; H.P.W. to S.P.G., February
19,1861.
(93) His transfer to the seconded list does not appear in the Army List; he
appears in italics in November, 1861, p. 130, and his promotion to the 1st Class in
1864 describes him as " on Seconded List" (February, 1864, p. 330).
(94) Bp. Hills to S.P.G., December 20,1860.
(95) Miss Burdett-Coutts to S.P.G., March 1, 1861.
(96) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 21, 1861. 1955 Henry Press Wright 145
has not nearly the happy influence upon society that a married man
has."97
In March, 1861, the matter was settled by the decision of the Committee that Mr. Wright should draw £300 per annum from the Archdeaconry Fund, £100 as a missionary, and receive £200 passage money
from the General Fund and £200 from the Colonial Fund of Columbia.98
He saUed on the Tasmanian across the Atlantic to St. Thomas, which was
reached on July 1, and came to Colon on the 6th. After a four-hour
journey by tram across the Isthmus, the party was delayed for two weeks
at Panama. Here the Archdeacon conducted a service in the American
Clubroom, for there was no British chaplain there. EventuaUy the journey was continued to San Francisco on the Sonora."
A further delay took place at San Francisco, but the time was pleasantly spent. A six-day visit to the Big Trees in Lady Franklin's carriage
took in some hundred mUes of CaUfornia, " a state teeming with riches,"
including Stockton and Sacramento. Sunday was spent at the Big Trees,
where the Archdeacon arranged for Divine Service to be held " on the
stump of one of those giants of the forest, for the protection of which
a circular buUding has been raised. I measured the stump accurately,
and found it thirty-three feet in diameter. A congregation of a hundred
can worship upon it very comfortably." Many of the hotel visitors were
otherwise occupied, but he gathered about fifteen for morning and
evening prayers.100   The Sierra Nevada saUed on August 17.101
The journey from San Francisco to Portland, Ore., took a week.
The Archdeacon was able to caU on Bishop Scott, with whom he discussed church matters, and the journey was resumed at 5 p.m. on the
24th. Esquimalt was reached on the 26th, and the last stage of the
journey, across the 3-mUe neck of land to Victoria, began. " When near
the half-way house," wrote the Archdeacon,
(97) H.P.W. to S.P.G., March 2, 1861.
(98) Journal of S.P.G. Committee, 1859-64, pp. 140-141.
(99) C.C.C., 1862, pp. 9-11. (Pp. 9-14 of this volume contain a long letter
from H.P.W., written on October 7, 1861, from Victoria, and headed "Voyage of
Archdeacon Wright.") As a result of the Archdeacon's suggestion, the Rev. W. E.
Smith, R.N., wrote to the S.P.G. asking for their help for a chaplain at Panama
(Smith to S.P.G., July 22, 1861). No action appears to have followed, but by
1865 a South American Missionary Society clergyman was there (Report of the
Columbia Mission, 1864, p. 15).
(100) C.C.C., 1862, pp. 10-11.
(101) Victoria Colonist, August 27, 1861. (He was accompanied by Mrs.
Wright and three children.) 146 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
two horsemen greeted us with a heartiness not to be described; the one was the
Bishop, who looked the picture of health and high spirits; the other, his valued
chaplain, Mr. Dundas.toz I at once alighted from the carriage; and my joy grew
more and more full, as I more and more realized that God had brought me and
my family to my future home, and permitted me to become a worker in this
blessed portion of His vineyard.103
The diocese presented many problems and difficulties. In later years
the Archdeacon summed up its atmosphere and paid tribute to the work
of Sir James Douglas and Sir Matthew Begbie:—
Thousands had flocked to it, daring and adventurous gold seekers; men of all
nations, of all ranks, of all creeds and of no creed;—men with noble hearts and
men of dark doings, good men and true, bad men and false. Here they were in
a strange land; bowie knives and revolvers abounded, and not a few thought that
lynch law would soon be at work. But, happily, there was a Governor who, while
he had a generous heart, possessed a determined will—one who ruled with gentleness the honest and upright, but with a daring firmness, all who presumed to defy
authority. The colony had further strength in the judge whose high intelligence
was only surpassed by that strict sense of justice which always commands the
respect of the right thinking and drives home terror into the heart of evil doers.104
He soon became acquainted with the state of the church in the
colonies, and was favourably impressed by the progress made:—
Victoria is beautifully situated, and I was agreeably surprised by the extent of
the town. Several of the streets are well macadamized. Brick buildings are fast
taking the place of wooden; and country-seats are dotted about on spots, which in
England would, with their views, command fabulous prices. I rejoice to say that
I found the state of the Church far more advanced than I expected. The oldest
church is Christ Church, of which Mr. Cridge is rector.'"5 It has a large congregation; the responses and singing are heard from all the pews; and there are more
communicants, considering the number of worshippers, than in any of the churches
I have attended at home. At the other side of the town stands St. John's Church,
a capacious iron building, brought out by the Bishop. The interior is very striking,
and affords accommodation to a congregation about the same in number as that of
Christ Church. The choir is of a high character, and the service is altogether
beautiful. To show the influence of the Church in Victoria, I may observe that
these two churches are self-supporting; the offertory alone at Christ Church having
produced during the last year 240 Z.106
(102) Robert James Dundas, M.A. (1832-1904), arrived in British Columbia
as the Bishop's Chaplain in 1859, and took services at New Westminster, Victoria,
and Esquimalt. Rector of St. John's Church, Victoria, 1860-65. Returned to
England and later became Rector of Albury and Canon of Winchester.
(103) C.C.C., 1862, p. 12.
(104) Wright, Synod Sermon, pp. 6-7.
(105) Edward Cridge, B.A. (1817-1913), was Hudson's Bay Company Chaplain at Victoria, 1854-65, and Dean of the Cathedral, 1865-74. Joined the
Reformed Episcopal Church in 1874 and became a Bishop the following year.
(106) C.C.C., 1862, p. 13. 1955 Henry Press Wright 147
In the parish of Christ Church were the two CoUegiate Schools; the
Principal was the Rev. C. T. Woods,107 and the Vice-Principal the Rev.
Octavius Glover,108 " a Fellow of Emmanuel CoUege, Cambridge, who
has nobly given his services for five years to the Mission."109
The older boys evidenced that they had suffered from the irregularity attendant
upon a wandering life. Mr. Woods said that while he could wish his older boys
had not suffered so much from the breaks so constantly made in their education,
he had the highest expectations from his younger boys, and could give the school
altogether a good name for diligence. I was particularly pleased with the English
bearing of the school. The Principal has evidently inspired his pupils with a deep
respect for his office, and while he is notorious for great decision of character, his
rule is one of love.t10
In the girls' school there are between thirty and forty scholars, who attend
regularly, and find the Bishop's early provision for education a great boon.111
The CoUegiate schoolroom was used for Christ Church Sunday
School.
The attendance was larger than I expected to find it As a new comer I was
not aware that many married families in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company
have lived in the colony for years. Much credit is due to Mr. Cridge, the rector
of Christ Church, for all he has done in Victoria. He is the father of the Church
in the colony, and possesses the respect of all for his faithfulness, especially in the
care of the young. I12
About a mUe from the town, across the harbour, was the Indian
reserve, containing an octagonal mission school presided over by the
Rev. A. C. Garrett,113 " a most amiable hard working pains taking missionary with more than ordinary talent."114
(107) Charles Thomas Woods, M.A. (1826-1895), was Principal of the Collegiate School, 1860-68, and ministered in country districts. He was Rector of
New Westminster, 1868-89; St. Mary Sapperton, 1889-95; Archdeacon of
Columbia, 1868-95.
(108) Octavius Glover, B.D., Vice-Principal Collegiate School, 1860-62. Later
Rector of Emmanuel Church, Loughborough.
(109) C.C.C., 1862, p. 13.
(110) Third Report of the Columbia Mission . . . , 1861, pp. 31-32. (Pp.
27-32 contain "Extracts from the Journal of the Archdeacon of Columbia."
Subsequent references to these reports, whose titles vary slightly, are given as
Report followed by the year concerned.)
(111) C.C.C., 1862, p. 13.
(112) Report, 1861, p. 29.
(113) Alexander Charles Garrett, D.D., was Principal of the Indian Mission
at Victoria, 1859-67; and also served at Cedar Hill to 1865; Esquimalt, 1865-68;
and Nanaimo, 1868-69.   Became Bishop of North Texas (later Dallas), 1874.
(114) C.C.C, 1862, p. 13; Report, 1861, p. 28; H.P.W. to S.P.G., December
29, 1861, and January 19, 1864. 148 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
He speaks freely the Chinook, a curious jargon, known very extensively among
Indians of various tribes, and has evidently gained the good-will of his charge.
The reading, writing, sewing, and knitting would not be surpassed in any village
school in England. Of the spiritual progress of the children it is very difficult to
speak. Some are certainly impressed by the Gospel so far that their lives are
somewhat influenced by its rules. These are few in number, but quite as many as
we could reasonably expect. I grieve to say that the vices of Christians are the
destruction of these poor heathens. With the grown-up Indians who live in the
neighbourhood of Victoria, drunkenness and worse than drunkenness are the rule,
sobriety and purity the exception. Against all this array of temptation presented
to his poor charge by the white man, Mr. Garrett has to contend; but he has never
been cast down, and God has so blessed him in his labours, that he may fairly
hope, with time, to see some of his scholars intelligent and consistent Christians.
Two superior Indian boys are now being prepared for the Collegiate School, with
the hope that one or both may eventually be sent to St. Augustine's College,
Canterbury.115
The clergy engaged in educational work in Victoria also assisted the
parochial clergy, Mr. Garrett at St. John's Church and Mr. Woods at
Christ Church.116 The latter also visited the Esquimalt district. Another
town on Vancouver Island was Nanaimo, " the Newcastle of the Pacific,"
with a population of 300, where the Rev. J. B. Good ministered to white
men and Indians with marked success.117 Saanich was served by the
Rev. R. L. Lowe.118
In October Archdeacon Wright sailed to the mainland on the Otter,
which took nine hours to cover the 70 miles to New Westminster, the
capital. " The scenery, as you thread the several islands, is very much
that of Scotland," he wrote.
It is difficult to realize that you are not steaming upon a lake, so smooth is the
water, and all so seemingly land locked. In the distance was seen the ever beautiful, though ever varying Mount Baker, capped with its eternal snow. The entrance
to the Fraser is very grand. It is commonly thought in England that the navigation
of the mouth of the river is intricate and dangerous. It is quite the reverse. The
passage is narrow, but can be made with ease at all seasons of the year, provided
ordinary care be taken. Even admitting danger, it would be entirely avoided by
means of a steam tug.
(115) C.C.C., 1862, pp. 13-14.
(116) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 29, 1861.
(117) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 29, 1861, and February 28, 1862. John
Booth Good (1833-71918) served as an S.P.G. Missionary in Nova Scotia, 1859-
61; at Victoria in 1861; Nanaimo with the Indian Mission at Comox, 1861-66;
Indian Mission at Lytton, Yale, and Hope, 1866-82; Nanaimo, 1882-99. Canon
of Christ Church Cathedral, 1892-1906.
(118) Richard Lomas Lowe served at Nanaimo, 1859-61, and at Saanich with
Lake, 1861-65.   He was later Vicar of Bradeley. 1955 Henry Press Wright 149
As we reached the wharf about six o'clock, there was little to be seen in the
dusk but dark-looking buildings, backed by a still darker-looking forest. The
Colonial Hotel received me with a glowing fire, and well-supplied table. It is quite
surprising how well these establishments are managed out here. My board and
lodging were, I should say, better than at many town hotels in England, and the
prices very moderate.119
The foUowing day, October 10, he rose early and visited the church.
The site of New Westminster is noble indeed, and the plan of the city, as
designed by Colonel Moody, R.E., is spoken of as a great success. Considering
that three years ago New Westminster was a forest, its progress has been something
incredible. Already it has the appearance of a large town, and having the advantage of the waters of the giant Fraser, one feels that it must in time become a
wealthy city. The church, designed by Captain Lempriere, R.E., has architectural
beauties beyond anything I have yet seen in these colonies, and they are the more
striking as the building occupies a central and commanding position. The internal
arrangements are all good—everything simple, substantial, comfortable, decent
and in order. With the assistance of the Royal Engineers, Mr. Sheepshanks,120
the rector, has an excellent choir, and I am told he has that which is much more
important, a large and earnest congregation.
The military settlement is situated about a mile from New Westminster.
I found only a few men under one officer; the main body is up the country
making roads to the interior. The thoroughly English character of the capital of
British Columbia is attributed largely to the influence of this small body of troops.
The officers are spoken of in the highest terms, and those under them as noble
specimens of intelligence, manliness, and Christian bearing.121
The population of the interior consisted of about 4,000 people spread
over an area 500 mUes by 300. Small towns of from one to three hundred inhabitants were scattered at points where the depots for supplying
the miners with food and implements required them. In spite of the
difficulties, a number of missionary clergy were at work, and churches
were being erected.122 On November 7 the Archdeacon accompanied
the Bishop to Hope for the consecration of its church. "As you ascend
the Fraser the scenery becomes charming," he wrote.
Dark mountains hang gloomily over the rushing stream, their sides far up thickly
studded with trees. Pines of various kinds, curled maple, juniper, birch, and
poplar, are mingled together—the pine ever the most abundant.   At this season the
(119) Report, 1861, pp. 29-30.
(120) John Sheepshanks, D.D. (1834-1912), arrived in British Columbia in
August, 1859, and was Rector of New Westminster, 1859-67, though absent from
the colony for part of that time. He paid several visits to the mining districts,
described in D. W. Duthie, A Bishop in the Rough, London, 1909. He was Bishop
of Norwich, 1893-1909.
(121) Report, 1861, p. 30.
(122) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 29, 1861. 150 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
autumn tints, although fast disappearing, add largely to the beauty of every turn
of the river. We touched at Fort Langley, anchored for the night at the mouth of
Harrison River, and reached Hope about noon.
November 8.—Hope is for all practical purposes the head of navigation, and
must therefore become an important place. At present its population is small for
want of roads to the interior of the country, but soon a way will be opened to
Kamloops, when the prosperity of Hope will commence. The site of the town
is most picturesque. As I looked from the window of the parsonage, I could
easily have fancied myself in the heart of Switzerland, had not my eye fallen upon
the camp of the Royal Engineers, of whom a few were in British uniform. All
preliminaries having been arranged, we proceeded without delay to the church,
a neat wooden structure, ecclesiastical in character, externally and internally. The
houses and stores are all after the American fashion; but the church gave the
place an English look. It was a cheering sound to hear the much-respected magistrate, Mr. O'Reilly, reading the petition for consecration. Highly as I value the
daring of the British soldier, the solemn request made this day at the door of Hope
Church assured me for the colony a protection far beyond that of the most daring
earthly arm. The Rev. W. B. Crickmer, Missionary from Yale,123 presided at the
harmonium, and led the choir, which was formed chiefly of soldiers. The Rev.
J. Sheepshanks, rector of New Westminster, read the Lessons, the Prayers being
read by the Rev. A. D. Pringle,1^ the incumbent of Hope. I preached a short
sermon as applicable as I could make it to the circumstances of the place and
day, and the Bishop consecrated. At all these new stations communicants are few.
They have to be made by the steady perseverance of God's ministers, who have
cause indeed to walk by faith, and not by sight. The church was well filled, and
my prayer went forth to God, that He would in mercy bless the labours of His
Church in this rising colony, and give to the people of Hope a teachable spirit
to learn the things belonging to their peace, and to value highly their house of
prayer.125
Later experience led him to make some interesting comments on Mr.
Pringle:—
He is an earnest and able Clergyman and has been at all times an exemplary
Missionary save in one thing his love of politics. Even in that his failing is on
virtue's side. He believes that the Colony is shamefully oppressed and desires that
its interests temporal as well as spiritual should be defended. That is well and as
a Clergyman of perception and warm heart he yearns earnestly for a change
political but unfortunately he is inclined to be a little too active and perhaps so
hurts his position as a Minister of God.12^
(123) William Burton Crickmer, M.A., was the first missionary on the mainland, where he arrived in December, 1858. He served the Colonial and Continental Church Society at Langley, Yale, and Lytton, 1858-62.
(124) Alexander St. David Francis Pringle, M.A., (1829-1908), was at Hope
from 1859 to 1864.   He was later Vicar of Blakeney.
(125) Report, 1861, pp. 30-31.
(126) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 29, 1861. 1955 Henry Press Wright 151
Other clergy on the mainland were the Rev. W. B. Crickmer (Colonial and Continental Church Society) at Yale and the Rev. J. Gammage
of the S.P.G. ("a good servant well worthy your confidence")127 at
Douglas. North of these were the Rev. R. C. Lundin Brown128 at LU-
loett and, working voluntarily among the miners,129 the Rev. Christopher
Knipe.130 On the north-west coast, at Fort Simpson, the C.M.S. had
estabUshed a mission to the Indians in 1857 under a very remarkable
layman, WUliam Duncan, who had been joined in 1860 by the Rev. L. S.
TugweU.131
The general quality and zeal of these missionaries was high, and the
Bishop, in addition to visiting remote areas himself, had shown foresight
in placing clergy at key points, so that aU significant centres were served
by the Church. Archdeacon Wright summed up his impressions: "...
the Bishop of Columbia has done wonders and his work is being blessed
largely."132
By December, 1861, the Archdeacon had secured the gtft of 5 acres
of land on the banks of the Fraser River, on the outskirts of New Westminster, for an Archdeaconry House, with room for a church and school.
He estimated that it would cost £125 to clear the land, £75 to fence it,
and £500 for a house. He and the Bishop gave £250 each, and the
S.P.G. advanced the remainder.133 The work did not proceed without
setbacks, for the winter of 1861-1862 was unduly severe, and construction was stopped in November. It was a worrying time. " We have had
snow and frost since 17th Novr. and it is now snowing hard," he wrote
in February, 1862.
The degree of cold has not been so low as in Canada but seven below zero is quite
cold enough.   The Nn. shores of the Pacific have suffered terribly.   Throughout
(127) Ibid. James Gammage (1822-71896) arrived in British Columbia
April, 1859, and served at various places, especially Douglas, until 1864.
(128) Robert Christopher Lundin Brown, M.A., Chaplain at Lillooet (Cayoosh), 1860-65, visited other mining centres.   He died in 1876.
(129) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 28, 1862.
(130) Christopher Knipe, M.A. (1834-71896), was in the mining areas, including Cariboo and Alberni, from 1860 to 1865.
(131) William Duncan (1832-1918) started missionary work under the C.M.S.
at Fort Simpson in 1857, and was joined by the Rev. Lewen Street TugweU from
1860 to 1861. In 1862 Duncan founded the Indian town of Metlakahtla. After
disputes with the C.M.S. he founded New Metlakahtla in United States territory
in 1887.
(132) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 29, 1861.   See also Report, 1861, p. 31.
(133) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 7, 1861. Journal of the S.P.G. Committee,
1859-64, pp. 224-225, February 21, 1862. 152 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
California the large towns have been utterly destroyed by the floods—Sacramento
the Capital, Stockton etc. etc. have been swept away—property worth millions of
dollars destroyed. In Oregon the mills have been so much injured that flour which
three months ago was 5 Doll, a barrel is now 10 Doll, and there is every prospect
of an advance. Cattle to Oregon, British Columbia & Vancouver I. have been
starved by hundreds, so that in all directions meat is scarce & therefore dear.
These severe winters occur I am told once every 20 years. This island from its
salubrity and mildness of climate has been called the Madeira of the Pacific.
I certainly cannot endorse the comparison. The high price of provisions will be
felt more during 1862 because of the numbers coming up to the B. Columbia
mines. Already the steamers from California are bringing their hundreds and as
soon as the weather breaks we may expect an influx of at least 10,000 miners—
common opinion says 40,000. If more than 10,000 come we shall not be able to
feed them as all our foodstuffs & cattle are from Oregon & Washington Territory.
We shall be sadly in want of Missionaries to meet the demand of this vast immigration and know that the good old Society will help us to the utmost.134
The general picture of church life, however, was stiU favourable.
There were two losses—Mr. Crickmer and Mr. TugweU—and some sickness amongst the clergy, but the churches at Victoria were flourishing
and plans for new ones continued. Those at Lillooet and Douglas were
ready for consecration; that at Nanaimo, where Mr. Good was making
valuable progress, would be ready in about two months, and tenders
were being received for two more. Plans were being made for another
visit to the Cariboo gold-fields by the Bishop and two or three of his
clergy. He himself was very content, and concluded his letter: " My
chUdren are playing around me so take these scraps as they are—mere
jottings hastily put down mid much chattering singing etc. Thank God
we have exceUent health and are very happy."135
The spring brought renewed activity to the Diocese, and on June 3
the Bishop, accompanied by the Archdeacon and Lieutenant Verney,
rode out from Victoria at 7 a.m. on a beautiful day to open the new
church at Saanich, the first to be erected in the rural districts. A cart
with provisions had been sent the previous day, but the traveUers found
it by the wayside, broken down. " We took up some of the fighter
articles," wrote the Bishop. " I carried the butter, the Archdeacon the
bread, Mr. Verney something else, and afterwards other friends who
came by gathered more, and brought them on." A good congregation
of viUagers, augmented by visitors from Victoria, attended the Communion service, at which the Archdeacon read the Epistle.136
(134) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 28, 1862.
(135) Ibid.
(136) Report, 1862, p. 12.   See also Victoria Colonist, June 4, 1862. 1955 Henry Press Wright 153
Five days later another church, that at Nanaimo, was opened, though
owing to the lack of title deeds it could not be consecrated. The Bishop
and his party, including Archdeacon Wright, the Rev. C. T. Woods, and
the Rev. R. L. Lowe, arrived on the Enterprise on June 7 and on the
foUowing day, Whitsunday, three services were held, including a confirmation.137   The Archdeacon preached in the afternoon.138
On Monday, June 16, the Bishop set out for the mines, leaving Victoria on the Enterprise with the Archdeacon and Mr. Garrett. At New
Westminster they embarked on the Colonel Moody river boat, crammed
with eighty-four passengers and forty horses. In the course of the journey the boat caught fire from the hot wood-ash; but this was a frequent
occurrence, and the blaze was put out with little difficulty. The party
landed at Emory's Bar and rode to Yale.139
The Rev. H. Reeve140 was stationed at Yale, undertaking mission
work to white settlers, Indians, and Chinese. Services were held there on
Sunday the 22nd, the Archdeacon preaching in the evening, and next day
they set off again. One of the heavily-laden pack-horses sUpped over
a precipice and down the rocky slope into the river below, but the load
on his back protected him, and the Bishop was able to puU him out. The
Bishop's blankets and the Archdeacon's carpet-bag were amongst the
baggage that was immersed, and the evening was spent drying blankets
and clothing by a camp-fire.
The next day they reached Chapman's Bar, and met Mr. Trutch,141
who was in charge of a road-making party. About eighty of the men
assembled in the evening for prayers and hymns, with an address by the
Archdeacon. MeanwhUe Mr. Garrett was vaccinating local Indians.
The journey was resumed the foUowing morning, and by the 27th the
party had reached Jackass Mountain, where the danger of falling rock
from blasting operations during road-making caused delay.   There were
(137) A. E. Hendy, St. Paul's Church, Nanaimo, B.C. A Brief History . . . ,
[Nanaimo?], 1953, p. 8.
(138) Report, 1862, p. 13.
(139) Report, 1862, pp. 14-21. (This and the following three paragraphs are
summarized from Bishop Hills' diary, printed in this report.)
(140) Henry Reeve, formerly a missionary in Shanghai, was at Yale from
1862 to 1866.
(141) (Sir) Joseph William Trutch (1826-1904), a civil engineer, went to
British Columbia in 1859. He was later Surveyor-General and, from 1871 to 1876,
Lieutenant-Governor.
3 154 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
some anxious moments when, after taking the wrong trail, the horses had
to be led back along a pathway which in places narrowed to 10 inches.
The party reached Lytton at 3 p.m. on June 28, and were greeted
by Mr. Knipe, who had been there for two weeks. On Sunday services
were held in a store, as a court-house formerly used had not been weU
attended. Archdeacon Wright preached in the morning. They continued north to Foster's Bar on the 30th. On July 2 the Bishop and the
Archdeacon parted, the latter going with Mr. Knipe to Lillooet. Thence
he returned to New Westminster to take over the duties of Mr. Sheepshanks, who went up-country to join the Bishop in the Cariboo mining
area.142
Archdeacon Wright was also responsible for the supervision of Vancouver Island. He arranged that Mr. Garrett should visit the new settlement of Cowichan every other week; on these occasions he took two
services (6 miles apart) for the settlers and two for the Indians. On
other Sundays he was at Cedar Plains.143
At this time New Westminster was making good progress, and the
church was well supported—£400 was raised for church purposes in
1862, and there was an average congregation of 150. After Mr. Sheepshanks' return the Archdeacon continued to preach at New Westminster
every other week, but his main concern was with the Royal Engineers'
camp at Sapperton, not far away. Out of the 350 people Uving there
about 220, including seventy young chUdren, were at least nominally
Church of England. In addition to parade services there was a voluntary service with about fifty present, a Sunday School with twenty-five
chUdren run by the Archdeacon, and a day school which he visited.144
Side by side with the Archdeacon's pastoral work went Diocesan
administration. The Bishop valued his counsel and companionship as
a man older and more experienced than the majority of missionaries.
In conjunction with Mr. Edward G. Alston, the Diocesan Registrar, they
invested the Archdeaconry Fund in mortgages and land in the colony
and worked to raise local endowments, while church buUding steadily
continued.145 In the hope of eventually organizing a synod, a Diocesan
Church Society was planned as an initial step in diocesan unity.146
(142) He had intended to go there in March. H.P.W. to S.P.G., December
29, 1861; February 28, 1862.
(143) The Mission Field, VHI (1863), pp. 11-12, 60.
(144) H.P.W.'s report to S.P.G. on Sapperton, December 15, 1862.
(145) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 16, 1863.
(146) H.P.W. to S.P.G., April 30, 1862. 1955 Henry Press Wright 155
Nevertheless, the Diocese was very large. On March 29, 1863, the
Bishop saUed for England to attempt to arrange for its division and also
to raise more interest and support for the Mission.147 Archdeacon
Wright assumed charge of the Diocese.148 During 1863-64 he traveUed
1,200 mUes on the mainland (900 on horseback) and 400 on Vancouver
Island.149 He established a mission at Comox, travelling there from
Nanaimo with Rev. J. B. Good on June 21, 1864, to fix a site for a
chapel, and arranging the transfer there of Mr. J. C. B. Cave as
Catechist.150
Travelling was primitive: "... I always slept on the ground in
the midst of miners, wrapped in my two stout blankets, a saddle for my
piUow; the fare plentiful, but rough," he commented.151 There were
lawless elements, and much crudity, but he summed up his impressions:—
I have travelled the length and breadth of the colony, days and weeks utterly
unprotected, save by the honesty and uprightness of those amid whom I passed.
Never did I receive from white man or red man aught but the kindest expressions,
often the most generous hospitality, the heartiest welcome.152
As a result of his travels he drew some conclusions on the future of
British Columbia. Of the Kootenais, he wrote, one must " hope much
and beUeve Uttle." The areas west of the Fraser and from the Columbia
to the Rockies were covered by forests. He did not expect much from
the Cut-off Valley, and the area up to Alexander would need irrigation;
there was also the danger of frost. Okanagan would not draw a large
population. The development of agriculture would follow the settlement
of the country.
British Columbia, beyond doubt, teems with riches, but they are hard to reach.
In good truth it is a hard colony to deal with, and nothing save its minerals can
bring to it a population. . . . Develop our minerals, and my belief is British
Columbia will prove in due time, not in a hurry, but steadily and surely, one of
the richest possessions of the British Empire.153
(147) Report, 1862, pp. 53, 68-70.
(148) Report, 1864, p. 52.
(149) H.P.W. to S.P.G., October 13, 1864.
(150) Report, 1864, p. 31. Jordayne Cave Browne Cave served the Nanaimo
Indian Mission as a layman from 1862 to 1867 and was at Comox, 1864-67.
Ordained deacon, 1867, he was at Sapperton, 1867-68, and as a priest served at
Saanich with Lake, 1868-70.
(151) Mission Life, VIII (1877), p. 531.
(152) Report of S.P.G., 1865, London, 1866, p. 62.
(153) Undated letter, printed in New Westminster British Columbian, October
5, 1864. 156 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
Mrs. Wright meanwhile stayed in New Westminster or Victoria.
A chUd, Ernest, was born in 1862, and in August, 1863, Mr. Alston
wrote to H. P. P. Crease: "Mrs. Archdeacon babby [sic], etc. have come
down upon us for a visit—a regular flight from Egypt & the plagues
thereof—no smaU addition to our smaU estabUshment. Mary & Fred
are distributed at Mrs. McCreight's & Nina at Mrs. Reece's. I never
saw such a whopping big baby & a terrific roarer."154 Mary Wright married Captain Henry Spencer Palmer, R.E., on October 7, 1863.155 It is
said that as a wedding present they were offered an oil painting or a piece
of ground on the present site of Vancouver, and chose the picture.156
They returned to England before the end of the year.
Early in 1865 the Archdeacon agreed to speak on the Crimea at the
inaugural meeting of a series of lectures at the New Westminster Library.
The meeting was postponed because of bad weather, and the series was
eventuaUy abandoned.157
The Bishop returned on March 10, bringing with him his wife, Maria,
second daughter of Admiral Sir Richard King.158 He received a formal
welcome from Archdeacon Wright and the clergy and laity of New Westminster on March 31.159 The Archdeacon soon returned to England, on
his recaU to mUitary duty by the War Office. His reluctance to go was
tempered by the thought that a Bishop would shortly be appointed to the
See of New Westminster, and that Mr. Sheepshanks would soon return
to his parish.   Neither of these hopes, unfortunately, was realized.160
Before he sailed, the Archdeacon had the pleasure of seeing the
Church of St. Mary, Sapperton, whose erection he had done much to
promote, consecrated by the Bishop on May l.161 The congregations of
Sapperton and New Westminster united to bid him an affectionate fare-
weU, and after his last service and sermon the two church committees
presented him with an address:—
(154) Alston to Crease, August 3, 1863, in British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XII (1948), p. 89.
(155) Victoria Colonist, October 8, 1863.
(156) Mrs. Mitchell to author, March 8, 1955.
(157) British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XI (1947), p. 171.
(158) Report, 1864, p. 25; Burke's Peerage, London, 1953, p. 1187.
(159) Report, 1864, p. 27.
(160) Ibid., p. 53. For the projected division of the Diocese see Report, 1862,
p. 69; 1863, pp. 5-6; 1866, pp. 9-15. Mr. Postlethwaite of Coatham was designated Bishop, according to C.C.C., 1865, p. 462.
(161) Report, 1864, p. 57. 1955 Henry Press Wright 157
We acknowledge with grateful feelings the deep interest you have steadily
manifested through the whole of your career amongst us in everything which
could tend to promote the material and spiritual welfare of our church. Prominent
in all educational matters, your views, at once sound, liberal and practical, have
commended themselves to other religious denominations besides our own, and will
leave their mark, and, we trust, bear fruit abundantly, long after you have ceased
to be among us.   .   .   .
Receive also our acknowledgment of the hearty readiness with which you have
aided us in every good word and work that could tend to promote the welfare of
British Columbia and its inhabitants, for your sympathy indeed with everything
British Columbian.
In his reply the Archdeacon said:—
Though absent in body I shall continue with you in spirit, and of this you may
be assured, that my every exertion shall be made at home to further the well-doing
of a colony which has such vast resources, and in which we all take so deep an
interest. You truly observe that my sympathies have been with everything British
Columbian.   I trust that they will never cease to be so.1^2
Archdeacon Wright and his family saUed on the mail steamer Sierra
Nevada at 6 p.m. on May 25, seen off by the Bishop and Mrs. HUls.163
On his arrival in England, the Archdeacon preached a sermon in which
he summed up his impressions of church Ufe in the Diocese.
In every place where men have gathered, there a house of God has been
erected, and a resident clergyman stationed. At Langley, Hope, Yale, Douglas,
Lillooet, Cariboo, Sapperton, and in New Westminster, houses of God have been
built. . . . Five of those churches have been served by resident ministers, whose
work it has been to deal with souls gathered together from various nations of the
earth, of all creeds, and no creed. Many who once had a creed and a love of God,
by long wandering have lost their faith and forgotten their God. . . . The
general influence of the Church upon the white man has been great, and with the
red man not a little has been effected.1^*
Mr. Wright's attention had now to be directed to mUitary duties.
WhUe in British Columbia he had been promoted to the First Class, and
now headed the list of chaplains with a rank equivalent to colonel.165
His first station was Gosport, but by the end of the year he had been
posted to Portsmouth, and another period of fruitful work began.166
(162) Report, 1864, pp. 52-53.
(163) Report, 1866, p. 16.
(164) Report of S.P.G., 1865, London, 1866, pp. 61-62. He also did other
preaching for the Columbia Mission Fund (Report, 1866, p. 86).
(165) Army List, February, 1864, p. 330 (with effect from January 1, 1864).
(166) Army List, September, 1865, p. 137; January, 1866, p. 137. 158 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
The Garrison Church of Portsmouth was a building of unusual interest; it consisted of the haU and chapel of the ancient hospital or " Domus
Dei" founded early in the thirteenth century. With the passage of time,
however, the group of buildings surrounding it had been demolished,
and what remained was in a deplorable condition. "ExternaUy and
internaUy it offered every deformity which ages, ignorant of aU laws of
ecclesiastical architecture, could supply," wrote the chaplain.
The roof had been so frequently lowered that it was nearly flat; a parapet of
brick ran completely along the north and south sides of the nave and chancel; eight
long repulsive windows in the nave admitted a flood of light from the north and
south, while at the west end was a curiously hideous window, which when designed
was deemed, I doubt not, a marvel of talent. The windows of the chancel were
equally bad, save those at the east end. These were a part of the original building,
but unhappily had been so shortened that they looked stumpy and uncomfortable.
Add to this a shabby hovel for a vestry attached to the north aisle at the west end,
a huge box for a porch before the west entrance, and a lofty thick unseemly wall,
effectually shutting out worship, save on Sundays; and you will have some idea of
the appearance of God's House outwardly, after well intentioned ignorance had
for generations laboured to preserve it.
Around it was the church-yard:—
Brick graves abounded; some tottering, some in ruins; lofty iron railings covered
with rust and sadly mutilated, stood round begrimed tombs, of which much was
hidden by accumulated dirt and rank grass; head stones were everywhere and in
every direction; deep hollows and irregular mounds alternated; and round all
stood a thick, high wall, inviting the thoughtless to use God's Acre as a receptacle
of dead animals and old kettles.
Within, the appearance was Uttle better, in spite of some attempt at
cleaning and rearrangement; it was smoky and dingy, with shabby chocolate-coloured pews and yeUow waUs.167
The first positive step towards something better was made in 1861,
when the noted architect G. E. Street surveyed the building and made
suggestions for its restoration; but nearly four years elapsed before,
through the efforts of Colonel Shadwell and the Rev. J. E. Sabin, the
Senior Chaplain, a pubUc meeting was held to set up a Committee and
start a fund for the work. The objects were to provide a new roof and
new windows, clean and repair the waUs, rebuUd the west front to give
an extra bay, renew floors and seats, buUd a beU turret, and fence the
graveyard. The original estimate was for £3,500, to which the War
Office undertook to contribute £1,500.
(167) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 1-39, 43. 1955 Henry Press Wright 159
PreUminary plans were still being made when Mr. Wright succeeded
Mr. Sabin (though the latter remained a member of the Committee).
Before the end of 1866 it was possible to place orders for the work on
the walls, roof, windows, and west end. Early in 1868 the beU turret
and boundary waU were authorized, and this was foUowed by the flooring of chancel and nave. On October 30, 1868, the buUding was
reopened at a crowded service, at which the Bishop of Winchester
preached.
Rising costs had made it necessary to spend £4,700 on this work, and
though the War Office grant was increased to £2,000, nearly £1,000 was
unpaid. The debt was steadUy reduced, however, and in 1870 a new
Committee undertook the reseating of the church in oak, and the completion of the building by erecting a porch and vestry.168
In addition to the work which was undertaken from the general funds
raised by the Committee, the furnishing and decorations were provided
entirely by direct gifts, including the altar (presented by Mr. Sabin),
organ, pulpit, and lectern. Forty-two oak staUs were given as memorials,
including one by the Chaplains' Department in memory of their comrades faUen in the Crimea. The twenty-three stained glass windows also
included one to commemorate the Crimean chaplains, and one depicting
David and Jonathan which Mr. Wright erected to his brothers Captain
C. M. M. Wright, R.N., and Lt. E. D. Wright of the 59th.169 A smaUer
set of communion vessels was obtained and the large Queen Anne plate
reserved for great occasions.170
Mr. Wright's account of the work of restoration paid tribute to the
Rev. John Sabin, " one of the very first movers in the work (they so
often are forgotten whUe others get the credit)," but made no mention
of his own share.171 He was, however, the only member of the Committee to serve from the early days to the completion of the work, and,
as his gravestone records, " to his large hearted zeal, then" Garrison
Church owes its successful restoration."172
The restored church was architecturaUy and artisticaUy a transformation, but what chiefly gratified the chaplain was the fact that" the soldiers
now speak of their church with pride, and many of them find it a true
(168) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 39-49.
(169) Ibid., pp. 54-117.
(170) London Times, September 30, 1885, p. 4 (letter of H.P.W., September
26).
(171) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 42, 48, 57-58.
(172) Rev. R. W. Tyler, Rector of Greatham, to author, March 28, 1955. 160 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
house of peace to them."173 He had become very much interested in the
past of the Domus Dei during the years of restoration, and embodied the
result of his researches in a volume pubUshed early in 1873, The Story
of the " Domus Dei" of Portsmouth, which recounted its fortunes from
the earUest times and gave a fuU description of the restoration and present appearance of the buUding.174
The research necessary for this book had interested him in Christian
work for the sick. When in the spring of 1875 he took a hoUday in
France and Germany, he not only made inquiries into the methods of
the chaplains' departments of continental armies, but sought out old hospitals, with varied success.   "Among other classic places," he wrote,
I went to Bayeux, Caen, Sens, and Chartres, hoping to find some relics of those
noble hospitals, of which Frenchmen were once so proud. To my deep sorrow,
not one stone was left upon another. At Bourges I found a lovely Gothic building
fast going to destruction; Ourscamp, a magnificent remain, partly a church, partly
a cotton store; the Maladrerie du Tourtoir, a barn, cottage, and squire's house;
whilst Angers, the hospital of which city was built by our own Henry H, presented
the saddest picture of all. Its universally admired grange is now a brewery and its
Gothic hall, unsurpassed for chaste beauty, was threatened with immediate destruction to make way for a new road. ... I visited with delight the fine hospitals
of Tonnerre, Dole, and Beaune, and can only pray that they may long remain in
their present substantial condition.
He also visited Lubeck: " The journey was long, but I was amply repaid
by the sight of a fabric unsurpassed as an example of mediaeval
charity."175
During his years at Portsmouth Mr. Wright did not Umit his interest
to mUitary affairs. His work in the restoration of the Domus Dei brought
him into touch with the leading men in the pubUc life of the city; he
preached at local harvest homes, and was a widely known and popular
figure in the area.176 His kindness of heart was exemplified by the assistance he and Mrs. Wright gave to a stevedore and his famUy of eleven
chUdren; they gave particular help to one of the boys, paying for his
education, securing him a post as clerk in a London office, and afterwards
(173) Wright, Portsmouth, p. 50.
(174) He dedicated the book to the Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of Cambridge, whose Chaplain he had been since 1857. The Church continued in use
until 1941, when the nave was badly damaged, chiefly by fire bombs, in a German
air raid.
(175) Wright, Stamford, pp. vii viii; Chichester, pp. xxvii-xxix; Church in
Army, pp. 7-8.
(176) Portsmouth Times, May 8, 1877. 1955 Henry Press Wright 161
assisting him to emigrate to AustraUa, where he became very prosperous.177 A photograph of Mr. Wright taken at this tune shows him with
greying hair, but straight-backed and firm-jawed, proudly wearing his
Crimean medals and grasping his umbreUa Uke a sword, though his eyes
give a pleasant hint of humour behind his spectacles.178
In April, 1875, a great change came to the Chaplains' Department,
when Prebendary Gleig retired at the age of nearly eighty. It was generaUy anticipated that Mr. Wright would succeed him as Chaplain-
General, but there had been some feeUng that episcopal orders would be
an advantage in the post, and it was filled by the appointment of the
Rt. Rev. Piers Claughton, former Bishop of Colombo. Apart from his
status Bishop Claughton, kindly, devout, and hard-working though he
was, seemed Uttle suited to the work. He was sixty-one, had only the
sUghtest knowledge of mUitary Ufe and its problems, and retained outside posts which took up much of his tune.179
The new Chaplain-General presided over a session of the Church
Congress at Stoke-on-Trent on October 6, at which an address, " The
Church in the Army," was given by the Rev. H. P. Wright.180 One
wonders what Bishop Claughton thought of it, for though it opened
with a friendly tribute to his own quaUties, there foUowed a careful
consideration of the office of Chaplain-General, leading to the conclusion
that episcopal rank was not a necessity, but that experience of soldiers
was essential. " He should be an experienced chaplain . . . who
has long lived with the soldier and studied closely his many vntues, and
not less his special vices and the way to meet them." Such a man
might weU, thought Mr. Wright, be over sixty, but should retire at
seventy. Though there may have been a touch of personal feeling in
these remarks, the argument had much force in it.
The rest of the address was on less delicate ground. It urged that
abiUty alone should decide appointments, and that able clergy would
be attracted to the Chaplains' Department if some of the Uvings in the
gift of the Lord ChanceUor were reserved for those who had served in it.
(177) Mrs. Kirkham to author, May 27, 1955. She met the emigrant in Foo-
chow in about 1910. The date is not certain, but Portsmouth is a more likely place
than Canterbury for this episode.
(178) Now in the possession of Mrs. Vellacott (Archdeacon Wright's granddaughter), of Victoria, B.C.   A copy is in the B.C. Archives.
(179) J.R.A.C.D., IV, pp. 357-358; V, pp. 420-425. London Times, December 12, 1876, p. 6.
(180) London Times, October 8, 1875, p. 5. 162 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
Extreme men of any sort were undesirable, since church attendance in
the army was compulsory. Other suggestions included an annual synod
to promote unity and consistency in work, greater continuity between
successive chaplains on a station, and the provision of better chapels.
FinaUy Mr. Wright turned to the welfare of the soldier, reiterating
some of the arguments of England's Duty. Some soldiers' institutes had
faUed because they had been " that miserable rningling of the conventicle
and the club." He urged the need for attractive canteens, entertainments, sports grounds, and decent married quarters.181
During his last year in the army Mr. Wright endeavoured to gain a
wider public for some of his ideas on army welfare by a series of letters
to the Times. After careful discussion with N.C.O.s, he suggested that
more recruits would be attracted if barracks were warmer, rations better,
and new, instead of second-hand, uniforms issued to recruits. Men
were required to be in barracks at 9 p.m., which was very early, and
the procedure for obtaining passes was far too elaborate. To set aside
3d a day for every man serving six years would result in £30 deferred
pay being avaUable at the end of his term, and this could be issued in
six-monthly instalments of £10. Discharge pensions should be permanent.182
In a second letter he took up the case of N.C.O.s. They too were
hedged about with petty restrictions on passes; lights had to be out
in sergeants' bunks by 9 p.m. in the winter. Pay was smaU in relation
to extra responsibUities, and the gratuity after eighteen years' service,
ten as a sergeant, had been reduced from £15 to £5. Promotion to
commissioned rank was theoreticaUy possible, but the smaU number who
sought it were unable to obtain fair treatment. Official appointments
should, he thought, be avaUable to retired N.C.O.s.183
These proposals were severely criticized by officers and other correspondents, but Mr. Wright stoutly defended his views, urging that
comfort for soldiers did not mean absurd luxury, but conditions that
would attract worth-whUe men. Conscription was no answer; in Prussia this poUcy harmed the national economy by taking men away from
everyday work, and drove many able-bodied men to emigrate in order to
avoid mUitary service. Britain, as the head of a rich and prosperous
Empire, must calculate the cost of an effective army and pay it.   The
(181) Wright, Church in Army, passim.
(182) London Times, December 30, 1875, p. 8.
(183) Ibid., January 1, 1876, p. 10. 1955 Henry Press Wright 163
great need was for a period of steady working out of recent army
reforms, the wise spending of money, " and a grateful care of old and
deserving soldiers."184 In a final letter, after his retirement, he again
put the case for setting aside one or two Crown Uvings annuaUy for
retired mUitary chaplains.185
On December 9, 1876, he retired from the Chaplains' Department
after more than thirty-one years, a time which had seen immense changes
in the army as a whole and in the work of army chaplains in particular.186
He had a pension of 17/6 a day, with a special award of £100 per annum
for his Crimean services, but he did not contemplate an idle retirement.187 Bishop HUls welcomed the idea of his return to British Columbia, and appointed him Archdeacon of Vancouver Island and Canon of
Christ Church Cathedral. "At sixty years of age, strong and weU, thank
God, I gladly go to spend the rest of my days in the service of the great
Head of the Church," he wrote. " Having my pensions and other means
I shaU require no stipend from Missionary societies, nor shaU I be a cost
to the good and faithful Bishop."188
Before he left England he accepted Bishop HUls' request to raise
£1,000 for missionary and educational work.189 In seven months he
traveUed as far afield as Manchester, Porlock, and Norwich, addressing
ten meetings and fifty-eight services, as weU as obtaining personal subscriptions, and coUected £1,633.19° Tribute was paid to his work at
a meeting of the S.P.G., at which Bishop Claughton presided.191
The people of Portsmouth also expressed their regard. A testimonial
was set on foot in April by the Mayor, under distinguished patronage,
including that of the Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of Cambridge;192
on May 7, 1877, a gathering was held at the George Hotel to make the
(184) London Times, January 11, 1876, p. 8; January 22, p. 12; April 10,
p. 4.
(185) Ibid., December 15, 1876, p. 3.
(186) Army List, January, 1877, p. 870.
(187) J.R.A.C.D., IV, p. 327; Crockfbrd's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362.
(188) Mission Life, VTU (1877), p. 41.
(189) Ibid.
(190) Report, 1877, pp. 49-50.   (His expenses were £57.)
(191) Mission Life, VUI (1877), p. 96.
(192) The original Committee included the Mayor (Chairman); Sir Francis
Hastings Doyle; Lord H. Scott, M.P.; Cowper Temple, M.P.; Sir J. D. Elphin-
stone, M.P.; Mr. Bruce, M.P.; and Viscount Templetown. (London Times, April
19, 1877, p. 9.) 164 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
presentation. The Mayor spoke of the work done by Archdeacon
Wright in restoring the Domus Dei and of his concern for the weffare
of the soldier; he then handed him a purse, an elaborately chased service of plate, and a salver.   The latter was inscribed:—
Presented to the Ven. Archdeacon Wright, M.A., Chaplain to the Forces (1st
Class), together with a service of plate and a purse of 125 guineas, on his leaving
England for British Columbia, as a memento of his long and valuable services, but
especially of his eleven years of untiring exertions for the restoration of the Royal
Garrison Church, the old Domus Dei of Portsmouth.—William Pink, Mayor of
Portsmouth, chairman; R. W. Ford, hon. secretary.
In replying, the Archdeacon spoke of the restoration of the Domus
Dei and the work of others in this project.    Of his own share he
added:—
Well, indeed, was I repaid by daily watching the marvellous change from
deformity to beauty; and now I am repaid a thousand times over when standing
in the midst of this gathering—the recipient of public thanks. ... To a man
who never in his life had one penny left him the money will be extremely useful,
and the salver and tea and coffee service will, I am sure, be ever valued by my
family as a treasure of inestimable worth.   .   .   .
Yesterday [he concluded] I spent my hours—from eight in the morning to eight
in the evening—chiefly in the old " Domus Dei"—that soldiers' House of God so
valued by us all. To-day I am the object of your generous consideration, and on
Holy Thursday I shall, after Divine service in the church of a distinguished
missionary, once my close friend and neighbour in British Columbia, embark for
my new home to join the good Bishop of Columbia, the friend of my boyhood, of
my manhood, and of my old age. Many have said that I ought to have had
provided for me a quiet retreat where the old soldier priest might have had rest.
I value their kindness and thank them. To me, Mr. Mayor, the best rest is that
which comes from the respect of those mid whom I have laboured. Being still
hale and strong, my truest repose will be in busy doing, without which life would
be a burden to me. The kindness of the citizens and garrison of Portsmouth, and
of my many friends, so generously expressed this day gives me renewed vigour,
and I do indeed feel grateful to all who have so liberally dealt with me. I can
simply again thank them, and may every blessing be on them.
In the concluding formaUties, several speakers expressed the hope of
seeing the Archdeacon again on a visit, the Mayor adding that " with
the advance made in science, he might some day come over in a great
hurry by means of a pneumatic tube."193
(193) Portsmouth Times and Naval Gazette—County Journal, May 8, 1877.
A complete transcript of the account of the ceremony has been supplied through
the kindness of the City Librarian of Portsmouth. 1955 Henry Press Wright 165
VI
Archdeacon Wright saUed from Liverpool on May 10, accompanied
by Mrs. Wright, two sons and two daughters, and by Miss AUce Perceval,
who was to be Lady Principal of Angela CoUege. The ship left MovUle
on the 11th and reached Quebec on the 19th.194 From there the route
lay to Montreal, Chicago, and thence across the continent. " Crossing
the Sierra Nevada Range presents grand mountain views, but oh, the
dreary days of sage grass desert, teeming with alkaU, or of uninteresting
prairie land as level as a croquet ground! " he wrote. They reached
San Francisco on May 28 and two days later left for Esquimalt, where
they arrived on June 2. The Archdeacon attended Divine Service at
Christ Church Cathedral the next day, and a week later was instituted
to his new post. The same afternoon, June 10, there was a confirmation
at Metchosin.195
On June 14 the Church of St. Peter at Cowichan was consecrated.
The Bishop and his party, including Archdeacon Wright and the Rev.
H. H. Mogg,196 left Victoria by the specially chartered steamer Cariboo
Fly at 6.30 a.m. and landed at Cowichan Bay. Here they were met
by wagons to take them to the church.
But oh, the waggons! If ever divines were much shaken, the Bishop and his clergy
were that day. Mr. Mogg and I sat immediately over the hind wheels, and as
there were no springs the jumping, jolting, and jogging were terrible to endure.
At last we could bear it no longer, and took to our feet and comfort. The walk
was delightful, and we reached the church just in time.
The Archdeacon preached (from 2 Sam. vii: 2) and after the service
about 200 sat down to a lavish open-air meal in the shelter of the trees.
The Bishop stayed for a few days, but most of the party returned to
Victoria by steamer that evening, singing hymns as the vessel crossed
the moonUt waters.197
On July 5 the Archdeacon was one of the party that rode to Saanich
with the Bishop for the consecration of St. Stephen's Church and ceme-
(194) Mission Life, VHI (1877), p. 433; Report, 1876, p. 43.
(195) Mission Life, Vm (1877), pp. 434-435.
(196) Henry Herbert Mogg, B.A. (1850-1929), was Principal of the Collegiate
School and Curate of the Cathedral, 1876-80, Rector of Esquimalt in 1880, and
Secretary of the Diocesan Synod. He was Deputation Secretary in England for
Bishop Sillitoe. He was Vicar of Bishop's Cannings, 1907-27, and Prebendary of
Salisbury, 1919-29.
(197) Mission Life, VUI (1877), pp. 436-437; Report, 1877, pp. 20-21. 166 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
tery. The chaplain was the Rev. F. B. GribbeU.198 Archdeacon Wright
took over his earlier charge, St. Paul's Church, Esquimalt, which had
recently been redecorated after being damaged in a storm.199
A Diocesan Synod had been estabUshed in 1875, and at its third
session, which opened on July 12, 1877, the Bishop welcomed back his
old friend: " The Archdeacon of Vancouver comes amongst us, fuU of
interest and zeal and old love for the Master's work here, to assist us
with the experience and energy which have won for him honour and
gratitude from those best capable of forming an estimate of character
and usefulness in our mother-land," he said.200 The Archdeacon
preached the opening sermon of the Synod, recalling the early days of
the colony and the share of clergy in its moral and spiritual progress, as
weU as discussing the successes and difficulties of the present.201
September brought a visit by the Bishop and Archdeacon to the
mainland, to see at first hand the work being done by the Rev. J. B.
Good and his assistant, the Rev. G. Ditcham,202 at the Indian Missions
at Yale and Lytton. They saUed for New Westminster on the Enterprise
early on a crisp sunny morning, and the Archdeacon wrote: ". . . as
we skirted our own picturesque shore, or threaded our way among
lovely islets, memory went back to scenes I had so often reveUed in
whUe steaming over the blue Mediterranean." At New Westminster they
were met by Archdeacon Woods and other old friends. From there they
set out for Hope, Yale, and Boston Bar and on the fourth day, after
lunch with a party of men surveying the Une for the Canadian Pacific
RaUway, they reached Lytton, where they were met by at least 200
Indians.203
The first event of the visit was an open-air service at which the
Bishop spoke.   He was followed by the Archdeacon, who was some-
(198) Frank Barrow Gribbell, B.D., C.M.S. Missionary at Metlakahtla, 1865-
67; at St. John's, Victoria, 1867-68. Principal of Collegiate School, 1868-75;
Rector of Esquimalt, 1868-75; and of Saanich, 1875-77.   Later Vicar of Ringmer.
(199) Report, 1877, pp. 10-11; Bp. Hills to S.P.G., February 16, 1878.
(200) Report, 1877, p. 13.
(201) Wright, Synod Sermon, passim.   (His text was Acts xv: 23 & 25.)
(202) George Ditcham was a lay catechist at Yale and Hope, 1875-77, and
on his ordination remained there another year, subsequently serving at Chilliwack,
1878-81. Ordained priest, 1881, he was at St. James Granville (Burrard Inlet),
1881-87; a missionary on the Fraser River, 1887-1901; and Superintendent, New
England Indian Boys' School, Lytton, 1901-10.   He then retired to Sapperton.
(203) Mission Life, VIII (1877), pp. 530-532 (the visit was Sept. 8-10); Bp.
Hills to S.P.G., February 16, 1878. 1955 Henry Press Wright 167
what embarrassed by Mr. Good's preliminary remarks to the Indians.
" I was now introduced as the Bishop's friend, and one who had gone
forth into great battles—a patriot and a warrior," he wrote. " That
seemed to move my hearers powerfully towards me. Possibly some
deemed me the hero of a hundred fights, whUe to the mass I must have
seemed a mystery, a mingling of priest and general." In any event, he
secured their earnest attention.204
Saturday was spent in preparing candidates for confirmation. There
was a celebration of Holy Communion, with 110 communicants, on
Sunday morning, and later a long service of addresses, prayers, and
singing. Archdeacon Wright spoke on 2 Kings xix: 14. At 2.30 there
was a baptism service for thirty-five Indians (one chUd receiving the
names " Henry Press ") and fifty-seven were confirmed. The next day
the Archdeacon baptised nine more, and the Bishop conferred with
some of the leading Indians about Christian life in their vUlages.205
The whole visit greatly impressed the Archdeacon, who wrote: " I went
an unbeUever in it with the Bishop to see for myseff on the spot and
never did I behold a more glorious sight."206
Mr. Good came to Victoria with his catechist, SUas Nalee, to work
on the translation of the liturgy into the Thompson Indian dialect, and
the Archdeacon saw a good deal of him. Soon after his arrival he had
heard from Mrs. Good of the financial distress of the family, which included eight chUdren of whom the eldest son, aged seventeen, had a diseased hip bone.207 To reUeve them he had circulated an appeal which
had raised over £100, and early in 1878 he urged the S.P.G. to waive
repayment of a loan they had made to Mr. Good. If they did so,
" a faithful Missionary—possibly not always discreet as regards money
(who is?) wUl be restored to peace and comfort."208 Unfortunately
the Society was unable to do this.209
In his letters and articles the Archdeacon had at first written en-
thusiasticaUy about events and activities hi the Diocese, but he became
increasingly aware that aU was not weU.   When visiting New West-
(204) Mission Life, VIII (1877), pp. 532-533.
(205) Ibid., pp. 533-536; IX, pp. 157-162.
(206) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 23, 1878.
(207) Ibid.; Bp. Hills to S.P.G., February 16, 1878.
(208) Mission Life, VUI (1877), p. 437; H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 23, 1878.
(209) Standing Committee of S.P.G., XXXVIII   (1877-79), pp.  247-248
(meeting of April 18, 1878). 168 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
minster he noted changes in his old friends and commented: " My
habit is to fancy that aU grow old save myself, but then I was compeUed to say, if I am as altered in appearance as they are, surely my
looks must teU well of sixty summers."210 The trouble, however, was
that he had changed too little and the Diocese had changed too much,
with setbacks and problems which had not existed twelve years before.
There were several factors in this. Perhaps the gravest was the
dispute between the Bishop and Dean Cridge. The Dean, who had
arrived in 1855, was widely known, loved, and respected, and as an
old Hudson's Bay Company servant had a special status in the eyes of
its officials. His reUgious outlook, however, was extremely evangeUcal
and congregational, and he objected to the higher churchmanship of
the Bishop and to his proposals to estabUsh a Synod. Existing tension
came to a head in December, 1873, when Archdeacon Reece211 preached
an unwise sermon, commending ritual, in the Cathedral, and the Dean
rose after it to express his opposition.
This conflict was the beginning of months of bickering and dispute.
The exchange of acrimonious notes between Bishop and Dean ended
hi the trial of the latter before an ecclesiastical tribunal, whose proceedings were later declared vaUd by the civU courts. Mr. Cridge
seceded from the Church of England and estabUshed in Victoria a
church of the Reformed Episcopal denomination; he was made a
Bishop in 1875.212
There was a severe split amongst church people in the city, Sir
James Douglas and many leading members of the Cathedral congregation siding with Mr. Cridge.213 The effect was also felt outside the
capital; at Metlakahtla, WiUiam Duncan pursued his zealous course, but
on Unes that caused the C.M.S. many doubts, since he refused to admit
his converts to Holy Communion on the grounds that they would regard
(210) Mission Life, VUI (1877), p. 530.
(211) William Sheldon Reece, M.A., was Vice-Principal of the Collegiate
School, 1862-66, visited Leechtown in 1865 and moved to Cowichan in 1866. He
was appointed Archdeacon of Vancouver in 1868 and left British Columbia in 1873.
(212) There is no full modern account of this dispute, but see British Columbia
Historical Quarterly, XII (1948), pp. 298-304. There is much material in Trial
of the Very Reverend Edward Cridge  .   .   .   .Victoria, 1875.
(213) See, for example, British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XII (1948),
pp. 301-302. 1955 Henry Press Wright 169
it as a fetich.214 His links with the Diocese had never been strong—
". . . the distance of Victoria from these Northern Indians and the
rarity of the Bishop's visits would have been quite sufficient to prevent
any very active sympathy," commented the Archdeacon—and his support was entirely given to Mr. Cridge, who had always shown great
interest in his work.215
Hopes that the Synod would promote Diocesan unity were lessened
when Archdeacon Woods attended the first session to move its dissolution (a proposal for which only he voted) and later refused to attend
its meetings. This lessened the already meagre representation of the
mainland in its deliberations.216
FinaUy, there was friction over one of the clergy, the Rev. F. B.
GribbeU, who roused considerable hostiUty amongst leading laymen,
and seems to have had little clerical support apart from the Bishop.217
At first Archdeacon Wright had hopes of acting as a peacemaker.
His address to the Synod touched on many of the major problems. His
reference to the Cridge schism was firm but sympathetic:—
Schism did its desolating work, and one who, by his moral life and kind heart
had long been universally respected and admired fell into its snare; so that he,
who began his career an honored clergyman of our primitive and apostolic branch
of Christ's Church, is now cut off from her communion and forbidden to minister
in any one parish church of his native land.
He went on to urge support for the Synod, citing scriptural and other
authority for its existence, and stressed the need for increased funds
for mission work.218
Already, however, he had forfeited any chance of exerting real influence by a false step soon after his arrival. Before leaving England he
had dined with Mr. Trutch, formerly Lieutenant-Governor of British
Columbia, who " urged the Bishop through me to get rid of Mr. GribbeU as no peace could ever exist hi the Diocese so long as that clergyman remained.   I knew nothing of the poor man & simply conveyed
(214) E. Stock, The History of the Church Missionary Society . . . , London, 1899, IH, pp. 249-253.
(215) Mission Life, X (1879), p. 258. The Bishop visited Metlakahtla in
1863 and 1866; Dean Cridge, in 1867. (Report, 1862, pp. 53-64; 1866, pp. 29-45;
1867, pp. 44-53.)
(216) Report of the Synod, 1875, p. 23; J. B. Good to S.P.G., May 18, 1878.
(217) See, for example, Executive Committee to S.P.G., March 28, 1878. The
cause of dispute is not clear.
(218) Wright, Synod Sermon, p. 10.
4 170 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
the message of one who in all Xtn. matters had been the Bishop's faithful and influential supporter. My fate was sealed. ..." The Bishop
and Mrs. HUls were staunchly on the side of Mr. GribbeU, and the old
friendship was broken.219
As the months passed the Archdeacon found other things to worry
him. The clergy (except for the Rev. H. H. Mogg, headmaster of the
Collegiate School and Curate of the Cathedral) seemed to him less
effective than their predecessors; the Bishop was, in his view, remote
from his clergy and autocratic in financial matters, including the use
of S.P.G. funds and the money the Archdeacon had coUected hi England. The religious state of the mainland was deplorable. For New
Westminster there were Archdeacon Woods and the Rev. C. Baskett;220
the Rev. G. Ditcham, a deacon, was at ChUliwack; and Mr. Good had
moved his headquarters south to Yale, " leaving an area almost as large
as France without a clergyman! Wesleyans and Presbyterians have
been busily engaged taking positions which we have not been able to
occupy, and the feeling towards the Church which years ago was so
warm is now fast growing cold, I may add even careless." Church
buildings were deteriorating. " The past Uberal assistance of the Bishop
and his frequent visits years ago seem to be utterly forgotten."221
Matters seemed better on Vancouver Island, but some of this success was superficial. In Victoria the Cridge schism had gravely hampered school work.   Of church Ufe the Archdeacon wrote:—
I regret to say that our churches in Victoria scarcely know artisans as worshippers. We are, alas! too respectable. Dignitaries abound; intelligence and
position are represented; but we cannot set forth that among our flocks the
" common people hear Christ gladly." We have a Bishop, an honorary Dean (the
only one, I believe, in the colonial empire), an Archdeacon, and two Parish
Priests; and as their supporters we have the Governor, Chief Justice, and Puisne
Judges, the Mayor, leading professional men, and a certain number of our chief
storekeepers. Further we cannot go, for the artisans and hand-workers generally
are not with us.222
(219) H.P.W. to S.P.G., May 8, 1878.
(220) Charles Robert Baskett, A.K.C., was at Victoria, visiting the country
districts, 1875-77; New Westminster, in a similar capacity, 1877-80; Hastings,
1880-81; Chilliwack, 1881-83.   He was later Rector of Winterbourne Monkton.
(221) H.P.W. to S.P.G., May 8, 1878; Good to S.P.G., May 18, 1878; Mission Life, X (1879), pp. 258-259.
(222) Mission Life, X (1879), p. 261. 1955 Henry Press Wright 171
Even bis efforts to help Mr. Good seemed fruitless since, when he
thought aU was weU, he learned of other debts which had not been
mentioned to him.223
Matters came to a head at the Synod of 1878, when, to quote Mr.
Good, the acrimony between Bishop and Archdeacon led " to a wide
estrangement between them, very distressing to contemplate when one
considers the circumstances under which the Archdeacon of Vancouver
came out to join us only last year & which is working so much mischief
with no prospect of any speedy change for the better."224 The Synod
did, however, result in the passing of two important motions. One,
moved by Archdeacon Wright, appointed a Committee to obtain aU
possible information to help in planning to reUeve " the great spiritual
destitution of the vast mainland portion of this diocese." The other
ran:—
That this synod is of opinion that a division of the diocese into three separate
dioceses, viz. (1) Vancouver Island, (2) New Westminster, (3) Caledonia, with
a view to forming a provincial organization for British Columbia, is very desirable,
and that this synod cordially supports the endeavour of the Lord Bishop to carry
out the scheme when in England.225
After the Synod, the Archdeacon wrote to the secretary of the
S.P.G.:—
As to Church matters of which in my ignorance I used to speak so hopefully
and so confidently nothing could be worse. It is simply Gribbell & the Bishop &
wife or no Gribbell & the Bishop with wife bitterly arrayed against the unbeliever.
... On my arrival Mrs. Hills refused to receive us and never have I spent one
evening with my old friend of 50 years standing. He the Bishop is entirely under
the dominion of a warm hearted but virulent woman. The whole cry is we can
never have peace & a blessing as long as " that woman " remains in the Diocese.
At first I dreaded the retirement of the Bishop—now I say it is our only hope.
. . . The sad part of the story is that the Bishop is a truly good man but as
ignorant of his fellow man as he is obstinate in having his own way. Of this I am
quite certain that G. Columbia can never more do any real good on this coast.
You will have an application for a division of the Diocese—May God speed the
proposal for at present the mainland is in a state of wretched spiritual destitution.
As I said at the Synod gathering for 400 miles square there is not a clergyman to
plead with white men. If the Diocese be divided good must come as a new Bishop
must bring with him some clergy whereas now there are none.
Metlakatla may well be given over to the Bishop of Athabasca as neither the
Indians nor Mr. Duncan &c. will have anything to do with the Bishop of Columbia.
(223) H.P.W. to S.P.G., May 8, 1878.
(224) Good to S.P.G., May 18, 1878.
(225) H. H. Gowen, Church Work in British Columbia, Being a Memoir of
the Episcopate of Acton Windeyer Sillitoe   .   .   .   , London, 1899, p. 4. 172 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
They have behaved badly to the Bishop but Duncan's sympathy is entirely with
the Cridge schism.   .  .  .
As for myself I never endured greater misery than during the past twelve
months.226
While matters had reached this bitter climax in the Diocese, the
Archdeacon had been greatly worried by the illness of his daughter
Alice; though she recovered after her life had been almost despaired
of, her health was impaired and she died in Victoria on February 9,
1879, at the age of 18.227
The Bishop left for England in May, 1878, to further the plan for
a division of the Diocese, leaving the Rev. G. Mason (Honorary Dean)
and Archdeacon Woods as his commissaries.228 Archdeacon Wright
energetically supported the division. A mainland diocese including
New Westminster, was, he wrote, absolutely essential.
What we really want is a devoted, zealous, hardy Bishop, about forty or forty-five
years of age, of sound learning and possessed of a large stock of common sense—
one who among other qualifications is able to ride from twenty-five to thirty-five
miles day after day, and ready to make his home in the houses of his few and
scattered people.22'
In April, 1879, he was invited by Bishop Morris, of Oregon, to a Missionary Convocation at Seattle, " a young but promising town lying
some Uttle distance up Puget Sound." He was very much impressed by
the Bishop who, though sixty, was constantly travelling about bis Diocese, sleeping where he could, and only at home for two Sundays in
the year. " I was particularly pleased with the free and friendly bearing of the Bishop towards his clergy, who, while paying him every possible respect, were as loving sons, bright, happy, and confiding," he
commented, adding that New Westminster needed "just such a man
as Bishop Morris, only fifteen or twenty years younger."
The Convocation was very enjoyable for the Archdeacon, who
preached at the morning service on the second day, and in the evening,
(226) H.P.W. to S.P.G., May 8, 1878.
(227) Ibid.; Colonist, February 11, 1879.
(228) Report, 1878, p. 51; Good to S.P.G., May 18, 1878. George Mason,
M.A. (71829-1893), was a missionary in Honolulu, 1862-73, and came to Holy
Trinity, New Westminster, in 1873; the following year he was appointed Principal
of the Collegiate School, but almost at once became Rector of Nanaimo; he left
this post to become Dean in 1878, and after the Bishop's return in 1880 was Assistant Rector of the Cathedral and Archdeacon of Vancouver. He returned to England in 1881. See A. F. Muir, " George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster," British
Columbia Historical Quarterly, XV (1951), pp. 47-70.
(229) Mission Life, X (1879), pp. 301-305. 1955 Henry Press Wright 173
at a meeting concerned with foreign missions, spoke on the history of
missionary work in Africa from the earUest times. He also spoke at a
meeting of Sunday School scholars on the final day, and gave some fare-
weU remarks at the end of the closing meeting. He found the Americans loud-voiced—" a body of clergy who one after the other shouted
forth good matter "—but generous, active, and kindly.230
By the end of the year the Diocese had been divided. Bishop Ridley, of the Church Missionary Society, took over the difficult task of
supervising and building up Caledonia, which included Mr. Duncan's
Mission at Metlakahtla, the Rev. R. TomUnson (Skeena Forks), and
the Rev. W. H. Collison (Masset).231 To the Diocese of New Westminster, with its four clergy, the Rev. A. W. SUlitoe, a man of thirty-
nine, was appointed. Archdeacon Wright wrote to him, sending a
report on the state of the mainland. " The letter is a gloomy one,"
commented the Bishop, " but it has not made me gloomy. I am prepared for trials and for disappointments, but I don't beUeve we shall
overcome them any the easier by magnifying them or dwehing too much
upon them."232 The Bishop was such a man as the Archdeacon had
hoped for, and during his episcopate he achieved a great deal, but the
work and worry ruined his health, so that he died at the age of fifty-
four. At times the support he received seemed so feeble that he may
weU have realized that Archdeacon Wright had not been unnecessarily
gloomy.233
The Diocese of Columbia was now Umited to Vancouver Island, and
contained, besides the Bishop, eight clergy: Archdeacon Wright, Dean
Mason, the Rev. H. H. Mogg (Headmaster of the CoUegiate School and
Curate of the Cathedral), the Rev. P. Jenns (St. John's, Victoria), the
Rev. D. Holmes (Cowichan), the Rev. J. X. Willemar (Comox), the
(230) Mission Life, X (1879), pp. 487-^92.
(231) Report, 1878, passim. Robert Tomlinson was originally a C.M.S. missionary at Metlakahtla, Nass River, and Kispiox, 1867-1883. He then supervised
an industrial mission at Meanshkinisht until his death in 1913. William Henry
Collison was also a C.M.S. missionary, being at Metlakahtla, 1873-76, and Masset,
1876-78, as a layman, and after his ordination in 1878 at Metlakahtla and, from
1883, Kincolith. He was appointed Archdeacon of Caledonia in 1891 and died
in 1922.
(232) H. H. Gowen, Church Work, pp. 6-8, 9-10.
(233) Ibid., passim, and especially pp. 86-89. The Bishop used the former
Archdeaconry House, but it required much repair (Violet E. Sillitoe, Early Days
in British Columbia, Vancouver, 1922, p. 8). 174 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
Rev. H. S. Newton (Nanaimo), and the C.M.S. Missionary the Rev.
A. J. HaU at Fort Rupert.234 The Bishop did not return until May 3,
1880.235
In spite of the disputes which marred his diocesan activities, Archdeacon Wright found considerable pleasure in his parochial work. Soon
after 9 a.m. on Sundays a buggy came to the door. " It is exceedingly
Ught, with spider wheels, and speciaUy fitted for colonial work," he
wrote. "A thick rope and a bag of oats having been carefuUy placed
under the seat, and a paper of sandwiches snugly cared for, we make
for St. Paul's, Esquimalt, some four mUes from the capital." The drive
was along good roads, amid delightful scenery. The congregation
included many men from ships of the Royal Navy which had no chaplains, and the choir had a strong representation of sailors and marines.
About 12.30, after the service, he went to the Naval Hospital, and at
2.45 there was a Sunday School some 2 mUes away. At 4 p.m. he
returned to Victoria. Evening service was at 6 p.m., and he returned
home at about nine. During the week there was parish visiting, such
activities as a working party for the Indian Mission, and visits to the
Royal Hospital on Wednesdays. His son, Mr. F. G. Wright, acted as
Lay Reader to the gaol.236
As his pension was adequate to his own needs, Archdeacon Wright
devoted the income of his post to the enlargement and embeUishment of
St. Paul's Church; an organ was shipped out from England, transepts
were buUt, and a triple window depicting the chUdhood of Christ, " in
memory of our loved and loving Alice," was presented. In December,
1879, the church was reopened after these improvements, and addresses
from the congregation to the Archdeacon laid stress on the value of his
work, not only materiaUy, but in the improved congregations and trebled
(234) Report, 1878, passim. Percival Jenns was at New Westminster, 1865-66;
Nanaimo, 1866-68; and Rector of St. John's, Victoria, 1868-1915. David Holmes
came out as a layman in 1867 and was ordained deacon 1868, priest 1872; he was
stationed at Yale, 1867-73; Cowichan, 1873-85; and Chemainus, 1890-94.
Jules Xavier Willemar was a Roman Catholic priest received into the Church of
England in 1868 and then stationed at Alberni. He was moved to Comox in 1871
and was appointed Vicar of St. Andrew's Church there in 1906; he retired in 1913.
Henry Swift Newton was catechist at Cowichan, 1874-75, and was ordained deacon, 1875, when he moved to New Westminster. Ordained priest in 1878, he then
served for two years at Nanaimo. Alfred James Hall, B.D. (1853-1918), was at
Metlakahtla, 1877-78; Fort Rupert, 1878-81; and Alert Bay, 1881-1911.
(235) Victoria Colonist, May 4, 1880.
(236) Mission Life, XI (1880), pp. 20-22. 1955 Henry Press Wright 175
Sunday School. In his reply he expressed his pleasure at the very happy
atmosphere that had always prevaUed amongst the congregation.237
But the Archdeacon's work in British Columbia was almost at an
end. On the division of the Diocese the S.P.G. diverted most of the
grants to the mainland, and the Bishop, whose cavalier treatment of
these hi the past had always been opposed by the Archdeacon, turned
on him, saying that the balance must be made up by diverting the income
of the Archdeaconry Fund to the purpose, and that he should therefore
resign.238
The exact course of events that foUowed is not clear, but apparently
Archdeacon Wright, feeling that he could achieve no real good hi the
face of the Bishop's hostUity, determined to resign,239 and early in 1880
he returned to England, visiting Salt Lake City on the way.240 The
Bishop, who in 1876 had written: " My old friend Archdeacon Wright
is coming back as Archdeacon of Vancouver," now commented: " There
is a general feeling of reUef amongst Clergy & laity at the departure of
Archdeacon Wright."241 In spite of this unhappy atmosphere the Archdeacon retained his faith in the future of British Columbia, commenting,
"As to the Colony itself I beUeve in it thoroughly."242 His son Frederick remained there for three more years; he was ordained deacon and
priest by Bishop Hills and served at St. Stephen's, Saanich.243
(237) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 18, 1879, and enclosed cutting of December 13. Rev. F. C. Chapman, Diamond Jubilee Historical Sketch 1866-1926; St.
Paul's Royal Naval Station and Garrison Church, Esquimalt, 1926, pp. 7, 13. The
name /. P. Wright on p. 7 should be H. P. Wright.
(238) H.P.W. to S.P.G., December 18, 1879.
(239) Victoria Colonist, December 31, 1879 (letter of H.P.W., December 30,
1879). His letter of December 18, written ten days before he decided to resign,
was read by the Standing Committee of the S.P.G. on March 18, 1880, but no
action was noted.   See S.P.G. Standing Committee, XXXIX (1879-80), p. 317.
(240) Wright, Siena, p. xxxvi.
(241) Bp. Hills to S.P.G., October 11, 1876, and July 1, 1880. It may be
noted that by September, 1880, he had lost two other clergy, the Rev. H. S.
Newton and the Rev. H. H. Mogg (Bp. Hills to S.P.G., September 22, 1880),
and, although Mr. Mogg retained his interest in British Columbia, he became
Deputation Secretary for Bishop Sillitoe. In 1881 the Rev. George Mason also
returned to England, and there is some indication that he was not on the best
personal terms with the Bishop. British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XV (1951),
p. 69.
(242) H.P.W. to S.P.G., May 8, 1878.
(243) Bp. Hills to S.P.G., June 29, 1880. 176 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
vn
In AprU, 1880, the Rev. H. P. Wright took up his duties as Rector
of Greatham in Hampshire, a vUlage of 285 inhabitants about 24 mUes
from Portsmouth.244 The old Church of St. John the Baptist had been
buUt in the 13th Century; hi 1875, owing to its dilapidated condition, it
was partiaUy demoUshed, and a new church buUt a short distance away.245
The parish was hi the Diocese of Winchester, and the new Rector's
relations with his Bishop were very cordial, to judge from the dedication
of one of his books: " To the Right Rev. Edward Harold, Lord Bishop
of Winchester, D.D., &c., &c, my deeply respected Father hi God, whom
to know is to love and revere.   .   .   ."246
Hardly had he settled at Greatham than Mrs. Wright died, at the
age of sixty. She was buried on June 12 by the Rev. F. H. Freeth,
Rector of the neighbouring vUlage of Lyss. Neither this bereavement
nor his own advancing years would seem to have lessened Mr. Wright's
activities. He was a vigorous and outspoken parish priest, as his entries
in the service book indicate. On the Sunday after Ascension, 1882,
he wrote:—
The privilege of alsmgiving is but little felt in this Parish. A collection is
deemed an affliction instead of a cause for thanksgiving. The rich give feebly,
very feebly; and the poor have so much done for them by the Church that they
miss the point that it is more blessed to give than to receive. We are all called
upon to give according to our means but with too many the giving of a sovereign—
or a penny, is like the extraction of a tooth.
At the Harvest Festival on October 4, 1884, he recorded: " Congregation so crowded that many could not get seats. ExceUent singing for
a country vUlage "; but on April 13, 1885, he noted: " Good congregation—disgraceful alms."
He was no respecter of persons. On October 10, 1886, his comment
was: " Seats of the weU-to-do empty. God gave them great worldly
advantages, and therefore has special places for them in heaven. It is
just possible that empty seats in Church mean no seats hi heaven." In
the foUowing January he wrote: " To my disgust 2 gentlemen? & 2
ladies? from my Parish were going skating—passed Church as people
(244) Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, March 28, 1955. No formal induction is
recorded, but H.P.W. took his first services in that month.
(245) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362; article in Hampshire
Chronicle, September, 1954. The net income was £305, but this later declined
to £250.
(246) Dedication of Leprosy and Segregation. 1955 Henry Press Wright 177
were coming in. What an example. Six days for skating but must have
the Lord's Day also. And in the morning these same rebels caUed to
this same Lord—' Have mercy upon us miserable shiners.' "2A'7
He had not been many years in the parish before he began to fiU the
windows of the church with stained glass. In 1883 he erected a window
in memory of his brother, Capt. C. M. M. Wright; in 1888-1889 three
more windows on the north side were added in memory of Lt. E. D.
Wright, Capt. W. B. Wright, and G. A. Wright. In 1890 a threefold
window was placed on the south side: to commemorate his sister Sophia
and her husband, Major Wroughton; " in loving memory of Anne the
devoted wife of H. P. Wright . . . and of their loved and loving
AUce "; and to commemorate his niece IsabeUa and her husband Capt.
Fulton. FinaUy in 1891 the threefold west window was filled with Old
Testament scenes in memory of Brigadier-General and Mrs. Herring,
John Nalder, and Surgeon-General and Mrs. Bass.248
His interests were by no means limited to his parish; he read and
corresponded widely, had many friends and acquaintances, and was a
member of two London clubs, the Wanderers' in PaU MaU, and the
Clergy in Bond Street.249 It was perhaps as a result of his membership
of these that he was moved to a vigorous denunciation of falsely labeUed
sherry in a letter to the Times in 1888: " Such vile productions, shipped
from Cadiz as honest juice of the grape, not only seriously injure the
sherry-growing districts of Spain, but must be terribly detrimental to the
health of aU those who use them."250
Though retired from military duty, Mr. Wright no doubt followed
events in the Chaplains' Department with interest. Bishop Claughton,
with whom he had remained on cordial terms, died in 1884, predeceasing the nonagenarian Prebendary Gleig by four years.251 The new Chaplain-General was a serving chaplain, the Rev. J. C. EdghiU.252 On April
7, 1885, the link between the Wright famUy and the army was renewed
when the Rev. F. G. Wright, who had returned to England two years
(247) Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, December 13, 1954, and September 5, 1955.
(248) Ibid., March 28, 1955.
(249) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1885, p. 1335. The names later changed
to the National Conservative and the Grosvenor. He was also, for a short time, a
member of the New Athenaeum, Pall Mall.
(250) London Times, February 4, 1888, p. 15 (letter of January 28).
(251) J.R.A.C.D., V, pp. 24, 445. He dedicated Siena to the Bishop from
" one who knows well and heartily esteems the British soldier."
(252) Army List, March, 1885, p. 789. 178 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
previously, received his commission as a Chaplain to the Forces. Appropriately enough he began his notable career with a period at the Domus
Dei, Portsmouth.253
Mr. Wright's main activity during these years was the resumption
of his writing. As early as July, 1880, he pubUshed a translation of
the Statutes of the Hospital of the Holy Virgin Mary of Siena, a.d. 1305.
In connection with this work he became a corresponding member of
the Royal Literary and Scientific Association of Siena.254 In a preface
he outlined the history of Christian work for the sick, and in the following years he developed his knowledge of this. When in 1880 the
Warden of the Stamford Domus Dei called his attention to the long
and interesting history of that buUding, he began to study it,255 but his
next pubUshed volume, based on researches in the Bodleian Library,
the muniment room of Chichester Cathedral, and elsewhere, was a
history of the Domus Dei of Chichester, to which he added an inventory of St. Mary's Hospital, Dover, made in Tudor times. The volume
was pubUshed in 1885, and is an agreeably written record, with some
pertinent comments on recent restorations.256
This study of mediaeval hospitals, combined with his interest in
missionary work, aroused his concern about leprosy.257 It seemed to
him that far too few people realized that the disease was still prevalent
(253) Frederick George Wright was born November 17, 1853. He left St.
Mary Hall, Oxford, to accompany his father to British Columbia in 1877 and
became Lay Reader to the Gaol in Victoria and Vice-Principal of the Collegiate
School. He was ordained deacon August 1, 1880, and was incumbent of St. Stephen's, Saanich, 1880-83. He was married to Jane Kathleen (d. of Capt. Henry
Berkeley Good, l/24th Regiment) at Christ Church Cathedral on September 16,
1880. He was ordained to the priesthood on September 14, 1882. He returned to
England in 1883 and was Curate of Purleigh for two years. As an Army Chaplain
he served at Portsmouth, 1885-86; Devonport, 1886-90; Malta, 1890-96 (where
Mrs. Wright died); Preston, 1896-98; Aldershot, 1898-1900; South African War,
1900-1902 (being twice invalided); Netley, 1902-10; and Cosham and Hilsea,
1910-13. After his retirement on November 17, 1913, he was Rector of Hopton
Wafers, 1913-16; P.C. of St. John's, Chester, 1916-24; and Vicar of Barholme
from 1924 until his death on March 22, 1926. J.R.A.C.D., II, pp. 315, 264; m, p.
97; information from members of his family; Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1926,
p. 1713.
(254) Crockford's Clerical Directory, 1884, p. 1362.
(255) Wright, Stamford, pp. vii-viii.
(256) Wright, Chichester, passim, especially pp. 50, 80.
(257) Wright, Siena, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii. 1955 Henry Press Wright 179
in many parts of the world, and was a particular scourge in India, whUe
the possible danger to England was completely overlooked.
In 1885, therefore, he pubUshed Leprosy and Segregation, in which,
drawing freely on the writings of medical authorities, he outlined the
extent of the disease and its history, and considered current views on
the cause. He inclined to the theory of contagion rather than heredity.
There seemed to him a real danger to Europe from those returning
from countries where the disease was rife. It was at that time incurable, but he declared that much could be done by better feeding and
care to ease the lot of sufferers, and their segregation would help to
prevent its spread. He urged the formation of a " Society for the Segregation and Comfort of Lepers " and enjoined support for medical
missions in India. " MiUions have been spent, wisely or unwisely, I do
not presume to say," he wrote,
to defend our territorial rights, to extend our rule and our commerce, to maintain
our honour, and, with all this delicate care of our interests and our renown, shall
no heed be paid to the loud piteous wail of the leper heard from every corner of
the earth? Shall nothing be done to help the bitterly afflicted, not in the hours,
but in the years of their bodily and mental torture? No pen however powerful, no
tongue however eloquent, can picture the misery of the despised and helpless leper.
Let then, I say, finances public and private combine, that relief may be rendered,
and that speedily .258
He also urged these points in letters to the press,259 and four years
later he returned to the subject in a smaUer volume, Leprosy an Imperial
Danger, recapitulating most of the arguments of the former book, but
citing fresh examples and opinions. The preface, as weU as making his
general views clear, contained a self-portrait of some interest:—
Aristotle was very severe on old men. Nothing brave or decided about them;
no large-heartedness and but little love; stingy, life-clinging, selfish and unscrupulous; not hopeful, and easily put out. The hard philosopher, seeing that the feeble
totterer was of little use, wished him, we may be sure, quiet in the grave.
Leaving the Stagyrite to his harsh judgment, we would say more gently of the
aged, that they have not seldom two marked characteristics—they are garrulous
and they are kind. Garrulous, because, it may be, the tongue is the only member
of the body they can use freely; and kind because their own many short-comings
lead them to look considerately on the failings of others. Upon this subject of
leprosy I, certainly, in my seventy-fifth year, am inclined to be very garrulous,
although still in rude health and active; and for this reason, I believe that leprosy
is by far the most trying malady that has ever affected man, and that, in these
(258) Wright, Leprosy and Segregation, passim, especially pp. 104, 106.
(259) Times, November 8, 1887, p. 13, and November 19, 1888, p. 13; also
" The Spread of Leprosy," in British Medical Journal, 1889. 180 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
days of general travel and easy intercommunion of nations, there is a possibility,
nay a great probability (unless due care be taken) of its again assailing Europe
and the British Isles. As to one's own short-comings, that they exist all will take
for granted—the louder the call for me to show a kind and loving spirit towards
my fellow-man; and surely, one way of doing so is by my offering warning words
in this great matter of leprosy. . . . Anyhow I will ask, in my efforts to be
useful, the benefit of the good old proverb, " May he that means well, fare well."
His main appeal was more cautious than before—" In vain is it, in
the spirit of a wUd zeal, to propose a scheme which cannot be carried
out on account of its enormous expense."—but he urged the need for
immediate help in India, and proposed the formation of a Leprosy Association to investigate the whole world-wide problem and report on
possible means of combating it.
" Liberavi animam meam," he concluded.
I can only add, May God preserve my country from leprosy, and move the civilised nations of this earth to combine for its banishment from man! " If you wish
to shoot high you must aim at the moon." Should only partial success follow,
great good must attend great and determined efforts in so noble a cause. To England especially I appeal xaipdv yvuSi.260
The final note was written on March 21, 1889, and the book was
pubUshed at Easter.261 On April 15 Father Damien, the leper priest,
died at Molokai, and world attention was drawn to the disease. In
England a Father Damien Memorial Fund was launched with the aims
of erecting a memorial at Molokai, caring for lepers hi England, endowing two scholarships whose holders were to study leprosy in China and
the British Colonies, and sending a commission to India to examine the
position and needs of the lepers. All these objects were effected, and an
era of greatly increased interest in the alleviation of the disease began.262
(260) Wright, Imperial Danger, pp. vii-ix, 121-123. The age given here disagrees with the date of birth suggested in note 2. Possibly there was a printer's
misreading of 75th for 73rd. The age on his tombstone, 77, was probably derived
from this book, since there was clearly some uncertainty on the point when he died
(Times, September 20, 1892, p. 7, describes him as over 80, and this is amended
to 77 the next day, p. 1).
(261) Wright, Imperial Danger, p. 127.
(262) C. J. Dutton, The Samaritans of Molokai, London, 1934, pp. 102-106.
As an indication that H.P.W. was not needlessly alarmed about the danger to
Britain, it may be noted that the Leprosy Review, XXI (1950), p. 3, stated that
leprosy in England was increasing. 1955 Henry Press Wright 181
Mr. Wright must have been extremely thankful for these developments, but he wrote no more about leprosy. In 1890 he pubUshed his
longest book, a history of the Domus Dei of Stamford, on which he had
been working for ten years. The disposal of the endowments of the
hospital gave rise to considerable controversy in the 1880's. Mr. Wright,
with his detailed knowledge of the documents, may weU have given
advice to the Hospital Trustees, but his exhaustive though extremely
interesting history preserves neutraUty on this issue.
His last Uterary work took a different form: he collaborated with
the Rev. Samuel KettleweU,263 a keen student of the life and work of
Thomas a Kempis, in a translation of Meditations on the Life of Christ,
attributed to that author. There is no indication of the share each took
in the work, but Mr. Wright contributed some of the material in the
historical and bibliographical preface written by Mr. KettleweU, and in
the early summer of 1892 was still actively engaged in research on
the subject in the British Museum. The book, being intended as a
devotional work for members of the Church of England, omitted some
portions which the editors regarded as suitable only for the Church of
Rome.264
Mr. Wright continued to be active in his parish until early July,
noting "Lovely day, crowded congregation" on one of his last Sundays.265 He died at Laurel Bank, Hill Brow, near Petersfield, on September 18, 1892.266 He was buried in the churchyard near the old
Parish Church of Greatham on September 25, the officiating clergy being
the Rev. J. M. Clarke, Rector of Fenny Drayton, Leicestershire, and
the Rev. T. D. Piatt, Vicar of Holy Trinity, Portsea; the church and
churchyard were crowded with parishioners and friends of all classes.267
(263) Samuel KettleweU (1822-1893) was educated at Durham University.
Ordained in 1848, he became one of Dr. Hook's curates at Leeds. From 1851 to
1870 he was Vicar of St. Mark's, Leeds, but resigned to concentrate on literary
work, notably the life and writings of Thomas a Kempis.
(264) Wright, Meditations, passim, especially 2nd ed., pp. xvii, xlix.
(265) Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, September 5, 1955. His last service was
Evensong on July 11, 1892.
(266) Times, September 20, 1892, p. 7. It is not clear why he was rt this
house, which was the residence of Mrs. Henry Kingsley (Rev. R. W. Tyler to
author, September 5, 1955).
(267) Rev. R. W. Tyler to author, December 13, 1954, and September 5, 1955. 182 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
VIII
On surveying the Ufe and work of Archdeacon Wright,268 one can
see many clear and consistent characteristics, notably a great energy and
sense of purpose, allied to a practical outlook. In every post he undertook he found more to do than the obvious duties attached to it, so that
church restoration, army reform, missionary work, historical research,
and a campaign against leprosy were added to his pastoral work. Though
keenly interested in the past, he was never blind to the needs of the
future, and to the end of his life he tried to help coming generations.
Though aware of the need for caution at times, he was a man of
forthright views and did not mince his words when he felt strongly. This
led to the unhappiest period of his life, when his old friendship with
Bishop Hills and his hopes of peaceful and constructive years in British
Columbia were shattered by the strongly expressed criticisms he made
at the 1878 Synod. However much one may regret this, it is not hard
to understand his point of view.
In most of his difficulties he found his sense of humour a great help.
" God has mercifuUy given me a cheerful and hopeful disposition, which
supported me at aU times," he wrote, " and now and then something
ludicrous, in spite of circumstances, dragged out a smUe from beneath
a heap of sorrows."269
He loved travel, and even when Uving in England took hoUdays
abroad when he could.270 On his journeys he was always interested in
talking to chance acquaintances and travelling companions, and he also
corresponded widely.271 He believed in recording his experiences, and
carried a notebook in which he could jot down items of interest, whUe
some of his more unusual journeys were recorded in the form of a fuU
diary.   His writing was firm and vigorous; the report to the S.P.G. on
(268) He seems to have used the title of Archdeacon from 1861 until his
death, and it appears on his books. For clarity, however, it has been used in this
narrative only when he was actually holding such a post.
(269) Wright, Crimean Chaplain, p. 17.
(270) For example, France in 1839, Northern Europe in 1875, Lausanne in
1885 (Times, September 30, 1885, p. 4). His comparisons of scenes in British
Columbia with scenes in other countries also suggest wide travel.
(271) His books on leprosy indicate this; he also wrote to many countries for
information on Synod procedure, and even had a correspondent on Pitcairn Island.
Mission Life, XI (1880), pp. 22-23. 1955 Henry Press Wright 183
the Crimean Chaplains, for example, was obviously written very rapidly,
but it is clear, comprehensive, and free from verbiage.
His historical books are largely collections of documents, the later
works showing a greater ease in handling the material than the earUer
ones. His own narrative style was clear and pleasing, with an occasional
vigorous expression of opinion such as " The godless monarch promised
largely, but lied as unblushingly" (Henry VIII), and "the latest, and
dearest, and best of England's Queens."272 He was a linguist of some
abUity, with a knowledge of Latin, Greek, French, German, and ItaUan,
and he read widely.
Information on his outlook as a churchman is not plentiful. His
books and surviving letters are chiefly on the practical appUcation of
Christian principles, and this hi itself is not without significance. Many
of his friends—Dean Hook, Bishop HUls, Dr. Pusey, Dr. Rose, Mr. Skinner, and Mr. KettleweU—were men of the moderate wing of the Tracta-
rian movement, and he seems to have sympathized with their position.
On the other hand, Dean Alford was an EvangeUcal, and Mr. Wright,
addressing the Church Congress in 1875, showed an appreciation of the
distinctive contribution of that school of thought:—
The Church of Christ in England can contain with safety the extreme Evangelical—one of a body ever to be respected, for they it was who fought the great
and glorious battle of anti-slavery and boldly preached Christ when a mere cold
morality was taught from our pulpits. It can also hold the never weary, ever
zealous ritualist, who, we are bound in charity to believe, is as true to Christ's
Holy Catholic Church as his fore-named brother.
Neither of these points of view, however, commended themselves to him
as an Army Chaplain, since the soldier who had no alternative to attending the service should not be compeUed to listen to an extreme point of
view.273 He had no time for missionary societies which considered
" party and not principle "274 and the harm done to the Church in British
Columbia by internal conflicts must have reinforced his dislike of
extremes.
He Uved through a time of reUgious conflict, when the clash of
scientists and theologians over the truth of the Bible, and disputes about
the relations of Church and State, caused great controversy, but he seems
to have been Uttle affected by them.   One of his few comments on such
(272) Wright, Portsmouth, pp. 162, 209.
(273) Wright, Church in Army, p. 15.
(274) H.P.W. to S.P.G., February 28, 1862. 184 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
matters was: " The rash speculations of Bishop Colenso wUl I fear do
much harm with the unthinking & the ungodly—what I know of them
only confirms me in my faith. Is it possible that such a mathematician
can be so unreasonable? "275
Henry Press Wright was fundamentaUy a man of simple faith and
forthright word and deed. The boy who dreamed of travel and adventure found it as he rode to war with his Guiseley communion vessels, and
a screw of pepper in his waistcoat pocket; the pattern of service was
continued by the mature man who worked hi the mission field and championed the private soldier; and in the old country parson who reprimanded his errant parishioners and compaigned against leprosy an active
and valuable Ufe came to a tranquil but still vigorous close.
Donald H. Simpson.
Royal Empire Society,
London, England.
(275) H.P.W. to S.P.G., January 12, 1863. 1955 Henry Press Wright 185
APPENDIX I
Books and Pamphlets by Henry Press Wright
The author is grateful to the Ubrarians who have lent him copies of
these books and enabled him to read them at leisure.
The Church of Rome, compared with the Bible, the Fathers of the
Church, and the Church of England, translated from the French of
Bishop Luscombe.   Nisbet, 1841.   vi, xl, 119 pp.
Recollections of a Crimean Chaplain: and the Story of Prince Daniel and
Montenegro. Ward & Lock, 1857. iv, 141 pp. (Cited as Crimean
Chaplain.)
A Crimean Chaplain's Winter on the Heights above Sebastopol, mentioned in the preceding, does not appear to have been pubUshed.
England's Duty to England's Army. A Letter addressed to the Right
Hon. General Peel, Secretary of State for War, on Matters affecting
the Body, Mind, and Soul of the British Soldier. Rivington, 1858.
3rded.   36 pp.   (Cited as England's Duty.)
Early History of the African Church and its Missions. 1858. No copy
traced.
The Story of the " Domus Dei" of Portsmouth, commonly called the
Royal Garrison Church. Parker, 1873. iv, 211, xii pp. illus.
(Cited as Portsmouth.)
The Church in the Army: A Paper prepared for the Church Congress,
1875.   Parker, 1875.   24 pp.    (Cited as Church in Army.)
A History of the Chaplains' Department of the Army, mentioned in
Church in Army, p. 2, as being in preparation, does not seem to
have been published.
Sermon preached in Christ Church Cathedral on the 12 th July, 1877, at
the Third Session of the First Synod of the Diocese of British Columbia. Daily Standard, Victoria, 1877. 23 pp. (Cited as Synod
Sermon.)
Statutes of the Hospital of the Holy Virgin Mary of Siena, A.D. 1305.
Translated from the Italian. Skeffington, 1880. xlviii, 72 pp.
(Cited as Siena.) 186 Donald H. Simpson July-Oct.
The Story of the " Domus Dei" of Chichester, commonly called St.
Mary's Hospital; with an Inventory of St. Mary's Hospital, Dover.
Parker, 1885.   xxx, 104 pp. illus.   (Cited as Chichester.)
Leprosy and Segregation. Parker, 1885. xii, 195 pp. Ulus. (Cited as
Leprosy and Segregation.)
Leprosy an Imperial Danger. ChurchiU, 1889. xn, 127 pp. (Cited as
Imperial Danger.)
The Story of the "Domus Dei" of Stamford (Hospital of William
Browne).   Parker, 1890.   xvi, 519 pp. Ulus.   (Cited as Stamford.)
Meditations on the life of Christ by Thomas a Kempis. Translated and
edited by the Ven. Archdeacon Wright, M.A. . . . and the Rev.
S. KettleweU . . . with a preface by the latter. Parker, 1892.
UU, 354 pp. Also 2nd ed., 1892, xUx, 354 pp. (Cited as Meditations.)
Also articles and letters pubUshed in the Times, Colonial Church Chronicle, the Mission Field, Mission Life, Notes and Queries, etc., and
in the annual reports of the Columbia Mission. Harry Guillod. HARRY GUILLOD'S JOURNAL OF A TRIP
TO CARIBOO, 1862
When the Cariboo gold discoveries of 1861 reached the newspapers
outside British Columbia, another horde of prospectors, comparable in
enthusiasm if not in numbers to the pioneers of 1858, was soon on its
way from California and the Eastern States, from Canada, the Continent,
and Great Britain. This second group, unlike the first, was predominantly British rather than American, for the couleur de rose descriptions of the Victoria correspondent of the London Times had " excited
great attention."1 In the spring of 1862 hundreds of would-be miners
from the British Isles arrived in Victoria on their way to the Cariboo,
some to return home impaired in health and daunted in spirit, others
to accept with cheerful courage and resourcefulness the hardships for
which no newspaper account had prepared them, and to build for themselves, when the gold-rush was over, a new and stable life in British
Columbia. Among this latter group of adventurers from Britain was
Harry GuUlod,2 whose " faithful and unvarnished record of the arduous
journey " to the gold mines in 1862 is one of the most Uvely and, within
its announced scope, one of the most informative documents of this
Uvely period.
Born in London on August 20, 1838, GuUlod had served his apprenticeship as a chemist before leaving for British Columbia. In May,
1862, he and his 17-year-old brother George saUed from Southampton
aboard the Shannon, and travelling via the Panama and San Francisco
arrived at Esquimalt on the steamer Oregon on July 3, 1862.   There
(1) Matthew Macfie, Vancouver Island and British Columbia, London, 1865,
p. 75. The correspondent was Donald Fraser, who had come from California to
Victoria in 1858 and had been appointed to the Executive Council. He returned
to England in 1862.
(2) His Christian name is given as Henry in the Lightning Creek mining
records in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia, and in Bishop Hills' reports
to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, but his own reports to the
Department of Indian Affairs are signed Harry Guillod. Except as otherwise
noted, the biographical details in this introduction have been drawn from the
journal itself or from the obituaries of Guillod and his wife in the Victoria
Colonist, July 1, 1906; Alberni Twin Cities Times, January 24, 1949; and Alberni
West Coast Advocate, January 27, 1949.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 3 and 4.
187 188 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
disembarked along with them one Philip Thomas Johnston,3 who was
to share their adventures on the road to the Cariboo, and later to
become a solid citizen of Victoria. After one night in comparative
luxury at a hotel the three spent the next few days on "the campground " (for Victoria was again, though to a lesser extent than in
1858, a city of tents) laying in stores for their trip and getting thoroughly
taken in over the buying of a horse, a sorry sort of animal which they
finaUy lost for good somewhere between Lillooet and Alkali Lake,
rather to GuiUod's relief than otherwise: "I don't beUeve the beast
would ever have reached Cariboo, and I only wish we had started at
first with only our blankets & a change of underclothes and tramped
it   we should have saved some pounds."
On July 8 the party left Victoria on the Enterprise for New Westminster, where they took the steamer for Port Douglas, at the head of
Harrison Lake, on the first stage of their journey over the Harrison-
LiUooet route. This was the trail which in the summer of 1858 the
miners themselves had built with Government assistance, connecting the
chain of lakes in the valley of the Harrison River and thus avoiding
what at the time seemed the insuperable obstacle of the Fraser Canyon.
Two years later this traU had been improved by the Royal Engineers,
with the assistance of the Marines and of civUian contractors, into a
wagon-road. Surveyed and built in haste to meet an emergency, the
Harrison-LiUooet route proved a long, compUcated, and expensive
means of access to the upper country, and when the rush to the creeks
of the Cariboo began the Government soon realized that a more direct
approach to the mines would have to be provided, at whatever cost.
Already in 1862 the road through the formidable rock bluffs of the
(3) His full name is given in the Lightning Creek mining records. In the
Oregon passenger list, Victoria Colonist, July 3, 1862, the three travellers appear as
"P. S. Johnson, H. Guilford, G. Guilford." After his mining experiences in the
Cariboo, Johnston established himself in Victoria in the horticultural business, his
partner Henry Mitchell supplying the knowledge and Johnston the capital. The firm
built the first hothouse in Victoria at what is now the corner of Fort and St. Charles
Streets. In 1868, when Johnston had seen the new business safely established,
he went back to England and married an earlier acquaintance, Miss Agnes Hamilton. The couple returned to Victoria the same year, and Mrs. Johnston, a trained
musician and a childhood friend of Baroness Burdett-Coutts, became the art and
music mistress at Angela College and also instructed the boys' choir at Christ
Church Cathedral. She died in 1925 at the age of 83, predeceased by her husband.
N. de Bertrand Lugrin, The Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island, 1843-1866, Victoria, 1928, pp. 238-243; Victoria Colonist, April 16, 1925. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 189
Fraser had been commenced, and though for several years there was
to be acrimonious rivalry between packers and innkeepers on the two
routes to the Cariboo, by 1865 the tolls on the Douglas-LiUooet road
had dwindled, most of the wayside houses had been closed, and Port
Douglas's brief dream of prosperity was over. But in 1862 the Harri-
son-LiUooet route still carried most of the traffic to the mines, and
GuUlod's journal is of considerable interest in that it documents, with
a wealth of sharply observed and directly expressed detail, the hazards
and discomforts of this route even during its most flourishing period.
GuUlod sets down the struggles of these inexperienced packers with their
" Old Moke " on crowded steamer and slippery trail; the infinitely slow
progress over roads that were nothing but " mud, stones, [and] trees
faUen in every direction," the traveUers often being forced to wade
thigh-deep through streams or up to the knees in swampy mud (and
GuUlod's footwear was reduced at one stage to a single boot minus its
top, which he had been obliged to make into a moccasin for the other
foot); the never-ending and irritating warfare against the " buzzing and
biting " of mosquitoes and flies of various sorts; the frequent necessity
of making camp in a downpour and rolling up in wet blankets; even
the deficiencies of the daUy menu, which GuUlod faithfuUy records,
from the monotony of " Beans and Bacon! Bacon and Beans! " to the
" decidedly original dinner [of] fish, flesh, fowl and pudding " all stirred
up together in the one " billy." GuiUod makes Ught of this way of life,
and of the physical ailments which it often induced: he was even able
to laugh at the swoUen face that, he does admit, gave him " great pain,"
tied up " in a pair of drawers which, with a red handkerchief and my
mosquito netting surmounted by a Scotch cap, made me look a bit of
a fright."
In spite of pain and discomfort GuUlod was always keenly aware of
the country through which he and his companions were passing and of
the people they met along the way. Evidently he had had some training
in drawing, and he took his sketching block with him on the trip, making
use of it in spite of the attacks of flies and mosquitoes. But he also
put his impressions into words. Even his first sight of Victoria faUs
into a neat composition: " a little bit of a lake and the bridge being
in the foreground " and a church spire " the principal object in the landscape." In the more rugged country of the interior he describes " the
rough and gigantic masses of rock," the swift running streams " dashing
and spraying over the stones," and " the deep blue [and] the white foam " 190 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
of the Thompson River before it joins the Fraser. And there are many
deUghtful vignettes too of the traveUers encountered on the road, from
the " middle-aged lady [with] a very fine pair of legs, red petticoat [and]
a hat and feather," who was going with her husband " to open a house
of refreshment at Cariboo," to the Chinese who " pack everything on
sticks across their shoulders, as you see drawn on China jars."
Towards the end of August the party reached Van Winkle, and there
Johnston and Harry GuUlod bought into a group of claims known as
" the Doctor's," on Lightning Creek, a quarter of a mUe down-stream
from the settlement.4 They did not, it would appear, strike too happy
a bargain, for although Johnston had been in Australia he found the
Cariboo diggings quite another matter, and the GuUlods of course knew
nothing of mining. There were eight men in the original group, five
of them miners, and the newcomers " paid $500 for two haU interests,
with the understanding that we worked the other two half interests . . .
free of wages till we reach the bed-rock or paying dirt, (which may be
forty or fifty feet down for aU we know,) when we are to receive $5 each
per day." Before the trio could begin work, however, George succumbed to an attack of " rheumatism or at least his old weakness in both
his knees," and had to be sent back to Victoria; the brothers " did not
like parting at aU." For the next three weeks Harry Guillod and Johnston worked on the claim, and this part of the journal is of great technical
interest, for GuUlod describes in exact detail the methods used to keep
the mine clear of water as the shaft was sunk.
(4) See the Bills of Sale, Lightning Creek, Vol. II, June 1860-June 1880, p. 95,
MS, Archives of B.C.: " 1862. Lightning Creek. August 25. Bill of sale Daniel
Siddall transfers to Philip Thomas Johnston 8680 one half of his interest being
100 ft in the set of claims known as those of the ' Doctors' situated about 80 Rods
below the town of Van Winkle. . . . Thomas Smithson transfers to Henry Guillod 8681 one half of his interest being 100 ft on the Co known as the Doctors. . . ." Thomas Smithson has not been traced, but Daniel Siddall is no
doubt to be identified with the " Dr. Siddall" who in the first issue of the Barkerville Cariboo Sentinel, June 6, 1865, advertised for patients " who wish to be cured
of diseases of every kind, without the aid of mercury." Like many doctors of the
period he also practised dentistry, and on March 16, 1872, the following advertisement appeared in the Sentinel: " Now is Your Time.—Something New.—The
first false teeth ever set in Vulcanite in Cariboo can now be seen in the Dentist's
window, Barkerville. It is the latest style of wearing false teeth, and is very easy
and comfortable, and so cheap that it is within the reach of all. Parties can now
be accommodated in all branches of Dentistry, up to the 10th day of April next,
at Victoria prices.   Then goodbye old Cariboo.   .   .   ." 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 191
By the middle of September the original members of the group had
worked " for six months, and spent aU the money they had, without getting
a grain of gold," and this, says GuUlod, " is a common experience."
So on September 19 the claim was laid over for the winter, and GuUlod
and Johnston, themselves now so short of money that they were glad
to accept the loan of a sovereign from " old Dr. Evans, a Methodist
preacher,"3 on their way down from the mines, started back to Victoria.
This time they took the Yale route, for there was work to be had along
the roads then under construction. At a road-camp near Lytton Johnston found employment, but GuUlod, no doubt anxious about his young
brother, pushed on to the coast, missing the steamer at Yale by half an
hour and being obUged to hire an Indian canoe to take him down to
New Westminster, where he boarded the Enterprise again. By October
18 he was back in Victoria, alone, " in the remnants of [his] clothes
and without a cent in [his] pocket."
During the winter GuUlod could find no other work but stone-breaking, and that almost as a favour, but he was of stout heart, and the
next spring he went back to Van Winkle to renew work on his claim.
It is to be presumed that he had better luck this time, for there is
evidence that some time in 1863 he became the owner of a one-third
interest in a sawmiU at Chemainus, and that he also pre-empted a piece
of land known as Graham Prairie, a mUe west of the mUl. The foUowing year he disposed of house, land, and interest in the miU to one
T. G. Askew,6 and apparently returned to Victoria, for by 1866 he was
established there as a catechist of the AngUcan Church under Bishop
George HUls, serving at the " Indian Mission and half-breed school"
there until the spring of 1868.7
For the rest of GuUlod's life he was to work among the Indians,
though not always as a catechist. His interest hi the native peoples is
seen already in the Cariboo journal, where he records that the " romantic
(5) Ephraim Evans, D.D. Ordained in 1833, he had arrived in Victoria via
the Panama from Toronto on February 10, 1859 (Victoria Colonist, February 12,
1859), and had become the first Superintendent of Wesleyan Missions. George H.
Cornish, Handbook of Canadian Methodism, Toronto, 1867, p. 26.
(6) T. G. Askew to B. W. Pearse, n.d. (Endorsed: Recd 21/9/1871.) Askew
Letters, MS, Archives of B.C.
(7) For Guillod's work as a catechist see the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel, Papers Relating to the Diocese of Columbia, 1858-1874, Transcripts, Vols.
II and IU, MS, Archives of B.C.; and the Annual Reports of the Columbia Mission, published in London, for the period 1866-1872, Microfilm, Archives of B.C. 192 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
illusions " concerning " the ' ChUd of the Forest' " with which he had
come from England were rapidly dispelled by the Indians whom he saw
near Port Douglas: " dirty, immoral, and fond of tawdry finery," even
the daughter of a chief wearing " armlets and anklets of plain brass, like
twisted stair-rods and a very dirty blanket twisted round her." But that
GuUlod did not allow disiUusion to harden into prejudice is shown by
his subsequent description of a famUy of Siwash Indians on the Fraser
who gave him shelter; he was greatly impressed by their hospitaUty and
by their devotion to the practices of their Roman CathoUc reUgion. It is
more than likely that Bishop HUls found in GuUlod an answer to his
private plea to the Secretary of the S.P.G. for some " reaUy good men "
for Indian work: " There is no use, as you well know, to send inferior
men. Our peculiar population requires not only earnest but intelligent
and gifted men. For Indians firmness & tenderness are indispensable
qualities for success."8 However that may be, GuUlod was chosen by
the Bishop in 1868 to accompany the Rev. J. X. WUlemar, a recent convert from the Roman CathoUc priesthood, who had been instructed to
estabUsh a mission among the Aht Indians at Alberni. The two started
from Nanaimo by canoe to Qualicum on the 22nd of May, and then
proceeded to Alberni by way of the Horne Lake traU, returning to Victoria by schooner from Ucluelet at the end of their summer's work.9
In 1871 Mr. WUlemar was transferred from Alberni to Comox, and
GuUlod served under him there as catechist at St. Andrew's Mission for
several years. In 1881 the first Indian Agents for the Province were
appointed, and GuUlod was a natural choice for the West Coast agency,
which he was to serve for the next twenty years. When he took up his
new post the Indians at Alberni were, he says, " glad to see me, being
no stranger to them."10
In 1885 GuUlod was married, in St. Andrew's Church at Sandwick,
which Mr. WUlemar had buUt in 1877, to Mrs. WUlemar's sister, Miss
Kate EUzabeth Monro of Victoria, who as an infant had come from
(8) G. Columbia to Rev. W. T. Bullock, private, October 20, 1865, S. P. G.
Papers, Vol. II, p. 172.
(9) J. X. Willemar, A Missionary Expedition from the East to the West Coast
of Vancouver's Island by the Rev. J. X. Willemar and Mr. H. Guillod, S. P. G.
Papers, Vol. HI [21 pp., unnumbered].
(10) Canada, Department of Indian Affairs, Annual Report . . . for . . .
1881, Ottawa, 1882, p. 161. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 193
England with her parents by clipper ship in 1863.11 She returned with
her husband to Ucluelet, where a residence for the Agent had been completed in 1884, Guillod doing much of the work himseff; his wtfe is said
to have been the first white woman to live among the West Coast Indians
there. GuUlod's reports to the Department of Indian Affairs during the
first years of his agency make interesting reading. Much of his concern,
of course, was for the health of his charges hi the face of ignorance and
superstition; he writes of mass vaccination and of spending days in " visiting the sick and dispensing medicine "—a duty in which his early training as a chemist was no doubt invaluable. As well as giving population
statistics and reporting on economic conditions, he describes the houses,
the Uving habits, and the traditional dances and ceremonies of the
Indians, and his comments on the " potlach," which the Government was
then in process of abolishing, are both sensible and pointed. OccasionaUy the interest of the amateur artist in landscape breaks through the
official crust, as when he speaks of leaving Actis " with a fleet of fifty
Kyukaht canoes, many with two large square sails, wing and wing, . . .
a pretty sight with a fair wind."12
In 1889, for the sake of their children's education, the GuUlods were
transferred to Alberni, living at first on the Somass farm. Later they
acquired a 1-acre property on River Road, where they Uved for many
years, the veteran Alberni school-teacher, Mr. J. Howitt, boarding with
them for a time. GuUlod took a very active part in the estabUshment of
AU Saints Church in Alberni,13 and was for many years a church-warden.
The musical talent of which there is some evidence in his Cariboo journal
now had fuU scope: he played the organ and trained the choir, and was
also " much appreciated," according to his Alberni neighbours, at social
entertainments. In 1903 he retired as Indian Agent, and three years
later he died, beloved and respected by both white men and Indians.
The former spoke of him as " a jolly feUow, good-natured and true-
hearted," and " ever ready to help those in need "; the Indians came in
crowds to his funeral.
Harry GuiUod's widow died in 1949, at the age of 88. She was survived by three daughters, Mrs. B. J. Beckerleg, Mrs. Kate Mayers, and
(11) Her father was H. D. Monro; her brother, Robert Ross Monro, was later
well known in Victoria as Major of the Sth " British Columbia " Regiment, Royal
Canadian Garrison Artillery.   Victoria Colonist, June 19, 1884, and June 4, 1904.
(12) Report, 1886, p. 82.
(13) Victoria Colonist, October 23, 1898. 194 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
Miss Edna GuUlod, and it is through their generosity that the manuscript
of their father's journal has now been made avaUable. It consists of
fifty-two loose leaves of foolscap, blue-grey in colour and faint-ruled,
written on one side only, in a firm, clear hand which Mrs. Beckerleg
identifies as her father's.14 The manuscript has no cover and no binding;
the first leaf is brown with age, and in places the edges of the leaves are
torn. According to GuUlod's own statement he kept" very short though
actual notes " on his journey to the Cariboo, jotting down " a Une or so
each day "; and on his return to Victoria in October, 1862, he compUed
from these notes a fuUer account of the trip, which it would seem that he
sent to his mother hi England before he went back to his Van Winkle
claim in the spring of 1863. Both the form and the style of the manuscript suggest that he may have had some thought of pubUcation; it is
certain that he envisaged the journal being passed round among his
" numerous friends and relatives "; and it was probably for this reason
that he added a few explanatory notes and a " Preface," aU in the third
person, and, with customary Victorian reticence, replaced the proper
names in the text by dashes. After his mother's death the journal was
sent to GuUlod's brother George, who had returned to England after his
unsuccessful venture in the Cariboo and had subsequently emigrated to
the more genial climate of South Africa.15 In 1953 the journal was sent
from Durban to GuUlod's daughters hi Victoria, and having been brought
to the attention of the Provincial Archivist by Mr. Alfred Carmichael,
who had known Harry GuUlod in Alberni in the 1890's, it was finaUy
placed in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia.
Dorothy Blakey Smith.
Victoria, B.C.
(14) Mrs. B. J. Beckerleg to W. E. Ireland, August 11,1954.
(15) Mr. Alfred Carmichael to W. E. Ireland, n.d. (acknowledged April 30,
1954). 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 195
JOURNAL OF A TRIP TO CARIBOO, 1862.
PrefUce].1
The only merit that is claimed for the foUowing pages, is that they are a
faithful and unvarnished record of the arduous journey which they describe.
It may however be well to mention, what however will be evident to the
reader as he proceeds, that they are not written by a grumbler or disappointed
man, but by one who met the difficulties and hardships of the undertaking
with cheerful courage.
That he was not disheartened by the unprofitableness of last years season
and the roughness of a winter at Victoria where stonebreaking was the only
work to be obtained by one who was not a mechanic and that only as a
favour, is shewn by this that he has gone up again to Cariboo and we may
hope is now reaping a golden harvest in the claim at Van Winkle.
No doubt there are thousands of our city youths who would as readUy
leave the comforts of a quiet home and face the hardships of a mountain
journey bad food and short commons, hail and rain and storm, mosquitoes
and sand flies with as good a heart and as patient an endurance, shewing the
sterling qualities of the Saxon race; but there are also thousands who would
not be able to do so; and it will be well for every one who is tempted by the
glittering prizes which are held out by Cariboo and its rival Goldfields, to
consider deeply whether they have got the right stuff in them and wiU be able
to bivouac in wet blankets and cook a pancake in a hailstorm, without regretting the snug featherbed and comfortable chophouse of the West end and
the City.
Introductory letter
Sunday Oct. 19* 1862
Dear Mother,
Here I am again in Victoria! Have seen the "Elephant" as Cariboo is
called here: bought into a claim on Lightning Creek, got "played out" and
arrived here per Steamer2 yesterday evening in the remnants of my clothes
and without a cent in my pocket. I had to leave my watch in deposit for my
Steamboat fare, and as I left Cariboo without a change of clothes, here I am
without a shirt to my back; what remains being only a collar and the tattered
front; in a dilapidated coat and with one boot between two feet, and all
things considered in a pretty respectable plight to present myself at Church;
(1) The manuscript is untitled and begins with the Preface. The right half of
the top margin has been torn away.
(2) The Enterprise was built in San Francisco in 1861 and bought by the
Hudson's Bay Company the following year for the Fraser River trade. Norman
R. Hacking, " Steamboating on the Fraser in the 'Sixties," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, X (1946), p. 21. She made her first trip from Victoria to New
Westminster on April 4, 1862, under Captain W. A. Mouat. Hacking gives this
date as April 3, but cf. Victoria Colonist, April 5, 1862. 196 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
in fact having rather a wild appearance for beside my rags my hair has not
been cut since I left England in May.
The Steamer did not get in tiU half past six, being too late to get letters,
clothes or money, so I had to ask the proprietor of the Hotel to trust me till
Monday, the rule being to pay everything beforehand. I have had my breakfast and walked out a mile or so, to the place where we camped in July; and
am now dotting [sic] this down as I ruminate on my future prospects which I
confess at present look not very bright, but I guess I'll fall on my legs somehow. There is great difficulty in getting employment anywhere here, and I
am in a state of uncertainty with regard to George3 who came down a month
before me. If he has gone to California which is not improbable I would
rather follow him.
It is now between nine and ten o'clock here and I reckon you are at
dinner: I often picture to myself what you are all doing at home; and many
a time when I have been cold, hungry, wet and tired, my thoughts have
centered on a quiet cup of tea at Paddington: to walk in and see you all just
then would have been the highest pinnacle of happiness; of course to make it
complete it must be in the short days with closed curtains and a comfortable
fire and then to my idea there is something superlatively cosy about it.
My health has been firstrate, and in spite of my feet being constantly wet
in the first part of my journey, my spirits were not at all damped. Today is a
charming day and as I hear the bells going for Church I will close this introductory chapter and begin with my diary after, but I am afraid you will find
it very dull, as I only found time to jot down a line or so each day.
Saturday June 28th 1862.
We got on board the Oregon4 at San Francisco and after a quiet passage
arrived at Esquimault on Wednesday July 2nd finishing our sea voyage which
you may be sure we were glad of. I could hardly realize that we were indeed
in sight of Vancouver's Island. It is a pretty harbour at Esquimault rather
than a fine one, consisting of a collection of small pieces of water opening
into each other. In passing across to Victoria we saw several plants which
put us in mind of home; blackberries—the same kind of plant as our own but
different in leaf and flavour,—and several of our wild flowers: it was a winding road through tangled underwood; here a turn brought us in view of the
bay there, we went round a large moss covered stone, or a faUen tree overgrown with grey lichens, contrasting with the green foliage of the trees and
the red leaves of the underwood.
(3) "His younger brother aged seventeen who had accompanied him on his
journey up."    [Foot-note in original MS.]
(4) One of the pioneer vessels of the Pacific Mail Company. Built in New
York in 1848 she arrived at San Francisco in March, 1849, and was for several
years on the Panama route. During the Fraser River gold-rush she often brought
between 500 and 700 passengers a trip from San Francisco to Esquimalt. In 1862
her captain was Francis Conner. Lewis & Dryden's Marine History of the Pacific
Northwest, ed. E. W. Wright, Portland, 1895, p. 60, n. 12; Victoria Colonist,
July 4, 1862. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       197
We crossed a wooden bridge5 to reach Victoria, which as you approach
looks like a pretty English village; the Church or as I found out afterwards
the Methodist Chapel with its little spire6 being the principal object in the
landscape, a little bit of a lake and the bridge being in the foreground—how
much prettier the slanting roofs are than the flat pasteboardy ones of San
Francisco!
A pony cart took our luggage across with some others for which we paid
$1V4. We stopped at the Royal Hotel7 that night paying $Vi for our bed and
the same for each meal. The next morning we packed up and got some of
our goods stored; taking what we wanted with us down to the camping
ground, where George and I found our first experience of Ufe out of doors.
We bought a tent of some men on the ground for five doUars. We had very
fine weather while here and found provisions, good fresh meat and fish pretty
cheap; bread was dearer than at home we paid $Vi for five smaU loaves.
Saturday J 8 went into town with an old fellow Mr. A  had
recommended to him and bought a horse afterwards named "Old Moke."
We had him home on Sunday evening intending to start for Cariboo the next
morning when we found he had a sand crack on his fore hoof and was weak
on the legs altogether, making him walk a Uttle lame; so we deferred starting
and went down to try and make a better bargain; however the dealer would
have nothing to do with him " it wasn't his horse and he'd just sent the money
along to the owner "; so we had no help for it, and decided to start with him
and take our chance.  The fact was J did not give enough to have a
decent horse and was deluded (by the help of his friend) into buying him
without having him out of the stable.   I went with him and ought to have
stayed but we were to meet Captn. J at the stable and I got tired of
waiting and left and when I came back, the deed was done.
A good many of our companions on the voyage were camping on the
same ground with ourselves; all much discouraged by the news from Cariboo, which was very unfavorable: more men coming down than going up
giving dismal accounts of the dearness of provisions everything being a doUar
(5) The approach from Esquimalt was by way of the two wooden bridges built
in 1861 to replace the old Victoria bridge between Johnson Street and the Indian
Reserve, which was pulled down in May, 1862. One of these spanned the north
arm of the harbour at Point Ellis [later Ellice], the other, Rock Bay at Constance
Street, a block below Store Street. Victoria Colonist, October 30, 1860; May 28,
1861; May 14, 1862.
(6) The Pandora Street Wesleyan Methodist Church at the corner of Broad
Street, dedicated on May 20, 1860.   Ibid., May 22, 1860.
(7) One of the first brick hotels in Victoria, built in 1858 by James Wilcox
at the corner of Wharf and Johnson Streets, and incorporated in 1877 in the Occidental Hotel, which was torn down in 1953. Victoria Gazette, October 13, 1858;
Victoria Colonist, April 5, 1896, and April 23, 1953.
(8) "A partner with the two brothers in the expedition, who had been in the
Australian gold diggings." [Foot-note in original MS.] The name should be
read as Johnston.   See Introduction, foot-note 3. 198 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
a pound; continued wet and consequent mud; bad roads, horrid mosquitoes,
&C&C.
It seems to me that those who had gone up earUer were too soon, as from
aU accounts there is nothing to be done in the way of prospecting till July or
August. Many of those coming back had never been to Cariboo, but finding
the roads wretched, provisions scarce and dear and their money failing, had
turned back either discouraged or from necessity and a queer looking set of
feUows they are; rough and dirty, many having thrown away their things or
otherwise got rid of them to lighten their swags.
I seemed to have very Uttie time here, what with chopping wood, going
backwards and forwards to town and cooking the days seemed to go very
quickly. We laid in a small supply of provisions—Barley for horse: 15 lb
of Flour, 10 lb sugar, a ham, 8 lb cheese, 10 lb Biscuits, 3 lb dried Apples,
2 lb. Coffee, 4 lb Tea, a bottle of Curry, salt &c. Our whole expenses since
leaving England up to this date, reckoning horse, pack saddle, saddlebags,
provisions and extra money paid for our fare from San Francisco is £50.
We have deposited £100 at Selim Franklin and Co.9 at 1 pr Cent pr month
which is not bad interest; and take £50 apiece up the country.
We took as smaU a supply of clothes as possible and were off on Tuesday,
July 8th getting on board the Enterprize at three o'clock, leaving a letter in
our way with aU information up to this date.10
When we went to embark, George took charge of the horse which we
were entirely out of conceit with; and as we had to wait near an hour before
he could be received on board, you must imagine the figure George cut with
his lanky legs, dressed in a jersey and no coat walking about with this
disconsolate-looking animal, who when his turn came to proceed on board,
took it into his head to back, so there was George puUing one way and the
horse most determinedly the other, tiU some feUow behind put the whip into
him when he stepped the plank. I was on board with the luggage watching
proceedings.
We steamed up the channel with Vancouver's Island on one side and the
Oregon snow-capped mountains visible over the islands on the other and
going up the Frazer in the night arrived at New Westminster the next morning July 9th. We found an eligible spot and pitched our tent as we were told
(9) Selim and Lumley Franklin had come from England to San Francisco
at the time of the California gold-rush, and from there to Victoria, where they
established themselves in 1858 as auctioneers and land agents and became prominent in public affairs, Selim being elected to the House of Assembly in 1860 and
Lumley becoming Mayor of Victoria in 1865. David Rome, The First Two Years,
Montreal, 1942, pp. 52-105.
(10) "This was lost in the 'Golden Gate' which was burned between San
Francisco and Panama." [Foot-note in original MS.] The paddle-wheel steamer
Golden Gate left San Francisco for New York on July 21, 1862, and burned to the
water's edge off Manzanillo, Mexico, on July 27. Victoria Colonist, August 15,
1862. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       199
that there was no boat up the river till the next morning. New Westminster
has one principal street with a hotel or two, a couple of dozen stores, a
church and some pretty cottages along the bank of the river, among them a
model Swiss Cottage: the military station is about a mUe from the wharf,
and enclosed by the forest which is being graduaUy cleared from around the
town. There were Indians squatted on some swampy ground by the side of
the river and we heard that the small-pox was bad among them; I saw one
Uttle wretch who was just getting over it, down by the water, where we went
to have a bathe. As we returned a steamer came in and on enquiry we found
she left again at 7 for Douglas; so we got some sausage and bread for dinner,
packed up in all haste, and went on board the "Governor Douglas,"11 a
queer-looking steamer, having the paddle wheels, minus boxes, in the stern.
The passage up the river was beautiful, the banks being densely wooded down
to the water's edge on either side, whUe now and then a snow capped mountain, towered high over us. Just as it was getting dark we passed a burning
forest, a tract of land being cleared as we supposed; after which we roUed
ourselves up in our blankets and went to sleep on the floor of the cabin.
I was roused several times in the night by the noise made on board, for it
being foggy, they had a job to find the way and kept sounding the whistle.
July 10th The last part of the river was very narrow,12 quite closed in with
bushes which grew in the water; and we ran into the sides several times;
once a tree caught some boxes of bacon and turned them over on the deck,
smashing one of the number; we had also to pass through a lot of drift wood,
which was slow work it having to be pushed out of the way with long poles.
We spoke with another steamer and took on board three or four chaps who
had come with us in the Shannon from Southampton; they were going to
Yale to get work, having been disgusted with the accounts from Cariboo
which they had heard at Douglas.
As we approached the town, we were struck with an Indian burying
ground, which had the appearance of being hung with banners; the blankets
and clothes of the deceased being hoisted on long poles.
We arrived at Douglas at 9:30; there is nothing pretty in the town which
is merely a row of log huts in a smaU clearing surrounded by the forest, with
the road to the diggings perceptible up the hiU behind. On landing we found
the horse had cut his hind hock against a bit of sharp wood on board the
steamer, and while waiting on the wharf, several fellows came up and gave
(11) The first stern-wheeler built at Victoria, launched on October 30, 1858,
and owned by the Victoria Steam Navigation Company, which by 1862 had passed
into the control of the Wright brothers.   Hacking, op. cit., pp. 4-5, 21.
(12) Port Douglas, the southern terminus of the Harrison-Lillooet road, had
been unwisely located on Little Harrison Lake, which was connected with the
main lake by a narrow winding creek about half a mile long. This was originally
named Ainsworth Inlet in honour of Captain J. C. Ainsworth of the Umatilla, the
first steamer to penetrate as far as the site of the future Port Douglas in July, 1858.
Victoria Gazette, August 17, 1858. 200 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
their remarks, free of cash upon our noble quadruped. One horse dealer
looked at his leg and said it was an old sore, and found far more faults in
the beast, than you would have thought possible to be concentrated in one
animal; declaring that it would not take us five mUes from Douglas, and
wanting to sell us another, from, of course perfectly disinterested motives.
I wished the creature at the bottom of the sea, or that he would give up altogether, as then we should have been obliged to buy a more decent animal;
but as it was, we could not afford to pitch him into the river; so we got off as
soon as we could, made three miles and then stopped to have dinner.
Before we left the wharf we had a close view of a party of Indians, a man
who had been up country being in the act of seUing off some of his traps to
them. A journey out here soon destroys aU romantic Ulusions with regard to
the Indians; instead of anything noble they are dirty, immoral and fond of
tawdry finery: here are our illustrations. Take that old woman and the Uttle
girl who is playing with a baby in the woman's arms; the dress of the latter is
a very dirty cotton gown shewing her form to perfection, ornamented with a
bead necklace about an inch and a half deep; the papoose has on an apology
for a shirt which I suppose has once been white; (I am not very clear on the
subject of its clothing, but I remember it was as little as possible and very
dirty:) the girl, who I suppose was the daughter of a Tyce [sic: for Tyee?] or
chief, had armlets and anklets of plain brass, like twisted stair-rods and a very
dirty blanket twisted round her. The favorite dress of the men seems to be a
common cap with a band of tinsel paper round it a rusty black coat, cast off
trousers of any colour and boots. When they want to be sweUish, they streak
their faces with vermillion and put on one of the wonderful large necklaces,
the cloth coat with these additions making a "tout ensemble" difficult to
imagine. The women are mostly in old gowns or dirty blankets; the more
fortunate with an ornamentation of red paint and some even wear crinoline
for I have seen them here and farther up with that adornment. The generality
of them men and women are very ugly though you do occasionaUy see a
respectable looking woman and on one of the boats there was an old man a
chief with half a dozen squaws and some young men who was better looking
than the majority, but put one in mind of a weU favoured superannuated
washerwoman. Formerly they wore their hair hanging in tangled masses
down to their waists but they have now so far advanced in civilization, as to
cut it above their shoulders and comb it, and some I should say use real
Indian Macassar. As for the grace of the " ChUd of the Forest" I'm afraid
I've not got eyes for it.
We did eight miles more after dinner, making eleven from Douglas, and
stopped at 8:30 in a deep thickly-wooded valley, with huge mountains on
each side. Our road had been very stony and up and down biU. It was a fine
night so we did not pitch our tent; but we thought it necessary to keep watch
which we did in three turns from 10:30 to 1.0, 1.0 to 3:30 and 3.30 to 6:0.
I was very sleepy in my watch, although it was a very romantic spot. The
moon rose and shone out over the top of the mountains, giving a beautiful
appearance to the trees, and throwing streaks of light across our camping 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       201
ground; whUe the noise of the streamlets rushing and spraying down from
the neighbouring hUls had a luUing effect on the senses. The night passed
without any adventure.
July 11th We started at 8:30 and had proceeded on our road about six
miles, when as George was walking a-head of the horse, I being behind, the
" Old Moke " took it into his head to roU over in the road, catching his foot
at the same time in the halter. George was going on without the sUghtest
idea of what had happened till 1 bawled out. The animal was not a bit hurt,
but we had to unpack him and therefore stopped and had dinner. We started
again at 2.0: The road was principaUy up and down lull, in deep vaUies
between the mountains: sometimes we were down so low among taU trees
that the sun was entirely hid, and then the trail would lead for a little while
through woods on level ground. We reached the Lake13 at 8.0 having made
eighteen miles. We camped on a bit of open ground that had been cleared
close to the Lake partly occupied by a few log huts: here we made a good
fire and kept watch as before. The tarpaulin we took with us from Unite's
[sic] was very useful to Ue on, quite excluding the damp and the night being
again fine, we were too lazy to pitch our tent. In the night we made some
coffee which was very joUy
July 12th   J and I went down with our baggage to take the boat at
10:30; sending George along the trail with our nag and packsaddle. We had
to wait some time before the boat started; and when it did move it was very
slow, for it was a large river boat14 fiUed with freight which they had to row
against stream and wind and in one place we had a stoppage to pass some
rapids, so that we did not get out of the boat till four o'clock, the distance
being about six miles; we found the sun very hot as we laid in the boat.
When we got out we had to walk a mUe to reach another lake and steamer;16
there we found a Restaurant and made a joUy meal of fresh meat &c for
which we paid a dollar each. I put a piece of bread and meat in my pocket
for George who was on the other side of the lake; he got there in two hours
(13) Little Lillooet Lake, also called Tenas Lake, from the Chinook word for
little.
(14) The miners who in 1858 had constructed the Harrison-Lillooet trail had
also built large boats for transportation on the lakes. Governor James Douglas
to Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, Secretary of State, November 9, 1858, Great Britain,
Parliament, Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part H, London,
H.M. Stationery Office, 1859 [Cmd. 2578, 1st series], p. 29. On the three larger
lakes these were replaced by steamers in 1860, but it was not until three years later
that there was steam transportation on Little Lillooet Lake.
(15) Lillooet Lake. The steamer was the Marzelle, 60 feet, with a capacity of
some 40 tons of freight; launched on June 12, 1860, for Goulding & Company.
In 1863 she was replaced by the Prince of Wales, a steamer almost twice as large,
and transferred for service on Little Lillooet Lake.   Hacking, op. cit.
6 202 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
and had to wait till six o'clock when we took him up on the steamer; he was
nearly famished, as he had no means of getting anything to eat, we having aU
the provisions with us, not thinking he would have been so much before us.
Here we had our first experience of mosquitoes which was not very agreeable.
We reached Pemberton at eleven at night and slept in a house.16 At aU
eating-houses on the road, there is a room where you may roll yourself up in
a blanket and sleep free of charge. We tied up the horse outside and here I
must relate an adventure which befel him after dark on board the Steamer;
one of the oxen offended him, I suppose, and he kicked him overboard, and
the poor beast was drowned. George heard this from the captain. I was
surprized at his showing so much spirit, as he looks awfuUy quiet.
July 13th We had breakfast in the house, and went on only about five miles,
it being Sunday, to a good camping ground. On leaving I was so bothered
with mosquitoes that I left my pocket knife behind, finding it out to my great
regret when it was too late to go back. We had very Uttle peace and J	
nearly went wild, for we were eaten up with mosquitoes, they were perfectiy
dreadful and I could never have believed that anything of the sort could be so
bad. We had bought netting at Victoria, but it was of little use as we had not
broad-brimmed hats to keep it off the face and wherever it touched they bit
through We have no domestic pests in England to be compared with these.
Here our horse had another adventure. I had tied the wretch to a stone
which was in the road to give him the benefit of some hay left there by a
team; we were having our meal when, looking round suddenly, we discovered
that " the Old Moke " had made off, having sUpped his halter from the stone;
as this had evidently been dragged forwards on the road, I supposed that he
had gone that way, so started off, and a mile or so on, luckUy found some
chaps who had caught him and put their packs on his back; they had found
him going at a smart pace toward Lilooett and supposed he was running
away. When I got back I found that J had started back to Pemberton to
look for him and he did not get back till 10:30. We got scarcely any sleep
that night because of the mosquitoes, and they seemed to bother J more
even than us, which we wondered at, as he had made their acquaintance in
Australia.
July 14th We were glad to be off early at 6:30, and made two journeys in
the day, doing eighteen miles. We amused ourselves with the gun on the way;
I shot a squirrel—my first shot with that gun; and George got several smaU
birds and missed more. We camped and cooked the squirrel, which we did
not find anything extraordinary. We did not set up our tent, and just as we
laid down it began to rain, and although we were under the trees, we got a
pretty considerable sprinkling. I did not like my watch at all, having to
grope about in the rain and darkness for wood to keep the fire up; in doing
this I dropped my spectacles in the bush and had a rare job to feel for them.
(16) Between Douglas and Lillooet there were a dozen or so "wayside
houses " or " mile-houses " for the accommodation of travellers. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       203
July 15th We now came to another lake, with a steamer to take us over;17
we had some bread and cheese and went on board at twelve o'clock; there
were several English chaps on the other side returning; we went on to
Lilooett.18 It was quite dark when we got in; the last part of our journey
was across a level plain and as it came on to rain hard, you may suppose it
was not very joUy; for my part I was miserable enough. However on reaching the town we found a house to Ue down in which quite set us up; we tied
the old horse up in the rain, and turned in and slept very well.
A man and his horse accompanied us this part of the way, he belonged to
a party which went up earUer, and had been particularly unfortunate. One
of them had shot himself in drawing a loaded gun out of a tent. They had
gone up with three horses which this man had taken back for a fresh supply
of provisions, but two had died from over-driving; so that while they were
expecting him with three loads, he was going up with only one. Besides this
he was taking up to another of the party news of his brother's death, so that
altogether he was very down in the mouth.
The road up thus far had been through deep vaUeys with snowcapped
mountains towering above the trees in the distance; every mUe or two we
came to a swift running stream of deUciously cold water from the mountains,
dashing and spraying over the stones; or we crossed a rough bridge of pine-
trees over a cascade which bounded over the rocks far below; then would
come a level road through pine forests for a few miles; again we went up hiU
round the side of a mountain, only to descend again far down into the valley,
shut in by large trees and cool even in the heat of the day, but never out of
sight of huge mountains, principaUy covered with fir. George said it put him
in mind of the Highland scenery, but altogether on a larger and grander scale.
Wednesday July 16th We had a good breakfast, only short of vegetables,
and paid a dollar apiece for it. We gave the old horse a feed of hay and went
(17) Anderson Lake. The steamer was the Lady of the Lake, 72 feet, launched
in the early summer of 1860 for Chapman & Company. Hacking, op. cit. Governor Douglas commented to the Duke of Newcastle on April 23, 1860: "Two
stern-wheel steamers, intended to ply on Lakes Anderson and Seaton, are nearly
completed by an association of settlers, who at much labor and expense packed
the engines and boilers from Douglas over the Harrison road. To give an idea
of the difficulty of the undertaking, I may mention that the boilers, being too heavy
to carry on mules, were rolled over the trail, as far as the 28-mile house, in five
sections." Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part IV, 1862
[Cmd. 2952], p. 5.
(18) The diary is greatly condensed here. Between Anderson Lake and Seton
Lake there was a road a mile and a half long, where a sort of wooden tramway
for the passage of wagons was in operation by 1861. E. O. S. Scholefield and
F. W. Howay, British Columbia from the Earliest Times to the Present, Vancouver, 1914, Vol. II, p. 93. The travellers next crossed Seton Lake in the Champion,
110 feet, launched in June, 1860, for Taylor & Company, and then walked 4 miles
to Lillooet.   Hacking, op. cit. 204 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
down to the ferry which here crosses the Fraser. The river has a rapid
stream, and a rocky descending shore with a few bushes scattered here and
there. We saw some Chinamen washing for gold; for there is some gold to
be found along the whole course of the river, but not in paying quantities;
the good Fraser River diggings having been worked out.
1 and J went on to the store19 to buy provisions, and obtained 50 lb
each of Flour and Beans; 10 lb of Sugar; 6 lb of Corn Meal, 5 lb of Salt
and 23 lb of Bacon, which cost us about £10:0:0. George came across with
the horse about twelve o'clock; he had to sit in the boat holding the bridle
while the horse swam: the Old Moke did it weU. We went up to the store
and loaded him. We left a few things at Lilooett and packed swag to carry
on our backs. Our journey today was over a pretty even trail; we made nine
miles camping in a turn of the road20 with a creek running close by.
July 17th We made two journeys doing about seventeen miles. Soon after
starting the saddle shifted, and we were obUged to pack again, a thing which
requires some practice to do properly, so that the man who was traveUing
with us went on and left us behind. We passed a horse left by the roadside
in a dying condition.   J and I went on before leaving George trying to
shoot some birds; J was going forwards with the horse, when in some
unaccountable manner we missed the road, and took a foot traU which led us
down a very steep track into a valley and then we had to get up the other side
which was a " burster ": when we had gone half way up, the steepness of the
ascent shifted the saddle right on to our beast's hind quarters; so we had to
unpack in a great hurry, take the animal up first and afterwards the goods
which was no joke. We packed again and found George a little ahead, as he
had gone by the right road and so passed us.
Here we met with a middle-aged lady whom we had seen at Esquimault;
she had come out with her husband, who looked sixty, to open a house of
(19) Across the river from Lillooet was a small settlement sometimes called
Lower Fountain, sometimes Parsonville. The latter name appears to have been
derived from Otis Parsons, who operated a forwarding depot there before the
building of the Lytton-Clinton road. He later operated steamers on the Fraser,
which he is said to have sold for $40,000 in gold, and was drowned, together with
his family, in the foundering of the Pacific in 1875. F. W. Laing, " Colonial Farm
Settlers on the Mainland of British Columbia, 1858-1871," Victoria, 1939, p. 252,
MS., Archives of B.C. In 1862 a collector of road tolls was stationed at Parsonville. B. G. Coney to Colonel R. C. Moody, September 8, 1862, Coney Letters,
MS., Archives of B.C.
(20) In March, 1862, the contract for a wagon-road "from a point across the
Fraser from Lillooet up to Alexandria" had been awarded to Gustavus Blin
Wright. Copies of this and of other road contracts referred to in these foot-notes
may be found in the files of the Department of Lands and Works in the Archives
of B.C. The road was completed by the middle of September, 1863. Douglas to
Newcastle, September 14, 1863, British Columbia, Governors Douglas and Seymour, Despatches to London, 1863-1867, MS., Archives of B.C. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 205
refreshment at Cariboo; they were going up with a pack train, but she had
started on before by herself to reach the next house, having got tired of waiting for the rest, rather a courageous " old gal" wasn't she? When we caught
her up she was trudging along leading her mule, shewing a very fine pair of
legs, red petticoat &c though minus crinoline, which I need scarcely say,
doesn't answer for riding; a hat and feather completed her costume. She
was complaining that her mule was very lazy, and she had to keep whacking
him to make him go; she walked a little way with us and then made off.
We camped by a smaU stream, and as we had picked a lot of blueberries
along the road, we mixed them with flour and water and frying in our bacon
fat made very joUy fritters
After dinner we went on up the Pavilion Mountain, by a good road
winding right and left up the face of the hiU which was very steep: the only
objection to this zigzag was that we had to go so far to get a little way forward: after this we wandered on along a track which was hardly distinguishable from the grass and could not find any water. It was quite dark and we
were very tired, when we saw the welcome glow of a fire in the distance, and
soon came to a capital camping ground, where we found our former feUow-
traveller and the lady as well, and had a jolly night here.   No mosquitoes.
July 18th The first part of today's walk was very pleasant although it rained,
and it was thoroughly English looking; we were up among the hills on a large
undulating plain with here and there a clump of trees or range of bushes and
the whole covered with good green grass, which is very scarce here, the
generality of the grass which covers the hills being yellow, dry and coarse.
We then came to a beautiful spot; there was a stream winding along the side
of our path, hidden among long grass and rushes and a literal bed of roses
and other flowers: I never saw such a quantity of roses of all shades; they
were growing on low bushes, and after the shower everything looked so fresh
and smelt so sweet that it was quite a treat and afforded me as much pleasure
as any garden I ever saw in England.
Roses are plentiful all over the country, right up to Cariboo in the plains
woods and hedges; and the hips must form the principal food of the birds in
winter; but I did not meet with any so full of buds and blossoms in all their
delicious stages as here.
The nag went on with J and the other man and horse George and I
stopping behind to try and bag some game, in which we were not very successful, only hitting two small birds. When we started on we came upon a
very nasty bit of road through a wood; it was uphill and very greasy and
slippery and as it came on very wet it was awful work. The trees here,
especiaUy those that fall, get covered with a beautiful greenish yeUow moss
which has a very pretty appearance: we also found Lupins growing in the
wood in the greatest abundance, in leaf and flower identical with our EngUsh
plant.
After getting wet, we went along the new road which had been carried so
far and then had to go down a horribly steep long slope, slippery from the
wet: however we reached the bottom safely, passing the encampment of men 206 Dorothy Blakey Smith        July-Oct.
at work on the road, which is being pushed on with aU expedition. After this
days journey there was no road, but only a mule track, now winding through
the wood in a single tratt, and then spreading out into half a dozen according
to the various obstructions in the way.
When we reached the foot of the hiU we found our Old Moke aU safe, but
as the horses had had a hard time of it, we concluded to camp there the rest
of the day though we had only done ten miles. Here we had our first taste
of beans for our flour was getting low, so we made a stew of beans, rusty
Ham and the birds, one of which was very good, the other indifferent.
July 19. We started along a winding path by the side of a lake; we had to
stop and repack our horse, so our companion went on before us and we did
not catch him up again. We pushed on again and then found we had left a
biUy or camp kettle behind us in the road; so I left George to carry my pack
on a Uttle way and went back about two mUes after the precious utensfi which
I found all right.
We stopped for dinner and soon after came to a regular bog, and not
knowing the right place to cross, tried what seemed to be the best, and our
old horse got part of the way through and then took it into his head to turn
over on his side. He kicked and floundered but we could not get him up and
had the pleasure of unpacking him up to our knees in mud. If the tarpaulin
had not been over our grub, it would have been pretty weU spoilt; as it was,
our saddlebags and the edges of our blankets were covered with black mud;
but the " Hanimal" was a picture smothered with mud from head to foot,
while ourselves were not much better. We got the things on his back again at
last, but the old chap seemed quite done up, and grunted awfuUy as he walked
along, so we only went on a few miles and camped. We found the poor
wretch was eaten up by small flies, which stuck to him by hundreds and we
were advised to rest him and put bacon fat to the sores.
July 20th Sunday. I was cook, which I confess took up nearly the whole of
my time. I gave them an apple pudding made of the dried apples we brought
from Victoria; it was pronounced first-rate; the only fault was that it was too
dry, owing to the kettle it was boUed in being too smaU.   George and I have
turned into professed cooks at once and beat J hollow (so we think)
throwing a fritter or "slap-jack" in firstrate style; we'U show you how to
cook pancakes when we come back. I can say we have not spoUt anything
we have undertaken in the cooking department; we soon got into the way of
making decent bread with the baking powder; it must be mixed quickly and
baked before a brisk fire. You make the dough into a flat cake fitting into the
frying pan and putting it on the fire, heat it enough to stand up, when you
take it out, by the aid of a forked bit of stick before the fire first scoring the
top of the cake with a knife which helps it to bake quickly; then [if] not done
sufficient underneath it may be turned; you may bake a number of cakes by
taking them out of the pan as soon as they wiU stand and propping them up
aU round. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       207
We stopped on this ground Sunday Monday and Tuesday when our
Knacker seemed much better. WhUe here we were much plagued with mosquitoes and large flies, which bit so as to bring blood.
July 23rd We started again on our journey this morning through a grove
of young trees, stones in any quantity, then open plain and boggy ground.
The Mosquitoes worse than ever. Young O caught us up this evening
on horseback, and camped the night with us trying our cookery.
July 24th   Horse had strayed and could not be found.  J started off and
went six or eight miles up the road without success. George went the same
way in the evening with no better result, coming back nearly devoured by
mosquitoes.
July 25.   J started off again, George and I stopping at the camp which
was scarcely endurable for mosquitoes. George looked as if he had had the
smaUpox. At 3.45 I started off and went back on the road fifteen miles to
our last camping ground, getting there after a joUy walk at 8.45.
July 26th I had five hours sleep last night; I had brought my blanket with
me and some bread, so I had my supper and roUed up under a tree, with the
root of it for my piUow. It was rather hard and I was not very warm but I
managed to get to sleep.   I had my breakfast and was off again by 4:45 and
got back by 9:40.   J having come back also with no success we did not
know what to do. I confess the loss was rather a reUef to my mind, for I
don't beUeve the beast would ever have reached Cariboo, and I only wish we
had started at first with only our blankets and change of underclothes and
tramped it   we should have saved some pounds.
George amused himself by shooting the ' biUy' with his revolver; he had
the latter in his hand and said in joke he would shoot the kettle, and afterwards aiming at something close by, he let daylight into both sides of it, much
to the disgust of myself and J who said he did it on purpose.
July 27. Sunday. We gave up aU hope of finding our steed: so we settled
to try and get some things packed for us, by someone going up and stopped
here Monday and Tuesday.   I took here my first lesson in sketching, doing
the tent and accessories with George inside and J outside wiping a plate.
I made something of it. You have no idea of the felicity of sketching under
the superintendance of flies and mosquitoes. We found several sorts of large
flies here which bite most voraciously, I send you a life-size sketch of one of
of the most troublesome. Our tent was flUed with them and we set to work
to kiU them, but after covering the floor with faUen warriors, the ranks were
undiminished and at last we gave it up in despair. You cannot imagine what
frights we were; our faces dirty and stained with blood from the slaughtered
vampires We used to get close to the fire and be UteraUy smoke dried to try
and get rid of them, but as soon as a puff of wind came and sent the smoke 208 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
the other way they would pitch into us directiy. We could clear the tent and
get peace for a few minutes by burning rag; as long as the tent was Ml of
smoke they made themselves scarce, but as soon as it was out, they were as
thick as ever. They stick on one's back in hundreds and as fast as they are
kiUed come on in fresh numbers. The wind was the only thing that cleared
them off and with a bit of a breeze and a cool evening they would be nearly
all gone; so we used to sing " Blow, gentie gales " with great feeling; you will
see that the first few lines are particularly appropriate.
July 29th A nigger stopped with us this evening, and as he mended our
biUy, being a tinsmith by trade, we gave him a meal and let him sleep in our
tent. Also we let a fellow have a meal of bread and bacon today for a dollar;
we served it up for him in style, giving him the fryingpan with the bacon in
it; no knife, plate or tea, and he was glad enough to get it, for he was frightfully hungry and there was no house near. A wet night. The only excitement
we got up here was running a race.
July 30th We could not meet with any packers who would take our things
on for us; so we made a handbarrow to put them on and set off to seek a
better camping ground, as the water here was marshy and very bad for we
had to take off our shoes and socks and wade in among the rushes to get it.
We got on half a mile and then the barrow broke down, so we left George
with the things and went on with a load; I stopped with what we took and
J went back to help George with the rest; very showery aU night and
a wet day.
We finished our flour, for we did not eat any beans tiU the flour was gone
not caring about them and finding them a great bother to cook: there was
no store near where we could get anything. You know what miners' beans
are, I hope; if not for your information let it be said, that they are like our
English horse beans, red and hard but not quite so big and want three or four
hours boiling to make them eatable.
July 31st Beans and Bacon! Bacon and Beans! Three men camped with
us without provisions, sold them some beans and a bit of the ham. Sold another party 3 lb of beans. An old fellow caUed Mac slept in our tent; he
had just come from Stickeen21 up the Salmon River,22 where four of our
(21) In 1861 Alexander Choquette had discovered gold about 100 miles up
the Stikine River [Victoria Colonist, November 15, 1861], and by the following
summer there was a good deal of excitement in Victoria and a great number of
vessels were plying between that port and the new diggings at Shakesville. Since
the Stikine flowed partly through Russian territory the Government took the precaution of establishing " the Stickeen Territories " in July, 1862, and a year later
the region was incorporated in the colony of British Columbia.
(22) The Salmon River has not been positively identified, the name being widespread on the map of British Columbia and the journal somewhat ambiguous at 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       209
shipmates had gone just as we left for Cariboo. He told us that there were
no great finds, but that provisions were cheap and that anybody could make
a Uttle money at mining.
George shot a woodpecker. We saw a beaver here for the first time, and
had several shots at it as it swam across the water, but did not succeed in
bitting it.  Another wet night.
August 1st I had a bad sweUing come in my face which gave me great pain.
Beans and Bacon!   Bacon and Beans!
August 2nd George had a violent attack of Diarrhoea. My face gathered
and was very much swoUen, so I had to tie it up in a pair or drawers, which,
with a red handkerchief and my mosquito netting surmounted by a Scotch
cap, made me look a bit of a fright. It was good fun bathing here; the mosquitoes attacked us as soon as undressed, and we had to bolt into the water,
and when out again, to put our things on in no time, dancing "the Cure"
without any exertion.
Things looked down today, we could not meet with anybody to take us on
and had great difficulty in getting a few pounds of flour for which we paid
sixty cents, but the beans had made two of us Ul; I don't think we cooked
them enough. We were determined however to get to Cariboo so we made up
our minds to start next day and try and carry our traps. I felt rather queer
and tried a pipe. And here I may say that my smoking ended in smoke; for
George got through all my cigars on the voyage out except two or three
I smoked or gave away and he finished my tobacco soon after we got on the
road: so the extent of my smoking has been two or three cigars and two or
three pipes; they had no unpleasant effect upon me, but I shall never be a
smoker; I don't care about it.
Aug. 3rd Sunday. " The better the day the better the deed ": so we planted
our packsaddle and bags up a tree; and made a start late in the day with the
rest of the things on our backs making awful big packs. We found it very
strong work, but made about nine nules and camped at Big Bar Lake
August 4th We went on a mile when George and I found our packs so heavy
that we made a handbarrow and then went on four miles and camped in a
this point. There was a Salmon River which flowed into the Stikine a few miles
from the mouth; and on August 25, 1862, the Victoria Colonist published a letter
from a prospector who was then working on a " Salmon Creek " near Shakesville.
But it is also possible that " Mac " came up the Bella Coola VaUey toward the
Cariboo, for both the Dean and the Bella Coola Rivers, which flow into Bentinck
Arm, were sometimes called the Salmon River (see, for example, John Arrow-
smith's map of " The Provinces of British Columbia and Vancouver Island . . . ,"
1859, in Papers Relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part II, which marks
the "Belakoula or Salmon R."; and J. W. Trutch's "Map of British Columbia .. . ," 1871, which marks the " Dean or Salmon R.") The steamers for the
Stikine, at any rate on the way north, made regular stops at Bella Coola. 210 Dorothy Blakey Smith        July-Oct.
very heavy hailstorm. Imagine cooking fritters and having to hold a handkerchief over the pan to keep the hail out.   We got pretty weU wet through
here, but went on, J going first.   The traU was all mud and slush, and
fuU of fallen timbers; so that we were constantly stepping over trees of aU
sizes, which lay right across the path: it was very tedious work, and after we
left this, in a little open ground among the hills, the mosquitoes were worse
than ever, it must be seen to be believed; they covered our clothes all over
and kept up a continual buzzing and biting round aU undefended parts; we
seemed to be in a cloud of them. The worst of them is that they stick to you
and foUow you; you can run away and leave them behind, but directly you
stop they catch you up, and yet you will not see any of them a distance away.
To add to our annoyance our barrow broke down, and it was getting dark, and
we wondered how far J who went on before to get a fire lighted, had
gone: we had the pleasure of cutting a fresh stick for the barrow in the
middle of these pests and fixing it all again: after we had gone on half a mUe
or so we heard somebody haUooing and there was J running after us;
he had stopped just out of the trail, and had let us pass by, and if we had
not luckily had the breakdown which was just after we passed him, we should
have gone on I don't know where: he happened to look up from his fire and
saw somebody on ahead[,] put on his specs and bolted after us. To pay him
out, I let him help George carry the barrow back, and have the full benefit
of the mosquitoes which made him caU out I can teU you.
August 5th We found we could not get on anyhow with all our things, so
agreed to leave everything we could possibly do without; therefore we made
up a parcel of our tent, gun powder and shot, part of the beans and several
other articles, which we tied up securely in one of our tarpauUns and buried.
We then made a fresh start with our diminished load, finding a considerable
relief to our shoulders; we did not leave our ground tUl 4.30 but then walked
five hours, making twelve mUes over hiUy boggy ground, covered with stones,
and came down a steep hUl after dark.
Aug4 6th Were off at six o'clock, being out of grub. We walked eleven or
twelve miles; first through a pass in the mountains with perpendicular sides
and huge masses of rock; then there was some good ground among the hills
where we saw several gardens, growing potatoes, turnips &c. We went down
a steep hiU to a house in Canoe Creek, on a little bit of ground by the side of
the stream which lies right down among the mountains. Here we had a joUy
breakfast, and started off again up a tremendously steep hill; we thought we
should never reach the top, it was up, up, up, and no end to it. On this hiU
I left my unfortunate spectacles; after several narrow escapes they came to
grief at last. Their first adventure was at Panama where going to bathe, I
jumped into the sea with them on: next I cracked one of the glasses; then
half of one spring broke off—another time I cracked the second glass and
now they are gone for good. We made ten miles or so, having the pleasure
of coming down another steep, muddy slippery Mil after dark, reaching a
house at ten o'clock. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       211
Aug' 7th Made seventeen mUes to AlkaU house, the next house, without
adventures. Had a good meal, lots of mUk and vegetables, Potatoes, Carrots,
Turnips Onions and Green Peas cooked in milk.
Aug* 8th Had another terrific hfll to begin with which quite winded me.
Saw lots of Grouse. Had a pretty good road, up and down Mil. We camped
at a place where there was a little spring and somebody had put up on a tree
close by " S' Peter's Spring " with a cross, &c executed in red chalk. George
being rather lazy, stopped beWnd, saying he would catch us up; and quite
forgetting that he had the " bilUes " stayed two hours talking to some packers;
which was pleasant as we were to Ught a fire and get some beans on, wMch
take several hours boiling.   It was a wet night and J being cook George
and I turned in and got him to wake us up when supper was ready, so he had
a lonely vigU till twelve o'clock; lucidly it soon cleared up a bit, and, barring
our blankets being rather wet, we were aU right.
Aug1 9th We made seventeen nules to WUUam's Creek23 where we stopped
over Sunday in a house; we paid half a doUar a meal, and had two meals in
the day. The dinner was first-rate; beef, mutton, pastry, pudding and wine-
jeUy; there was fresh butter, and you might drink milk instead of coffee if
you preferred it. Here we heard something of our old horse, and sold the
chance of finding him for ten dollars.
Aug' 11th We began as usual by ascending a steep MU; afterwards the traU
led us over ground such as we frequendy meet with on this road; a muddy
traU crossed at every step by trees of all sizes; wMch reaUy seem as if they
had been placed across the path on purpose; so that you have to go on, stepping, jumping and slipping as best you may. And here let me put in a protest against the process of packing on your back, wMch man was never meant
to do. An Indian indeed wiU pack a hundredweight, and make money at the
work but I found that I could not get along comfortably with more than
tMrty pound, and that was quite enough to destroy aU the pleasure of walking
on a trail of tMs sort, it would not be so bad on a level road, but here it was
terribly hard work.
It began to rain hard and then hail till the ground was white, and we got
a regular soaker with the pleasing probabUity of sleeping in wet blankets,
however we pushed on and it stopped raining, but began again just as we
camped in a hollow under a large tree. We had bought a salmon of the
Indians today and passed a jolly night. George is a much better hand at this
sort of life than I am; tonight when we stopped it was quite dark and everything wet; however he soon got some sticks and cMps of a turpentine tree
and made a fire in no time.
(23) Williams Lake Creek, which flows from Williams Lake into the Fraser.
The hotel at Williams Lake was said by the Victoria Colonist, August 12, 1862,
to be one of the two best-kept houses in British Columbia north of New Westminster (the other being at Beaver Lake). 212 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
Aug' 12th A fine day. Camped at Mud Lake24 and reached Fort Alexander25 on the Fraser at eight o'clock.   Here we saw young O again and
heard that our horse had foUowed him two miles the morning he left us;
being unable to drive Mm back, he had tied him to a tree: there was a party
of Chinamen by at the time and we suppose they untied him and after they
had done with him let Mm loose again. The man who bought Mm of us at
WUUam's Creek offered to leave forty doUars for him at one of the houses,
if he found Mm aU right; but we thought that " a bird in the hand is worth
two in the bush ", and so took the ten doUars.
Aug* 13th We reached MacKenzie's ranch,26 and slept in the house but it
was not floored and the ground being quite hard and lumpy does not make
a comfortable bed; in fact it is pleasanter in the woods if you can get a
respectable tree. An EngUsh feUow who was returning strongly advised us
not to go up to Cariboo.
Aug* 14th   J went off by himself at dinner time, having got tired of
waiting for George and me, whom he designated as very lazy.   We went on
about half an hour after and reached the Ferry house27 first, J came in
an hour after, having got off the track; during his wandering he had seen two
bears and had left a tin pannikin behind on the road. If I had a mind to
cram you I might make a fine story of tins; how he rushed down the MU
with a face pale as a ghost, in his dismay throwing away our cooking utensils,
wMle dismal growls re-echoed from the recesses of the forest, &c &c. We had
(24) Corporal James Conroy's Rough Sketch of the Cayoosh District, 1861,
MS., Archives of B.C., names this Mode's Lake.
(25) Fort Alexandria was founded in 1821 and named in honour of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, for it was at this point that he turned away from the Fraser on
his journey to the Pacific in 1793. It would seem that the site was originaUy on
the east or left bank, but that the fort was moved to the west side in 1837. H.B.C.
ArcMves, D. 4/116, fo. 52d; B. 188/b/l, fo. 30; ibid., fo. 35; John Maclean's
Notes of a Twenty-five Years' Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory, ed. W. S.
WaUace, Toronto, Champlain Society, 1932, p. 187. For these references, see
a Memorandum on Alexandria from the H.B.C. in London, MS., Archives of
B.C. In 1860, according to a letter in the Victoria Colonist, April 7, 1860, the
fort was stiU a trading post of some importance, though there were only four or
five men wintering there instead of the former forty or fifty; and opposite the fort
had sprung up a small settlement consisting of a saloon, a restaurant, and several
provision stores, which was also caUed Fort Alexandria. Both fort and town were
often referred to as Fort Alexander, this being the common name in 1859, according to Henry De Groot, British Columbia, San Francisco, 1859, p. 12.
(26) On Lieut. H. Spencer Palmer's map in Williams Lake and Cariboo, New
Westminster, 1863, "McKenzie's" is marked between "Grand Prairie" and
"Round Prairie," aU three being identified by him as "wayside houses." Cf.
GuUlod's entry for September 25.
(27) The ferry across the Quesnel River, also caUed the " Upper Ferry." 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       213
a meal here of tea, sugar, bread and beans, no meat and the fellow had the
conscience to charge us two dollars each.
Aug' 15. We crossed the ferry, and found a bad MUy road, a conglomeration of mud, stones, trees fallen in every direction, and every thing bad and
disagreeable. We slept out. Along here we paid a doUar a pound for bacon
and flour.
Aug' 16th We reached Cotton Wood28 in the afternoon, passing along
twelve mUes of worse road than yesterday; we had to step on stones or pieces
of wood or else went into the mud up to our knees.
Aug' 17th Sunday. A quiet day notMng happening worthy of remark,
except that I was cook and stewed a rabbit (wMch George shot yesterday
with Ms revolver) with some steak and when the dish was served the rabbit
was nowhere to be found but only the remains of Ms bones.   J went and
saw Judge Begbie29 to whom he had a letter of introduction, who advised Mm
to look about up the creek. CMnamen were washing close to the town, but
they work at diggings that do not pay a white man.
Aug' 18th    J and I went up the Creek30 and had a look at the working
of several claims; one " Baxter's " wanted 400 doUars for a single claim of
100 feet. On several other claims the parties had been working all the season
and got nothing having had their dams and wheels carried away; the last
claim we saw was being worked by a Canadian party who were hauling
timber and putting a dam into the bed of the creek; they made square frames
of logs pinned together, and floating them into the creek, sunk them by filling
them with stones and earth.
During the rainy season and in the spring the water rises very high and
has a swift current. In one claim the feUows were quite out of heart, some
of them having bought in early in the season and as soon as they had got into
working order the river rose and carried everything away. At another claim
wMch had been paying; a man wanted to seU out for $1000, part paid down
in cash and the other when we got it out of the claim. It was dark before we
got back, coming six or seven mUes along a muddy trail through the woods,
and in crossing a log with the water rushing over it wMch formed the only
bridge across the creek, I slipped and got a regular soaker.
(28) At the junction of Lightning Creek and the Swift River, and consisting at
that time of some half-dozen houses. Peter O'Reilly to W. A. G. Young, Colonial
Secretary, August 15, 1862, O'Reilly Letters, MS., Archives of B.C.
(29) Judge Matthew Baillie Begbie was " laid up with an attack of rheumatism " that summer (O'Reilly, op. cit.) and it was his quite natural desire in the
circumstances to build a house of his own at Cottonwood that led to the famous
Cottonwood Scandal. See Sydney G. Pettit, "His Honour's Honour . . . ,"
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XI (1947), pp. 149-210.
(30) Lightning Creek. 214 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
Aug' 19th On Sunday mght we slept under the canopy of heaven, but last
night we got into a packer's tent, with whom George had struck up an
acquaintance during our absence.   George and J went off on a further
voyage of discovery leaving me beMnd. I amused myself by tucking up my
trousers over my knees and standing in the creek washing some clothes in a
primitive manner.   The boys did not return tomght.
Aug' 20th My twentyfourth birthday, wMch I forgot aU about till it was
passed. Was bothered today by the camels,31 of wMch there are about a
dozen here, who have a neat idea of walking over your tent and eating your
shirts.
George and J came in about eleven with W and two friends
whom they accidentaUy met with returning from their claim having had
enough of it. George had raised Ws spirits, by telling Mm I had letters for
Mm in my possession, which was not the case, as I had left them at the Post
Office Victoria.   They came in very hungry, having been short of provisions
the night before, with J and George as an un-looked-for addition to their
party; so I set to work and cooked for the lot, and need scarcely say gave
general satisfaction.
W promised to let you know of our whereabouts, but was off too
quickly to give us a chance of writing. We bought a good tent of him, an
axe, some nails, yeast powder and other fixings. They went off in a canoe so
narrow that the wonder is, how it ever reaches the opposite side32 without an
upset. We bought a second hand coffee pot here for wMch we paid two
dollars.
August. 21s'   Started fuU march up the creek with tent and aU our traps and
went twelve mUes to W 's claim.   On the way we met two feUows who
had come out in the sMp with us: They had been round the creek but had
done no good and were returning. Farther on we met another, a Scotchman,
who was going down with a bad attack of Rheumatism; poor feUow! he
looked very bad; he was carrying a heavy pack and the sweat ran down his
brow in streams.   Before we got to our journey's end we came upon a party
(31) In the spring of 1862, Frank Laumeister had imported some twenty
camels, hoping to lessen freight charges by employing animals which could pack
twice as much as a mule, go for days without water, and browse on sagebrush.
But his experiment failed, for the camels' feet were cut to pieces on the rocky
trails, and their strange smeU stampeded the other pack animals they met. They
had to be taken off the roads and turned out to graze near the Thompson River
and on Grande Prairie (the modern Westwold), where the last survivor is said to
have died about 1905. W. T. Hayhurst, "The Camels in British Columbia,"
Okanagan Historical Society, Sixth Report, 1935, pp. 244-251; WUUam S. Lewis,
"The Camel Pack Trains," Washington Historical Quarterly, XIX (1928),
pp. 277-278.
(32) At Cottonwood the trail to the south crossed the Swift River, and the
trail to the mines crossed Lightning Creek. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       215
of Englishmen camped on the top of a MU, who had started up the country
a long time before we did; they had lost their horses and so stopping several
days at different places and had given up aU idea of doing any good, but
meant to push on to see " The Elephant," (the slang name for Cariboo) to go
round the several creeks and then return to Victoria. They were in exceUent
spirits, indeed we found that generally the EngUsh had the most pluck; wlule
Canadians were thorougMy down, and had not a good word to say for the
country. Indeed the accounts we heard were enough to frighten anybody;
mud up to the neck!   Flour %\Vi a pound!   &c &c.
Sometimes we met several hundred feUows in the course of the day
among whom were a good many Chinamen who are not allowed in Cariboo.
They pack everything on sticks across their shoulders, as you see drawn on
China jars. We met several large parties of them down below, packing picks,
shovels, buckets, baking apparatus, rice &c, & carrying very large loads.
They shuffle along in a sort of run and seem to move the Mps. Most of the
others looked like broken disappointed men, and if you wished them good
day, you did not always get an answer; except it was to a young Englishman
when you were sure of a cheerful reply. We stopped with the remaining
three who had been mining with W pitching his tent in its old place.
Aug' 22nd    J and I started for Van Winkle, leaving George behind with
our traps; only taking a blanket each and a tin cup. We reached Beaver
Pass33 where we had to pay $2 for 2 lb of flour; tMs we made into dumplings
and poUshed off with a little sugar. The traU was pretty bad tMough the
wood, now and then we came to swampy places over which we had to pick
our way and if by chance a foot slipped, we had the pleasure of going in up
to the knees: then it was downhill or across a smaU creek or a lot of stones.
We reached the top of a hill about a mile from Van Winkle, where there was
a house, and had supper, getting the best Coffee I ever tasted A feUow there
said he took us for old miners, which was rather rich; for I fancy I looked
very cockneyish.   We slept there that night.
Aug' 23rd Got into Van Winkle for breakfast for which we paid %2Vi each:
we had a woman to wait on us, a pretty American, who with her husband
kept the house having a little boy, two years old, running about. We found
here also a man and his wife with a family of six, living in a tent; they presented a peculiar appearance on the march, tMee of the Uttle ones being
stuck on our horse.
Van Winkle lies in a valley, shut in on all sides by Mgh MUs Lightning
Creek running tMough the centre; you have the sun only for a few hours
during the day. The town (every place with a dozen huts in it is a " town "
here)34 is one street of wooden stores, Restaurant, Bakery &c and a bit of a
place with Dr Kennedy, Surgeon on a plate.   On the side of the MU to the
(33) About half-way between Cottonwood and Van Winkle, on the right bank
of Lightning Creek.
(34) Actually there were some twenty houses there. O'Reilly to Young,
July 15, 1862. 216 Dorothy Blakey Smith        July-Oct.
right is the Government Encampment consisting of a few tents. We looked
about at the claims, and were told of one, part of wMch was for sale and
which we were recommended to buy. We slept in a log cabin with some
miners, one of whom an old man of the name of Noble has worked at his
claim two seasons and not " prospected " yet. He is a regular old miner
having nearly starved Mmself rather than seU out, I may here add that he
went down again this season without having got any gold, but means to be
up again next year. The miners generally are a pretty good sort of feUows,
rough but hospitable withal.
Aug' 24th Went to Service twice. The Minister was a young man (the
Revd Mr Knipe)35 and gave a very nice address, so short that you could
hardly caU it a Sermon, there was a hymn and a few prayers. Cards were
distributed to the men,38 of whom there was a pretty good room-full.
Monday Aug' 25th I called it Black Monday, because we signed the agreement which put us in possession of our claim. The Doctor who pretended
to know something about law as well as physic, was engaged to draw up an
agreement, wMch as he did it consisted of nothing but saids and aforesaids &c
intermixed with bad spelling; Ms idea of law seeming to be to sprinkle in
these terms in every line without regard to repetition; however I revised and
corrected it as best I might, and after spoiling several sheets of paper which
cost a sMlling each, I produced a fair copy at last, the composition of which
was tolerable.   Of course as I knew nothing about mining I left it to J	
to look at the claim, and make enquiries as to whether it was worth as much,
and settle all preliminaries. After the experience I have since had, I would
not buy into any claim without it was reaUy paying; at least not to give any
considerable sum.    However the deed was done, and we went to Judge
(35) In 1860 Christopher Knipe had " offered to devote himself for five years
to assist in the work, without stipend, or any charge to the Mission Fund," according to the Report of the Columbia Mission, London, 1861, p. 103. In 1862 he
took part in the " Mission to the Mines of Cariboo " headed by Bishop Hills, and
wrote the report which the Bishop forwarded to the S.P.G. During this tour he
did duty at Lillooet and Lytton, and then accompanied the Bishop to the Cariboo,
remaining at Van Winkle while the Bishop proceeded to the more populous WUUams Creek. Mr. Knipe points out that the services were conducted under considerable handicaps, for there were no churches, no bells to summon the congregation to worship (the clergyman was obliged to borrow a triangle or a hand bell
from some restaurant), and no potential congregation except on Sunday when,
even before the passing of the "Sunday Observance Act, 1862," proclaimed on
August 22, 1862, some at least of the miners did not work. See S.P.G. Papers,
Vol. II, pp. 82-94, MS., Archives of B.C.
(36) " Service cards and hymn cards " were substituted for the prayer books
and hymn books too heavy to be transported to the Cariboo, and according to
Mr. Knipe they met the want " very successfully," the clergy being " agreeably
surprised " by the assistance they met with in singing. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 217
RUey,87 and got the agreement recorded,38 paying down what cash J-
thought we could spare and giving an order for the rest on the money left in
Victoria.
We paid $500 for two half interests, with the understanding that we
worked the other two half interests, wMch belong to tins man and his
brother in law free of wages tUl we reach the bed-rock or paying dirt, (which
may be forty or fifty feet down for aU we know,) when we are to receive $5
each per day. We got some dinner and started off at one o'clock to fetch
George, and I thought of returning to Victoria, leaving the other two to work.
We reached W 's claim at 8.30 doing the twenty mUes in seven and a
half hours which was pretty good walking over a bad, MUy, muddy traU.
Augt 26th We started off on our return to Van Winkle at twelve o'clock,
carrying a pretty tidy load, for George had bought a pair of gum (india-
rubber) boots and miners pan; and had had a present of two picks and two
shovels. We counted up our money before starting and found we had only
£45 left between us, which left us very short; J who as you know was
casMer, having made some mistake in Ms calculations. I therefore settled to
take ten pounds for my return journey and leave them the rest.
We got on a few miles, when I thought George walked very stumblingly,
and on coming to question Mm I found he had got rheumatism or at least Ms
old weakness in both Ms knees so that when he came to walk a few mUes with
a heavy load, they failed him entirely. I thought it would be best to pack Mm
back to Victoria at once; so we held a councU of war, and dividing the
money equally sent Mm off with £15, and a blanket and jersey; Ms boots
were out at the toes and pretty well aU to pieces; and a sMUing flannel cricketing cap of J 's, a jersey and an old pair of moleskins completed Ms
attire and he carried little else down with him except his blanket. I can tell
you we did not like parting at all.
I made him promise to write home as soon as he reached Victoria.  J	
gave him a letter to post, wMch with some letters of introduction I entrusted
him with, some sketches we made on the road and my drawing block, he left
at LUooett in going down, also leaving his own Diary &c and though he was
at Douglas a month or two and could have easily had them down, he—
forgot it.
J and I set off with the rest of the things, making, as you may
suppose too big a load to be comfortable; while the having a pick and shovel
each made it awkward traveUing. We only made Beaver Pass tonight, where
we pitched our tent and slept.
(37) Peter O'ReiUy had been appointed Justice of the Peace for the Cariboo,
along with Thomas Elwyn, in the spring of 1862. They divided the district between them, Elwyn establishing Mmself at Quesnel and O'ReUly at Van Winkle.
O'Reilly to Young, July 15, 1862. One of his duties was to issue mining certificates and record the transfer of claims.
(38) Cf. Introduction, foot-note 4.
7 218 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
Augt 27th We reached Van Winkle at four in the afternoon after taking
frequent spells, and were joUy tired. We slept tonight with the EngUsh feUow
through whom we heard of this claim being for sale and who had spoken
very MgMy of Siddall and of the claim generaUy when we first came to Van
Winkle—we have heard since that he was offered ten doUars to persuade us
into buying it.
August 28th We took up our traps and pitched our tent temporarily at the
claim and set to work, wMch we continued at ttti the 18th of September.
I wUl now try and give you some idea of the kind of work we had to do.
Our first job was hoUowing out some feUed trees on the side of the MU
and then bringing them down wMch was done easUy enough by setting them
running down the steep; first putting on a rope with a timber Mtch, wMch
being fastened to convenient trees, puUed them up at the proper place. The
next thing was carrying them across and up the creek, packing them along on
short pieces of wood, held by a man on each side; we then hoisted them up
on to stands some twelve feet above the ground, as they were meant to carry
water on to the top of the wheel wMch stood in the side of the creek to work
our pump, the source of the water being a smaU rivulet in the side of the MU.
The first thing done in these claims, is to put in a " flume " which is a long
trough put in on one side of the bed of the creek, sufficiently large to carry
all the water which comes down it; into tMs the water is diverted by the aid
of dams from the part thought suitable for sinking a shaft in: a water wheel
is then put in, under or over shot, as the case may be, the pump rigged up in
connection with it, and sinking commenced. The best plan is to timber the
shaft as you go down wMch saves the necessity of sinking so large a hole as
would otherwise be necessary.
Our shaft or hole, wMch was twenty feet deep, and as wide across the top,
was full of water when we came to the claim; for the pump had been worked
by a common paddle wheel put in the stream on a long shaft attached to the
drum of the pump, and there had not been water enough in the creek to work
it effectuaUy: they therefore had set to work and made an overshot or bucket
water wheel: on to the top of which we now brought water along the hollowed trees above mentioned. Our next work was with pick and shovel in
the bed of the creek, of course in indiarubber boots: then we put a platform
in the shaft, and went on sinking, throwing up the soU first on to the platform,
and thence into a barrow over-head. I got on first rate at pick and shovel,
and then went to wheeling up an inclined plane, wMch as the barrows were
very rough homemade things, with solid wooden wheels, was frightfully hard
work, but I stuck to it like a brick.
After a fortnight we could not get any farther down with the pump as it
was not long enough. We then rigged up a smaUer hand pump and tried to
sink a smaller shaft, but were unable to manage it, as we got into sand and
gravel wMch kept falling in as fast as we shoveUed out: there was not time
to rig up a longer pump as the season was just out, and therefore as most of
the chaps including ourselves were short of money; one, in fact had been
living on beans for the last few days; we concluded to give up work for tMs 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       219
year. On the 18th September we took out the flume, shaft, &c, and put away
boards, troughs, sluice boxes, picks and shovels &c and on the 19th got the
claim laid over till next season.
Thus you see eight men, for that was the number of the party we joined,
and five of them regular miners, had been at work for six months, and spent
aU the money they had, without getting a grain of gold; and tMs is a common
experience; for the surface diggings are aU worked out. There are a few easy
diggings here and there but the generality of them are very difficult and
expensive to work requiring capital; but then if you do strike the lead of gold
it is bound to be big; and so it happens that now and then a man comes down
with thirty or forty pounds of gold dust; wMle a thousand return without a
cent, and many of them obliged to loaf their way down
The diggings were quite different from anytMng J had been accustomed to in Australia; so we could not risk "prospecting" for ourselves but
our only chance was to buy in as we did and I hope in the end our claim wUl
turn out good.
Our time for working was generally from six in the morning tiU half past
five. We lived on bread and meat, making our bread with sour dough and
baking it in the ashes. We got cheap meat, such as tongue, buUocks heart, or
sMn of beef, and without sugar or any other luxury, it cost us between five
and six pounds per week to keep two of us. Yet we got to Cariboo at a time
when provisions were comparatively cheap, flour being from 50 to 60 cents,
fresh meat from 40 to 50 cents and bacon a dollar a pound; wMle earlier in
the season everything, including flour, had been from one to one and a half
dollars a pound.
WMle there I made a little journey on my own account to W 's claim
where I had left some tMngs, thinking to call for them in going down to
Victoria, but learning that the other chaps were going to start before us, I
though it safest to fetch them at once, there being a tMck coat, sMrt, jersey
&c. I set off one Sunday morning early, taking some bread and steak with
me and reached Beaver Pass, ten miles, where I had dinner. In going along
I knocked down a fat grouse with a stone which I left there and caUed for it
as I came back. I got to the claim in the afternoon and found my things;
but my boots were pretty well "played out," and I had to stop and mend
them, so that I started on my return too late and when I had got halfway
back to Beaver's Pass it was pitch dark, neither moon nor stars to be seen;
and the trail most uncertain; however I stumbled on, determined to find my
way as I had no blanket to sleep in. Of course I could not see but had to
feel my way along, which you must experience before you can imagine it:
first, feeling for the " blazes " on the trees; then down on my knees feeling
for the path, then taking a small walk into the brush, stumbUng over trunks
of trees or sticking my head into a bush. I kept going back every time I lost
the traU and after a whUe spent thus and in sitting down several times to
collect my thoughts I managed to get to where the traU goes near the creek
and then leaves it winding in and out; when I got here I gave up the traU as
hopeless and kept on by the creek itself through brush over trunks of trees 220 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
and every imaginable hindrance, and reached Beaver Pass at ten o'clock just
in time to get lighted into the house by the moon, which now came up.
I had started at about five, got halfway at half past six and the other half
took me till ten; not a very pleasant ending of a thirty miles wMch I did in
twelve hours and a half: however I was off to Van Winkle before seven the
next morning.
Septr 20th Today was a very wet day, so we deferred our journey tiU the
next, but got everything ready for starting. I employed myself in mending
my boots; wMch I confess was rather an unsatisfactory operation, but in the
decidedly failing state of our purse I did not feel justified in going to the
expense of a new pair.
Septr 21s' Sunday. We packed up, leaving our tent and various other tilings
at a store in the town and started after dinner We made six mUes and
camped by a stream of water at the foot of a MU making up a jolly big fire.
Three feUows joined us here; a Canadian, a Scotch and an Irishman. The
Scotchman "Old Mac" was a bit of a character; an opinionated old man,
who having read a little of all sorts, made an absurd jumble of his varied
stock of knowledge, especially with regard to Scripture; making most ridiculous mistakes in Bible history while it was impossible to convince Mm that
he was wrong. He believed in a God, but not the slightest reverence for
Holy Writ, looking upon it as a mere Mstory and talking of "old King
David " as if he were a relation only a few generations removed.
The Canadian was a rough foul-mouthed feUow, and the Irishman—an
Irishman! So much for our compamons. One of the tMngs learnt out here
is to accommodate yourself to any shade of society; in which I confess I
have not found the slightest difficulty. My watch took it into it's head to stop
today—worse luck!   We slept very weU under a big tree.
Sep' 22nd We walked six miles to breakfast at Beaver Pass, and found that
the rain had made the traU very bad; so that where you were not able to pick
your way on stones or pieces of timber, it was walking in mud over the
ankles, with an occasional bog to pass, in wMch if you did sUp, you had the
pleasure of sticking in the mud up to your knees. In the afternoon I got
behind the rest of the party, as I did not walk very comfortably, but caught
J up before reaching Cotton Wood wMch we did after dark.   It was a
cold, wet, dark night and we had difficulty in keeping the trail and finding the
way across the creek.   Slept in house.
Septr 23rd We found the traU even worse than yesterday, and did not reach
a good camping place, but when it was dark we stopped on a MU without any
big trees, wMch, as it was a regular wet mght, I need scarcely say, was not the
most comfortable berth in the world. The first difficulty was the making a
fire wMch with some trouble we managed, and after getting supper J and
I turned in [,] our only shelter from the steadily faUing rain being a meagre
bush, wMch was a shelter indeed, the only effect it had being to promote the
settlement of a puddle of water which I found round my head on walking in 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 221
the morning. Old Mac kept up the fire aU night and considering the circumstances I had a pretty comfortable sleep.   Poor J had a severe attack of
diarrhoea all tMs first part of our journey.
Sep' 24th We tied up our blankets wet as they were, for the morning not
being fine it was useless attempting to dry them, although they seemed to be
double the weight and as I walked along a tiny rivulet of water kept draining
down my trowsers which had a most delicious sensation! We crossed the
upper ferry in a canoe and stopped in the middle of the day to take advantage
of the sunshine to dry our blankets.
Old Mac's dinner amused me much today: we stopped at the bottom of
a steep MU by a stream as usual, and Mac went to the stream with a big hook
temporarily fixed to the end of a stick, and succeeded in a few minutes in
spearing two smaU fish: these were forthwith consigned to a wonderful
" biUy " containing baconfat and the remains of a grouse; tMs was put on the
fire with water and flour stirred in making " mush " wMch with the addition
of a little sugar formed the old chap's decidedly original dinner; I might say,
sumptuous, as there was fish, flesh, fowl and pudding; and when once in the
stomach they were I presume quite as beneficial to the general health as if
put in separately; though the getting them in would have been a trial to some
palates however hungry.
My boots now began to get dry for the first time since leaving Van
Winkle and hurt my feet a good deal; so I stopped behind at the camping
ground endeavouring to fix them a bit; J and our tMee compamons
going on. When I [had] done my job I started off and enjoyed the walk,
barring the shoes; the first part being very joUy through young woods. Here
I came upon a curious place which I had noticed in going up there were a
number of dead trees standing in a pool in a bit of a valley surrounded by
young trees, the contrast between the green of these, and the wMte wan-
looking trunks with their reflections in the water being most pecuUar, putting
me in mind of a graveyard.
If you find all this is hardly written like a bona fide Diary you must
remember that I am now compiling it from very short though actual notes;
the general circumstances under which we made our halts not being favorable
to literary pursuits.
I kept on expecting to tumble on the advanced guard every mile, but
found it getting dark without any signs of them; while to make it more
agreeable there came on a severe storm of haU with thunder and lightning.
The trail was now through a dense forest of big trees and I think I should
hardly have kept it, if it had not been for the haU wMch was thick enough in
parts to render the path white and also the occasional flashes of lightning.
I kept on as best I could, stopping occasionaUy to take up a handful of hail
to quench my thirst, as I had been walking pretty quick; and in a more than
usually severe shower took refuge under a tMck tree; where I had a quiet
think to myself and began to imagine that I should have to pass the night in
the woods on my own hook; wMch as I had not any matches with me and
was wet through, was not a very pleasant alternative.   However I pushed on 222 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
a bit more and managed to keep the path, the traU here being ankle deep, I
may say twice over, in mud, and at last was rewarded by seeing a Ught glimmering tMough the trees, at wMch I reUeved myself by a loud halloa! which
was answered by old J and right glad was I to find a large fire and
supper ready; they had given me up and had quietly consigned me to a
soUtary bivouac, though after aU I got in soon after they did.
Septr 25.    My shoes hurt me so that I was left quite beMnd; J waited
for me at MacKenzie's Grand Prairie Ranch, where I got rid of my old shoes
and bought a pair of moccassins of wMch I now had my first experience. The
shoes had bUstered the top of one foot and hurt me a good deal on the other
causing a swelling of the tendon of the heel: the moccassins reUeved me at
once; the only thing is that they try the muscles of the foot, having no sole
to support it, and tiU you get used to them you feel unpleasantly every stone
or stick you tread on. We made sixteen mUes today and camped under a big
tree by ourselves in a hoUow by the side of the Fraser.
Sepf 26th I slept as soundly last night as ever I did in a feather bed;
waking up in the morning with a cold nose as it was a frost. We reached Fort
Alexander at one o'clock, where we found Old Mac and the Irishman
" tight."   We started again after dinner and camped at five o'clock.
Sep' 27th The ground was white with frost this morning when we roused
ourselves but we did not feel the cold. We made Mud Lake where some
feUows who started from Alexander tMs morning caught us up and we went
on with them to the next house: where we slept in a log [cabin?] minus door
and weU ventilated in aU respects, however, it kept the dew and frost off us.
Sepr 28th Sunday. There had been a very sharp frost, and it was a splendid
morning. We set off at eight o'clock and caught up a returning pack train:
I began talking to the owner, who kindly caught a horse and put my pack on
Ms back; so that I quite enjoyed my walk to Williams' Lake: there we
afforded ourselves a good dinner and stopped to hear old Dr Evans, a
Methodist preacher,89 deUver a discourse wMch he did out of doors, the
feUows sitting round on benches outside the spirit store.
We bought some flour, and went on our way; and having packed up the
flour bag in our blankets to save trouble we put the flour in the " bUly " We
walked on by the side of WUUams Lake on the Yale route40 as we heard there
was work to be had on the roads that way;41 and kept on till near dark ex-
(39) Cf. Introduction, foot-note 5.
(40) At WiUiams Lake the River TraU, which the traveUers had foUowed on
their way up to the mines, joined the old Brigade Trail to Kamloops. The Yale
route followed the Brigade Trail as far as Lac la Hache.
(41) During the spring and summer of 1862 Oppenheimer & Company were
advertising for " 1000 Laborers ... on the Great Trunk Wagon Road from
Yale to Cariboo," and T. Spence was advertising for 300 men to work between
Boston Bar and Lytton.   See, for example, Victoria Colonist, April 3 and 5, 1862. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       223
peering to drop on a house, but in vain. At last we got on a trail round the
face of a steep MU and as we kept supping, stumbling and getting off the traU
at the risk of taking a roU into the lake below, J came to grief in an
unexpected manner as follows; I was on first, and hearing a sudden fall and
an exclamation of " Moses!" I turned and by the help of the flour which he
had been carrying saw J full sprawl on the ground; in falling the lid had
come off the bUly and the force of the concussion had sent the flour clean
over him giving him an awful appearance in the dusk of the evening. After
this catastrophe we agreed to camp for the mght, water or no water, so we
scrambled down the MU and found a middling flat piece of ground under a
tree where we stopped. Here we were very much annoyed by a smaU sort of
cactus wMch grew aU about, covered with tufts of needleshaped prickles
wMch being very sharp and thin and sticking in different directions, cling
tenaciously to blankets and everything else much to one's personal discomfort. We were in a constant state of prickles so that the pleasure of sitting
down after a day's travel was considerably abridged.
We lighted a fire, but here everything round was so dry, that we were in
danger of getting burnt out, or in, and therefore stifled it. Our endeavours
also to reach the water were unsuccessful, for the bank was very steep and
it was too dark to see our way, and we were unwilling to trust ourselves to a
run or a sUde wMch might land us in deep water.
Sep' 29th We got to the water this morning, without difficulty as by daylight
it was easy of access. It was clear with large stones at the bottom the edges
covered with rushes. We bathed our feet, wMch was rather a luxury; and
then walked on tiU dark without meeting with any adventure worthy of note,
our course being across level plains by the side of a chain of smaU lakes. We
reached a tent and smaU store, but there not being room inside, we slept
round a fire under the canopy of heaven.
Sep' 30th We were off at sunrise walking four mUes before breakfast, to a
house kept by a man with wife and family where we stopped and made some
bread; the woman was a regular scold and kept on unceasingly at one or
other of the cMldren; wMch was something so entirely new that I found it
rather an amusement than otherwise.
I here met a man who had Uved in the Southern States, of which he spoke
very favorably with regard to the slaves &c. He was a wheelwright and had
been in the employ of one of the richest planters and although merely a
mechanic, always sat at table with the famUy and even rode out with the lady
of the house when it was not convement for her husband to accompany her.
We had a decided piece of amusement here in watching the reduction of
a refractory cow, which after a race in which aU the famUy joined, was finaUy
lassoed, after escaping out of the enclosure several times in a most determined manner. I was much amused at one Uttle girl about nine years old
who certainly displayed more " cow " courage than many young men fresh
from London would have done, meeting the animal with undaunted spirit on
its attempts to clear the hurdles. 224 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
After tMs sensation we proceeded on our way, skirting another lake42
some miles in extent. The trees about here had a curious appearance, the
trunks being quite black, while occasionally you came to a big tree lying
down, broken in several pieces, the limbs lying disjointed as they had fallen.
At first I put it down to lightning, the blackened trunks and general desolate
appearance giving one that idea; but as we went on and I saw that most of
the trees were black and withered in the lower part but branched out lively
and green at the top: I concluded it must have been owing to a large bush
fire some years back when the undergrowth was much thicker; and the fire
must have passed over the land destroying as it went, killing the fallen trees
which some extra windy night brought down when decayed and leaving its
marks upon others maybe more open at the base without destroying their
vitality.
It was dark when we reached a creek, and a house on the other side, and
the only bridge being a slippery log, I had the pleasure of putting my feet in
it or rather my knees.
Octr 1s' We slept in the house last night on a luxurious bed, having had the
good fortune to get some hay to Ue on. We made eleven mUes to Bridge
Creek43 and as my feet were sore we stopped there for the night. I sold a
little bit of Quinine to a Doctor for a dollar. We had to pay 45 Cents per
pound for flour.
Octr 2nd We walked twenty five miles today reaching Green Lake House.
I managed to shoot a couple of grouse with my revolver, which made us a
capital supper; with the exception of this, our fare from WilUam's Lake
down was bread and a taste of bacon and now having used up the last of our
baking powder, we must put up with flour and water cakes. Here we stumbled on Dr Evans the aforesaid Methodist preacher, who was very kind to
us, making J a present of a sovereign when he heard how short we were
of cash; with the understanding that we paid him in Victoria if we could
afford it; it was a pleasure to hear kind words and join the old man in Ms
evening prayer.
Octr 3rd We reached a house on Buonaparte River44 having done sixteen
miles. My moccassins were coming to smash. The man here was very civU,
giving us a turndown in a back room with a blanket or two: a partition,
minus the door separated this from his bedroom, as was manifest from the
fact of a baby making a dear little noise for its mamma.
Octr 4th We started off with the bold intention of making for the next house
eight and twenty miles, but were not a little out in our reckoning for we took
the wrong trail. We went on till the path wound round a MU by a stream
when it began to get rather undistinguishable; and I entirely lost sight of
(42) Lac la Hache.
(43) Bridge Creek flows through Horse Lake and Tranquille Lake into the
north branch of the Thompson.
(44) The Bonaparte flows into the Thompson near the present city of Ashcroft. 1955 Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862 225
who was on first:  he had reached a heap of impassable rocks and
therefore had clambered right up the face of the MU, where I found him after
some trouble and an immense deal of exertion. He had been holloaing away
like fun but I had not heard him from below because of the particular steepness of the ascent wMle for the same reason I had not seen Mm. We sat here
and considered a bit. We were all amongst the MUs without a sign of the
trail, but thinking we saw one at a distance and not liking to venture the
descent, or to go back having come so far we went off on the other side, but
after getting up right among the Mils and seeing no sign of anybody or anything but rocks and trees we thought we had better get down again another
way keeping in what we considered the right direction. The hUls were so
steep that it was impossible to walk down, so we managed the descent on a
plan of my own I taking the lead. This was to sit down and let go steering for
some trunk of tree or bush to check the motion when becoming too rapid;
a way which proved successful, though nearly destroying the elements of my
present labour, as my pocketbook with aU my notes feU out of my pocket in
an unusually quick rush which took me by surprise, and had I not at once
observed it, I don't know that I should have had courage to attempt the
reascent or if so whether I should have managed it. At the bottom we found
a stream and forthwith divested ourselves of shoes &c and waded across:
Just below we found a very pretty cascade rushing down in many trickling
rivulets over the stones and moss, by the side of which we had our dinner,
and then went up the MU on our uncertain way. In a short time we had the
misfortune to strike a pretty plain trail wMch we forthwith followed, and after
leading us over hUl and dale it ended in an Indian fishing place on the Buonaparte River, so that it was not possible to proceed without consigning ourselves to the mercy of the stream which was from fifty to a hundred feet wide,
we being on a tongue of land with the river on both sides of us.   I shaU not
forget poor J 's dismay and how he beat his breast and loaded Mmself
with uncomplimentary epithets, the general expression of his grief being
heightened by Ms " specs ". I sat down and laughed at him, wMch was very
aggravating I must aUow, but I was rather amused at our stupidity than
affected by our misfortune.
Certainly our's was not a very pleasant predicament, as we had only a
litde bread and a few beans with us in the shape of grub and in the end tins
adventure pretty weU swaUowed up the help we had two days before from D1
Evans. However there was no use in bothering ourselves and the only thing
to be done was to retrace our steps, wMch we accordingly did. We met an
Indian and boy on horseback as we returned of whom we endeavoured to
make enquiries, but could not make Mm understand; so we followed the traU
to the place where we had struck it on leaving the cascade and then shaped
our course for the stream which we had come along by in the first part of our
journey and crossed as before mentioned—we reached tMs and made several
attempts to cross; and you imagine me with my trousers tucked up over my
knees wandering about among the rushes, trying to find a fordable place;
wading in the stream till the water reached my thighs and deepened every
step, and giving it up at last. We kept that side of the stream and came to a 226 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
shaUower river at nearly right angles with it wMch we waded and stiU kept
on. At nightfall we reached a swampy place with several streams and stagnant water but there being plenty of dry timber scattered about, we resolved
to camp there, and gathering some bushes and irishman's feathers,45 and cutting down the young fir trees around we made a bit of a covering or hut in
wMch we went to sleep, lulled by the croaking of frogs and the distant cries
of prairie wolves.
Octr 5th Sunday. We had had a good mght's rest and were not disturbed;
there were occasional screams and growls about but nothing very close and
J kept in the fire all Mght. We had to faU back on beans for breakfast
having nothing else and these same beans having been carried aU the way
from Van Winkle and not cooked till then, were not very choice. We started
off with some misgivings as to our proper course, but we thought the only
way was to keep in sight of the river, which we hoped was the Buonaparte
and if so would lead us right; so we proceeded finding tracks of animals in
the long grass, and one place in particular where it was plain that some bears
had had tea or some equally congenial family meeting the grass being torn up
and ground turned over, but whether to make a soft place for repose or for
purposes of cultivation I am not bearish enough to know; however, the dear
beasties had left their marks behind them, sure enough.
We had a constant up and down journey, over Mgh MUs covered with
brush and young firs and then down in a vaUey only to mount again, and at
last we struck the trail where we had crossed the river soon after starting
from the last house so we were now all right and reached there between one
and two where we had dinner and bought some flour, and taking care to
ascertain the right traU this time, started off afresh.
We found that the false trail we had foUowed was only a mule track used
for taking animals out to grass and the one wMch led us to the bend of the
river only an Indian trail
We now commenced by going up a long though not a very steep MU; the
ascent must have lasted two or three miles; and got eight mUes on our way
when we were overtaken by the mght; we stopped and tried to get some
water from a marsh by the side of the road wMch we could not manage without getting wet, and in fact doubted whether there was any drinkable water
at aU: so we went on again for a quarter of a mtte or so, but not coming to
any stream and it getting quite dark and begimiing to rain we went back
again when by walking into the rushes barelegged, by the time I got up to my
knees, I was able to reach forward and fiU our biUy with water: it was not
very good and about the colour of Scotch Ale but we managed to get it down
by the aid of tea. The rain left us after a short shower or two and we turned
in as usual at the foot of a big tree.
Octr 6. We found this morning that if instead of turning back last night we
had gone a Uttle further, we should have found a small stream of water.
(45) This phrase has not been traced; but "mountain feathers," defined by
the user as " lops of fir trees," occurs in contemporary correspondence. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       227
A few miles on our road we reached Loon Lake which lies between two
ranges of mountains and is ten mUes long. It is a pretty place but plagued
with an unusual amount of Mosquitoes in the summer; otherwise it would be
a good place to squat in there being plenty of fish and birds and good pieces
of land. We found here a camp of Indians, of whom we bought a bit of
dried fish and some potatoes.
One man here was more like the poetical idea of the Indian than any I
have seen, being a splendid full-shaped man, with a majestic tread and
bearing: he seemed to have a numerous famUy, there being some half dozen
squaws, and chUdren of aU sizes and ages in abundance, crowded together in
a small tent; mixed up indiscriminately with dogs and dried salmon &c
There was also another party of them, consisting of an old man, a half breed,
rather a good looking fellow, dressed in cap and coat, with squaws, cMldren
&c &c We had a pelting shower, giving us a pretty considerable wetting,
and then the weather was fine.   We reached Scotie's House48 at mghtfaU.
Oct. 7th Our journey today was over a good traU by the side of a creek.
We met with some more Indians of whom we got another supply of potatoes.
We crossed the river by a particularly slight bridge, our cautious proceeding
over which afforded considerable amusement to some halfbreed women who
were watching us. Here we struck the new wagon road to Yale wMch is
finished in places.47 We stopped the night in an unfinished house buUding
for an Englishman48 who has taken up a " ranch " there, and is going into
farming.
Octr 8th   We travelled with a Canadian whom we met yesterday nothing
occurred except the abstraction of some turnips by J and the Canadian
who were ahead of me; the consequence of wMch was that I found the owner
of the invaded garden in great commotion and was cross-examined as to
(46) "Scotty's" was about half-way between Loon Lake and the Thompson.
The estabUshment, described as " a single wooden house with one small window,"
was said to be " a much frequented place for rest and refreshment" and " a noted
mining rendezvous."   See W. Champness's account of his trip to the Cariboo in
1862, in " To Cariboo and Back," The Leisure Hour, [March?] 1865.
(47) On April 2, 1862, Charles Oppenheimer, Thomas Lewis, and Walter
Moberly were awarded a contract for a wagon-road from Lytton along the Thompson and up the Bonaparte Valley to join the Lytton-Alexandria road. They ran
into various difficulties, and the road had to be finished by another contractor,
WiUiam Hood, who appears to have completed it by the end of the summer of
1863. W. Hood to W. A. G. Young, February 16, 1864, Hood Letters, MS.,
Archives of B.C.
(48) Most probably Clement Francis Cornwall, who with his brother Henry
had come out from England in the spring of 1862 and pre-empted land in this
vicinity. According to his diary the road passed right through the Cornwall ranch
(later known as Ashcroft Manor), and the house, begun on August 11, was not
finished until October 31. Diary of C. F. CornwaU, Entries for July 9, August 11,
and October 31, 1862, MS., Archives of B.C. 228 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
whether I knew those " two feUows ahead ": of course I pronounced them
incapable of such a misdemeanour, and when I caught them up had a good
laugh at them, but confess I helped to eat the turnips.
We struck the Thompson River today; it is not so large a river as the
Fraser, but our first sight of it was very pretty as we looked down from the
Mils and saw it rushing along below, winding among perpendicular rocks
and then opening out into the vaUey, with clumps of trees and bushes on the
sides; what most struck me in my first impression of it was the deep blue of
the water relieved by the wMte foam occasioned by rocks here and there in
its bed. The blue appearance of the water is pecuUar and I never noticed
the Fraser having the same. We camped in some bushes by the side; the
river murmuring our lullaby
Oct 9th We got on our road at eight, crossed Cook's Ferry49 at twelve and
reached Road Camp where Johnston stopped to work;50 tMs was by the side
of the Fraser.51 I had supper and slept the mght on some stones which did
not make a very comfortable bed so that I woke several times to gaze at the
moon and was pretty cold.
Oct 10th   After breakfast I started off with the Canadian leaving J-
beMnd. My moccasins had now pretty well taken themselves off bodUy and
for some days past I had had to coUect pieces of rag &c in my march, with
wMch to tie them up, so that, as a squaw compassionately observed my feet
look " hy-you sick "; in fact, with a little starving I should have made a first-
rate beggar for London Streets
The doing up of these said feet in the morning was a work of art and
patience, and the fixing had generally to be repeated several times a day; so
you may suppose I was elated when the chap I was with proposed to lend me
a pair of boots which he had at Lytton, to walk down in.   We reached Lytton
(49) Over the Thompson River, 24 miles from Lytton. By December 31,
1860, a ferry "worked with a Rope & Blocks" had been established there by
Assistant Gold Commissioner H. M. Ball, and on January 1, 1862, this was leased
to Messrs. Kimball and Cook of Lytton. When the firm was dissolved by the
death of Kimball in March, 1862, Mortimer Cook, who was then living at the
ferry, held the lease until his contract was annulled by the building of a bridge
there by Thomas Spence. Ball to Colonial Secretary, December 31, 1860; to
Charles Good, March 6, 1861; to CMef Commissioner of Lands and Works, January 1, 1862; Ball Letters, MS., Archives of B.C. The granting of a charter to
Spence was approved by Douglas in February, 1864. Ball to Colonial Secretary,
February 6, 1864. The bridge was open for travel from March 28, 1865. Edgar
Dewdney to G. Hale, E[sq?], Thompson's Ferry, March 27, 1865 [copy of a copy],
Dewdney Letters, MS., Archives of B.C.
(50) " He was to receive $40 a month with board of an uncertain quaUty."
[Foot-note in original MS.]
(51) Presumably the Thompson is meant, for according to the next entry in
the journal Guillod and the Canadian did not reach Lytton, and therefore the
Fraser, until the following evening. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       229
at eight o'clock, and walking a mile or so out camped for the night, finding
an old deserted mud hut on the side of a MU in which we passed a jolly mght.
Oct1 11th On overhauling my friend's parcel, oMy one boot was to be discovered, the other having been stolen; however I at once proceeded to turn
this one to account, by cutting off the top, out of which I manufactured a
moccasin for one foot the other being provided for by the remainder so that
I literally walked down to Victoria in one boot. But I certainly made a much
pleasanter journey by means of it today.
The greater part of the road is finished round the Jackass Mountain52 by
the side of the Fraser, although now and then we had to take the old traU;
the road is cut round the Mils with an occasional bridge on coming to faUen
rocks &c.
The range of mountains of which we here passed a part is called " The
Cascade Mountains ". The scenery here was splendid; rough and gigantic
masses of rock of all colors rising up perpendicularly above the path, with
here and there a solitary fir tree on some overhanging rock. The general
appearance of the mountains at this season is beautiful in colouring as they
are covered here and there with shrubs and smaU trees exhibiting every shade
of colour from red tMough orange to pale yeUow; which contrasted with the
deep unfading green of the pines adds greatly to the beauty of the steep and
majestic piles of frowning rocks. One place particularly struck me; it was
a cleft in the mountain, an almost perpendicular fall, of zigzag shaped rocks
of every variety of form, down which in the rainy season, a stream of water
rushes forming a cascade wMch beginning far above our heads faUs Mssing
and foaming into the river below. The road crosses tMs by a bridge built
across from projecting masses of rock.   We stopped the night in a house.
Oct 12th Sunday. My companion stood breakfast. We then walked fifteen
mUes tMough shady woods over a good road to the camp on Truck's [sic]
Road,53 where we stopped. I got a supper gratis and slept in one of the
feUow's tents.
Octr 13th My mate stayed here for work and I was [of?] a great mind to
stop myself but being anxious about George and expecting to find letters at
Victoria, I thought I would push on and so started at half past seven. I followed the road too far and so came to the end of the finished part where there
(52) About 12 miles below Lytton. On April 3, 1862, Thomas Spence had
been awarded the contract for the road from Lytton to Boston Bar; this was
completed on October 28 that year. Department of Lands and Works, General
Reports upon Works   .   .   .   1862, signed R. C. Moody, MS., Archives of B.C.
(53) On AprU 23, 1862, J. W. Trutch had been awarded the contract between
Boston Bar and Chapman's Bar, 12 miles below, and on September 18, the contract
between Chapman's Bar and Pike's Riffle, opposite Spuzzum. These portions of
the road were completed the following year. Scholefield and Howay, British
Columbia, Vol. II, p. 102. Cf. Robert Kerr, Acting Auditor-General, to Colonial
Secretary, August 30, 1864, Audit Office (B.C.), 1861-1865, MS., Archives of B.C. 230 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
was no traU: I therefore clambered over the stones and went along the side
of the MU, climbing and sUppmg. It was a very awkward place, for the Mil
was very steep and covered with loose stones and fragments of rock wMch on
a touch of the foot went rollmg and jumping down tiU they fell with a sullen
splash into the Fraser below. With great care I managed to get safely
round the hUl and finaUy struck the road again, but after another mile or so
had to take the old traU up another steep MU the track going up in zigzags
so that there seemed no end to it. I made six and twenty miles to a house
where I slept.
Octr 14th I exchanged my minmg-pan, biUy, &c for some bacon and flour,
wMch I cooked and baked and then started and reached Yale in the middle of
the day. I had to wait half an hour or so when witMn sight of the town, in
order to aUow some blasting to go off round Yale bluff,54 and go off it did like
so many cannon, reverberating with a treble echo across the bay. The consequence of tMs delay was that I missed the steamer55 wMch should have
taken me down the river. I slept in a shanty with a man I met with on the
road.
Octr 15th I started in a canoe for New Westminster, one hundred and thirty
five mUes; for this we were to pay $2.50 each and as I had oMy $1.25 I had
to make a bargain with the old " Klootchman " giving her what money I had,
the red smoking cap the girls made me and jersey. With these the " tenas-
man "BB was forthwith invested, and as he was a Uttle feUow, he cut rather
a queer appearance; for he was completely lost in the jersey and the red cap,
from the size of it had a constant inclination to extinguish Ms face entirely.
We paddled away till dark, and then put up at a Siwash's house whose name
was Joseph, and Joseph was very hospitable, and Ughted an extra fire for us,
nearly driving us out of the place with the smoke for the Indian houses generaUy have no cMmney, a loose board in the roof being the oMy outlet for the
smoke. The inside of tMs one, was one largesized room, with a raised bench
of boards three or four feet wide aU round, which answered the purpose of
seat, bed, table or anything else. The family consisted of Joseph Mmself, an
(54) The Royal Engineers had surveyed the entire road from Yale to Lytton
and beyond in 1861, according to the Public Notice issued by the Department of
Lands and Works, calling for tenders for the Lytton-Cook's Ferry road, Victoria
Colonist, March 11, 1862; and they had themselves assumed the difficult task of
buUding the 6 miles between Yale and Pike's Riffle, which they completed between
May and November, 1862. Department of Lands and Works, Report . . .
1862.
(55) The Hope arrived at New Westminster on October 17, according to the
New Westminster British Columbian, October 18, 1862. She had been launched in
Victoria on September 22, 1860, for Charles Millard, and " proved to be one of
the most successful boats built for the river, chiefly because she had sufficient
power and shaUow draught to reach the head of navigation at Yale at almost any
time of the year."   Hacking, op. cit., p. 14.
(56) The Chinook for boy. 1955      Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862       231
oldish good-natured looking chap; a wrinkled old woman aU skin and bone
who was very Ul apparentiy dying; a younger man with his " Klootchman "
and several papooses. Joseph got out a lot of papers he had had from different EngUshmen testifying that he was " a joUy good feUow ", " ldnd and
obUging to wMte people " " honest" &c These were aU carefuUy preserved
with Ms marriage certificate and one or two Uttle reUgious prints although he
could not read a word of them Mmself. We also gave him a testimonial
signed by the whole party. These people were Roman CathoUcs, and before
settling for the night aU went into a corner and recited their prayers, as I
suppose, men, women and cMldren joining in a monotonous chant.
Just as we turned in, there was a great excitement caused by one of the
Indians hearing the cry of a deer, at which the two men jumped out of bed,
and went off into the bush without anything on but a short shirt: they soon
returned with a small deer, wMch had been caught and the hinder parts torn,
by a wolf, whom the Indians frightened off and brought in the spoil. This
unusual piece of good luck caused a general movement on the part of the
whole fanuly, and a tremendous chattering, in which they must have told the
story over some dozen times. The deer was forthwith cut up, and then we
subsided into quietness till the morning.
Octr 16th After witnessing the peculiar ablutions of the squaw and papooses
and when the famUy had again performed their prayers, we shook hands all
round[,] a ceremony of wMch they think a great deal, and again got under
way. Here we left the hills behind us; the Fraser from hence running
through a flat country with trees growing down to the water's edge. The
ground and trees seem to be constantly undermined and fall into the water,
making it difficult of navigation, but in places it is very broad. We noticed
an echo in one part where on caUing out, words were distinctly repeated tMee
times. We stopped at twelve and got dinner and reached New Westminster at
four, not sorry to leave the canoe.
Octr 17th I went to the Mansion Restaurant57 last night and asked leave to
sleep there as I had some grub left; however the old chap there, an American,
seeing I was broke, told me to come in to supper, and I had tMee meals there
today for wMch I did about an hour's work. I had a long talk with Ms
" missus " who is a goodnatured kind little body.
(57) Presumably the Mansion House on Front Street, " a well known boarding
house " which had just been taken over (September, 1862) by Samuel W. Herring,
a New Westminster farmer, and his father John Herring. The family is said to
have come from the United States in 1858. See Margaret L. McDonald, "New
Westminster, 1859-1871," University of British Columbia M.A. thesis, 1947, pp.
291-292; New Westminster Mainland Guardian, August 27, 1879; Victoria
Colonist, January 1, 1886. The Mansion House burned down in 1871. F. G.
Claudet, Diary, entry for February 9, 1871, MS., Archives of B.C. 232 Dorothy Blakey Smith July-Oct.
Oct1 18th Today I went by Steamer58 to Victoria, and in what plight I
arrived there is shown in my introductory letter. So here I conclude the
plain and unvarnished tale of my journey to Cariboo and back, wMch I hope
wUl afford some pleasure to yourself and my numerous friends and relatives.
Whose humble servant I remain,
DeUghted at having ended writing about my own blunde[rs]
H.G.
(58) The Enterprise.   Cf. foot-note 2, and Victoria Colonist, October 20, 1862. NOTES AND COMMENTS
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Victoria Section
In conjunction with the unveiling of the plaque to Emily Carr by the Historic
Sites and Monuments Board of Canada a meeting of the section was held on
Wednesday evening, May 11, in the Provincial Library, with Mr. J. K. Nesbitt
presiding in the absence of the Chairman, Mr. Russell E. Potter. The speaker on
that occasion was Dr. Ira Dilworth, of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation,
who advised Miss Carr in much of her writing and is now engaged in editing her
note-books. Before speaking of the characteristics of her work, Dr. Dilworth
paid a tribute to many of the people who had been a source of inspiration and of
help to Emily Carr, such people as Lawren Harris, Will Newcombe, Eric Brown,
Marius Barbeau, Margaret Clay, Ruth Humphrey, Madge Wolfenden Hamilton,
and others. It was pointed out that Emily Carr had been born in a storm and that
her adult life was a continuation of that storm. She believed that Canadian art
should be individuaUy Canadian and not merely a copy introduced from elsewhere.
She felt that one source of inspiration for the Canadian artist could be the art
forms of the West Coast Indians and she proceeded to make herself familiar with
them. She despised theoretical artists—the " arty-crafty " people, dabblers in art
forms and theories—for her artists should work seriously at their profession.
Dr. Duworth described her prose style as earthy, direct, simple, and clean, which
occasionaUy took on the aspects of poetic melody. He illustrated Ms ideas with
some amusing entries from her journals and also gave samples of her more serious
and equaUy effective prose writing. Dr. Dilworth mentioned some of the pecuU-
arities of her personal life, her battles with others, her menagerie, her trailer, and
pointed out how her solitary travels in the wilds contributed to her vast knowledge
of nature, a knowledge on which she drew constantly in her work. Mrs. K. C.
Drury moved a very hearty vote of thanks to the speaker.
At the regular meeting of the section held in the Provincial Library on Friday
evening, June 24, the Past President of the British Columbia Historial Association,
Captain C. W. Cates, presented his presidential address for the benefit of the
members of the section who had been unable to attend the annual meeting in
Vancouver. This dealt with the association of his family with the sea and had
much of the lore of seamanship woven into the story and interspersed with famous
old sea-chanties sung in an inimitable fashion. The appreciation of the meeting
was expressed by Mr. G. H. Stevens and Major F. V. Longstaff.
The Annual Field Day of the section was held on Tuesday afternoon, August
23, and took the form of a visit to H.M.C. Dockyard and H.M.C.S. Naden. The
members met at the ParUament Buildings, where buses were provided to transport
them to the recently opened Naval Museum where they were greeted by Commander H. C. Little and taken on a tour of the museum.   Service buses then took
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, Nos. 3 and 4.
233
8 234 Notes and Comments July-Oct.
them on a tour of the Dockyard, where a naval vessel was available for a tour of
Esquimalt harbour as well. Following this they visited St. Paul's Church and the
Naval Cemetery en route to H.M.C.S. Naden, where tea was served in the wardroom and Commander Little read a very interesting brief history of Esquimalt
harbour.
The first meeting of the fall season was held in the Provincial Library on
Friday evening, September 30, with Mr. R. E. Potter in the chair. The speaker
on that occasion was the Honorary President of the Association, the Hon. R. G.
WUliston, Minister of Education, who presented an illustrated lecture on The
Expanding North. Mr. WUliston spent several years in the Peace River District
and is an enthusiastic believer in the future of this portion of the Province. It
was a graphic presentation of the story of the north country, which is now being
opened up at an unprecedented rate, and many of his pictures of a " before and
after " nature gave his audience a clear understanding of the history that is now
so rapidly unfolding. The appreciation of the meeting was voiced by Mr. G. H.
Stevens.
A meeting of the section was held in the Provincial Library on Thursday
evening, October 27, when the speaker was Mrs. Kenneth C. Drury and her subject
An Early American Culture—the Maya Civilization. Mr. and Mrs. Drury had
visited the sites of the early Maya cities in Yucatan and had taken many coloured
photographs which were shown to the audience. As an introduction to the slides
Mrs. Drury read an interesting account of the development of the Maya civilization, which reached an unusually high point, the salient features of wMch were
admirably illustrated in the coloured slides. Mr. Jan Zach, a Victoria artist who
had spent some years in South America, thanked the speaker and told how the
art of the Mayans is now influencing modern art in Mexico.
Vancouver Section
At the regular meeting of the section held on February 11, Dr. C. R. Elsie,
Director of Research for the B.C. Packers Ltd., spoke on the whaling industry of
British Columbia, and in particular of the activity off the west coast of Vancouver
Island.   His lecture was illustrated with a coloured movie.
On March 8 Mr. Alex. C. Hope, President of the Fort Langley Restoration
Society, was the speaker. He outlined the plans of the society, which hoped to
have the major portion of the restoration completed by the centennial year, and
in particular the " Big House " or officers' quarters, in which the colony of British
Columbia was inaugurated on November 19, 1858. In addition to describing
present plans, Mr. Hope also gave much information on earlier days at Fort
Langley.
At a meeting held on April 18 the section was privUeged to have as its speaker
Mrs. Laura Berton, whose book, I Married the Klondike, had just been released.
Her talk included many interesting anecdotes of her life in the Yukon, from her
arrival there as a young kindergarten teacher in 1908 (ostensibly to stay one year)
until her departure in 1932.
Mr. John Gibbard was the speaker at a meeting of the section held on May 15,
when he chose as his subject the history of the Chilliwack area of the Fraser
Valley. 1955 Notes and Comments 235
The annual picnic was held on June 18. Originally it had been intended to
visit the Peace Arch Park at Douglas, but this was abandoned in favour of Fort
Langley. A tour of the old fort and of the nearby Derby townsite was arranged,
and it was unfortunate that the inclement weather curtailed the attendance.
Following the summer recess the first meeting in the fall was held on
September 20, when Mr. Derrick Humphries, of the Trans-Mountain Pipeline
Company, showed coloured films depicting the construction of their line from
Edmonton to Burnaby, during the course of which showing Mr. Humphries
answered questions relative to the undertaking.
On October 28 Mr. A. J. Arnold, editor of the Western Jewish Bulletin, 'was
the speaker at a regular meeting. His subject was The Jewish Community in British
Columbia, in which he traced the contributions of adherents of the Jewish faith
to the early life of the Province commencing with the arrival in Victoria in 1858
of Selim Franklin.
Nanaimo Section
At the May meeting of the section the Provincial Archivist, Mr. Willard E.
Ireland, was the guest speaker on the subject Your Provincial Archives. Not only
did he outline the various divisions within the Provincial Archives and give some
idea of the rich resources contained therein, but he also gave some idea of the
way in which this material is used by scholarly researchers the world over and
the general public alike.
At the June meeting Mr. G. B. Murdie showed a film of the waterfront pageant
presented by the Yellow Point Players during the centenary celebrations on November 27, 1954.
In September Miss Patricia Johnson spoke on place-names in the vicinity of
Nanaimo, and Mr. J. Parker also gave an account of his visit to the National
Library, Ottawa, in search of information on local place-names.
The Chairman, Mr. W. A. Barraclough, read a short paper on J. K. Lord's
experiences in the Nanaimo district in 1858 at the October meeting. The feature
address was given by Mr. R. J. Walley, who, with Mrs. Walley, had just returned
from a visit to Brierley HiU, England, from which district so many of the pioneer
settlers who came out to Nanaimo on the Princess Royal in 1854 had been
recruited. On behalf of the people of Nanaimo he had presented to the civic
officials a book containing pictures, maps, and souvenirs of the centenary
celebration of Princess Royal day.
West Kootenay Section
In conjunction with the unveiling of the David Thompson cairn at Castlegar,
Dr. W. N. Sage, British Columbia and Yukon representative on the Historic Sites
and Monuments Board of Canada, addressed a public meeting sponsored by the
section on the evening of November 7, 1954, in which he traced the effect of the
fur trade and mining on the development of transportation in the West Kootenay
country. In the days of the fur trade transportation was not a great problem, for
the fur-traders simply followed the rivers, but the advent of the miners, first as gold
seekers, altered the situation.   After the great discoveries in the Rossland district, 236 Notes and Comments July-Oct.
American interests were for a time dominant, and they were the pioneers in railroad construction, Heinze being responsible for the Trail Creek Tramway and the
Columbia and Western, and D. C. Corbin for the Red Mountain Railway. The
Nelson and Fort Shepherd was also under construction. In the meantime, the
Canadian Pacific Railway, pushing its new southern route westward, began its
struggle for control in the area, which culminated in its acquisition of the Trail
smelter and in the completion of the Kettle Valley branch line.
The annual meeting of the section was held on December 6, 1954, when the
following officers were elected for 1955:—
Chairman -   J. H. Armstrong.
Vice-Chairman       -       -       -       -       -       G. T. German.
Secretary-Treasurer Mrs. A. D. Turnbull.
Councillors—
Mrs. J. H. Armstrong. F. M. Etheridge.
Mr. J. Bryden. F. Sindell.
The speaker at this meeting was the Venerable Archdeacon F. H. Graham, who
recounted his personal reminiscences of early days in the Kootenay country.
On January 28, 1955, some of the members of the section met with Mrs. Clara
P. Graham, author of Fur and Gold in Kootenay. At the general meeting held
on February 28, Mrs. A. D. Turnbull presented a report on the annual meeting
of the Provincial Association, and some time was spent in the identification of
old photographs. Mr. Craig Weir presented a paper on the Dewdney Trail at the
meeting held in March, and on June 13 an outdoor meeting was held at which
Mr. W. Barlee spoke on Indians in the West Kootenay. At the first meeting in
the fall, held on October 19, Mrs. A. D. Turnbull gave an illustrated talk on the
Cariboo.
Gulf Islands Section
A petition from five members of the British Columbia Historical Association,
asking for authorization for recognition of the Gulf Islands Section, was received
and approved by the Council, in consequence of which Mr. Willard E. Ireland,
Provincial Librarian and Archivist, attended the inaugural meeting held in Port
Washington Community Hall, Pender Island, on Monday evening, July 18. Mrs.
John Freeman acted as Chairman and representatives were present from North
and South Pender, Mayne, Galiano, and Saturna Islands. Mr. Ireland spoke on
the role and function of a local history society and suggested particular objects
for the newly organized section. An election of officers was held which resulted
as follows:—
Chairman -------   Mrs. John Freeman.
Vice-Chairman Mr. J. Campbell.
Secretary-Treasurer    -----   Mrs. N. Grimmer.
Councillors—
Mrs. E. T. Money, Saturna Island.
Mrs. F. E. Robson, Galiano Island.
Mrs. W. Georgeson, Mayne Island.
Mrs. J. B. Bridge, North Pender Island.
Mr. H. A. Spalding, South Pender Island. 1955 Notes and Comments 237
Mr. Willard E. Ireland and Mr. J. S. Rivers, editor of the Sidney and Gulf Islands
Review, were elected honorary members.
The second meeting was held on Sunday evening, September 18, in the Mayne
Island Hall, with representatives from Saturna, Mayne, North and South Pender
Islands present. No formal papers were presented, but the opportunity was taken
to discuss plans for the work of the section.
Okanagan Historical Society
The annual meeting of the society was held on Thursday afternoon, May 5,
in the United Church Hall, Vernon, with Mr. J. D. WMtham, Vice-President, in
the chair. Tribute was paid to the devoted service that had been rendered the
society by its late President, Mr. James B. Knowles, who, since 1949, had with
singular enthusiasm and success guided the affairs of the society until his death
on February 6. The business of the society was transacted with expedition and
from the numerous reports reviewed it was apparent that another successful year
had been completed.   The election of officers resulted as follows:—
Honorary Patron -       -       His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor.
Honorary President -       -   O. L. Jones, M.P.
President      -       -       -       J. D. Whitham, Kelowna.
Vice-Presidents—
F. V. Harwood, Vernon.    Mrs. R. B. White, Penticton.
C. E. Bentley, Summerland.
Secretary -       -       -       -   Dr. J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton.
Treasurer     -       -       -       Guy P. Bagnall, Vernon.
Editor     -       -       -       -    Dr. J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton.
Assistant Editor   -       -       R. J. McDougall, Sorrento.
Auditor   -       -       -       -   T. R. Jenner, Vernon.
Directors—
North—
J. H. Wilson, Armstrong. J. G. Simms, Vernon.
Middle—
Dr. F. Quinn, Kelowna. Mrs. D. Gellatly, Westbank.
James Goldie, Okanagan Centre.
South-
George J. Fraser, Osoyoos.    Captain O. Weeks, Penticton.
Mrs. C. G. Bennett, Penticton.
At Large—
Miss K. Ellis, Penticton. A. K. Lloyd, Kelowna.
R. J. McDougall, Sorrento.
The executives of the branch societies are as follows:—
Armstrong -Enderby
President R. B. Blackburn, Enderby.
Vice-President        -       -       -       J. H. Wilson, Armstrong.
Secretary-Treasurer   -       -       -    Mrs. M. Pidoborozny, Enderby. 238 Notes and Comments July-Oct
Directors—
Mrs. R. Crozier, Armstrong. A. Marshall, Armstrong.
G. E. McMahon, Enderby. H. F. Cowan, Enderby.
W. H. Logan, Enderby.
Kelowna
President Mrs. G. D. Fitzgerald.
Vice-President        -        -       -       H. C. S. Collett.
Secretary-Treasurer   -        -       -    L. L. Kerry.
Directors—
G. W. Watt. D'Arcy Dendy. H. Hobbs.
G. Walburn. J. D. Whitham.
Penticton
President  ----- Harold Cochrane.
Vice-Presidents       ... Mrs. A. M. Warren.
J. G. Harris.
Secretary  Mrs. C. G. Bennett.
Treasurer       .... Captain O. Weeks.
Directors—
Mrs. R. B. White. C. E. Bentley.
H. W. Corbitt. Mrs. W. Whitaker.
C. F. M. Guernsey. E. W. A. Cooper.
Oliver-Osoyoos
President A. W. Hanbury.
Secretary Mrs. E. J. Lacey.
Treasurer      -       -       -       -        R. Fenwick-Wilson.
Directors—
N. V. Simpson. F. O. McDonald. A. McGibbon.
Vernon
President Fred V. Harwood.
Vice-President       -       -       -       A. E. Berry.
Secretary-Treasurer   -       -       -    George Falconer.
Directors—
Guy P. Bagnall Miss Hilda Cryderman.
Mrs. M. Middleton.
The business meeting was foUowed by a dinner at which the speaker was Dr. W. N.
Sage, retired Head of the Department of History at the University of British
Columbia, who had selected as the subject of his address Sir James Douglas: The
Father of British Columbia. This address will appear in the forthcoming Annual
Report. 1955 Notes and Comments 239
ROSSLAND HISTORICAL MUSEUM ASSOCIATION
The first annual report of the directors of the Rossland Historical Museum was
presented under date October 13, 1955. The President, Mr. Gordon T. German,
indicated that three meetings of the directors had been held since incorporation in
March and the total paid-up membership had reached thirty-one. The Museum is
located in the Court-house and has been open to the pubUc during the same hours
as the Library, thanks to the co-operation of the Librarian, Mrs. W. M. Anderson.
In addition to individual visitors, several groups have been shown through the
Museum. The photograph collection has grown by 200, which are now being
copied by the Provincial Archives, and the 300 on hand will be mounted during
the winter. Since the opening of the Museum, many interesting historical reUcs
and objects have been added to the collection, and a three-drawer locking metal
file-cabinet has been acquired to provide safe storage for the growing coUection of
papers and documents. The facilities of the Museum are already being used, not
just by visitors but by persons interested in more serious historical research. The
financial report indicated that grants had been received from both the Rossland
Rotary Club and the Rossland Community Chest and after all accounts had been
paid a satisfactory balance remained on hand for future operations.
PLAQUE TO COMMEMORATE THE BIRTHPLACE
OF EMILY CARR
More than 250 friends of the late EmUy Carr and lovers of her creative genius
assembled in front of her birthplace, a modest frame house on Government Street,
Victoria, on Wednesday afternoon, May 11, to witness the dedication of a plaque
erected by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada. The ceremony was
presided over by Miss Margaret Clay, a long-standing friend of Miss Carr and
chairman of the local committee in charge of arrangements. Dr. W. N. Sage,
British Columbia and Yukon representative on the Federal Government Board,
was introduced and spoke briefly on the decision of the Board to place this marker,
commenting that " immortality takes many forms and to-day we are honouring an
immortal Canadian." In addition, he read a letter from Dr. Lawren Harris, who
had given great encouragement to Emily Carr in her struggles, in which he asserted
that she was one of the " world's greatest artists." The plaque, which is located
on a city boulevard, was officiaUy accepted on behalf of the City of Victoria by
His Worship Mayor Claude Harrison, and the Honourable W. N. Chant, Minister
of Public Works, represented the Provincial Government at the ceremony. The
plaque was officiaUy unveiled by Dr. Ira DUworth, of the Canadian Broadcasting
Company, Toronto, a former resident of Victoria and close personal friend of the
artist. His address on that occasion is printed below. The inscription reads as
foUows:—
Birthplace of EmUy Carr, artist and writer, portrayer of the
British Columbia scene.
Born, Victoria, 13th December, 1871,
died Victoria, 2nd March, 1945. 240 Notes and Comments July-Oct.
Address of Dr. Ira Dilworth
" Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: You have done me a great honour
in inviting me to be present this afternoon and unveil a plaque to the memory of
EmUy Carr. This is for me an occasion of unusual interest and excitement.
I congratulate the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada on erecting
this memorial in the tenth year after Miss Carr's death. It is an honour wMch
in this country might so easUy have been delayed but wMch assuredly comes none
too soon.
"As I stand here on a spot which I have passed literally thousands of times,
I find myself deeply moved, and the most I can do is to pay my personal tribute
to EmUy Carr as I knew her, as a woman, writer and painter.
" It was in this house behind us that EmUy Carr was born. My first memories
of it go back to 1909, when my family moved to live in Victoria just half a block
away from this spot. The house was then set hi a deep garden; a garden bounded
on Government Street by a great grove of Lombard poplar-trees, the space between
the trees filled to overflowing with snowbaU, laburnum, and rich lilac. These
shrubs in the month of May in those years sent great cascades of colour and
fragrance from the garden into the street Along Simcoe Street the garden was
bounded by a high hedge of wMte hawthorn.
" The garden itself was characteristically Victorian and very English. As
Emily herself said, her father, having left England behind, planted his loneliness
in the soil of Ms new home and ' it came up all EngUsh.' This plot of ground
may be proud of its memories. It was here that EmUy, whose sisters called her
' Small,' played. Behind the house were the vegetable-gardens, and the hayfield
centred about what Emily used to caU the cow yard. There the smaU child made
friends with the barnyard animals and birds. In the cow yard stood the old barn
with its wide roof and its loft, wMch was Emily's first studio. Behind all this,
running up towards Beacon Hill, were grass fields and meadows in wMch grew
the flowers that Emily loved so much, particularly the wild lilies.
" EmUy Carr spent practically her whole life within Uttle more than a stone's
throw from this spot on wMch we are now standing. Except for periods of training in San Francisco, England, and Paris, and a short time spent in teaching in
Vancouver, this district of Victoria was her home. When death had made inroads
into the family, Emily decided to move out of the old house, and buUt her own
residence a block and a half from here up Simcoe Street, a house wMch she has
described in The House of All Sorts. Its upper story was given over to a very fine
studio. In the garden behind were kennels where she raised great quantities of
sheep-dogs. When times became too difficult for her financially, EmUy sold ' the
house of all sorts' and moved a few blocks south of tMs point to Uve in a tiny
cottage on Beckley Street, It was there, in a district wMch was distinctly' slummy,'
that she received Lady Tweedsmuir, wife of the Governor-General, who had asked
the privilege of seeing Emily and her paintings. After iUness laid its hand heavily
upon her, EmUy gave up Beckley Street and went to live in Alice's house, the small
cottage where Alice Uved and carried on her private school. You know it well—
it Ues just behind the old Carr house facing on St. Andrew's Street, its boulevards
covered with cedar-trees and surrounded by remnants of the old original Carr
orchard.   There Emily lived in a self-contained apartment, she and her sister 1955 Notes and Comments 241
meeting daily, concerned with each other's needs, but each maintaining a personal
aloofness wMch had no bitterness nor maUce in it. It was from that Uttle cottage
that EmUy Carr set out one afternoon late in February, 1945, having confessed to
feeling suddenly very tired, to go to the rest home which is just a block below us
here on Government Street, in the building which was formerly the James Bay
Hotel.    There a few days later she died quietly and without fuss.
" It is small wonder that, standing on this site to-day, those of us who knew
Emily Carr are deeply moved and feel the presence of ghosts from the past. It
was along these streets that we used to see her passing with her great group of
sheep-dogs bouncing around her, with her beloved monkey, Woo, sometimes
riding in a baby carriage, sometimes ambling along tugging at the end of her
chain. It was along the cliffs at Dallas Road just south of here that Emily used
to go for her morning and evening walks to breathe in inspiration from the vast
expanse of sea and sky with the mountains hazy or clear in the distance. It was
on Beacon HiU in tins close vicinity—a Beacon HiU not then completely occupied
by broom and lush and lovely with grass, deep with buttercups and camass—that
Emily awaited so often the coming of the sun in the morning surrounded by her
playing dogs. It was in Alice's old cottage or in ' the house of all sorts' that
many of us talked with EmUy and found a woman touched with gaiety, sensitive,
often depressed and lonely, but always dauntless in courage and determination.
"Very simply, although we did not know it in those far-away years, EmUy
Carr was a genius, a genius in painting and in writing. She had the simplicity and
the direct drive wMch is characteristic of genius. She was never lured away from
the one course which her task in life laid out in front of her. She could be
difficult and often was, but she was tender, affectionate, loyal, and, above everything else, honest as the sun. She had a very hard Ufe filled with work and not
a little worry, but we are aU glad to know that before its end she achieved a kind
of recognition of wMch she was very proud and wMch thriUed her deeply. This
woman will be remembered as long as our history. She has an unassailable place
in the story of our culture. She has added an extraordinary lustre to this beautiful
city of Victoria. It is, therefore, Mr. Chairman, with a deep sense of humility
but with pride and profound satisfaction that I discharge my duty of unveiling
this memorial plaque to EmUy Carr."
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Donald H. Simpson is the Librarian of the Royal Empire Society, Northumberland Avenue, London, England.
Dorothy Blakey Smith, Ph.D., formerly with the Department of English of the
University of British Columbia, is now a resident of Victoria.
John T. Saywell is on the staff of the Department of History at the University
of Toronto and has been a frequent contributor to this Quarterly.
Reginald H. Roy, M.A., is a member of the staff of the Provincial Archives of
British Columbia.
9 THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF
The History of the 6th Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers, 1939-1945.
Compiled by S. A. Flatt. Vancouver: Wrigley Printing Company Ltd., 1955.
Pp. xiv, 141.    Ills, and maps.
On the afternoon of September 1, 1939, Major T. H. Jermyn, Officer Commanding the 6th Field Company, R.C.E., received orders to mobilize his unit. The
chronicle of the events which followed form the subject of the history under
review. Formed originally in North Vancouver in 1912 the 6th Field Company
served as a training company and did not see overseas service in the First World
War. During the period from 1920 to 1939 it formed part of the Non-Permanent
Active Militia. When the Second World War broke out the company was
mobilized as part of the Canadian Active Service Force and served with the
3rd Canadian Infantry Division at home and abroad.
The wartime story of the sappers will be familiar to all who served with the
3rd Division. After a year's service in British Columbia the company was sent
to Debert Military Camp, in Nova Scotia, where it was engaged with the other
divisional engineers in preparing the camp to receive and house the main body of
the division. Nine months later, in June, 1941, the 6th Field Company was
among the first of the division's troops to sail for the United Kingdom.
For the next three years the sappers were engaged in routine engineer work
and training. There were camps to be constructed and prepared for the thousands
of Canadian soldiers who came overseas in 1941-1942. Then there was training
in bridging, camouflaging, field works, mines and booby-traps, general construction, and a hundred other duties which formed part of a field company's responsibility. In 1943 and 1944 emphasis was placed on large-scale exercises and
combined operations, which culminated in the weeks before the invasion of
Europe.
On D-Day the 6th Field Company was among the first of the 3rd Division's
assaulting troops to land in Normandy, and from then until V-E Day the sappers
were in the thick of the campaign. During this time the unit suffered over 100
casualties and earned a respectful number of awards and decorations for their
work in battle.
This history is based almost entirely upon the unit's official war diary, and is
the product of the former Company Sergeant-Major and Company Quartermaster-
Sergeant, the latter being designated as the official historian. Because of its
semi-official nature the book wiU probably be definitive as far as the 6th Field
Company is concerned, but it is by no means all-encompassing. Its appeal is to
the former members of the company who shared its joys and vicissitudes, but
the general reader, including those who served overseas, wiU derive Uttle that is
new or interesting from it.
Perhaps the two most unfortunate aspects of the book are first, the faUure to
treat the unit's actions in their proper perspective, and second, the overemphasis
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XTX, Nos. 3 and 4.
243 244 The Northwest Bookshelf July-Oct.
on the non-operational aspects of the company's participation in the campaign.
As for the first, the author tends to treat the infantry battalions which the 6th
Field Company supported in a most cursory way. Indeed, the entire Canadian
Army suffers the same fate. Although this is almost a typical fault with most
regimental histories, it is most obvious in the Mstory of a unit whose primary task
was to support the infantry battalions. As such the success of the combatant
troops frequently depended upon the abiUty of the engineers to carry out such
hazardous tasks as lifting mine-fields and buUding bridges under enemy fire, and it
would have added to the 6th Field Company's history if the reader had been
enlightened as to the effect the sappers' work had in relation to the course of battle.
This is not to suggest that the author has devoted too great space to the story of the
company's personal role in battle. In fact the reverse is true, in so far as its
operational role is concerned. For example, no member of the unit can have
forgotten or will ever forget D-Day. It signified the culmination of years of
training as well as the first day of battle experienced in the thirty-two years of
the company's existence. On that day the 6th Field Company had twelve of its
men killed and fifteen wounded—a major loss for so smaU a company—and two
won the Military Medal for their bravery during the assault. Despite these facts
only four paragraphs are devoted to a description of the actual D-Day battle,
and in these brief paragraphs no mention is made of the awards won at the time.
A great many errors in the text could have been avoided if greater reference
had been made to the official and semi-official books dealing with the Canadian
Army in 1939-1945. This is especially true of continental place-names, of which
" Cain " for " Caen " on the copy of a plaque decorating the book's cover is a most
unhappy example. The photographs in this history are good, the maps fair, and
the " cartoons" which decorate each chapter heading could easUy have been
dispensed with.
Provincial Archives, R. H. Roy.
Victoria, B.C.
The Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878. Edited by C. W. de Kiewiet
and F. H. Underhill. Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1955. Pp. Iv, 442.
Ills.
There should be no need to introduce Dufferin and Carnarvon to students
of British Columbia's history. Dufferin was Governor-General of Canada from
1872 to 1878 and Carnarvon was the Secretary of State for the Colonies in
Disraeli's second administration. The two men were on opposite sides of the
political fence, yet they were close personal friends and Carnarvon had no sooner
taken office in 1874 than he asked Dufferin to communicate with him "fully &
Unreservedly not only as Secretary of State but as yrs most truly & sincerely."
Thus the correspondence began and so it continued until January, 1878, when
Carnarvon resigned following a disagreement with Ms colleagues over British
policy in the Near East. These revealing private letters were located by President
de Kiewiet in the Public Record Office and, although they have been available in
Ottawa on microfilm for some time, the Champlain Society wisely decided to
publish them.    The bulk of the correspondence is London-bound and, as the -1955 The Northwest Bookshelf 245
editors remark, Dufferin's " brilliant analysis of Canadian politics and politicians
brings the whole period to life and gives us fresh material for judging almost every
main question in the Canadian public affairs of the time."
There can be little doubt but that most of the editorial work was done by
Professor F. H. UnderhiU, who recently left the University of Toronto for Ottawa
and a three-year research appointment. No one could be better qualified than
he to write the introduction in which the major characters are delineated and the
more important subjects discussed. And it comes as no surprise to detect a note
of admiration for Edward Blake running throughout. Blake, " who towered above
his fellows in intellectual ability," was "the man whom Dufferin feared most";
Blake, who was " generaUy recognized as the greatest legal mind in Canada " was
" too sensitive and thin-skinned for the coarse and dirty controversy wMch marked
Canadian politics in those days "; and Blake, who stands " in the direct line of the
Canadian Liberal tradition which runs from Baldwin and LaFontaine and his
own father to Laurier and King," is obviously the hero of the constitutional drama
that was played during Dufferin's term of office.
Nothing revolutionary emerges from the correspondence. But much useful
information is to be found on the Pacific Railway, the Pacific scandals, the amnesty
question, the Guibord case, and a variety of other problems of the interregnum.
Mackenzie, Blake, Mills, and Cartwright stand in clearer focus after one watches
them wrestle with the " prima donna " in Rideau HaU for five years. As a result of
Blake's passion for autonomy the volume is an historical hot-house or laboratory
where new blends in the imperial relationship are being evolved and tested. It
should be added that tins subject has been discussed in detail in David Parr's recent
book The Colonial Office and Canada, 1867-1887. The constitutional Mstorian
will enjoy as well Dufferin's accounts of his relations with the cabinet, although Ms
Irish blarney and ill-concealed vanity must always be kept in mind.
Students of Provincial history wUl find the volume extremely valuable and
interesting. In his first letter and in his last Dufferin discussed the Pacific RaUway,
and that subject takes up more space than any other—almost more than all the
others. The background to the dispute between British Columbia and the
Mackenzie administration, the endless negotiations over the non-fulfilment of the
terms of union, Dufferin's trip to the West Coast, and Carnarvon's diplomacy are
aU traced, " blow by blow," in this trans-Atlantic correspondence. Dufferin had
no sympathy for the residents of Victoria in their demand for the construction of
the Esquimalt and Nanaimo raUway and he suspected that the agitation was largely
their doing. Mackenzie he beUeved to have been " most culpable in having offered
to build it " and the expenditure of " a mUlion of money—and it could scarcely cost
less—upon such an enterprise would be absurd." Dufferin's political analysis was
as acute in Victoria as it was in Ottawa. He informed Carnarvon that Victoria
interests dominated the political scene, that the Island versus Mainland contest
was perhaps the only fundamental political division, and that " as each individual
member of the House has some strictly personal interest engaged in every poUtical
squabble, matters are decided by anything but patriotic or even reasonable considerations." Matters had not greatly changed thirty years later when Messrs.
Jaffray and Cox were able to buy a majority in the legislature.
10 246 The Northwest Bookshelf July-Oct.
Dufferin, Carnarvon, and Underhill write extremely well and the volume is a
pleasure to read. This writer hopes and trusts that the reception given this
excellent publication will encourage the Champlain Society to publish in modern
Canadian history more often.
Department of History, John T. Saywell.
University of Toronto.
In Search of the Magnetic North. A Soldier-Surveyor's Letters from the North-
West, 1843-1844. Pioneer Books Series. Edited by Dr. G. F. G. Stanley.
Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd., 1955. Pp. xxviii, 171.
Maps and Ills.
This is the third of the excellent Pioneer Books series which " is designed to
discover and bring back into general circulation a number of the more interesting
and out-of-date books on early life in Canada." Actually the contents of this
book have never been published before in Canada or elsewhere. While serving
overseas with the Historical Section of the Canadian Army, Professor Stanley
heard of the existence of these Letters and he was instrumental in arranging tor
their presentation to the Public Archives of Canada.
The soldier-surveyor was Lieutenant (later Major-General Sir) John Henry
Lefroy who, while director of the Toronto Magnetical Observatory, 1841-1853,
undertook a journey to the Hudson's Bay Company's territories for the purpose
of making a magnetic survey of the North-West. The letters he wrote to his family
and friends during his year-and-a-half voyage are not, as the title might suggest,
replete with scientific matters. Rather they contain a description of the manners
and customs in the North-West as seen by a young Englishman at a time when the
life of the fur-trader was still akin to the eighteenth century. As such they make
interesting reading for either the historian or the general reader.
The introduction to the Letters by the editor contains a brief but adequate
biographical sketch of Lefroy. The end maps by Captain C. C. J. Bond are
models of their kind.
Provincial Archives, R. H. Roy.
Victoria, B.C. THE
BRITISH COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
VOLUME XIX
1955
VICTORIA, B.C.
Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association
n EDITOR
Willard E. Ireland,
Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C.
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Provincial Archives,
Parliament BuUdings, Victoria, B.C. CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIX
Articles: Page
After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific.
By Stuart R. Tompkins       1
Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887.
By D. M. Schurman     57
Sir Joseph Trutch: British Columbia's First Lieutenant-Governor.
By John Tupper Saywell    71
Convict Colonies for the Pacific Northwest.
By Richard H. Dillon     93
Henry Press Wright: First Archdeacon of Columbia.
By Donald H. Simpson  123
Documents:
Harry GuUlod's Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862.
Edited with an introduction and notes by Dorothy Blakey Smith  187
Notes and Comments     103, 233
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Rae's Arctic Correspondence, 1844-55.
By Morris Zaslow     115
Solomon Mussalem.
From One to Seventy.
The True Life Story of a Pioneer.
By Willard E. Ireland   118
Mountains, Men and Rivers.
By James K. Nesbitt  119
The History of the 6th Field Company, R.C.E., 1939-1945.
By R. H. Roy   243
The Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878.
By John T. Saywell    244
In Search of the Magnetic North.
By R. H. Roy    246
Index   247
ERRATA
Page 6, line 25: For Nicholas read Nicolas.
Page 16, line 6: For Atkha read Atka.
Page 17, line 30: For Teretii read Terentii.
Page 17, line 34: For Potasov read Protasov.
Page 18, line 15: For Chebayevskii read Chebaeskii. Page 20, line 29: For Predtecha read Predtechya.
Page 24, line 4: For Stahlin read Staehlin.
Page 24, Une 10: For Protod"yakanov read Protodyakanov.
Page 29, Une 5: For Yakov Protassov read Jakob Protasov.
Page 34, Une 32: For Lityua read Lituya.
Page 43, Une 34: For Macao read Macao.
Page 44, line 5: For Macao read Macao.
Page 44, line 15: For Cope read Cape.
Page 46, line 26: For Houston-Stewart read Houston Stewart.
Page 48, Une 15: For Macao read Macao.
Page 49, lines 37 and 40: For Cook's read Cook. INDEX
Adak Island, 13, 17
Adamson, John Williams, SI
Admiralty Inlet, 43
Affleck's Canal, 47
Afognak Island, 26, 28
After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific, 1-55
Agalagmut, 3
Agattu Island, 11, 13, 17
Aglemiut Eskimos, 3
Aguilar, Martin de, 6
Aht Indians, 192
Ainsworth, Capt. J. C, 199
Ainsworth Inlet, 199
Akutan Island, 20
Alaska, 3, 6, 21, 26, 27
Alberni, 192, 193
Alder, WilUam, 44
Aleutian Islands, 2, 3, 5, 7, 11-23, 25, 27, 28,
30, 37, 46, 53
Aleuts, 2-5
Alexander Archipelago, 28, 33, 42
Alford, Dean Henry, 142
Alin, Luka, 25, 28
Alkali House, Cariboo, 211
All Saints Church, Alberni, 193
Allan, Sir Hugh, 89
Alston, E. Graham, 77, 154, 156
Amlia, 15
Anadyr, 18
Anderson Lake, 203
Andreada, John de Barros, 43
Andreanof Islands, 2, 3, 13, 17
Andreyev, A. I., 8
Angela College, Victoria, 165, 188
Anian, Strait of, 6, 7
Archibald, Sir Adams George, 75, 85
Arctic Ocean, 26, 27
Arkhangel, 19
Arteaga, Ignacio, 28
Askew, T. G., 191
Ataku Island, 15
Atka Island, 13, 16
Atkans, 3
Attu Island, 11, 13, 15, 17, 22, 23
Austrian East Indian Company, 33
Babayev, 19
Baker, Capt. James, 44
Baker Bay, 48
Bakhov, Afanasii, 12
Balin, Vasilii, 12, 15
Bancroft, H. H., 4, 5, 8
Banks, Sir Joseph, 94-96, 98, 99, 102
Baranov, A. A., 6, 39, 46, 51, 53, 54
Baranov Island, 50
Barber, Capt., 51
Barkley, Capt. C. W., 33, 44
Barkley Sound, 33
Barkly, Sir Henry, 66, 67
Barnett, Thomas, 40, 52
Barrel Sound, 46
Barren Islands, 49
Bashmakov, Petr, 13, 14
Baskett, Rev. C. R., 170
Basov, Yemel'yan, 11, 12, 15
Baux, 40
Beach, Sir Michael Hicks, 62, 63
Beale, Henry, 41
Beaver Bay, 50
Beaver Pass, 215, 217, 219, 220
Bechevin, 16, 17
Beckerleg, Mrs. B. J., 193, 194
Begbie, Sir M. B., 146, 213
Behm Canal, 47
Behring's Bay, 50
Bella Bella Indians, 3
Bella Coola Indians, 3
Bella Coola River, 49, 209
Bengal Fur Company, 41
Beniowsky, Moriz August, Graf von, 8, 22, 25
Bering, Vitus, 6, 11, 12, 16, 19, 21, 22
Bering Island, 11-17, 19, 23, 28, 32, 41, 46
Bering Sea, 3, 19, 22, 26, 30
Bering Strait, 26, 27, 39
Berkh, V. N., 8
Billings, Joseph, 2, 5, 38, 39, 41
Bishop, Charles, 52
Blagden, Dr., 98
Blasov, 19
Bocharov, 34
Bodega y Quadra, J. F. de la, 24, 25, 28, 43, 46
Boit, John, 53
Bolsheretsk, 17, 19, 22, 23
Bombay, 32
Bonaparte River, 224-226
Borovskaya River, 22
Bridge Creek, 224
British Columbia Historical Association, 103-
110, 233-237
British Columbia's First Lieutenant-Governor:
Sir Joseph Trutch, 71-92
Broughton, W. R., 42
Brown, Rev. R. C. L., 151
Brown, Capt. William, 44, 47, 51
Brown Passage, 47
Browning Entrance, 47
Buache, Philippe, 6, 7, 40
Bucareli Bay, 45
Bunster, Arthur, 88
Burdett-Coutts, Baroness, 143, 144, 188
Burenin, Fedor, 22, 23
Burke Channel, 43, 47
Bustamente y Guerra, Jos£, 40
Caamano, Jacinto, 45
Caledonia, Diocese of, 173
Cambridge, Duke of, 160, 163
Camels, Cariboo, 214
Canadian Pacific Railway, 57, 58, 65, 75, 88-90
Canty, Rev. M., 135
Cape Edgecumbe, 40
Cape Elizabeth, 49
Cape Ommaney, 50
Cape Saint Elias, 28, 29
Cape St. James, 46
Cardwell, Edward, 69
Cariboo, 1862, Harry  GuUlod's Journal of a
Trip to, 187-232
Cariboo, mining, 187, 190, 191, 213-220
Carnarvon, Lord,
Carnarvon Commission, 61, 63-65
12
247 248
Index
Carr, Emily:   Address of Dr. Ira Dilworth,
240, 241
Carr,  Emily,   Plague   to   Commemorate   the
Birthplace of, 239-241
Carrall, R. W. W., 75, 86, 87
Cartier, Sir George Etienne, 75, 85, 86, 89, 90
Cathcart, Gen., 134
Cave, Rev. J. C. B., 155
Chatham Sound, 47
Chatham Strait, 50
Chebaevskii, Terentii, 17, 18
Chemainus, 191
Cherapanov, Stepan, 17
Chevaevski, 11
Chichagof Island, 50
Chichagov, 19
Chilkat Bay, 50
Chirikof Island, 49
Choquette, Alexander, 208
Christ  Church   Cathedral,   Victoria,   146-148,
163, 165, 168, 170, 188
Chukchi, 18
Chuprov, Yakov, 11
Claaset, 35
Clarence Strait, 45, 47
Claughton, Bishop, 161, 163, 177
Clayoquot Sound, 33, 38, 40, 42, 46, 51
Clerke, Capt., 27
Cloak Bay, 48, 52
Coal-supply for Navy, 58-62
Coles  44
CoUegiate School, Victoria, 147, 165, 168, 170,
172, 173
Collison, Rev. W. H., 173
Colnett, James, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38, 45
Colonial Defence Committee, 61
Columbia,  Henry Press Wright:    First Archdeacon of, 123-186
Columbia River, 24, 43, 46-49, 51, 52, 93
Columbia's Cove, 46
Comox, Indian mission established at, 155
Comptroller Bay, 4
Confederation and British Columbia, 71-74, 76,
90-92;  and Manitoba, 71, 72
Convict Colonies for the Pacific Northwest, 93-
102
Cook, James, 1, 8, 25-27, 30, 98, 100, 101
Cook, Mortimer, 228
Cook Inlet, 6, 26, 37, 39, 49, 50, 52
Cook's Ferry, 228
Cook's Inlet—see Cook Inlet
Cook's River, 49, 95, 98, 101
Coolidge, R. D., 36, 41, 46
Copper Island, 11-14, 16, 22, 23, 32, 46
Copper River, 29
Cornwall, C. F., 86, 87, 227
Cornwall, Henry, 227
Cottonwood, 213, 214, 220
Cowichan church consecrated, 165
Coxe, John Henry, 37, 40, 41
Coxe, William, 8, 101
Crease, H. P. P., 79, 81, 82, 87
Creighton, 41
Crickmer, Rev. W. B., 150-152
Cridge, Bishop, 146, 147, 168-170, 172
Crimean War, 129-140
Cross Sound, 50
Crossman, Col. William, 63, 64
Crowell, Samuel, 41
Dean Channel, 49
Dean River, 209
De Cosmos, Amor, 72, 79, 81, 83, 87
Defence Problem, 1865-1887, Esquimalt, 57-69
Delarov, Evstratii, 19, 28, 29, 31, 34, 38, 39
Delisle, Joseph Nicolas, 6, 7, 14, 16
Denman Island, 40
Dentistry, Cariboo, 190
Dillon, Richard H., Convict Colonies for the
Pacific Northwest, 93-102
Dilworth, Ira, address of, at unveiling of plaque
to   commemorate   the  birthplace   of  Emily
Carr, 240, 241
Diocesan Church Society, 154
Diocesan Synod, 154, 166, 168, 169, 171-173
Discovery Passage, 43, 45
Ditcham, Rev. George, 166, 170
Dixon, George, 4, 8, 31, 32, 98
Dixon Entrance, 45, 52
Dorr, Ebenezer, 48, 52
Dorr and Sons, 52
Douglas, Sir James, 87, 146, 168
Douglas, William, 34-36, 38, 39, 41, 51
Douglas—see Port Douglas
Druzhinin, Alexei, 14, 17, 18
Dufferin, Lord, 90
Dufferin-Carnarvon Correspondence, 1874-1878
The, review of, 244-246
Duffin, Robert, 43
Duncan, Capt. Charles, 32, 35
Duncan, WilUam, 151, 168, 169, 171-173
Dundas, Rev. Robert James, 146
Durnev, 15
Earthquake, 30
East India Company, 31-34, 38, 44
Edgar, J. D., 91
Elections, British Columbia, 78;   Canada, 87
Eliza, Francisco, 37, 38, 45, 47, 48
Elwyn, Thomas, 217
Eskimos, 3, 4
Espinosa, Jos£ de, 8
Esquimalt, 57-69
Esquimalt:   Defence Problem, 1865-1887, 57-
69
Etches, John, 35, 94
Etches, Richard Cadman, 35, 94, 95
Ettarge, Chief, 52
Evans, Rev. Ephraim, 191, 222, 224, 225
Ewen, Capt., 44, 48
Fairweather, Mount, 50
Fenians, 86
Fenton, Roger, 136
Fidalgo, Salvador, 37, 38, 45
Finlayson Channel, 47
Fisher's Channel, 47
Fitzhugh Sound, 31
Flatt, S. A., comp., The History of the 6th
Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers,
1939-1945, review of, 243, 244
Fleurieu, C. P. C, Comte de, 8
Fonte, Bartholomew de, 6, 26, 27, 42, 45, 49 Index
249
Forts and trading-posts, Alaska, 6; Alexandria,
212, 222
Fox Islands, 2, 14, 17, 19-21, 27, 29
Foxes, 11, 12, 16, 20, 30
Frank, C. W., 79
Franklin, Selim, 198
Fraser, Donald, 187
Friendly Cove, 49, 51
From One to Seventy, review of, 118, 119
Fuca, Juan de, 6
Funter, Robert, 35
Fur trade, maritime, 2-5, 11-25, 27-55
Galiano, Dionisio Alcala, 43, 44
Gama Land, 6, 19, 22
Gammage, Rev. James, 151
Gardiner, Caleb, 52
Garrett, Rev. A. C, 147, 148, 153
Georgia, Gulf of, 40, 43, 44
Georgia, Strait of, 42, 43
Glacier Bay, 50
Gleig, Rev. G. R., 127, 140, 161
Glotov, Stepan, 16-18
Glover, Rev. Octavius,  147
Gold-mining, Cariboo, 187, 190, 191, 213-220
Golikov, Ivan, 25-27, 30, 34, 39, 50, 53
Good, Charles, 77, 78
Good, Jane Kathleen, 129, 178
Good, Rev. John Booth,  148,  152, 155, 166,
167, 170, 171
Graham, Capt., 46
Graham Prairie, 191
Grande Prairie, 214, 222
Graving-dock, 57, 58, 60, 63
Gray, Robert, 33, 36, 42, 43, 46, 47
Grays Harbour, 46, 48
Green Lake House, 224
Greenhow, Robert, 8
GribbeU, Rev. F. B., 166, 169-171
Grigg, D. H., From One to Seventy, review of,
118, 119
Guise, Capt., 32
GuUlod, Edna, 194
Guillod, George, 187, 188, 190, 194, 196-198,
201-215, 217, 229
GuUlod, Harry, 187-232
GuUlod, Mrs. Harry, 192, 193
GuUlod's, Harry, Journal of a Trip to Cariboo,
1862, 187-232
Haida Indians, 3
HaU, Rev. A. J., 174
Hall, Robert, 41
Hamilton, Agnes, 188
Hankin, Philip J., 72
Hanna, James, 30, 31
Hare, Rev. R. S., 129
Haro Strait, 40
Harrison-LUlooet trail, 188, 189, 199-204
Harry GuUlod's Journal of a Trip to Cariboo,
1862, 187-232
HasweU, Robert, 46
Hatch, Crowell, 52
Hawaii, 27, 31-33, 35, 37, 42, 47, 49, 51-53
Hecata, Bruno, 24
Hecate, Strait, 33
Helmcken, J. S., 73, 76, 77, 87, 89, 90
Henry Press Wright: First Achdeacon of Columbia, 123-186
Herring, John, 232
Herring, Samuel W., 232
Hervey, Capt., 41
HUls, Bishop, 124, 126, 143, 144,146,147,149-
157, 163-175, 182, 183, 191, 192, 216
HUls, Mra. George, 156, 157, 170
Hinchinbrook Island, 6, 40
Hincks, Sir Francis, 88
History of the 6th Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers, 1939-1945, The, review of,
243, 244
Holbrook, Henry, 78, 79
Holmes, Rev. David, 173, 174
Hood, WiUiam, 227
Hook, Dr. W. F., 126
Hope, consecration of church at, 149, 150
Hornby Island, 40
Houston-Stewart Channel, 46, 51
Howay, F. W., 7, 9
Howitt, J., 193
Hudson, Thomas, 36, 38
Hudson's Bay Company, 55, 94, 98, 100
Humphreys, Thomas Basil, 83
Hutchins, Capt., 35
Icy Strait, 50
Iliuliuk Harbour, 41
In Search of the Magnetic North, review of,
246
Indians, Alberni, 192, 193; British Columbia,
85, 86; Fraser River, 200; Northwest Coast,
3, 4, 17, 18, 29;   Victoria, 147, 148
Ingraham, Joseph, 42, 46
Ireland, W. E., From One to Seventy, review
by, 118, 119; Solomon Mussalem, review
by, 118-119; The True Life Story of a Pioneer, review by, 118, 119
Irwin, Lieut.-Col. de la Chevois T., 62
Isanotski Strait, 16
Islands of Four Mountains, 2
Izmailov, Gerasim, 19, 22, 25, 27, 30, 34
J. L. S., 9
Jane, CecU, 9
Jenns, Rev. Percival, 173, 174
Jeso Land, 6
Jochelson, Waldemar, 9
Johnson, E., 47
Johnston, P. T., 188, 190, 191, 197, 201, 202,
204-208, 210-217, 219-228
Johnston, Mrs. P. T., 188
Johnstone, James, 47, 50
Johnstone Strait, 43, 45
Johnstone's Channel, 47
Journal of a  Trip  to  Cariboo,  1862,   Harry
GuUlod's, 187-232
Juan de Fuca, Strait of, 6, 33, 35, 38, 40, 42-
44
Kaigahnee, 51
KaUuzhi, 3
Kaloshi, 3
Kalush, 3 250
Index
Kamchatka, 11-18, 20, 21, 23, 27, 28, 33, 45,
49, 101
Kamloops Museum Association, 110, 111
Kanagmiut Eskimos, 3
Karaginskii Island, 11
Karganoff, Gen., 139, 140
KasUov River, 39
KataUa Island, 29
Kauai Island, 52
Kayak Island, 29, 50
Kenai, 3
Kenai Peninsula, 28
Kendrick, John, 33, 36, 42, 47, 51
Kennedy, Dr., 215, 216
Key, Sir Astley Cooper, 63, 65
Khlebnikov, K. T., 9
Kholodilov, Alexei, 23
KholodUov, Fedor, 12, 14
Kiewiet, C. W. de, ed.. The Dufferin-Carnarvon
Correspondence, 1874-1878, review of, 244-
246
Kimball and Cook, 228
King, H. B. Solomon Mussalem, revitw of,
118-119
King, Maria, 156
King George's Sound Company, 31, 32
Kiselev, 45, 53
Knipe, Rev. Christopher, 151, 154, 216
Kodiak Island, 3, 18, 23, 26, 27, 30, 34, 38, 39
Kolomin, Petr, 39
Koloshi, 3
Kolyma River, 18, 41
Konovalov, Grigorii, 39
Korovin, Ivan, 17, 18
Kow, 52
Kozitsyn, 27
KrasU'nikov, Semen, 14, 15, 17, 20
Krenitsyn, 21, 23
Krivoroshov, 28
Kruzof Island, 40
Kuiu Island, 47
Kul'khov, 17
KurUe Islands, 22, 25, 29
Kuskokwlm River, 26
Kuznetzof, Arsenii, 27
Kwakiutl Indians, 3
Lamb, J. and T., 47, 48
Langevin, Hector, 81, 86, 87
Langle, de, 32
La Perouse, J. F. G., 9, 32, 34, 45
Lapin, Ivan, 17-19, 21, 22, 25, 28
Laumeister, Frank, 214
Laurie, Henry, 32
Laurie, WilUam, 31
Lazarev, 17
Lebedev-Lastochkin, 25, 28, 29, 34, 38, 39, 41,
50
Lemprlere, Capt., 149
Lena River, 18
Lesseps, J. B. B. de, 32
Levashev, 21
Lewis, Thomas, 227
Lieutenant-Governor,     Sir    Joseph     Trutch:
British Columbia's First, 71-92
Lightning Creek, 190, 213-216
Lfflooet Lake, 201
Lind, Dr. James, 96; letter to, 98, 99
Little LUlooet Lake, 201
Lituya Bay, 4, 32, 34, 50
Lok, Michael, 6
Lomonosov, 19, 21
London Company, 35
Loon Lake, 227
Lopez de Haro, Gonzalo, 33, 34, 36
LoveU, Lieut.-Col., J. W., 63-65
Lowe, Rev. R. L„ 148, 153
Lower Fountain, 204
Lukanin, Ivan, 19, 25
Lynn Canal, 50
Lytton, 228, 229
McCreight, John Foster, 77-84
Macdonald, Sir John A., 63-67, 72-84, 85-91
Macdonald, W. J„ 87
Mclntyre,  Fred,  The  True Life Story of a
Pioneer, review of, 118, 119
Mackenzie, Sir Alexander, 9, 49
Mackenzie, Alexander, 90, 91
Mackenzie's Rock, 49
Macao, 22, 38, 41, 43, 44, 48
Magee, James, 42, 47
Magon, Capt., 45
Malaspina, Alejandro, 40
Maldonado, Lorenzo Ferrer, 7, 40
Manitoba and Confederation, 71, 72
Mansion House, New Westminster, 231, 232
Mapping the North Pacific: After Bering, 1-55
Marchand, Etienne, 40
Maritime Museum, Esquimalt, Royal Canadian
Navy, 112
Marmot Island, 28
Marquesas Islands, 42, 48
Martinez, Esteban Jos6, 33, 34, 36-38
Martinez y Zayas, Juan, 9, 47, 48
Mason, Rev. George, 172, 173, 175'
Massacre Bay, 11
Mayers, Mrs. Kate, 193
Meares, John, 9, 31, 32, 34-37, 41, 43, 44, 93
Mednovtsi, 3
Medvyedev, 17, 18
Menlndez, Capt., 45
Menzies, Archibald, 38, 43, 45
Merchant Proprietors, 34, 35
Metcalfe, Simon, 35, 37
Methodist Church, Victoria, 197
Middleton Island, 40
MiUtia in British Columbia, 86
MiUard, Charles, 230
Milne, Sir Alexander, 61, 62, 64, 66-68
MitcheU, Henry, 188
Moberly, Walter, 227
Mockler, Rev. George, 133
Mode's Lake, 212
Mogg, Rev. H. H., 165, 170, 173, 175
Monro, H. D., 193
Monro, Kate Elizabeth, 192, 193
Monro, Robert Ross, 193
Monterey, 25, 45
Moody, R. C, 149
Moore, Hugh, 44, 46
Morris, Bishop, 172
Morse, H. B., 9
Mostovskli, 19 Index
251
Mouat, Capt. W. A., 195 ■
Mountains, Men and Rivers, review of, 119-121
Mud Lake, 212, 222
Mukhin, Ivan, 20
MttUer, G. F., 14, 16, 22
Musgrave, Anthony, 72-74
Mussalem, Solomon, review of, 118, 119
Mylnikov, 53
Nakvashin, 13
Nalder, Anne, 125
Naiee, SUas, 167
Nathan, Henry, 88-90
Neah Bay, 46, 48
Near Islands, 2, 3, 13, 15, 27, 28
Nelson River, 100, 101
Nerstov, Kozma, 12
Nesbitt, J. K., Mountains, Men and Rivers, review by, 119-121
Nevodchikov, MikhaU, 11, 13
Nevodiskov Bay, 11
New Arkhangel, 6
New Westminster, description of, 199
New Westminster Historic Centre, 111, 112
Newbury, EUas, 48, 52
Newton, Rev. H S., 174, 175
Nightingale, Florence, 134, 136
Nikiforov, 16
NikUinich, MikhaU, 12
Nilov, Capt., 22
Nizhne-Kamchatsk, 12, 16, 20, 23, 25, 29, 30
Nizhne-Kolymsk, 18
Noble, 216
Nootka Indians, 3
Nootka Sound, 24, 26, 33-38, 42-48, 50, 52, 93,
96-101
Nordbery, Elias, 52
North Foreland, 50
North Pacific Squadron, 57, 64, 65
North West Company, 55
Northwest Passage, 26, 27, 98
Novikov, 12, 15
Nuchek, 6
Nushagak Bay, 3
Observatory Inlet, 47
Occidental Hotel, Victoria, 197
Ocheredin, 20, 21, 27
Okanagan Historical Society, 237, 238
Okhotsk, 17, 19, 21-23, 28-30, 39
Okoshnikov, Matvei, 21, 24
Olednikov, 18
Olesov, 30
Oppenheimer, Charles, 227
Oppenheimer & Company, 222
O'Reilly, Peter, 150, 216, 217
Oryekhov, Afanasii, 19-22, 25, 28
Osokin, 24
Owen, 48
Paikox, Dmitri!, 15, 16
PaUas, Peter Simon, 9, 27
Palmer, Henry Spencer, 129, 156
Panov, Grigorii, 19, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 30
Panov, Petr, 19, 20, 23, 25, 27
Parsons, Otis, 204
Parsonville, 204
Paul Island, 29
Pavlof Bay, 2
Peace River, 49
Peace River Historical Society, 113, 114
Pearse, B. W., 77
Peloponisov, 20, 21
Pemberton, 202
Perceval, Alice, 165
Perez, Juan, 24
Perkins, T. H., 47
Peter Island, 29
Peters, WilUam, 31, 32
Petropavlovsk, 17, 27, 30-32, 39, 41
Plaque to Commemorate David Thompson on
the Columbia River, 112, 113
Plaque  to   Commemorate   the   Birthplace   of
Emily Carr, 239-241
Polonskii, A., 10
Polutov, Dmitrii, 23
Ponomarev, 16, 17
Popov, Alexei, 41
Popov, Ivan, 18, 20, 21, 28
Popov, VasilUi, 17, 18
Port Conclusion, 50
Port Discovery, 48
Port Douglas, 199, 200
Port Montgomery, 46
Port Protection, 47
Port Stewart, 47
Portland Canal, 47
Portlock, Nathaniel, 5, 10, 31, 32
Postlethwaite, Bishop, 156
Postnikov, ShuiskU, 17
PoweU, I. W., 86, 87
Pribilof Islands, 2, 3, 30, 37
Pribylov, Gerasim, 2, 28, 29
Prince of Wales Island, 45, 47
Prince WiUiam Sound, 6, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 34,
35, 37, 43, 46, 50
Principe Channel, 47
Pringle, Rev. A. St. David F., 150
Proctor, Rev. G. H., 135
Protasov, Jakob, 17, 29, 33
Protodyakanov, Prokopii, 21, 24
Puget, Peter, 50, 51
Puget Sound, 43
Purtov, George, 50, 51
Queen Charlotte Islands, 33, 37, 42, 43, 46-48,
51,52
Queen Charlotte Sound, 32, 43, 45, 46, 98
Quimper, Manuel, 37, 38
Rae's Arctic Correspondence, 1844—55, review
' of, 115-118
Raglan, Lord, 136,137
Rat Islands, 2, 3
Reece, Rev. W. S., 168
Reeve, Rev. Henry, 153
Reid,   J.   H.   Stewart,   Mountains,   Men  and
Rivers, review of, 119-121
Responsible government in B.C., 71-74, 76, 80,
82, 84, 91
Restoration Bay, 47
Revillagigedo Channel, 47
Rich, E. E., ed., Rae's Arctic Correspondence,
1844-55, review of, 115-118 252
Index
Richards, A. N., 91
Ridley, Bishop, 173
Robert, Josiah, 48
Roberts, Capt., 42, 47
Robertson, A. Rocke, 78, 79
Robertson, Henry, 96, 97; letter from, 99-102
Robson, John, 79, 81-83
Roerig, 131
Rogers, WilUam, 41, 52
Rosario Strait, 40
Roscoe Inlet, 47
Rose, Rev. H. J., 124
Rossland Historical Museum Association, 111,
239
Routes of travel to Cariboo, 188-232
Roy, R. H., The History of the 6th Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers, 1939-1945,
review by, 243-244; In Search of the Magnetic North, review by, 246
Royal Canadian Navy Maritime Museum, Esquimalt, 112
Royal Commission re Defences, 61, 63-69
Royal Hotel, Victoria, 197
Royal Navy, 57-59, 64
Russia Archives Department, 10
Russian American Company, 1, 5, 26, 50, 53,
54
RyblnskU, Ivan, 11-13,16
Sabin, J. E., 142, 158, 159
Sage, W. N., 71, 84
Saimonov, 19
St. Ambrose Island, 48
St. Andrew's Church, Comox, 174,192
St. George Island, 28
St. John's Church, Victoria, 146, 148
St. Lawrence Bay, 41
St Mary's Church, Sapperton, 156
St. Paul's Church, Esquimalt, 166, 174, 175
St. Paul's Church, Nanaimo, 152, 153
St. Peter's Church, Cowichan, 165
St. Stephen's Church, Saanich, 152, 165, 166,
175
SaUsh,3
Salmon River, 208, 209
Samoilov, 30
San Bias, 24, 28, 34, 36-38, 40
Sapozhnikov, 20, 25
Sarychev, Gavrilo, 2, 5,10,41
Sauer, Martin, 10
Saywell, John Tupper, The Dufferin-Carnarvon
Correspondence, 1874-1878, review by, 244-
246; Sir Joseph Trutch: British Columbia's
First Lieutenant-Governor, 71-92
Schurman, D. M., Esquimalt: Defence Problem, 1865-1887, 57-69
Scott, Bishop, 145
Scotty's House, 227
Sea-otter, 3, 11, 12, 14, 16, 20
Sea Otter's Harbour, 31
Seaforth Channel, 47
Seals, 2, 11, 20, 29, 30
Seelye, H. E., 73
Semichi Island, 13
Serebrennikov, Andrei Mikhailov, 14, 16
Serebrennikov, VasiUi, 21
Seton Lake, 203
Seward Peninsula, 19
Shakesville, 208
Shalauroff, 18
Shannon River, 50
Sharp, 44
Sheepshanks, Rev. John, 149, 150, 154
Shehan, Rev. D., 135
Shelekhov, G. I., 6, 10, 25, 27, 28, 30, 32, 34,
39,53
Shelekhov, Natalie, 53
Shepherd, Henry, 43, 44
Shevyrin, 16
ShUov, VasiUi, 19-22, 25, 28
Ships, Activa, 45, 47, 48; Adventure, 46; Albatross, 93, 94;- Amelia, 48; Aranzazu, 36, 45;
Argonaut, 35, 36, 38, 42, 43, 93; Arkhangel
Mikhail, 23; Arthur, 51; Astrolabe, 32;
Atrevida, 40; Boris I Gleb, 13, 14; Bousseie,
32; Butterworth, 44, 47, 48; Captain Cook.
32; Cariboo Fly, 165; Champion, 203; H.M.S.
Chatham, 42; Chernyi Orel, 5, 39, 41;
Colonel Moody, 153; Columbia, 33, 36, 43,
46; Columbia Rediviva, 42; Conception, 37;
Daedalus, 43; Descubierta, 40; H.M.S. Discovery, 26, 42, 43; Dispatch, 52; Eleanora,
35, 37, 39, 42, 51; Enterprise, 153, 166, 188,
191, 195, 198, 231, 232; Evdokla, 11; Experiment, 32; Fair American, 37; Fairy, 41, 51,
52; Favorita, 29; FeUce Adventurer, 34, 35,
41, 43, 44; Fenis and St. Joseph, 43; Florin-
da, 44; Governor Douglas, 199; Grace, 38,
39, 41, 46; Gustavus IU, 40, 46; Halcyon,
44; Hancock, 41, 42, 46, 49; Hope, 42, 46;
Hope (steamer), 230; Imperial Eagle, 33;
loann Ustyuzhskii, 20; Iphigenia Nubiana,
34-36, 38, 43, 44, 48; Jackal, 44, 47, 48, 51;
Jane, 48, 52; Jefferson, 42, 47, 48, 51; Jenny,
44, 51; Jeremiah, 13; Julian, 16; Kapiton,
11; Kapiton, 12, 15; King George, 31; Kliment, 27; Lady of the Lake, 203; Lady
Washington, 33, 36, 42, 47, 49, 51; La Flavie,
45, 49; La Solide, 40; Lark, 31; L'Emilie,
48; Margaret, 42, 47, 49; Marzelle, 201;
Mercury, 37, 40, 52; Mexicana, 43, 44, 47;
Nancy, 51; Natalia, 30; Nootka, 31, 32, 41;
Northwest America, 35, 36; Oregon, 187,
196; Otter, 148; Pacific, 204; Perkup i Zant,
12; Phoenix, 44, 46, 51, 52; Polly, 38, 39;
Prince Lee Boo, 44, 47, 48, 51; Prince of
Wales, 33, 35, 94; Prince of Wales (steamer),
201; Prince William Henry, 44, 48, 51, 52;
Princesa, 28, 33, 36, 45; Princesa Real, 37,
38; Princess Royal, 32, 35, 36, 38, 94; Queen
Charlotte, 31; Resolution, 48, 51; H.M.S.
Resolution, 26; Ruby, 52; St. Simeon and
Prophetess Anna, 30; San Carlos, 36; Santa
Gertrudls, 36, 45; Santiago, 24; Sea Otter I,
30, 31; Sea Otter II, 31; Shannon, 187, 199;
Sierra Nevada, 145, 157; Simeon and John,
13; Slava Rossii, 39, 41; Sonora, 24, 25;
Sonora, 145; Sutil, 43, 44; Sv. Adrian, 21;
Sv. Adrian i Natalia, 15, 17, 18; Sv. Aleksandr Nevskii, 21, 25, 28; Sv. Alexei, 28; Sv.
Andrei Pervozvannyi, 25; Sv. Ekaterina, 19,
21; Sv. Evyel, 22, 23, 28; Sv. Gavrilo, 16 17;
Sv. Georgii, 28, 30, 33; Sv. Georgii Pobyed-
nosnyi, 39; Sv. loann, 11-13, 41; Sv. loann Index
253
Predtechya, 20, 27, 28; Sv. loann Ryl'skii,
28; Sv. loann Ustyuzhskii, 20; Sv. MikhaU,
30, 46; Sv. Nikolai, 14, 15, 20, 27, 41; Sv.
/•avel, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 28, 39, 41; Sv.
Petr, 12, 13, 19, 20; Sv. Pe«r i Pavel, 16, 18-
20, 22; Sv. Prokopii, 21, 24, 28; Sv. Simeon
i Anna, 13; Sv. Vladimir, 22; Svyatata
Troitsya, 18; Tasmanian, 145; TAree Brothers,
44, 48, 49; TAree Sa/nM, 30, 34; IVetti Svv-
otftele/, 30, 39; Umatilla, 199; Union, 52, 53;
Varfolomei I Vamava, 25; Vebus, 41, 43,
44; Vladimir, 15-17, 20; Zakharii i Elizaveta,
17; Z<Mfm 1 Savvattya, 33, 45, 46, 53
Shumagin Island, 2
Siberia, 21
Siddall, Daniel, 190, 218
Sigdak Island, 16
SiUitoe, Rev. A. W., 173, 175
Simmons, Gen. Sir J. A., 67
Simmons, Gen. Sir Lintorn, 65
Simpson, Donald H., Henry Press Wright:
First Archdeacon of Columbia, 123-186
Sir Joseph Trutch: British Columbia's First
Lieutenant-Governor, 71-92
Sitka, 51
6th Field Company, Royal Canadian Engineers,
1939-1945, The History of the, review of,
243, 244
Skinner, Rev. James, 124, 125, 128, 129
Smith, Dorothy Blakey, ed., Harry GuUlod's
Journal of a Trip to Cariboo, 1862, 187-232
Smith, Rev. W. E., 145
Smithson, Thomas, 190
Smoky River, 49
Smyth, Maj.-Gen. Sir Edward Selby, 62
Sokolov, A. P., 10
Solomon Mussalem, review of, 118-119
Solov'ev, Ivan Maksimov, 18, 21, 25
South Sea Company, 31, 32, 44
Soyer, Alexis, 136
Spence, Thomas, 222, 228
Spitzbergen, 19
Spring Corner Cove, 35
Staehlin von Storcksburg, Jakob, 10, 24
Stanley, G. F. G., ed., 7n Search of the Magnetic North, review of, 246
Stewart, Alexander, 44
Stikine River, 208, 209
Stikine Territory, 208
Strange, James, 10
Strange, Lieut.-Col. R. A., 63
Strange, Lieut.-Col. T. Bland, 63
Strangways, Gen., 134
Street, G. E., 158
Sturgis, R., 47
Sukhanin, 53
Swift River, 213, 214
Synd, Lieut., 19
Teast, Sidenham, 44, 51, 52
Tenas Lake, 201
Terms of Union, British Columbia, 71, 73
Texada Island, 40
Thompson,   David,   on   the   Columbia   River,
Plaque to Commemorate, 112-113
Thompson River, 227, 228
Three Saints Bay, 6, 30, 34, 38, 39
Tikhmenev, P., 10
TiUimook Bay, 35
Tinnehs, 3
Tipping, William, 31
Tlingit, 3, 4
Tobar, Joseph Andrew, 43
Tolmie Channel, 47
Tolstykh, Andrean, 6, 12, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20
Tomlinson, Rev. Robert, 173
Tompkins, Stuart R., 10; After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific, 1-55
Torckler, 45
Torres, Alonso de, 45
Trapeznikov, Nikifor, 11-15, 17
Trevenen, Capt., 34
Trinidad, 47
Trotter, 48
True Life Story of a Pioneer, The, review of,
118-119
Trutch, Sir J. W., 71, 74-92, 153, 169, 229
Trutch, Sir Joseph, British Columbia's First
Lieutenant-Governor, 71-92
Tsimshian, 3
TugweU, Rev. L. S., 151, 152
Tylden, Gen., 129, 132
Tyrin, Stepan, 11, 13
Ucluelet, 192, 193
Ugashik River, 2
Umnak Island, 2, 14, 16-18, 20, 21, 23
Unalaska Island, 2, 16-21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 31,
34, 39, 41, 53
UnderhUl, F. H., ed., The Dufferin-Carnarvon
Correspondence, 1874-1878, review of, 244-
246
Unga Island, 17, 28
Unimak Island, 2, 23
Unimak Pass, 26
Upper Ferry, 212
Valdes, Cayetano, 43, 44
Valdes, Salvador Melendez, 45
Vancouver, George, 1, 10, 42-44, 47, 49, 50
Vancouver Island, 46, 48
Van Winkle, 215-218, 220, 221, 226
Vasyutinski, 17
Veniaminov, I., 11, 14, 18
Verney, Lieut., 152
Viana, Capt., 43, 44
Victoria, description of, 189, 196, 197
Victoria Steam Navigation Company, 199
Vorob'ev, 13
Vsevidov, Andrei, 12
Wagner, Henry R., 7, 11
Wake, WilUam, 52
Walkem, George A., 79
Wesleyan Methodist church, 197
Westwold, 214
Wheble, Rev. J., 135
Whidbey, Joseph, 47, 50
Whyatt, Rev. W., 135
Wickersham, James, 11
Wilcox, James, 197
Willemar, Rev. J. X., 173,174, 192 254
Index
WUUams Lake Creek, 211
Wilson, Patrick, 96, 99; letter from, 98, 99
Winship, Nathan, 93
Woods, Rev. C. T., 147, 148, 153, 166, 169,
170
Wright, AUce Alford, 129, 142, 172, 174, 177
Wright, Capt. C. M. M., 123,124,159,177
Wright, Lieut. E. D., 123,159, 177
Wright, Ernest Augustus, 129, 156
Wright, F. G., 129, 174, 175, 177, 178
Wright, Mrs. F. G., 178
Wright, G. A., 124, 177
Wright, Gustavus Blin, 204
Wright, Henry Press, 123-186
Wright, Henry Press: First Archdeacon of Columbia, 123-186
Wright, Mrs. Henry Press, 125, 134, 135, 156,
176,177
Wright, Capt. John, 123
Wright, Mary Jane Pearson, 129, 156
Wright, Nina Geldart, 129
Wright, Sophia, 124, 177
Wright, Capt. W. B., 124, 177
Yakutat Bay, 4, 6, 34, 40, 50, 51
Yassak, 5,13, 16, 17, 19
Yugov, YemU'yan, 13
Yukon River, 26
Zaikov, Potap, 22, 23, 29, 34
Zaikov, Stepan, 29, 41
Zaslow, Morris, Rae's Arctic Correspondence,
1844-55, review by, 115-118
Zasypkin, Ivan, 20
Zhilkin, Ivan, 12
Zhukov, Fyodor, 12, 15
Zhuravlev, 28
Printed by Don McDiarmid, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty
in right of the Province of British Columbia.
1959
1M-858-5785 We
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Organized October 31st, 1922
PATRON
His Honour Clarence Wallace, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia.
OFFICERS, 1955
Hon. Ray Williston  Hon. President.
Mrs. A. D. Turnbull      .... President.
Captain Charles W. Cates ... Past President.
Dr. W. N. Sage  1st Vice-President.
Mrs. J. H. Hamilton  2nd Vice-President.
Russell E. Potter .... Honorary Secretary.
Miss Patricia M. Johnson ... Honorary Treasurer.
MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL
H. C. Gilliland. Dr. J. C. Goodfellow. Dr. M. A. Ormsby.
Norman Hacking. J. K. Nesbitt. Mrs. R. B. White.
Russell E. Potter W. Erskine Blackburn James Armstrong
(Victoria Section). (Vancouver Section). (West Kootenay Section).
William Barraclough Mrs. David Hoy Mrs. Jessie Woodward
(Nanaimo Section). (Fort St. James Section). (Boundary Section).
W. A. Burton Willard E. Ireland
(East Kootenay Section). (Editor, Quarterly).
OBJECTS
To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history; to
promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural
features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to publish historical
sketches, studies, and documents.
MEMBERSHIP
Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year
commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing receive the
British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge.
Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.

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