British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly Oct 31, 1941

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OCTOBER, 1941 We
Published by the A obia
in co-o;
British Columbia Historical Association.
Willabd E. Irela
Robie L. Reid, Vo. T. A, Rickard, Victor
Sub icial Archives, Parliament
, B.C.   Price, 50c. the copy, or $2 the year.   Members
.1 Association in good standing receive the
vithout further eh:.
Neither the Provincial  A h Columbia Historical
Association assumes any responsibility for statements ma
to the magazine. BRITISH COLUMBIA
"Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. V. Victoria, B.C., October, 1941. No. 4
Articles : Page.
The War Scare of 1854:  The Pacific Coast and the Crimean War.
By Donald C. Davidson  243
Similkameen Trails, 1846-1861.
By E. P. Creech  255
History in a Changing World.
By Robert Livingston Schuyler  269
Sailing Directions governing the Voyage of the Vessels " Captain
Cook " and " Experiment" to the Northwest Coast in the
Fur Trade,'A J). 1786.
With an introduction and notes by F. W. Howay  285
Notes and Comments:
Constitution of the British Columbia Historical Association   297
British Columbia Historical Association  299
Opening of Helmcken House, Victoria  301
Regional Historical Societies  304
Graduate Historical Society  304
Recollections of Judge Begbie  305
Contributors to this Issue  305
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Minutes of Council Northern Department of Rupert Land, 1821-1831.
By Willard E. Ireland  307
Gregory and Barnes: North Pacific Fisheries.
By W. T. Easterbrook  308
Stefansson:  Ultima Thule.
By T. A. Rickard    310
Howard and McGrath:  War Chief Joseph.
By Willard E. Ireland  311 THE WAR SCARE OF 1854.
The Crimean War grew out of the hostilities which commenced between Russia and Turkey in October, 1853. From the
first it was evident that Great Britain and France might join in
the conflict, and within a few months they were preparing to
intervene on the side of Turkey. Under these circumstances the
British Colonial Office judged it prudent to sound an alert for
the benefit of the colonies. It took the form of a circular dispatch, dated February 23, 1854, which warned that Great
Britain and France were preparing for all contingencies, and
which instructed the British officials throughout the world to act
in conformity with the alliance of the two countries by giving
protection to French subjects and interests, equal to that given
to British interests.1
It was the middle of May before this dispatch reached James
Douglas, Governor of the remote colony of Vancouver Island.
On March 28, fully six weeks before its arrival, Great Britain
had declared war; but this was not known in Vancouver Island
until June, and the Governor did not receive an official notification until as late as July 16.2 Stranger still, Douglas was left for
some months in complete ignorance of the fact that an exchange
of letters between the Russian American Company and the Hudson's Bay Company8 had resulted in an agreement between
Russia and Great Britain which, for practical purposes, made
the whole eastern Pacific a neutral zone. Once this agreement
was concluded, the British Government naturally looked upon
the defence of Vancouver Island as a simple matter, and considered that the occasional visit of a British warship would
(1) Circular, February 23, 1854, signed Clarendon;   MS., Archives of
(2) James Douglas to the Duke of Newcastle, July 20, 1854;   MS.,
Archives of B.C.
(3) For a sketch of the growth of co-operation between the two companies, vide supra, pp. 33-51.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. V.. No. 4.
243 244 Donald C. Davidson. October
suffice. But the Government and colonists in Vancouver Island,
who knew nothing of its existence, naturally worried about a
possible attack from Russian America, and took steps to meet it.
Nor should the fact that the threat to the colony was never
great, except in the minds of the residents of Victoria, be permitted to obscure the fact that their activities were sincere
demonstrations of a desire to do their utmost both for local
defence and for the prosecution of the war in its larger aspects.
The circular of February 23, 1854, was accompanied by a
dispatch in which Douglas was instructed to report any measures
which he might have taken to protect British and French interests and toward co-operation with the British Navy.* The
Governor replied to these instructions on May 16, three days
after he received them. Having punctiliously acknowledged the
part of the dispatches which had little application to Vancouver
Island by stating that he would protect French interests, Douglas
passed on to the much more important question of local defence.
Since the Island was without military protection, he felt that
an irregular force of whites and Indians should be raised in
anticipation of possible attack. He pointed out that he had no
authority to raise such a force and recommended that he be so
empowered. He enclosed a requisition covering the estimated
costs, including those of storehouses, barracks, arming, equipping, and maintaining. In addition to this levy of men, Douglas
assumed that additional protection would be afforded by a detachment of the fleet which would be stationed at Vancouver Island.
He also suggested the advisability of considering an attack on
Russian America, which, he considered, could be taken by a force
of 500 regular troops. This action would preclude the use of
Russian American ports as privateering bases, and would deprive
Russia of her possessions and fur trade in America.5
These tentative proposals of the Governor took into consideration the three factors which were important to the colony's
defence as he saw the problem at the time. These were local
protection against invasion by land, maritime defence against
privateers and enemy vessels, and possible aggressive measures
against Russian America.
(4) Newcastle to Douglas, February 24, 1845;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(5) Douglas to Newcastle, May 16, 1854;  MS., Archives of B.C. 1941 The War Scare of 1854. 245
Unofficial news of the declaration of war reached Victoria in
the middle of June, and Douglas wrote to the Hudson's Bay Company expressing surprise that nothing had been done to protect
the colony, either by sea or by land.6 The minutes of the Council
of Vancouver Island for July 12, 1854, record that consideration
was given to Douglas's proposal to draft all the men in the
colony capable of bearing arms, and to supplement this group
with armed Indians. Douglas found that the Council opposed
his plan; it was felt that the number of white men in the colony
was too few to offer effective resistance against an attack, and
that it was even more dangerous to arm the Indians who might
turn against the white men. It was therefore decided not to
call out the militia, and to leave the defence of the colony to the
British Government.7 Her Majesty's Government, according to
a dispatch to Douglas dated August 5, thought that it would be
" both unnecessary and unadvisable " to give the Governor powers
to spend money on a military force, in view of the directions
which had been given by the Admiralty for ships of war to visit
the colony.8 The Hudson's Bay Company had previously suggested
that the presence of one or two ships in the locality of Vancouver
Island would be adequate for the protection of " our " servants
and colonists, and concurred in the opinion that an armed force
was unnecessary, except in so far as it might serve as protection
against local Indian tribes,9 in which latter case, the Company,
by its charter, would probably have been required to pay the
expenses. As a consequence Douglas was not empowered to raise
an armed force, but he continued to hold the opinion that some
armed force should be at his disposal.10
The one positive action taken in the colony for its defence
was the chartering of the Hudson's Bay Company steamer Otter,
a move which was approved by the Council at the same meeting
(6) Douglas to the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, June 15, 1854, extract enclosed in John Shepherd, Deputy Governor,
to Frederick Peel, August 19, 1854.    Transcript in Archives of B.C.
(7) Minutes of the Council of Vancouver Island (Archives of B.C.,
Memoir No. II.), Victoria, 1918, pp. 24-5.
(8) Sir George Grey to Douglas, August 5, 1854;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(9) John Shepherd to Frederick Peel, August 19, 1854; MS., Archives
of B.C.
(10) Douglas to Sir George Grey, February 1, 1855; MS., Archives of
B.C. 246 Donald C. Davidson. October
at which it decided against calling out the militia. The vessel
and her crew of thirty were to be employed as an armed guard-
ship until London took other measures for the protection of the
colony.11 Thus, at an estimated cost of about £600 per month, an
attempt was made to alleviate the fear of attack in Victoria,
particularly by privateers. It was assumed that the costs would
be paid by the Imperial treasury,12 but, since the action was
taken on local responsibility, the Governor later had great difficulty in justifying and securing payment for the £400 which was
incurred for the short period during which the Otter acted as
patrol. On December 18, 1854, Sir George Grey wrote that the
Government could not hold itself responsible for that charge, and
regretted that Douglas had not waited for instructions before
taking action.13 The Government was ultimately persuaded to
reconsider the matter, as the Hudson's Bay Company would have
had to bear the expenses incurred by the colony. In August,
1855, Douglas was finally informed that the costs would be borne
by the Government,14 and in December of that year he sent his
accounts for the £400.15
With modern communication facilities the colony would long
since have been relieved of its feelings of concern. Had Douglas
been aware of the correspondence which took place between the
Hudson's Bay Company and the Russian American Company
during the earliest months of the war he could have reassured
the residents of Victoria, and would not have been embarrassed
by the measures of protection which he took on his personal
In the middle of February, some weeks before Great Britain
entered the war, the Russian American Company had obtained
Imperial approval of a plan to write the Hudson's Bay Company
suggesting that efforts be made to have the territories of the
two companies declared neutral. The Russian company had told
its Government that this matter had been tentatively discussed
at the time of the lease of the lisiere to the Hudson's Bay Com-
(11) Minutes of the Council of Vancouver Island, loc. cit.
(12) Douglas to Newcastle, August 17, 1854;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(13) Grey to Douglas, December 18, 1854;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(14) Sir William Molesworth to Douglas, August 3,1855; MS., Archives
of B.C.
(15) Douglas to Molesworth, December 10, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C. 1941 The War Scare of 1854. 247
pany and that the latter had approved the idea in principle.16
Soon thereafter a letter was on its way to London, reminding the
Hudson's Bay Company that Sir George Simpson in 1839 had
been of the opinion that it would be to the mutual interest of
the two companies to have their territories declared neutral in
case of war. The Russian company was able to state that it
could secure official approval, if the Hudson's Bay Company
could secure the consent of the British Government to such a
The matter had been simple to arrange in St. Petersburg, and
was to be almost as easy in London. The Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company sent a copy of the Russian letter to his
Government on February 28, covered by a letter which emphasized the defenceless state of the area involved.18 On March 22,
Her Majesty's Government informed the company that it was
willing to agree to a statement of neutrality for the territories
of the two companies, but reserved the right to seize all Russian
vessels and to blockade any Russian port.19 These reservations
were never of significance, but the Russian American Company
promptly made arrangements to have all its vessels fly neutral
flags and to increase trade with California.20 In the middle of
May arrangements for neutrality were complete and acknowledged by both sides.21   The Russian fleet had been informed of
(16) Memorial of Count Nesselrode, January 23/February 4, 1854,
Alaska Boundary Tribunal, Counter Case of the United States, Washington,
D.C, 1903, Appendix, p. 14; cited hereafter as Counter Case of the United
States, Appendix. Also issued as Proceedings of the Alaska Boundary
Tribunal (U.S. Cong., Cong. 58, Sess. 2, S. E. 162), Washington, 1903-04,
vol. IV.
(17) Major-General V. Politkovsky, Chairman, Board of Directors, Russian American Company, to Directors of Hudson's Bay Company, February
2/14, 1854.    Transcript in Archives of B.C.
(18) A. Colvile to the Earl of Clarendon, February 28,1854. Transcript
in Archives of B.C.
(19) H. U. Addington to Hudson's Bay Company, March 22, 1854, Counter Case of the United States, Appendix, p. 18.
(20) Board of Directors, Russian American Company, to Chief Manager
of Colonies, April 16/28, 1854, ibid., pp. 16-17.
(21) John Shepherd to Russian American Company, May 16, 1854, ibid.,
p. 18. 248 Donald C. Davidson. October
the agreement,22 and previous orders to the British fleet23 on the
subject were soon confirmed.24
Technically, Vancouver Island, as a colony, was perhaps subject to attack by Russia. While the Government in St. Petersburg may have realized this, its official attitude was conditioned
by the attitude and position of the Russian American Company.
That organization had a complete monopoly of all phases of
Russian activity in America. The Hudson's Bay Company had
previously occupied a similar position, and a dual relationship
continued in the new colony of Vancouver's Island. No Russian
attack on the colony would have failed to harm the Hudson's
Bay Company. It is doubtful if the northeastern Pacific was
given much serious consideration in either London or St. Petersburg, except by officials of the companies.
Douglas reported that the colony was in " a state of perfect
tranquility" in December, 1854, there being no rumours of
attack from the enemy.25 However, in acknowledging dispatches
which disapproved of his somewhat ambitious plans of the previous summer, he became almost plaintive on the subject of his
inability to allay the fears of the inhabitants by more concrete
measures than passing on promises that the colony would be
visited by ships of war. During 1854 only once had the colony
been paid such a visit.26
The first year of the war saw the completion of the neutrality
agreement and the clarification of the policy of defence of the
area solely by the British fleet. The year 1855 found the colony
acting in co-operation with the Pacific Squadron in several ways
and collecting for the Patriotic Fund.
The story of the colony's co-operation with the squadron,
while marked with traces of discouragement, is of historic interest because it tells of the beginnings of Esquimalt as a naval
(22) Minister of Finance to Admiral of Fleet, April 8/20, 1854, ibid.,
pp. 15-16.
(23) Lord Clarendon to the Admiralty, March 22, 1854;   MS., Archives
of B.C.
(24) R.  Osborne to Rear-Admiral  David Price,  May 4,  1854;   M.S.,
Archives of B.C.
(25) Douglas to Archibald Barclay, December 20, 1854;   MS., Archives
of B.C.
(26) Douglas to Grey, February 1, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C. 1941 The War Scare of 1854. 249
base. In February, 1855, Rear-Admiral Henry W. Bruce, Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific Station, wrote Governor Douglas
from Valparaiso requesting that provisions, coal, and temporary-
hospital accommodation be made ready for a visit of the fleet in
July. While the assembling of the supplies was a worry, the
significance of this task was less than that laid before the colony
in the request for a hospital.
One of the items required was 1,000 tons of coal. When he
received the letter, Douglas was hopeful that this could be assembled by the time the fleet arrived. The meats he planned to
secure from Fort Nisqually. Vegetables were difficult to procure, but Douglas hoped to secure these also.27 Orders were
sent to the superintendent of the coal-mines at Nanaimo for the
coal; the agent of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company was
instructed to forward 2,000 sheep and as much beef as possible,
and the residents of the colony were informed of the coming
visit of the fleet and encouraged to raise vegetables to fill the
prospective demand. In addition, Douglas was of the opinion
that the Admiral should appoint a commissary officer to remain
in Victoria as agent for the purchase of foods from the colony
and from the American settlements.28 Since the colony could
not produce enough, Douglas apparently had sent agents to
Puget Sound to gather together live stock.29 At the end of June
Douglas himself went to Nanaimo in connection with the coal
delivery, and reported that some 900 sheep and 40 head of cattle
were in readiness for the fleet.30 The supplying of the fleet was
completed to the pride and satisfaction of Douglas.31 The hospital was a more thorny problem. Douglas decided the scope of
this project largely on his own responsibility and found his
action difficult to justify, although less so than in the case of the
chartering of the Otter.
(27) Douglas to Barclay, April 25, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(28) Douglas to Rear-Admiral Bruce, May 8, 1855;   MS., Archives of
(29) Douglas to the Colonial Secretary, June 13, 1855;   MS., Archives
of B.C.
(30) Douglas to Bruce, June 28, 1855;   MS., Archives of B.C.
(31) Douglas to William G. Smith, September 14, 1855;   MS., Archives
of B.C. 250 Donald C. Davidson. October
The phrasing of Rear-Admiral Bruce's request for temporary
hospital accommodation was vague. Douglas was quick to detect
that little was said on the subject of costs; indeed, he thought
the Rear-Admiral evaded the issue.32 Despite doubts that the
colony might eventually have to pay for the buildings, he went
ahead with plans. Having found that there was no suitable
building available, the Governor and Council decided to erect
several buildings at Esquimalt.33
Three buildings were completed by the end of June,34 at an
expense of £938/3/6.35 The Governor, was firmly convinced that
they were the most economically built structures in the colony.36
Each of the interconnected buildings was 30 by 50 feet and had
12-foot ceilings and large windows. There was an operating
room, a kitchen, an apartment for the surgeon, and two wards,
capable of accommodating 100 patients.37
The hospital was adequate for an emergency greater than
that created when the squadron visited the colony on its return
from Petropaulovski in the fall of 1854. At that time those
wounded at the siege of the Russian port were taken on to San
Francisco.38 In view of the fact that only one patient, an engineer very ill with scurvy,39 occupied the hospital during the visit
of the squadron in July, 1855, on its return from its second visit
to Petropaulovski, the expense of almost £1,000 might well have
seemed excessive to Rear-Admiral Bruce. He expressed surprise at the expense to which the colony had gone, and wondered
if an existing building might not have been adapted for the
purpose. Douglas replied with a long statement of his reasons
for making a permanent investment in well and cheaply constructed buildings, in preference to modifying a structure which
(32) Douglas to Barclay, April 25, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(33) Douglas to Bruce, May 8, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(34) Douglas to Bruce, June 28, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(35) Douglas to Smith, September 14, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(36) Ibid., September 21, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(37) Ibid., October 10, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(38) W. N. Sage, Sir James Douglas and British Columbia, Toronto,
1930,. p. 182.
(39) Douglas to Smith, July 19, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C. 1941 The War Scare of 1854. 251
would have remained the property of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company.40 The accounts, however, were not challenged
by the Government in London.
" I think you would find it convenient to make this place a
sick Depot, or what is better a general naval Depot for the
Pacific Fleet." So wrote Douglas to Bruce in August, 1855.41
The erection of the hospital had a definite relation to this idea,
for it marked the beginning of Esquimalt's fifty-year history as
a British naval base.
Although Vancouver Island was visited a number of times in
1855 by British warships, the base at Esquimalt was not of
importance in the strategy of the war in the Pacific. It was
a convenient supply-point and not much more. This limitation
was a direct result of the neutrality agreement made between the
fur-trading companies of the nations at war. Had the agreement not been consummated the course of northwestern American history might well have been altered. Russia would have
had to defend Sitka and other American ports, but would also
have had bases for possible attacks on British Columbia.
It seems inconceivable that, at least, the import of the
arrangement was not promptly communicated to Governor
Douglas. Apparently, however, he received no official information on the subject until September, 1855. This represented a
delay of over a year, and is a possible clue to the amount of
thought given to the colony during the war. If Douglas knew
of the agreement before this time he did not feel free to transmit
his information to the colonists or to mention it in his official
dispatches. At long last, he was sent copies of official instructions to the Admiralty on the subject of respecting the neutrality
of Russian American Company's territory, and these provided
him with the information by which he could allay the fears of
the colonists.42 The unusual nature of the agreement may have
accounted for the secrecy observed; but, whatever the reason,
the colony apparently remained in ignorance to a very late date,
despite its close connection with the Hudson's Bay Company and
(40) Douglas to Bruce, October 25, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(41) Ibid., August 3, 1855;  MS., Archives of B.C.
(42) Lord John Russell to Douglas, June 20, 1855;  Douglas to Russell,
September 21, 1855;  MSS., Archives of B.C. 252 Donald C. Davidson. October
despite the visit of ships of the fleet in 1854. Both the company
and officers of the fleet were, of course, well aware of the agreement by the fall of 1854.
At the beginning of the war several Russian warships were
in the Pacific. As a result of the agreement these vessels were
forced to depend for a base on Petropaulovski, on the eastern
side of the Kamchatka peninsula. Accordingly the naval strategy
was confined to the northwestern part of the ocean, where the
very weak Russian squadron made its base. An attack on Petropaulovski in the fall of 1854 was unsuccessful, perhaps because of
the suicide of Rear-Admiral Price just before the attack started.
When an augmented British and French squadron returned to
the attack in May, 1855, it found that the Russians had slipped
away, and was forced to content itself with the destruction of
the fortifications.
Throughout the war the neutrality agreement was respected
by both sides. On July 11, 1855, the Pacific squadron, on its
return from Petropaulovski, approached Sitka. The Russians
were alarmed and sent the Governor's secretary and a translator
out to meet H.M. screw sloop Brisk. Rear-Admiral Bruce asked
questions concerning ships in Sitka harbour, and left a package
of newspapers.   The squadron left without entering the harbour.43
Vancouver Island came through the war unscathed. It had
demonstrated its spirit of co-operation in a number of ways.
It made what would seem to be an excellent showing in collecting contributions for war work. A Patriotic Fund had been
established in Great Britain for the purpose of supporting the
wives and families of members of the armed forces who fell in
action. On receipt of instructions, Douglas promptly appointed
a committee composed of Rev. Edward Cridge, the chaplain;
Robert Barr, the master of the school; and James Yates, to
organize the campaign.44 This action was taken in May, 1855,
and four months later over £60 had been collected.   This amount,
(43) Report of the Board of Directors of the Russian American Company, November 16/28, 1855, Counter Case of the United States, Appendix,
pp. 20-21. Douglas to Sir George Simpson, August 7, 1855; MS., Archives
of B.C.
(44) Grey to Douglas, January 23, 1855; Douglas to Rev. Edward
Cridge, May 16, 1855;  MSS., Archives of B.C. 1941 The War Scare of 1854. 253
which seems large for a small settlement, was warmly acknowledged.45 The same committee was appointed in 1856 to collect
for the Nightingale Fund.46
In general, the conduct of the new colony of Vancouver Island
during the test of war was honourable. While there was fear,
discouragement for the officials, and somewhat casual treatment
by the Home Government, the colony showed its willingness to
do its utmost in meeting the challenge.
Donald C. Davidson.
The University of Redlands,
Redlands, California.
(45) Douglas to Cridge, September 7, 1855; H. Gardiner Fishbourne,
Honourary Secretary, Royal Commission of the Patriotic Fund, to Douglas,
December 10, 1855;  MSS., Archives of B.C.
(46) Douglas to Cridge, May 19, 1856;  MS., Archives of B.C. SIMILKAMEEN TRAILS, 1846-61.*
The story of the discovery and development of transcontinental communications across the northern portion of North
America is one beset with accounts of difficulties encountered by
those travellers who had the hardihood to brave the unfriendly
mountain barriers and forbidding swiftly running rivers of New
Caledonia, as British Columbia was then called. Sir Alexander
Mackenzie, Simon Fraser, and David Thompson were the forerunners of others who, in their own particular way, were not
less intrepid, even though their expeditions leaned towards a
commercial, rather than a scientific or exploratory, end.
The Hudson's Bay Company, under the energetic leadership
of Governor Simpson, in the early 1820's was expanding into
new areas and sending out its men to reconnoitre new trapping-
grounds and fresh routes of transport. Keen as Simpson was
to develop the fur trade to its utmost, he did not consider that the
Fraser River could ever become a waterway of communication
such as was the Columbia. In 1826, in answer to the questions of
Henry Addington, British Under-Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, he says:—
. . . It is not my opinion that it [Fraser River] affords a communication
by which the interior Country can be supplied from the coast, or that it can
be depended on as an outlet for the returns of the interior. I will further
. . . take the liberty of giving it as my opinion that if the Navigation of
the Columbia is not free to the Hudson's Bay Company, and that the Territory to the Northward of it is not secured to them, they must abandon and
curtail their Trade in some parts, and probably be constrained to relinquish
it on the West side of the Rocky Mountains altogether.1
Again, in 1828, after his canoe voyage from Hudson Bay to the
Pacific in company with Archibald McDonald, he reported:
" Frasers & Thompsons Rivers which never were passed, until
this Season by my Canoes, are found exceedingly dangerous even
* Grateful acknowledgment is made of the generous assistance rendered
by Miss Madge Wolfenden, Assistant Provincial Archivist, in checking many
of the historical details of this article.
(1) Otto Klotz (comp.), Certain Correspondence of the Foreign Office
and of the Hudson's Bay Company copied from original documents, London,
1898, Ottawa, 1899, part II., pp. 7-8.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. V.f No. 4.
255 256 E. P. Creech. October
to perfectly light Craft under the most skilful management, & in
the most favorable state of the water, & cannot under any circumstances be attempted by loaded craft.   .   .   ."2
Such remained the opinion in regard to the unnavigability of
Fraser River up to the time of the settling of the Oregon Boundary Treaty in 1846, which made the providing of an all-British
route to the interior of New Caledonia a pressing necessity.3
Although rights of navigation of the Columbia River were
still retained for British subjects by the terms of the Treaty, an
alternative route which might supplement or even eventually
supersede the usual line of communication was considered desirable. This eventuality became an actuality on the outbreak of
an Indian uprising in Oregon in the year 1848, which situation
Alexander Caulfield Anderson summarized as follows:—
Victoria, however, did not at once spring into importance, even as a
Hudson's Bay depot. It was not until 1848, in consequence of an Indian
outbreak locally known in Oregon as the " Cayouse War," that the utility of
the position, from a British point of view, became strikingly apparent. The
communications along the Columbia River (secured to British subjects by
the Oregon Treaty) were stopped through circumstances and it became
suddenly necessary, for the interior supply, to force a passage to the sea by
another route—avoiding that portion of Fraser River, practically unnavi-
gable, lying between the vicinity of Alexandria and the head of navigation
on the lower Fraser, now occupied by the town of Yale. The probability of
this exigency, however, had not been overlooked by the agents of the Hudson
Bay Company—at that time, as I have said, with their dependents, the sole
civilized occupants of the interior. In the summers of 1846 and 1847 explorations under an experienced officer had been made; lines of communication had been traced; and when, in 1848, the Cayouse War suddenly broke
out, these lines of transit were through many difficulties, made available.4
(2) Simpson to William Smith, November 17, 1828. In Frederick Merk,
Fur trade and empire, Cambridge, Mass., 1931, p. 300. For an account of
this voyage see Malcolm McLeod (ed), Peace River, Ottawa, 1872.
(3) " . . . In navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, with
their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as citizens of
the United States; it being, however, always understood, that nothing in
this Article shall be construed as preventing, or intended to prevent, the
Government of the United States from making any regulations respecting
the navigation of the said river or rivers, not inconsistent with the present
Treaty." Portion of Article II. of the Oregon Boundary Treaty, British and
Foreign State Papers, 1845-46, XXXIV., pp. 14-15.
(4) A. C. Anderson, A Brief Account of the Province oj British Columbia, its climate and resources, Victoria, 1883, pp. 3-4. 1941 Similkameen Trails, 1846-61. 257
Anderson, a valued servant of the Hudson's Bay Company,
and a man of diverse gifts, had foreseen, in 1845, the probability
of the closing of the Columbia River to the company brigades.
In his History of the Northwest Coast, written in 1878, he
I judged it prudent therefore, to endeavor to provide . . . some route of
access to the sea which might supplement and perhaps eventually supersede
our usual route of communication, via the Columbia River ... I accordingly, wrote to the Governor (Sir George Simpson) in council at Norway
House . . . and requested to be allowed ... to explore a route to Fort
Langley on the lower Fraser through a tract of country at that time
practically unknown.6
This proposal was accepted, and because of " his active habits
and experience in Caledonia," Anderson was considered " fully
competent to carry it into effect."6 Thus to him must go the
honour of first penetrating the barriers of the Hope Mountains
and proving the possibility of a communication between the navigable waters of the lower Fraser River and the rolling plains of
the Thompson River district.
An examination of existing records and maps has been made
to determine, if possible, the exact location of the early trails
which were subsequently followed. These routes comprise A. C.
Anderson's 1846 and 1847 explorations, the Brigade trails, the
Hope or Dewdney trail, and the Whatcom trails, each of which
will be discussed in turn.
A. C. Anderson's Routes.7
On May 15, 1846, Anderson set out from Fort Kamloops on
Thompson River with a party of five men to examine, as had
been suggested by Chief Factor Peter Skene Ogden, the route
west of Fraser River by the chain of lakes from Lillooet to
(5) A. C. Anderson, History of the Northwest Coast, pp. 50-51. MS.,
Academy of Pacific Coast History, University of California, Berkeley, California.    Transcript in Archives of B.C.
(6) Extract, Peter Skene Ogden to Messrs. Tod and Manson, October 22,
1845.    Transcript in Archives of B.C.
(7) Two original manuscript maps of this locale by A. C. Anderson are
preserved in the Archives of B.C., i.e., Original sketch of Exploration
between 1846 and 1849; and Map of a portion of the Colony of British
Columbia compiled from various sources, including original Notes from personal exploration between the years 1832 and 1851, 23rd May, 1867. 258
E. P. Creech.
to the Interior of
ACAndersons Routa 1846        Camps on Brigade Trail
Blackeyea Trail -,_,_       *l   Hanson Camp
jiat_tod.Tr.iu      ««%ssss£c%r*
Whatcom Trait                    __*_       ^4  N«r Lodtston-Late
Dewdney (Hope) Trail              X5   Campenwnt d«* femmes 1941 Similkameen Trails, 1846-61. 259
Harrison River.8 They travelled by way of Kamloops Lake,
Thompson River, Bonaparte River, Hat Creek, and Pavilion
Creek to the Indian village of Pavilion; thence via Fraser River
to the mouth of Cayoosh Creek, near the present site of Lillooet.
From there the trail followed Cayoosh Creek, Seton Creek,
Anderson Lake, Gates River, Birkenhead River, Lillooet (Anderson's Harrison) River, Lillooet Lake, Harrison Lake, and Fraser
River to Fort Langley, which was reached on May 24th. Horses
and canoes were used whenever practicable and, to expedite
matters and do away with troublesome packs, the party " lived on
the country."
The return trip, which was begun on May 28, was first of all
by canoe up the Fraser to the mouth of Silver (Anderson's Tlae-
Kullum) Creek, where a landing was made, and an investigation
of the possibilities of a trail to the eastward executed with negative results. Returning to the river the journey was resumed by
canoe to the mouth of the Coquihalla (Anderson's Que-que-alla)
River. Having reached this river they proceeded up it to the
Nicolum River, up that river, and thence down Sumallo (Anderson's Simal-a-ouch or Simall-a-ow) Creek to Skagit River; then
up the Skagit and Snass (Anderson's Sk-ha-ist) Rivers to the
East Fork of the Snass. This branch of the Snass was followed
to the divide which was crossed to join the Tulameen at a small
lake which Anderson likened to the Committee's Punch Bowl
in the Rocky Mountains. Thus the name " Punch Bowl" or
" Governor and Council's Punch Bowl" was given, and the lake
was referred to as such by the early map-makers and writers
until, with the giving up of the route for better lines of communication, its exact location became uncertain. In recent years,
however, owing to the detailed topographical surveys made by
the late R. D. McCaw and Mr. G. J. Jackson, one is now able to
follow Anderson's exact route without any possibility of doubt.
From the " Punch Bowl" Anderson's route lay down the
Tulameen River to Otter Creek, near the present site of Tula-
(8) Judge F. W. Howay gives an exhaustive account of Anderson's
expeditions in his " The Raison d'etre of Forts Yale and Hope," Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, xvi., 1922, section II., pp. 49-64.
See also J. C. Goodfellow, " Fur and Gold in Similkameen," British Columbia
Historical Quarterly, ii., 1938, pp. 67-88. 260 E. P. Creech. October
meen, where, opportunely, the Indian known as " Black-eye "9
was met. Black-eye offered to guide Anderson's party by " a
shorter and better road to fall upon the track to Kamloops,"
instead of going to "the Red Earth Fork " (Princeton) where an
arrangement had been made to meet the horses. This offer was
readily accepted and Black-eye sent his son-in-law to have the
horses brought from the Fork. Under Black-eye's direction the
party crossed by way of Otter Creek to the vicinity of Myren
Creek. Thence " across through a fine country till we fall on the
Zouchameen road a little above the Rocher de la Biche." This
" cut-off " was evidently up the valley of Myren Creek and down
that of Gulliford Creek to again join Otter Creek, thus avoiding
following around the bend of the latter. The route was then
" 10 ms Westward of N, then 5ms: NNE to encampement on
McDonald's or Bourdignon's river "—apparently up Otter Creek
to an encampment on Quilchena Creek. From this camp the road
followed the river 6 miles to Nicola Lake and along its eastern
(9) " This old man, in whom, from his long connexion with the Fort at
Thompson's River, and the character he has borne, I have much confidence,
informed me that there exists a reluctance on the part of the Fraser's River
Indians to our opening a road in this direction; from a dread of its affording
facilities to the Indians of the Similkameen to make war upon them. He
even went so far as to state that Pahallak, (a chief who had been engaged
by C. T. Yale and sent on to Kamloops as guide, but with whom I did not
fall in) had tampered with him, to deter him from rendering us any effectual
assistance. This statement, which from several concurrent circumstances
wears an air of likelihood, may afford a clue to the urgent desire of the guide
I procured at Fort Langley to conduct us by the rugged and impracticable
defile of the Tlae-Kullum. But I am of opinion that this reluctance,
admitting its existence, is not general, but confined merely to a few individuals; and the measures I adopted to efface the impression, will, I imagine,
have had their due effect. I mention this circumstance in explanation of the
exaggerated account of the difficulties of the way in which some of the
natives at Fort Langley, seem, upon being questioned, to have indulged."
A. C. Anderson to the Board of Management, Fort Vancouver, June 23,1846.
MS., Archives of B.C.
Black-eye's trail or portage, not to be confused with the short-cut here
mentioned, was an Indian hunting-trail between Campement des Femmes,
near the confluence of Otter Creek and Tulameen River, to somewhere in the
vicinity of the " Punch Bowl." It climbed over Jackson Mountain and
crossed the plateau east and south of the Tulameen River, passing Lodestone
Lake. Anderson not only describes it in his 1846 Journal but also traces it
on his 1867 map. 1941 Similkameen Trails, 1846-61. 261
side crossing Nicola River, the next landmark mentioned being
San-Poila River (Campbell Creek). The party pushed on
"through a beautiful country to Kamloops," arriving there on
June 9, after a journey of thirteen days.10
The Brigade Trails.11
Although Anderson reported that a practicable route for the
brigades might be opened along the line of his return journey of
1846, James Douglas and Peter Skene Ogden, who were in
charge of the Columbia Department of the Hudson's Bay Company at that time, did not favour the project.   Consequently, in
1847, Anderson was instructed to explore a route from Kamloops
along the Thompson River by way of the Cascade Mountains and
Fraser River to the Indian village of Spuzzum. Not finding a
suitable trail through the valley of the Thompson River, he did,
however, find one farther to the south by branching off from the
Kamloops-Vermilion Forks trail at Nicola Lake, following along
the lake to Nicola River and descending it to its junction with
Coldwater River. This river was ascended for about 20 miles to
cut across (crossing a branch of Spius Creek, called " La Grimace " by Anderson) to Uztlius Creek, a tributary of Anderson
River, and thence to the Fraser which was reached at Kequeloose,
an Indian village on the eastern side.12 The dangerous waters of
the canyons presented many difficulties, but Anderson thought
these could be overcome by making portages across the river at
the very bad places.
Douglas, who was not entirely satisfied with Anderson's sanguine report, decided to investigate matters for himself. Judging
the water route quite impracticable for the transportation of
goods and furs, he ordered a short stretch of road to be built on
the west side of the Fraser from Spuzzum, where a ferry was to
be used, to the head of navigation, thus avoiding the rapids.   This
(10) A. C. Anderson, Journal of an expedition . . . taken with the
view of ascertaining the practicability of a communication with the interior
for the import of the annual supplies, 1846.    MS., Archives of B.C.
(11) For detailed maps of the section from Hope to Peers Creek, see
Plan No. 64, Odd Plans, B.C. Department of Lands; and from Peers Creek
to Sowaqua Creek, see Plan No. 1897, B.C. Department of Public Works.
(12) A. C. Anderson, " Journal of an Expedition to Fort Langley via
Thompson's River, Summer of 1847," in his History of the Northwest Coast,
pp. 77-84. 262 E. P. CREECH. October
road, which was known as the " Douglas portage," was built in
time for the two brigades of 1848 to try out the new route, and
Fort Yale was erected as a junction-point between land and
water travel. The attempt was fraught with numerous disasters13 and the outbreak of the aforementioned Cayouse War in
Washington Territory, which foreshadowed international complications, made imperative the adopting of a reliable and convenient communication with the Interior.
During the summer of 1847 Henry N. Peers was sent to
investigate Anderson's route of 1846 eastward to the Tulameen.
Peers found that the snow, which Anderson had considered a
definite problem, did not present such a difficulty after all, and he
traced a line of communication, somewhat modified from that of
Anderson, which was finally adopted for the return brigade of
Late in 1848, Douglas, realizing the utter futility of the
brigades trying to use the difficult and dangerous Kequeloose-
Yale route, gave orders for the building of a road eastward from
the Coquihalla to the Tulameen along the line traced in 1847 by
Peers.14 Time did not permit of this road being ready for the
outward brigade of 1849, but another trading-post, Fort Hope,
at the mouth of the Coquihalla, was rushed to completion, and
the men of the return brigade cut a new trail through the Hope
Mountains to the Similkameen Valley.
The Brigade Trail, as it came to be known, followed the
Coquihalla Valley, passing by Kawkawa Lake, to Peers Creek,
up that creek and over Manson Mountain to Sowaqua Creek and
over the height of land to Podunk Creek, passing through Campe-
ment de Chevreuil just below the summit on the Sowaqua Creek
side. It was while resting at this encampment that Chief Trader
Paul Fraser was killed in 1855 by a falling tree; his grave can
still be seen by the traveller.15   The trail followed the left bank
(13) Howay, " The Raison d'etre of Forts Yale and Hope," loc. cit.
(14) Douglas to John Tod, October 30, 1848. Transcript in Archives of
B.C. See also Douglas to J. M. Yale, October 30, 1848. MS., Archives
of B.C.
(15) H. S. Palmer to Col. R. C. Moody, November 23, 1859. MS.,
Archives of B.C. For a printed version see H. S. Palmer, " Report on the
country between Fort Hope and Fort Colville," Papers Relative to the
Affairs of British Columbia, London, 1859-1862, part III., p. 82. 1941 Similkameen Trails, 1846-61. 263
of Podunk Creek to the Tulameen River, which was forded. At
this place it crossed Anderson's route of 1846. Another stopping-
place on the way was known as the " Horseguard camp,"16 which
was situated on the right bank of the Tulameen at the ford.
Climbing to the plateau east of Tulameen River, Black-eye's trail
was apparently followed past Lodestone Lake (another camping-
site), over Jackson Mountain to the Tulameen River near the
present town of Tulameen. At this place, formerly the site of
Campement des Femmes, it joined Anderson's route of 1846.
Until the completion of the Dewdney trail in 1861, the Brigade
trail provided the main approach to the Southern Interior.
The Hope or Dewdney Trail.17
With the discovery of gold in Similkameen late in 1859, the
problem of finding a means of access to the mines presented itself
to the infant colony of British Columbia. Governor Douglas employed the Royal Engineers to survey a line of communication
from Hope to the east, and Edgar Dewdney18 and Walter
Moberly were commissioned to build a good pack-trail to take the
place of the very rugged brigade trail hitherto used chiefly by
the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company.
The line as laid out by the Royal Engineers under Lieutenant-
Colonel R. C. Moody, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works
for the colony of British Columbia, followed Anderson's return
route of 1846 as far as Snass Creek. At that point, instead of
following the eastern branch of the creek, the Engineers, in
order to procure a better gradient, favoured the western fork to
cross the divide below the " Punch Bowl." The terms of the
contract were for a pack-trail to this point, since the Whatcom
and Brigade trails led thence to Vermilion Forks.
(16) Douglas to A. C. Anderson, March 18, 1850.    MS., Archives of B.C.
(17) The maps and plans for this trail are as follows: Detailed plans
by the Royal Engineers, 1861, Nos. 18-21, in the B.C. Department of Lands;
Original map, No. 20, undated, in the B.C. Department of Lands; and the
geological map, No. 82, 1877, in the B.C. Department of Lands.
(18) A sketch of the life and achievements of Edgar Dewdney is given
by Madge Wolfenden in " Pathfinders and Road-builders: Edgar Dewdney,"
British Columbia Public Works Journal, July, 1938, pp. 3, 14. 264 E. P. Creech. October
Before the work was completed, Governor Douglas, acting
against the advice of Colonel Moody,19 instructed Dewdney to
extend the trail from the " Punch Bowl " to Vermilion Forks,
cutting across the headwaters of Tulameen River and Granite
Creek to join Whipsaw Creek some 5 miles below its source in
Hope Pass. The trail was then to follow Whipsaw Creek and
Similkameen River to the Forks. This Dewdney refused to do
because of a disagreement over the contract and at the end of
1860 he left the work, discouraged, and his trail remained unfinished beyond the " Punch Bowl."
Eventually, in 1861, under the direction of Captain J. M.
Grant, R.E., " the greatest builder of them all,"20 an extension
of Dewdney's Hope-Similkameen trail to Rock Creek was undertaken, for which Dewdney and Moberly again contracted. This
enterprise, which was a very ambitious scheme of Governor
Douglas, was to have been a wagon-road. Again, trouble ensued,
this time on account of insufficiency of funds for such an expensive undertaking. The result was that only 25 miles of a
wide road was built eastward from Hope. A compromise was
effected by improving the remainder of the pack-trail to the
" Punch Bowl" where Dewdney had left it the previous year,
and extending it to a termination at Vermilion Forks as instructed by Governor Douglas the previous year. The townsite
of Princeton, named to commemorate the visit of the Prince of
Wales (later King Edward VII.) to Eastern Canada, had been
surveyed late in 1860. Vermilion Forks, picturesquely named
by the fur-traders and for many years a meeting-place for
trappers and traders, was superseded by the typical frontier
mining town, and the first link in the chain of what might have
been a transcontinental highway was forged. The completion of
this link with the existing trail running parallel to the Similkameen River southward to the American border gave the miners
what they needed—communication with Hope—and at the same
time secured for the British merchants the trade in supplies,
which, until the completion of the trail, had been going across
the border to the Americans.   The continuation of the Dewdney
(19) R. C. Moody to Douglas, August 23, 1860.    MS., Archives of B.C.
(20) F. W. Howay, The Work of the Royal Engineers in British Columbia, Victoria, 1910, p. 8. 1941 Similkameen Trails, 1846-61. 265
trail eastward to Wild Horse Creek in 1865 is beyond the scope
of this article.21.
The Whatcom Trails.22
The first Whatcom trail23 built by the residents of Whatcom,
Washington Territory, now Bellingham, was undertaken in the
spring of 1858 with the object of diverting to that town a share
of the trade which was bound to follow the influx of miners to
the Fraser River gold diggings. Its line of direction was up the
Nooksack River, across the international boundary at or near the
present town of Huntingdon, along the eastern side of Sumas
Lake (since reclaimed) to the Chilliwack River, thence to the
Fraser " about thirty miles below Fort Hope."24 The original
intention was that it should lead overland to Fort Hope, but so
numerous were the difficulties encountered in its construction
that a compromise was effected by diverting it to the Fraser
River at the point above mentioned.
The trail was far from an immediate success and the people
of Whatcom soon realized that the popularity of a route to the
goldfields by way of their town depended on its superiority over
the existing routes wholly through British territory. A United
States engineer, Captain W. W. DeLacy, undertook to locate such
a trail by extending the existing trail farther inland with the
object of linking it to the old Hudson's Bay Company's brigade
trail, for by this time the "bars" of the lower Fraser were
becoming exhausted and the miners were concentrating their
attention on Thompson River and other up-country areas.
DeLacy's task was a stupendous one for he had to search for a
suitable pass through the Cascade Mountains, but, after sur-
(21) This has been dealt with in Harold T. Nation, " The Dewdney
Trail," Fourth Report and Proceedings of the British Columbia Historical
Association, 1929, pp. 30-33.
(22) For the maps in reference to this trail see: Detailed plans by the
Royal Engineers, 1861, Nos. 17 and 19, B.C. Department of Lands; and
Miscellaneous map No. 3, B.C. Department of Lands. It is also shown on
A. C. Anderson, Hand-book and map to the Gold Region of Frazer's and
Thompson's Rivers, San Francisco, 1858.
(23) See R. L. Reid, " The Whatcom Trails to the Fraser River Mines
in 1858," Washington Historical Quarterly, xviii., 1927, pp. 199-206, 271-276.
(24) The Victoria Gazette, July 7, 1858. 266 E. P. Creech. October
mounting untold difficulties, he succeeded in locating a route.
The first part of this route passed along Chilliwack River to
Chilliwack Lake. R. L. Reid states, chiefly on the authority of
the Indian Chief Sapass, that the trail from the head of Chilliwack (Summit) Lake followed up Klabneh (Dolly Varden)
Creek, over the divide and down to the Skagit River.ZB But from
the Reports of the International Boundary Commissioners, a trail
from Chilliwack Lake following creeks easterly, northerly, and
easterly to the Skagit River, is recorded.26 This would appear to
be by Depot Creek, across the divide to and down Maselpanik
Creek, and then down Klesilkwa River to the Skagit River. Then
following the Skagit up to Sumallo River DeLacy's trail joined
Anderson's 1846 route, which it followed up the Skagit River and
Snass Creek across the divide and beyond the " Punch Bowl " to
join Black-eye's trail. This latter trail was then followed to its
junction with the Brigade trail, and so on to Kamloops.
DeLacy's trail, built hurriedly over a rough country, was not
a good one and travel over it was difficult and arduous. Because
of this and on account of the centre of interest in mining shifting
from place to place, this trail was doomed to the fate of many
another trail in the colony. Although finished during the summer
of 1858, it was practically out of date and unnecessary even by
that time. Nevertheless, " even if his endeavors proved to be
useless, one must admire the indomitable spirit of the man."27
The foregoing account of the various trails to the Similkameen country have been given in an attempt to bring together
the various exploits of the pioneer road-builders of that part of
the Province and to record the measure of success they attained
and the usefulness their accomplishments have served in the past.
(25) R. L. Reid, " The Whatcom Trails to the Fraser River Mines in
1858," loc. cit.
(26) " Working parties were then pushed forward upon the trail between
Chilukweyuk depot and lake, a distance of 35 miles, which was greatly
improved and in some places diverted. . . . The trail used between Chilukweyuk Lake and the Skagit was reopened and improved by the Americans
before our parties had advanced so far." Col. J. S. Hawkins to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, May 31,1860, Otto Klotz, op. cit, part III.,
p. 34.
(27) R. L. Reid, " The Whatcom Trails to the Fraser River Mines in
1858," loc. cit. 1941 Similkameen Trails, 1846-61. 267
The gathering of the material was, in a way, accidental. It took
shape some three years ago when the Geographic Branch of the
Provincial Department of Lands was about to issue a new map
of the Similkameen District and notes concerning the many trails
had to be compiled in order that their routes could be traced
upon the map.
With the building of the Kettle Valley Railway along the
southern border of the Province, and the construction of a motor-
road in the same area,28 the old trails have long since passed into
disuse. But the memory of the sturdy pioneers whose time and
energy were given to exploring the country and developing its
resources is still green and to them we to-day look back with
admiration and respect.
E. P. Creech.
Victoria, B.C.
(28)  This motor-road is still in process of construction and far from
Should students who seek a liberal education study anything
in particular — mathematics, for example, rather than typewriting; history rather than automobile driving? Are there, in
other words, any basic aims which liberal education—I am not
speaking of technical training—ought to pursue, and, if so, are
there any subjects, any branches of knowledge, the study of
which is particularly calculated to realize these aims ?
A very little reflection shows that there are permanent human
relationships and capacities, and it is my conviction that any
sound system of liberal education must be built upon them.
Change is to-day so obvious, so rapid, and so vocal that anybody
who says that anything is permanent runs the risk of being
called an old fogy or, worse still, a mid-Victorian. The word
permanent is scarcely respectable in progressive circles. Change
has become so unco-ordinated and disorderly that a moratorium
on scientific research and invention has actually been proposed
seriously. The accelerated pace of change in our life to-day has
given rise to the pedagogical slogan, " Education for a Changing
World." The Progressive Education movement has, no doubt,
substantial achievements to its credit, especially in the realm of
educational psychology, but it seems to be suffering from an
uncritical belief in the mystic efficacy of educational change, no
matter in what direction, a naive confidence that change is necessarily progress. " Like a baby shaking a rattle," an enlightened
critic of Progressive Education has written, " we seem to be
utterly content with action, provided it is sufficiently vigorous
and noisy." And he went on to remark: " In the last analysis
a very large part of American educational thought, inquiry, and
experimentation is much ado about nothing." There is, indeed,
no great novelty in the idea of a changing world or in a realization of the fact of change on the part of educators, as Professor
Henry Johnson makes abundantly clear in his informing and
charming little book, An Introduction to the History of the Social
Sciences in Schools, which takes the novelty out of most of the
* An address delivered to the Graduate Historical Society of the University of British Columbia, August 6, 1941.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. V.. No. 4.
269 270 Robert Livingston Schuyler. October
supposed innovations of recent years in history-teaching; a book,
let me add, that ought to be read by all teachers of history and
especially by all educational administrators and curriculum experts who tell the teachers how to teach.
In a physical sense, of course, nothing is permanent, and no
long-range prediction of physical science is safer than that which
foretells the extinction, under a dying sun, of the human race
and all its works; if, indeed, some cosmic incident, such as the
bursting of the sun or its collision with another star, does not
annihilate us in the meantime. But, disregarding the unescap-
able doom in store for our descendants and taking the cosmically
short-range view, we, as persons interested in education, can,
and I believe that we ought to, think in terms of permanent
human relationships and capacities. For it is these, I submit,
which should determine the aims of liberal education, however
much the content of particular studies and branches of knowledge
may change.
One such relationship is that between man and the physical
universe which surrounds and includes him and conditions his
existence. This relationship is evidently a permanent one, unaffected by the changes and chances of this mortal life. This is
not, of course, to say that man's conception of the universe has
been unchanging, but ever since man has been man he has had
some conception of it. Any programme of liberal education, to be
worthy of the name, must include some study of physical science;
and, in view of man's relation to his earthly abode, geography
and geology ought not to be omitted.
Another permanent relationship is implicit in the fact that
man, whatever else he may be, is a living being. As such he is
related to all else that lives. The claim of the biological sciences
to a place in liberal education does not seem open to dispute.
Ever since man has been man he has possessed the faculty of
speech. He is the talking animal. Without the capacity to use
language, thought, obviously, could not be communicated, and it
is very doubtful if there would be anything that could be called
thought to communicate. Life could not be lived on a human
level. No particular language is permanent, and some of the
noblest of them are no longer spoken. Our own is only a few
hundred years old and is continuously changing, let us hope for 1941 History in a Changing World. 271
the better, though mid-Victorians are not sure that this is always
the case. It is an affectation, and usually an intellectually snobbish affectation, to say that there is any one language which all
educated persons must know. But everybody must know something of at least one language, and it would seem to be desirable
that he should be able to use it fluently, correctly, and forcefully.
This suggests another objective of liberal education. It is not
unheard of for men and women to reach the stage of university
work without the ability to write the English language with precision and coherence. It is one of the scandals of secondary and
collegiate education.
All persons, except idiots, are capable, in some degree, of
logical thought—of making correct inferences, perceiving implications, detecting fallacies. This faculty appears to be a permanent attribute of homo sapiens. It is what gives him the right
to call himself sapiens. But it is a faculty that needs to be cultivated and disciplined, and under cultivation and discipline it
• has made possible what are perhaps the loftiest soarings of the
human mind. Even in the speaking and writing of persons who
pass for educated non-sequiturs and other confusions in thought
are often encountered. For the cultivation of the logical faculty
mathematics (broadly defined) is the unrivalled instrument.
Liberal education cannot do without mathematics.
The subjects known as the social sciences are comparatively
late arrivals in the curriculum, either in secondary or in higher
education, mere infants alongside of mathematics. The reason
for including them, or some of them at least, in any programme
of liberal education is that one of the outstanding permanent
human relationships is that of the individual to society. No man
liveth unto himself. Community life is as natural to humankind
as to ants or bees. The notion that man first lived in a pre-social
state of individual self-determination—a " state of nature," as it
used to be called—however influential it may have been in the
history of political theory, never had the slightest foundation in
fact. It was his gregariousness that enabled man, first, to survive, and then to become civilized. To-day we are all members of
various groups, and it behooves us to know something about their
nature, their organization, and their functions; and this brings
sociology, economics, politics, law, and other social studies into 272 Robert Livingston Schuyler. October
education. Nowhere else, it may be remarked in passing, is the
current educational ferment so heady and effervescent as in the
field of the social sciences; nowhere else is " education for a
changing world " changing so vociferously.
The last permanent human relationship of significance for
education that I would remind you of is man's relationship to the
past that stretches indefinitely behind him. We know something
from personal memory of an infinitesimal part of the very recent
past; but for anything beyond this our knowledge of what has
happened must depend upon records of some kind and the uses
we can make of them. That is to say, it must depend upon history. And even history can give us only some glimpses, for only
a few fragments of the structure of past events can ever be
recovered. George Macaulay Trevelyan has put this thought in
an eloquent metaphor: " On the shore where time casts up its
stray wreckage we gather corks and broken planks, whence much
indeed may be argued and more guessed; but what the great
Ship was that has gone down into the deep, that we shall never
see." In view of the length of time during which these corks and
broken planks have been more or less systematically gathered and
pieced together it may seem strange that history was so tardy in
making its appearance in formal educational programmes. Historical study was not a part of the educational curriculum in
antiquity or in the Middle Ages. History was not one of the
Seven Liberal Arts. Its value in formal education does not seem
to have been very seriously urged before the sixteenth century.
It appears to have been in that century and in Germany that it
took its place as a recognized subject of study in schools. The
earliest chair of history to be established in an English university
was the Camden Professorship of Ancient History, at Oxford,
founded in 1622. A century later, in 1724, Professorships of
Modern History were established at Oxford and Cambridge. In
English schools, history, apart from ancient history, which came
in as ancillary to Greek and Roman literature, was scarcely
studied at all before the nineteenth century.
History, it should be emphasized, is not co-ordinate with the
other subjects that have been mentioned. It is really not a "subject " at all. It belongs to all subjects; it is a way of studying
any of them.    You cannot study language mathematically, or 1941 History in a Changing World. 273
mathematics biologically, or physical science politically, but you
can study the physical sciences, language, and mathematics, as
well as the social sciences, historically. You can study anything
historically, and to call a person a student or professor of history
leaves him about as indeterminate as to call him a student or professor of knowledge. History is commonly thought of nowadays
as related most closely to the social sciences, but really it has no
greater natural affinity with them than with art, religion, physical
science, or what you will.
The educational values of historical study and the educational
aims it ought to pursue have long been subjects of discussion and
controversy. If we review briefly some of the educational claims
that have been made for history, a significant conclusion, I think,
will present itself.
An immense amount of historical study and writing has been
inspired by a religious motive. Historical interpretation has
always been influenced by the prevailing intellectual climate. In
the ages of religious faith, when theology was the queen of
sciences and history was written by churchmen, events were
viewed as having taken place under an overruling Providence.
To Christian Fathers and mediaeval monkish chroniclers—and
not to them alone—a conviction that the historic process had been
controlled by a Divine purpose was the essence of the philosophy
of history. Such was the historical interpretation of Bishop
Bossuet, in his Discours sur I'histoire universelle, a work that has
been called " the last great monument of the Augustinian philosophy of history "; and so he saw the Roman Empire, which united
under a single rule so many different peoples formerly alien to
one another, as a potent means created by Providence for the
spread of the Christian gospel, an interpretation which had been
a commonplace of Christian historiography since the days of St.
Augustine and his disciple Orosius. History thus conceived was
the handmaid of religion and a boundless source of human edification. Its function was to " assert Eternal Providence and justify
the ways of God to man." It needed no other, and could have no
higher, educational justification.
The conception of history as an ethical guide has had a long
career. According to Tacitus, the great virtue of history was to
prevent meritorious actions from being forgotten and to deter 274 Robert Livingston Schuyler. October
men from evil by fear of posterity's reprobation. This ethical
object naturally appealed to Christian moralists and reformers.
Thus the Venerable Bede wrote: " If history relates good things
of good men, the attentive hearer is excited to imitate that which
is good; but if it mentions evil deeds of evil men, the pious reader
learns to shun that which is hurtful and perverse, and is excited
to do things which he knows to be good and pleasing to God." A
similar thought was in Luther's mind when he said that from
history " we learn what things those who were pious and wise
pursued . . . and how it fared with them, or how they were
rewarded; and again how they lived who were wicked and
obstinate in their ignorance and what punishments overtook
them." History thus conceived was a branch of homiletics, exhorting to virtue and deterring from vice. Its primary function
was to preach.
The belief that history repeats itself is very old and very persistent. It was held by Thucydides and is held nowadays by
many men in the street and by some educators. If this belief is
correct, then a knowledge of the past enables us to predict the
future. History becomes prophet. Many historical philosophers
have played with this alluring idea, which originated in an
ancient theory of recurrence in history. Its best known recent
exponent was Oswald Spengler with his doctrine of a cyclical
development common to all cultures—a doctrine elaborated with
the fruits of omnivorous reading, philosophical embroidery, and
poetic fervor, and presented with unbounded self-confidence and
dogmatism. " Every culture," Spengler announces, " every adolescence and maturing and decay of a culture, every one of its
intrinsically necessary stages and periods, has a definite duration,
always the same, always recurring with the emphasis of a symbol." Before the publication of his magnum opus, Der Untergant
des Abendlandes, everybody was free, so he tells us, to hope what
he pleased about the future, but now it is everybody's business to
inform himself of what can happen " and therefore of what, with
the unalterable necessity of destiny and irrespective of personal
ideals, hopes or desires, will happen." If we know what befell
Babylon, we know what destiny has in store for London and New
York. History, as conceived by Spengler, offers the possibility
of " predetermining the spiritual form, duration, rhythm, mean- 1941 History in a Changing World. 275
ing, and product of the still unaccomplished stages of our Western
history." If this, or anything approaching this were true, the
educational utility of historical study would need no further
The use of history as an instrument of patriotic propaganda
is familiar to us all. It seems to be about as old as patriotism.
Professor Johnson refers to a history text-book published in Germany in 1505, the purpose of which was " to make young Germans proud of their German past and to stimulate them to
enlarge the fame of Germans." Its author flourished rather
early in the history of patriotism, but highly developed patriotic
historians of later times have not been able to improve much upon
his technique, for " he wrote," says Johnson, " of anything that
promoted his purpose, and anything which did not seem to promote his purpose he simply excluded." He actually accomplished
the patriotic feat of excluding Canossa! His spiritual descendants are flourishing throughout the world to-day, and the young
of all nations are being made duly proud of their national past by
means of history in school.
At present the most " progressive " educational opinion regarding history is that its only real value is to explain the present.
According to this view history is useful only as giving the setting
of current events and the background of contemporary civilization ; and so-called " contemporary history " is necessarily the
most important part of history. The educational claims of " contemporary history " are by no means novel; they have been set
forth from time to time during the last two or three hundred
years. And were not the greatest of the ancient historians—
Herodotus, Thuycidides, Tacitus—contemporary historians? But
the-past-as-explaining-the-present doctrine no doubt owes much
of its current vogue to the comparatively recent spread of evolutionary habits of thought. As to the predominance of this doctrine in the teaching of American schools to-day there seems to
be no doubt. Speaking from the fullness of his knowledge, Professor Johnson tells us that history in the school curriculum
" now revolves around current problems in about the way that
history in the eighteenth century revolved around examples of
conduct." In both cases, he adds, the principle is " to take out of
the past only what is directly useful in the present."   In our 276 Robert Livingston Schuyler. October
college, too, the trend toward contemporary history has been
marked. It should not be inferred that I have any quarrel with
the study of recent history. I merely deny that it is the only part
of history that is worth serious study, that one who concerns
himself with remoter periods is wasting his time and should be
dismissed with contempt as " a mere antiquarian."
Now the significant thing, it seems to me, about all such
theories of the utility of history as I have touched upon is this:
that the attempt to derive from the study of the past the educational values that are sought for, results in a treatment of the
past which is repugnant to that spirit of free inquiry that is the
essence of the scientific attitude, whether in the study of history
or of anything else. Nothing could be more unscientific than to
select historical materials, interpret events, and organize a narrative in the light of some assumption, and then to claim that
" history teaches " the truth of that assumption. Such raids upon
the past do not acquire scientific respectability even if the raiders
have complete faith in the truth of their assumptions, and the
objectives which they have in view happen to be ethically or
socially desirable. It would be superfluous to demonstrate that
the attitude of those who look upon history as a means of inculcating morality or patriotism is far removed from the spirit of
science. But what about the attitude of those who believe that
it is the prime business of history to explain the present? This
doctrine has captivated Progressive Education; it is a cherished
article of faith of what has been called for the last thirty years or
so the " new history "; it has been embraced with ardour by
social scientists. It deserves the thoughtful consideration of all
mature students of history.
The past has produced the present, but it is the past as it was
that has produced the present as it is. If we were historically
omniscient, if we knew the whole past as it was, we should understand the whole present, in the sense of knowing all its antecedents. But the worst way to gain insight into the past as it was
is to study the past with one eye fixed on the present. Present-
mindedness is and always has been the great source of anachronism, the great distorter of the past, the great enemy of
historical-mindedness. All propagandist history is present-
minded in the sense that it aims at objectives in the present, but 1941 History in a Changing World. 277
what is in question is something subtler, something more difficult
to detect and make allowances for, something of which the writer
or teacher of history may himself be quite unconscious. Far
from being " new," present-mindedness is extremely old, in fact
primitive. It is indeed, the natural way of looking at the past,
the way in which primitive man, no doubt, looked at his past..
What is comparatively new is historical-mindedness, a product
of the scientific spirit applied to the study of the past. Using the
present as a basis of reference in historical study causes us to
see the past through the medium of our own standards and presuppositions, to select for emphasis among past events what
seems significant to us rather than what seemed significant to
contemporaries. It leads to an oversimplification of the complexity of historical processes and to an exaggeration of the
resemblances and an obscuring of the unlikenesses between past
and present. Even in our own memories past experiences are
coloured by subsequent events. A description of a state of mind
at a critical juncture of life, written from memory fifty
years afterwards in an autobiography, would not be identical
with a description of it written in a diary at the time. And
diaries are notoriously more reliable as historical sources than
Why is it that the views and interpretations of past events
and epochs that emerge from the detailed researches of historical
specialists are so different from those conveyed by writers of
general historical surveys and text-books? I think it is largely
because the text-book writer interprets the past in the light of
the present and organizes the historical story by direct reference
to the present. Needing some criterion for determining what
was important in the past, he is impelled almost irresistibly to
adopt the fallacious principle that what seems important from
the point of view of his own day was actually important when it
happened. His story is not a genuine abridgment of history
because it does not convey the sense of the original. The scholar
who has carried through a detailed piece of historical investigation is impressed by the complexity of events, but a selection of
events that is guided by present-mindedness results not in a
faithful summary of the complex but in a false abridgment which
turns complexity into simplicity.   By making the complex simple 278 Robert Livingston Schuyler. October
and the crooked straight it leads to facile generalizations about
historical tendencies, it nourishes the fallacy of " fundamental
causes " and " inevitable results," it encourages uncritical belief
in a necessary progress in human affairs, it gives rise to glib talk
about the " verdicts " of history and the " logic " of history. It
is the soil in which imposing deliverances concerning the Zeitgeist flower most luxuriantly. There must needs be text-books,
but we do well to remember that it is only by historical research,
it is not by reading, however extensive, in text-books and general
histories, that historical-mindedness can be cultivated, because
it is only through research that we can penetrate to the intricate
warp and woof of the fabric of history. If I may quote Tre-
velyan again: " Textbooks and all manner of cramming for
examinations, with their neat, necessary docketings of eras and
movements, diminish the sense of the unplumbed and uncharted
wastes of history. It is nourished by turning over original documents, old letters . . . diaries . . . memoirs. . . . Mart-
land revealed to us indeed many definite things; but he showed
us also that the past, when we suddenly see a piece of it close at
hand, was so different from the present that we no longer feel
confidence in reconstructing the thirteenth century from the
analogy of our own experience and observation in a different
I have called historical-mindedness the scientific spirit applied
to the study of the past. A great deal of ink has been spilt in
arguing the question of whether history is a science or not. We
need not lose our footing in that bog. The answer must obviously
depend upon how science is defined, and that much used and much
abused term has never been defined, I believe, to the satisfaction
of all persons who regard themselves as scientists. History is
certainly not an " exact" science, but even the sciences that used
to be called " exact" are not as exact as was formerly supposed.
The most exact of them, physics, has substituted probability for
certainty. To me the scientific spirit applied to the study of the
past means, to put it shortly, disinterested curiosity about the
past—some part or aspect of the past—and the satisfaction of
that curiosity by the best available means of ascertaining the
truth about the subject under investigation. It seeks knowledge
of the past as an end in itself, not just as a means to some end. 1941 History in a Changing World. 279
It is not dismayed by the contemptuous question, "What's the
use of such knowledge?" It is merely sorry for the questioner,
for it looks upon knowledge as a good in itself. If it cared to do
so, it could probably meet the materialistic utilitarian on his own
ground, for it is almost certainly true, as Bertrand Russell says,
that "a race of men without a disinterested love of knowledge
would never have achieved our present scientific technique."
A cloud of witnesses could be summoned from the realm of
science to corroborate his testimony, but one will suffice for
present purposes. Lord Rayleigh, in his presidential address
before the annual meeting of the British Association for the
Advancement of Science, in 1884, referred to the improvements
that had recently been made in the incandescent lamp and added
these words: " It is pretty safe to say that these wonderful results
would never have been accomplished had practical applications
alone been in view. The way was prepared by an army of
scientific men whose main object was the advancement of knowledge, and who could scarcely have imagined that the processes
which they elaborated would soon be in use on a commercial
To be inspired by the scientific spirit does not imply acceptance of any particular tenets associated with the nineteenth
century school of scientific historiography; for example, a belief
that there are laws of history which can be discovered. Nor does
it imply the belief that subjective elements can be wholly eliminated in the quest for historical truth, that a purely objective
past can be described by means of historical research. What it
does imply is rejection of the doctrine now preached in high
places and widely accepted as a dispensation of advanced thought,
that disinterestedness and impartiality, as historical ideals, are
outmoded shibboleths that ought to be discarded and renounced
in favour of historical interpretation based upon social philosophies of the present.
There are those, I know, who deny the possibility of disinterested motivation. I am not a psychologist, but I can at least
quote some words of a great master of physical science, Max
Planck, the author of the Quantum Theory, that seem to me pertinent to the question we are on.
Every individual science sets about its task by the explicit renunciation of
the egocentric and anthropocentric standpoint.    In the earlier stages of 280 Robert Livingston Schuyler. October
human thought . . . primitive man made himself and his own interests
the center of his system of reasoning. Confronted with the powers of nature
around him, he thought that they were animated beings like himself and he
divided them into two classes, the one friendly and the other inimical. He
divided the plant world into the categories of poisonous and non-poisonous.
He divided the animal world into the categories of dangerous and harmless.
As long as he remained bound within the limits of this method of treating
his environment, it was impossible for him to make any approach towards
real scientific knowledge. His first advance in this knowledge was accomplished only after he had taken leave of his own immediate interests and
banished them from his thought. At a later stage he succeeded in abandoning the idea that the planet whereon he lives is the central point of the
universe. Then he took up the more modest position of keeping as far as
possible in the background, so as not to intrude his own idiosyncracies and
personal ideas between himself and his observations of natural phenomena.
It was only at this stage that the outer world of nature began to unveil its
mystery to him, and at the same time to furnish him with means which he
was able to press into his own service and which he could never have discovered if he had continued looking for them with the candlelight of his
egocentric interests. The progress of science is an excellent illustration of
the truth of the paradox that man must lose his soul before he can find it.
The forces of nature, such as electricity, for instance, were not discovered
by men who started out with the set purpose of adapting them for utilitarian
purposes. Scientific discovery and scientific knowledge have been achieved
only by those who have gone in pursuit of them without any practical
purpose whatsoever in view.
To return to history and education. Are there any educational values in historical study which aims simply at learning
the truth, so far as is possible, about some aspect of the past,
disclaiming as foreign to its nature the purpose of making us
virtuous or patriotic or prophetic or even of giving us the background of the morning news, though it might, indirectly and
incidentally, have any or all of these effects ? I believe that the
answer is emphatically in the affirmative. The subject is a large
one, and I must be brief.
Such study, in the first place, is bound to widen one's temporal
horizon, to mitigate at least, if not to cure, that temporal provincialism (if it may be so called) with which our own age in
particular is sorely afflicted. It is natural to think of our present
ways of living, habits of thought, and institutions as normal, and
to think of all others as more or less abnormal—as natural as it
used to be to think of our earth as the centre of the physical
universe. The historically-minded study of the past has an educative effect comparable to that of foreign travel.    It gives 1941 History in a Changing World. 281
insight into cultures different from ours and an appreciation of
the fact that they were once as real and vital as ours is now. It
makes for toleration. It teaches us, indirectly, to see our own
age as one amongst many and not as the norm by which all others
are to be judged. We may be the heirs of all the ages, but we are
guilty of the most naive temporal provincialism if we suppose
that the ages existed for the heirs, if we fail to recognize that
historical events had a validity of their own, that they did not
happen merely in order to be antecedents, to lead up to us. In the
words of a great medisevalist, the late T. F. Tout, " It is unwise
for the historian to claim that a gross and direct utility arises
from the study of his subject. The use of history is something
broader, more indefinite, more impalpable. It widens the mind,
and stimulates the imagination." Present-mindedness tends to
deprive historical study of this educative value. It makes past
ages seem too much like our own, and the men and women who
lived in them too much like ourselves.
But, educationally speaking, historical method is probably
more important than historical information, the processes of
finding out more important than what is found out. How the
student learns about the past is, I believe, of greater educational
value than what he learns about it. I am thinking primarily of
what we call historical research, but even in the elementary study
of history some knowledge of historical method can be gained—
if the teacher is capable of imparting it; and the teacher who has
himself engaged in research is in a position to do this. Nobody
who has not written some history, at least in a modest way (and
I hasten to add that the matter of publication is entirely unimportant in this context), is qualified to teach history at all, not
because he will not know enough facts, but because he will not
know from personal experience how an historical composition is
constructed, and will be unable, in consequence, to make historical
study the powerful educational instrument which it is fitted, by
its nature, to be. By critical use of the text-book and by
judiciously chosen exercises in elementary historical criticism,
the historically trained teacher can give his pupils some appreciation of the comparative trustworthiness of different kinds of
sources, can make them aware of the superiority of first-hand to
second-hand information, can make them alert to distinguish 282 Robert Livingston Schuyler. October
between statements of carefully ascertained fact and statements
of opinion, and so can do something to cure that credulity to
which all flesh is heir. If the time spent in our would-be and
self-proclaimed " progressive " schools in amateurish attempts to
make history explain the morning newspaper were devoted to
inculcating in pupils something of that critical sense which
scientific historical study is eminently calculated to develop, the
study of history in American schools would, in my opinion, be in
a far healthier state, educationally, than it is.
So far as the more advanced study of history is concerned, it
would be hard to imagine a better discipline in thoroughness and
alertness in following up clues than the careful and prolonged
search for materials that precedes and accompanies all historical
investigation that deserves to be called scientific. There is developed in every real historical scholar something of the detective. He must have a scent for sources, just as the successful
newspaper reporter must have a nose for news. Conclusions
arrived at by the most approved methods of historical criticism,
brilliant historical interpretations, are liable to collapse in ignominious disaster if essential sources have not been used. It goes
without saying that the historian needs something more than
industry. Like the natural scientist, he needs constructive imagination. But this is very different from the fancy that builds
castles in the air. It does not operate without previous research;
it does not give rise to fertile hypotheses in uninformed minds.
It works under discipline and restraint.
Historical study, it has just been suggested, can do something
—it can do much—to cure natural human credulity. It is here,
I think, that it can render its crowning educational service. We
are innately credulous. We become critical only through education, whether acquired formally or otherwise. The uneducated
and the educated differ in nothing more than in this—that the
uneducated believe whatever they hear or read, while the educated weigh evidence. Under stress of great emotion and the
pressure of powerful propaganda the educated may lapse into
credulity. During the World War of 1914-18, for example, there
was something like a moratorium on the critical faculty, as
regards the causes and issues of the war, in all the belligerent
countries, and the part then played by historians, speaking gen- 1941 History in a Changing World. 283
erally, is not one to which the profession looks back with pride.
But the uneducated are always credulous. As a means of ascertaining facts the historical method is inferior to the method of
direct observation, which is the method of the natural sciences,
but it is the only possible method of ascertaining past facts. Its
very inferiority gives it its chief educational value. Because we
cannot observe historical events directly, because we can learn of
them only from records of some kind, the obligation is imposed
upon us to deal with our records critically, to estimate their comparative reliability, to weigh evidence; and to facilitate and make
more accurate the weighing of evidence, techniques of historical
criticism have been elaborated.
The historian and the educator, it would seem, should both be
interested in promoting historical research, though they look
upon it from different points of view, the one interested primarily
in its findings, the other in its methods. Similarly, I suppose, an
Alpinist and a physical culturist would look upon mountain-
climbing differently, though both would approve of it. For those
of us who are historical students the methods of history are
means, not ends. But if the discovery of truth is our end and we
seek for it by the critical methods of scientific history, many good
things, educationally speaking, will be added unto us.
Robert Livingston Schuyler.
Columbia University,
Until recently little was known of the voyage of the Captain
Cook and the Experiment, the first trading adventure from India
to this coast. In 1928,1 as a result of a search urged by myself
upon the late John Hosie, former Provincial Archivist, the
complete journal kept by James Strange, the moving spirit in
the venture, was discovered in the Madras Record Office and
published by the Government of Madras Press.
The Sutro Branch of the California State Library contains,
amongst its treasures, the manuscript sailing directions governing the voyage of these vessels to the Northwest Coast. The
purpose of this article is, with the kind permission of the Sutro
Library, to reproduce those directions, with a few explanatory
Bancroft says that the Captain Cook and the Experiment
sailed " under the flag of the East India Company,"8 but the
sailing directions show that it was an independent venture,
though operating in close contact with the Company.
The Captain Cook was a snow of 300 tons burthen; the
Experiment was also a snow, but smaller, being of only 100 tons;
both were coppered vessels; they were, of course, British,
though the only flag mentioned in the directions is that of Portugal, which was to be flown as far as Canton. Perhaps it was
not used at all, as the failure to obtain the necessary goods on
the Malabar Coast put an end to the possibility of any traffic in
China on the outward voyage and altered the whole course of
the expedition. Instead of pursuing the route laid down in the
directions the two vessels passed through the Strait of Sunda
(1) As early as 1918, through the courtesy of Mr. F. C. Swannell, of
Victoria, B.C., a transcript of the Strange Narrative made from a copy in
the possession of Strange's descendants was presented to the Archives of
B.C. by Mr. A. P. Trotter.
(2) A limited edition of the sailing directions was published without
notes by the White Knight Press, San Francisco, 1941.
(3) H. H. Bancroft, History of the Northwest Coast, San Francisco,
1884, I., p. 177.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. V., No. 4.
285 286   The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."   October
and the Strait of Macassar, across the Sea of Celebes, to the
southern shore of the Philippines, and thence in a general northwesterly course to Nootka Sound.
In the directions, discovery is given the first place and trade
a secondary position; but from scattered hints therein Strange
knew that he was expected to have trade constantly in mind.
His Journal and Narrative shows that he did; and the voyage
was carried on as a real trading expedition. Trade took the
first place and discovery the second.
At Nootka every attention was centred on trade; Strange
even condescended to play the mountebank, singing to the accompaniment of cymbals an extempore song " to strip " the natives
" for each had on two or three fine skins." In the end he joyfully records that he had "got possession of every rag of Furr
within the Sound." No attempt at exploration of the vicinity
was made.
The sailing directions urged that Strange should land at
some central point one of his crew who, for special reward,
would volunteer to remain with the natives, learn their language,
ingratiate himself into their affections, and thus, so to speak,
pre-empt their sea-otter skins pending the return of the vessels.
John McKay, who may be called the first white resident of
British Columbia, accordingly undertook the service. Strange
supplied him with all necessaries and equipped him in a way to
induce the Indians' esteem. But this pioneer attempt to forestall opposition failed, as did every subsequent effort along the
same line. He who sowed never reaped; the crop was garnered
by the next visitor. When the Loudoun, alias Imperial Eagle,
Captain C. W. Barkley, arrived at Nootka in June, 1787, McKay
was still there and anxious to leave. According to Mrs. Barkley,
soon after the Imperial Eagle had moored in Friendly Cove a
canoe paddled alongside and a man in every respect like an
Indian (arid a very dirty one at that), clothed in a greasy sea-
otter skin, came on board and to the utter astonishment of her
and her husband introduced himself as John McKay, late surgeon
of the trading brig Captain Cook; but Strange says he was
" a young man, named Mackay, who acted as Surgeon on Board
the Experiment."*    Captain Barkley took him on board as a
(4) James Strange, Journal and Narrative, Madras, 1928, p. 22. 1941    The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."      287
member of the crew of the Imperial Eagle, and found his services
very useful.
From Nootka the Captain Cook and Experiment proceeded
northward and discovered and named Cape Scott and Queen
Charlotte Sound. Strange appears to have entered Goletas
Channel and to have landed on Nigei Island and taken possession.
But obtaining no trade in that vicinity he lost interest in discovery pure and simple. He then steered for Prince William
Sound, where Captain Cook about ten years before had found
the natives dressed in sea-otter skins. After passing Cape St.
James, Strange kept along but frequently out of sight of the
western shore of Queen Charlotte Islands (a barren fur region,
except at two points: Houston-Stewart Channel and Cloak Bay,
neither of which he saw). At Prince William Sound his hopes
of trade vanished when the snow Sea Otter, of Bengal, Captain
Tipping, arrived there and anchored alongside. He then thought
of sailing to China in the Captain Cook and leaving the Experiment to winter on the coast. Fortunately he abandoned his plan,
for the Experiment might have had as heavy a death-roll from
scurvy as Meares's Nootka. Next, recalling that Copper Island,
called by the Russians " Mednoi Ostroff," in Bering Sea, was
reputed to be rich in that metal he resolved to send the Captain
Cook there for a cargo of copper, which he believed could be
picked up on the beach, while the Experiment would try the
trade to the southward of Prince William Sound; in the end he
abandoned the idea of trading southward and resolved to sail the
Experiment directly to China. The Captain Cook essayed the
Copper Island venture but was prevented by boisterous storms
and adverse gales from effecting a landing on that island. The
Experiment reached Macao on November 15, 1786, and the Captain Cook on December 5, about three weeks later. There, as
the East India Company's records show, a number of their seamen were discharged and the unsuccessful expedition was practically ended.
In this brief visit to the Northwest Coast—June 24 to September 14—the two vessels had collected the equivalent of 604
sea-otter skins, composed of 55 prime skins; some 340 second-, 288   The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."   October
third-, and fourth-rate skins; and 210 pieces of different sizes
and qualities, but they sold for $24,000.6
The East India Company's Factory Records tell the remainder
of the story.    Under the date of April 4, 1787, they say:—
Mr. Sebastian Horback, agent for the Capt. Cook and Experiment,
fitted out at Bombay for the Northwest Coast of America, paid into
the Treasury the sum of dollars 24,000 the produce of the Furs
imported in those two Vessels. We accordingly granted Bills for the
same and wrote to the Court of Directors:
Honourable Sirs:
This is to advise you that since writing our former letter of this
date and closing the books for the season, we have drawn bills upon
you as per accompanying list for the sum of £6,600 being the amount
of the cargoes of the Capt. Cook and Experiment from the Northwest
Coast of America, which were not disposed of till this day.
We have the honour &c.
Canton, 4 April, 1787.6 Humble Servants.
The East India Company records show that the Experiment
left China on December 6, 1786, presumably for Madras, and
reached that port in May, 1787. There Strange presented to
Major-General the Honourable Sir Archibald Campbell, the then
Governor of Fort St. George, his journal of the voyage. When
the Captain Cook returned to India has not been ascertained.
This much is certain: neither of the two vessels ever visited the
Northwest Coast again.
F. W. Howay.
New Westminster, B.C.
(5) George Dixon, Voyage, London, 1789, p. 318. George Dixon letter
to Sir Joseph Banks, October 24, 1789, White Knight Press, San Francisco,
(6) East India Company's Factory Records, China II., vol. XVI., p. 1
(MS. in East India House, London).    Transcript in Archives of B.C. 1941    The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."      289
To James Strange, Esq., Director of the Exploring Expedition to the
No. West Coast of America and towards the North Pole.
As you are already acquainted with the purposes for which we
have fitted out the Capt. Cook & Experiment, & have Yourself Superintended & Directed everything You wished in regard to their outset,
we need be less particular in these our Instructions. We shall therefore in this touch on the subject of our wishes only, and leave to Your
Direction the digesting, allowing & executing of them in such a manner, as Your judgment shall direct.
The Vessels are certainly as completely officered & manned as ever
Vessels were:1 They are furnished with all sorts of Stores which they
probably can require for some Years; they are of the finest Construction for discovery, and have on board 15 months Provisions: we trust
that Your prudence & capacity, aided by such advantages, will be
crowned with success; if otherwise, we will ascribe it, Sir, to bad
fortune & not want of Exertion in You.
The principal purposes for which we mean this Expedition are in
the first instance Exploring for the benefit of Navigation, and 2dly
with a view to establishing a new Channel of Commerce with the No.
West Coast of America.
That You may have full scope for carrying these our Instructions
into Execution, we do hereby give You the sole controul & direction of
the Expedition, not only as to the Route of Navigation to be followed,
but also in regard to the commercial transactions in which You have
full Powers to act as Your Judgment may Direct. You are supplied
with Letters from Mr. Scott to the Governors & Chiefs at Goa,2 Man-
galore, Tellicherry, Cochin3 & Macao. At Goa his Excellency Dom
Frederick the Capt. General will supply You with Passes, Colours, &c,
and Letters for procuring You a good reception at Macao. The necessity of your sailing under Portugueze Colours from the Mallabar Coast
to China, is owing to the Probability of your vessels arriving there at
a season of the Year when the intercourse with English Ships is not
(1) The Captain Cook had captain, six mates, surgeon, four gentlemen
volunteers, boatswain and two mates, gunner and mate, carpenter and mate,
sailmaker and mate, armourer and two mates, caulker, cooper, four quartermasters, cook, captain's cook, two captain's servants, and 26 seamen; in all
60 of a crew. The Experiment had captain, six mates, surgeon's assistant,
boatswain, gunner, carpenter and mate, armourer, sailmaker, two quartermasters, cook, captain's servant, and 17 seamen;  a total of 35 on board.
(2) Then and now a Portuguese settlement on the Malabar (western)
Coast of India.
(3) Ports on the Malabar Coast. 290   The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."   October
permitted at Canton ;4 You therefore without this Patronage from His
Excellency might be distressed for Provisions or Refitting. For removing entirely every objection that might otherwise arise there, we have
appointed Mr. George Sebastian Horback as our Agent at Macao, to
execute such orders as he may from time to time receive from You
during the continuance of Your voyaging.
At Mangalore, Tellicherry & Cochin You will take on bd. such
articles as may have been provided for the China Market by our
Agents at those places, which will consist of Sandel,5 Tins or such rich
articles, as cannot require so large a space as to encroach on the room
necessary for accommodating Your Men & Stores.
From Cochin, Your last port on the Mallabar Coast, You should
carry sufficient cash in Spanish Dollars, that no detention may be occasioned, by trusting to sales of Merchandize for supplying refreshments
to the crew. From Cochin we shall expect to receive the Diary complete up to the day of Your departure, giving a return of the respective
Crews, the state of the Vessels, and an invoice of all articles of Merchandize then on board. We recommend as the best route to China
from the Mallabar Coast, the passage thro' the straits of Bally6 & then
between the Celebes and Borneo, to the Sooloo Isles, keeping the Western side of the Phillipine Islands close aboard untill as far North as
Manilla, from wh. station You can fetch Macao with the N.E. Monsoon.
The Articles of Commerce for China (if any) should be landed immediately on Your arrival at Macao, & not a day lost more than is
absolutely necessary for the purpose of procuring refreshments for
the people.
We conceive the best Route from China towards the Coast of
America will be to make the Sth. end of Formosa, & from thence to
steer Sth.7 in such a course as to get without the Tropick with all
speed; then run down Your Easting in about 38.00 No. and make the
American Shore in about 40.00. Your object is then to explore along
the Coast to the Northward, making every discovery you can, taking
Surveys of every place & fixing their Latitudes and Longitudes with
the greatest precision; You are supplied with the best Mathematical
Instruments & have so many Gentlemen versed in Astronomy & Surveying,8 our hopes on this point are very sanguine.   As we flatter our-
(4) " No Europeans were allowed to remain in Canton throughout the
whole year. When the ships had sailed and they had settled their accounts
with the Chinese, they retired to Macao, where each nation had its own
establishment until their ships arrived the next season." Old Shipping
Days in Boston, Boston, 1918.    Dixon's Voyage, London, 1789, p. 308.
(5) Sandalwood.
(6) The Strait of Bali, east of Java, between Java and the island of Bali.
(7) Plainly a slip of the pen.    The writer intended to write " north."
(8) There were four in the Captain Cook: Captain Henry Laurie and
his first, second, and third officers; and one in the Experiment, Captain
Guize. 1941    The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."      291
selves that Your discoveries may prove very useful in future, &
particularly to the East India Company, we therefore direct as follows.
That You transmit to us by every convenient opportunity correct
Journals of the Tracts of the Vessels with Occurrences, Observations,
Surveys &c. and particularly Your remarks on whatever relates to the
possible & probable advantages to be derived to the East India Company from a commercial intercourse between America & China.
We farther expressly direct that You prevent all in Your power
every communication of whatever intelligence relative to the Expedition from the Officers serving under You, as we mean to transmit all
such information thro' this Government to the East India Company
whose future views might otherwise be hurt by such intelligence
becoming Public.9
We are the more inclined to serve the Board with the earliest Intelligence, from the knowledge we have of their ardent wishes for the
success of the Explorers; indeed we are confident that, had the Company's finances permitted, these Gentlemen would, on application, with
much pleasure have given us such supplies, as would have prevented
the whole Expence of such an Enterprise falling on our Private Purses.
The outset has been so very heavy that we recommend to You more
strongly the Subject of Commerce, than we thought we should have had
occasion to do.
Altho' discovery is still in our wishes the primary object we however request You will let no opportunity escape You of benefiting by
Trade. For this purpose You are supplied with a small Investment
composed of all such Articles as appeared from Cooks Voyages10 to be
held most in esteem by the Americans.
Should You find that the Spaniards have possessions so low as the
Latitude in which You make the Coast of America, You will in such
case proceed on to the No.ward and not explore untill You have passed
their most No.thern possessions.11 After this You will trade with the
natives as You proceed to the No.ward, & as occasion may permit,
picking up all the skins you can, in exchange for Your goods, and whatever other articles You see a prospect of advantage from.
We would wish You to range along the whole American Coast, up
through Barings Streights, and thence to proceed on towards the Pole,
keeping the Eastern Shore aboard, untill the Ice impedes Your nearer
approach to it, & then steering to the Wt.ward, to keep as far north as
the Ice will permit, untill You make the Coast of Asia, which You will
(9) From the commencement secrecy, jealousy, and deception were dominant in the maritime fur-trade.
(10) Captain Cook suggested that a trader should take about 5 tons of
unwrought iron to be worked up into the articles that the natives desired,
also a few gross of large, pointed case-knives, some bales of coarse woollen
cloth (because they would not accept linen from him), and a barrel or two
of copper and glass trinkets.    Cook's last Voyage, London, 1784, III., p. 436.
(11) The British view, that sovereignty could not extend beyond possession.    The Nootka Convention settled the point in 1790. 292   The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."   October
in the like manner Survey, and afterwards direct Your course to
At Kamskatchka in case of accidents to You, previous to Your
return to China, we have to desire that You will write in Cypher to Mr.
Scott in London, furnishing him with such Intelligence respecting the
Voyage as You may deem necessary for the information of the East
India Company. This letter we recommend to You to send under cover
to the British Ambassador at the Court of Russia, accompanied with
a few lines from Yourself.
On Your leaving Kamskatska we direct You to steer along the
Asiatic shore for China, surveying as well as the time will permit all
the Islands in Your way, and particularly those of Japan.
On Your return to China You will proceed to Bombay, or back to
Explore, as circumstances may direct You.
Should You have no success in procuring skins on the Coast of
America, previous to Your return to China, so as to compensate in
some degree for the heavy charges we have incurred, nor any good
prospect of your succeeding in saving our Expences by making a second
voyage, in such case we have to direct Your returning here with all
Expedition, bringing from China such freights or cargoes as You see
for our advantage.
Should it prove otherwise, and You are clearly of opinion that You
can continue making discoveries & at the same time defray the charges
by trade; You will in such case continue exploring as long as You
please, subject however of course to our future orders.
If You could in Your range along the coast of America land any of
Your Crew who choose to turn out Volunteers on the occasion, in
centrical situation, with a promise of Returning to them again, we
conceive it might be attended with singular advantage as by their
attaining the language thus, might in future prove very useful. We
have therefore to desire that You will offer a proper pecuniary reward
to any such Volunteers, and as a farther Inducement assure them of
our recommending them in the manner such a Publick spirited Service
Should this take place You of course will shorten Your Voyage, and
alter Your Route in such a manner as to make certain of picking them
up again, in Your return to China; & if in Your return to them You
could induce them to remain untill You went to China & returned, no
reasonable encouragement should be withheld to gratify them.18
This appears to us a matter of considerable consequence, & the
more importance the person was of who stayed behind on this occasion,
the more essentially would our future purposes be served; therefore
let us entreat You ever to have an Eye to this object.
(12) Under this arrangement John McKay took up his residence at
(13) The vessels never returned for him, and he embarked in 1787 in
the Imperial Eagle. 1941    The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."      293
The above occurrence, Your getting a sufficient Cargo of skins at
the nearer places (to insure such a Fund as to render the prosecution
of future Voyages certain, from the ease it would give our Expences)
and many other circumstances may occur, to make Your first excursion
shorter than the outlines we have here recommended. In this we therefore give You our Ideas only, but have to desire that You will act
according to Your own discretion;  that is to say,
You will stay at any place as long as You please, shorten or extend
Your Route as to You seems proper, send either of the Vessels where
You judge fit, and move unencumbered in every respect.
On Your approach to the No. Pole, we conceive that sea horse
teeth14 might be an object worthy of Your notice, for as we understand they are valuable ivory, and You are well provided with plenty
of powder and shot; a quantity of them would assist in defraying the
Expence.   At China You can best ascertain their value.
As You are perfectly acquainted how necessary subordination &
regular discipline are for an enterprize of this kind, we trust to Your
enforcing them by every means in Your power, & as You have not the
aid of martial Law, we have to desire Your discharging every officer
and man that may show the least tendency to subvert discipline, at the
first English Port or at China. In such case we would advise Your
holding a Council of the Officers, & entering their report on the Log
Book; as we feel an interest in every man who embarks on the expedition, it would be pleasing to see that no person was discharged but in
consequence of the voices of the Officers.
As virtue ever leads to good order, we have the happiness to know
that the Explorers must benefit by the Example of You, Sir, their
Director; & to assist our wishes in this respect, we recommend Your
having Publick Divine Service read in each Ship every Sunday or at
least as often as circumstances will permit.
As the health of the people is of the first consequence we flatter ourselves You will spare neither Trouble nor Expence to secure it to them.
We cannot on this head hold up to You a brighter Example to copy
from, than You will find in attending to the advice of that humane &
celebrated navigator Cook.
(14)  Evidently the trade-name for walrus-tusks. 294   The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."   October
The following is the Establishment fixed on for the two Vessels on
the present Expedition, with the Regulations for preferment &c, in
favor of the Officers.
The Captain Cook
Captain Laurie late Lieut, of ye Rl. Navy
Mr. Geo. Chalmers do. 1st officer
Mr. Cunningham do. 2d     do.
Mr. Scott Lieut. Marine 3rd   do.
Mr. White, Cir. Navigator
Survey & Draftsman 4th   do.
Mr. Simson Marine Officer 5th   do.
Mr. Stackhouse 6th   do.
Mr. Home    Surgeon
The Volunteers ea. to receive
The Experiment
Capt. Guize late Lieut, of ye Rl Navy
Mr. John Chalmers do.    1st Officer
Mr. Wedgbrough   Cir. Nav. Surv. Draft.
Mr. Thomson
Mr. Hunter
Mr. Wather   Lt. Army Offr. Marine
Mr. Cambell
Versed in
2d Officer
3d    do.
4th  do.
5th  do.
6th  do.
To receive p. mo.
Rs. 300
That in case of vacancies: The Commander of the small vessel
shall succeed to the Commd. of the large.
The 1st Off. of the large Vessel to the Commd. of the small.
The 1st Off. of the small vessel to the same rank on bd. the large,
and so on in rotation.
That if Mr. Strange shd. see it proper in consequence of any, or all
of the Commanders, officers, volunteers exertions meriting an addition
to their present allowances, for the second voyage, in such case Mr.
Strange shall signify the same in writing to the concerned: and
such additional allowance shall become due, upon his proposal being
That as a further inducement to the exertions & zeal of the commanders, officers, volunteers, employed in this Service, the concerned
hereby assure them, that whatever be the event of the present Expedition, their future interest & advancement in this Country will have
with the concerned a preferable claim to that of any others.
Dec. 7, 1785
David Scott & Co.
Jas. Strange 1941    The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."      295
We with this enclose You our Sailing Orders to Captain Lowrie and
Guize the Commanders of the Captain Cook and Experiment. You will
observe that in every respect we feel them under Your Orders, and
refer them to You for farther instructions.
We have great confidence in the abilities of those Gentlemen and
also of the Officers under them, owing to the strong recommendations
we have had in their favour. The Interest of those Gentlemen Volunteers also we have much at heart, and Your recommendations of any of
them will have full weight according to Your mention of them, they
will be entitled to our future good offices.
We have to beg You will write to us fully by every opportunity, and
that You will believe us to be, with most unfeigned wishes for Your
success, v . _, .    ,       ,
Your very sincere Friends and
humble servants,
David Scott & Comp'y.
James Strange
Eventual Instructions
Should any accident to Mr. Strange occasion the management of
this Expedition devolving on Captain Lowrie, we do hereby invest him
with similar Powers to the above given to Mr. Strange, which we have
no doubt of his exercising with discretion.
In the like manner do we invest Capt. Guize, and so on according
to the Resolutions relative to rank in the Publick Diary, which will be
found amongst Mr. Strange's Papers with this express proviso however, that Mr. Strange or the Manager for the time being, shall, if he
sees proper, alter that arrangement at any time, which alteration shall
be binding to the whole Expedition, if found written in the Manager's
hand in the above Diary, or by his order, and regularly witnessed by
two or more Officers.
(Signed)   David Scott & Comp'y
James Strange 296   The " Captain Cook " and the " Experiment."
To Captain Lowrie of the Captain Cook
Bombay Dec. 7, 1785
Mr. Strange being now about to proceed and having the sole direction of the Expedition, we have supplied him with full powers from us
so that in future You will consider him as our Representative & implicitly follow orders and Instructions from him, as such received
from us.
We have a perfect confidence in Your good conduct & we hope from
time to time to find You rising still higher in our esteem by our advices
from Mr. Strange. Enclosed You will receive a Copy of our Instructions to Captain Guize of the Experiment. With most sincere wishes
for Your success, we remain,
Your sincere Friends & hu'ble Srts
David Scott & Comp'y.
Jas Strange
To Captain Guize of the Experiment
Bombay Dec. 7, 1785
Mr. Strange being now about to proceed, and having the sole direction of the Expedition, we have supplied him with full powers from us;
so that in future You will consider him as our representative and
implicitly follow all orders & instructions from him, as such received
from us.
We have a perfect confidence, Sir, in your good conduct, and we
hope from time to time to find You still rising in our esteem by our
advices from Mr. Strange. We have supplied Captain Lowrie the
Senior Captain with Copy of these Instructions, and trust that You
will cheerfully exert Yourselves in carrying his orders into execution
towards accomplishing Mr. Strange's views, we wish You every Success, and remain,
Your sincere f'ds & hu'ble S'rts
D. Scott & Cy.
The name of the Society is The British Columbia Historical Association.
The objects of the Association are: To encourage historical research and
stimulate public interest in history; to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural features, and other objects and
places of historical interest;  and to publish historical sketches, studies, and
documents. _, _,
Membership and Fees.
1. The membership shall consist of two classes, namely, Ordinary members and Honorary members.
2. Ordinary members shall pay a fee of $2 annually in advance; the
fiscal year shall commence on the first day of January.
3. Honorary members shall be persons specially distinguished for their
attainments in history and historical research, or otherwise deemed worthy
of the honour, who shall be duly elected as Honorary members of the
Association by the Council.
4. Fees shall be paid to the Treasurer of the Council, and upon the
organization of a local section the Council shall make an appropriation of
50 cents per member in good standing annually towards its expenses; the
remainder of the fees being devoted to the general purposes and publication
fund of the Association.
5. The name of any Ordinary member that has failed to pay the fees for
two consecutive years shall be struck from the roll and notice thereof shall
be mailed to such member, addressed to the place stated in the membership
roll.    Such member may be reinstated on payment of the fees due from him.
1. The headquarters of the Association shall be at Victoria, in the Provincial Archives; and the affairs of the Association shall be administered
by a Council elected annually by ballot.
2. If five or more members desire to form a section of the Association
in any centre within the Province, the Council may, upon receipt of a
petition duly signed by five or more members, authorize the formation of a
section; and such section shall have an annually elected executive, composed
of such officers and others as the section may decide, which shall have full
control over its programme and local business.
3. Such sections shall have such powers not exceeding the powers of the
Society as the Society may from time to time confer.
4. The Victoria section shall rank as the senior section of the Association.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. V., No. 4.
297 298 Notes and Comments. October
The officers of the Association shall be a Patron, an Honorary President,
a President, two Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, and a Treasurer.
1. The Council shall consist of ten elected members. In addition, the
Immediate Past President, the Presiding Officer of each section, the Provincial Archivist, and the Editor of the British Columbia Historical Quarterly
shall also be members of the Council ex officio.
2. A ballot-paper shall be sent by the Secretary to each member in good
standing at least one week before the annual meeting. Each such ballot-
paper shall contain fifteen or more names, including names proposed by the
Council, as well as the names of any that may have been nominated by three
members in good standing at least one week prior to the issue of the ballot-
papers; and to be valid the ballot must be received by the Secretary before
the time of closing the poll at the annual meeting.
4. As soon as convenient after the election the Council shall meet, and
from amongst its members shall select the officers of the Association for the
ensuing year.
5. Should an office for any reason become vacant, or should any elected
member of the Council die or resign before the expiration of his term, the
vacancy for the unexpired portion of the term shall be filled by vote of
the Council.
1. The annual meeting shall be held in the Provincial Archives, Victoria,
British Columbia, or elsewhere at the discretion of the Council, on the
second Friday of January in each year. Further meetings may be called at
the discretion of the Council.
2. Fifteen members present shall constitute a quorum at any general
meeting and five shall constitute a quorum at a meeting of the Council.
3. The annual meeting of any section must precede the annual meeting
of the Provincial organization.
4. The officers and Council of the Association now holding office are
hereby constituted the officers and Council until the annual meeting of the
Association hereinbefore provided to be held on the second Friday of October
this year (1936), and all business and purposes of the Association shall be
carried on as if constituted under the provisions of these by-laws.
General Provisions.
1. (o.) The Association may become a member of, affiliate with, and
co-operate with any other society or association, whether incorporated or
not, whose objects are in whole or in part similar to its own.
(6.) Any incorporated or unincorporated society or association in sympathy with the objects of this Association may become affiliated with this
Association upon the payment of an annual fee of $2, and shall be entitled
to two representatives at general meetings of the Association. 1941 Notes and Comments. 299
2. The by-laws of the Association shall not be altered, added to, or
amended except by an extraordinary resolution of the Association passed
by a majority of not less than two-thirds of such members entitled to vote,
as shall exercise their franchise, notification specifying the intention to
propose the resolution having been duly given. Such notice shall be given
by lodging with the Secretary, two weeks before the meeting, a copy of the
resolution showing the proposed alterations, additions, or amendments. The
Secretary shall, within one week before the time of voting, mail a copy of
the proposed resolution, alterations, additions, or amendments to each Ordinary member addressed to the member at the address given on the roll.
Members of sections shall vote upon the proposed alterations, additions, or
amendments at a regular section meeting. The result of such voting shall
be recorded and forwarded to the Secretary within seven days of the date
of voting.    Members-at-large shall vote by a mail ballot.
3. Any officer or member whose fees shall have been fully paid, desiring
to withdraw from the Association shall tender his resignation to the Secretary, and the Council shall have power to deal with the same.
4. Any officer of the Association or any member that in the opinion of
the Council shall be no longer worthy of holding office in or being a member
of the Association may be expelled by a majority vote of the Council passed
~at a meeting of the Council. Notice of expulsion shall be mailed to the
officer or member expelled and addressed to his address as given on the roll.
The officer or member expelled may at the next ordinary meeting of the
Association appeal against such expulsion. The question of such expulsion
shall then be put from the Chair and decided by a majority vote of the
members present, and such decision shall be final.
5. The Association shall exercise no borrowing-powers.
6. The accounts of the Association shall be annually audited by auditors
appointed by the Council.
7. An official seal shall be provided by the Council, which shall have the
power from time to time to change the same and substitute a new seal in
lieu thereof.   The seal shall be used in manner to be provided by the Council.
8. The books, papers, records, official seal, and other property of the
Association shall be in the custody of the Secretary and shall be open to
inspection by the members upon demand at any reasonable time.
9. Roberts' Rules of Orders shall, so far as applicable, apply to all
meetings of the Association.
Victoria Section.
The summer outing and meeting, which has become a popular feature
of the Section's programme, was held on Saturday, July 12, at Woodside
Farm, Sooke. About ninety members were in attendance. Tea was served
by Mrs. A. Glintz, after which the meeting was called to order by the
President, Mrs. Curtis Sampson. The first speaker was Mr. Willard Ireland, Provincial Archivist, who spoke on the history of the Sooke district.
The discoverer of Sooke was a Spaniard, Sub-Lieutenant Manuel Quimper, 300 Notes and Comments. October
who explored the Strait of Juan de Fuca in 1790, and gave the high-
sounding name of Puerto de Revillagigedo to the present Sooke Inlet. The
period of exploration may be said to have come to an end in 1846 when the
inlet was surveyed by Captain Henry Kellett, of H.M.S. Herald. Three
years later Captain W. Colquhoun Grant, Vancouver Island's first independent settler, took up land at Sooke, and in addition to farming set up a small
sawmill there. His holdings were acquired later by the Muir family, the
best-known pioneers of the district. Mr. Ireland gave an interesting sketch
of the conditions of life at Sooke in early times, and described the start of
the farming, fishing, lumbering, and flour-milling industries there. The
President next called upon Mr. Donald Fraser, a pioneer teacher in East
Sooke, who contributed reminiscences of his experiences, both grave and gay.
As a preliminary to the commencement of the regular meetings of the
section, a " Helmcken House Tea " was held on Monday, October 6. The
members were received by the President, Mrs. Curtis Sampson, in the drawing-room of the Glenshiel Hotel. Throughout the afternoon small parties
were conducted through Helmcken House by the members of the staff of the
Provincial Archives. In all about sixty members availed themselves of this
opportunity to view one of the most recent additions to the historical attractions of the city.
Vancouver Section.
The fifth annual banquet of the Section was held in Spencer's Dining-
room on the evening of Friday, October 3. The attendance set a record, as
over 125 members and friends were present. Mr. E. S. Robinson, the President, presided. The speaker of the evening was to have been His Honour
Judge Howay, but, unfortunately, illness prevented him from attending.
Mr. Willard Ireland, Provincial Archivist, very kindly consented, at very
short notice, to address the meeting, and took as his subject Pre-Confedera-
tion Defence Problems of the Pacific Colonies. Commencing with the Oregon
" war panic " of 1845-46, Mr. Ireland traced the rise and progress of British
interest in the Pacific Coast and of the measures taken from time to time
for its defence. The Queen Charlotte Islands annexation scare of 1852-53,
the Crimean War (which, by a coincidence, is discussed in an article in this
issue of the Quarterly), the San Juan dispute, and the Civil War were dealt
with in turn. Once the famous Trent incident was disposed of, the British
Government seems to have ceased to worry about the Pacific Colonies, and it
is significant that the Royal Engineers were withdrawn in 1863, while the
Civil War was still in progress. Mr. Ireland told his story with point and
anecdote, and the address was much enjoyed by the large number present.
Mr. Kenneth Waites, President of the British Columbia Historical Association, spoke briefly, and reported that the paid-up membership of the
society for 1941 had reached the gratifying total of 497, or only sixteen
members below the total a year ago. Mr. Waites announced further that
His Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia,
had consented to become Patron of the Association.
Mr. Ireland brought greetings from the Victoria Section, and Mrs. Burton Kurth gave a brief song recital, accompanied by Mr. Kurth. 1941 Notes and Comments. 301
Annual reports were submitted by Miss Jean Coots, Secretary, and Miss
Thelma Nevard, Treasurer, of the Section. Dr. Kaye Lamb reviewed the
progress of the Quarterly. The election of officers for the year 1941-42
was then held, the result being as follows:—
Honorary President Dr. Robie L. Reid.
President Dr. M. Y. Williams.
Past President,  Mr. E. S. Robinson.
Vice-President   Mr. A. G. Harvey.
Secretary   Miss Jean Coots.
Treasurer    Miss Thelma Nevard.
Members of the Council:
Mr. J. R. V. Dunlop. Miss Helen Boutilier.
Mr. D. A. McGregor. Dr. Kaye Lamb.
Mr. George B. White. Mr. K. A. Waites.
Mr. E. G. Baynes. Mr. J. M. Boady.
Dr. W. N. Sage. Miss Eleanor B. Mercer.
Dr. 0. M. Sanford. Mr. T. M. Stephen.
Mr. R. L. Boroughs. Mr. F. Henry Johnson.
On August 26, 1941, a long-cherished dream of the Provincial Archives
became a reality with the opening in Victoria, B.C., of Helmcken House as
an historical museum. In many ways it is an unique attraction; for as far
as is known the house is the oldest residence in British Columbia which has
survived in anything approaching its original condition. Erected in 1852,
additions were twice made in later years, but fortunately the original unit
has survived practically unaltered. The house is located on Elliott Street,
adjoining Thunderbird Park, and stands on ground which, originally forming a part of the James Bay estate of Sir James Douglas, was given by the
Governor to his prospective son-in-law, Dr. John Sebastian Helmcken.
In his manuscript Reminiscences, written in 1892, and acquired by the
Provincial Archives in 1939, Dr. Helmcken has left a vivid description of
the building of this house—a veritable pioneer epic.
" Mr. Douglas gave me a piece of land, an acre, wanted me to live on it,
because being close together there would be mutual aid in case of trouble—
for in those days trouble might at any time come from Indians and so forth
—besides there were no servants save Indians—and they never remained
for long and would not live in houses. I ought not to have built there, for
it was away from my work and office, and so soon found it very inconvenient.
My house and office ought to have been together near the fort—as well for
commerce as profit, but this was found out by experience. A doctor[']s
office and his home ought to be together for it adds materially to his comfort, convenience and profit, saves no end of time and labour, besides other
advantages. Of course for the time being it pleased Cecilia—she was near
her mother and relatives—no small comfort to her during my absence. 302 Notes and Comments. October
" The piece of land was of course very rough and cost a good deal of
time and money to clear it—this being done by Indians chiefly from the
" To build a house now is a very easy matter—but a very different matter then. How we studied over the design, i.e. interior divisions of the
building 30 x 25!! Then to get it done for there were no contractors, everything had to be done piecemeal. There being no lumber, it had to be built
with logs squared on two sides and six inches thick. The sills and uprights
were very heavy and morticed—the supports of the floor likewise—the logs
had to be let into grooves in the uprights.
" Well the timber had to be taken from the forest—squared there and
brought down by water. All this had to be contracted for by french Canadians, then when brought to the beach I had big oxen of the company to
haul it to the site. Then other Canadians took the job of putting the building up as far as the logs were concerned—and then shingling—the indians
at this time made shingles—all split. All this was very heavy, very expensive, and very slow work, for the men were by no means in a hurry. Among
the names I find Maurice, Peltier, Dubois—all dead now. They chiefly took
their pay in blankets and provisions and other ectas—the balance in coin.
" Well the shell is up—now to get it finished—lumber very scarce and
a favor to get any at forty dollars per thousand in the rough—so it all had
to be planed and grooved &c by hand! Much of it was cut by Kanakas in
a saw pit—so it was not very regular in thickness. I wrote to Blenkinsop
at Fort Rupert for plank—he sent me some and also at my wish some yellow
cedar, with these latter the doors, windows, and skirting boards were made.
" It so happened that Gideon Halcro, a crofter—a mechanic of all work
was here—he could do carpentering, plastering and everything connected
with a house, so I got him to go on with the work, but oh, the grumbling
about the irregular wood—so much planing down—besides the flooring was
8 or ten inches wide—no narrow plank then. Fortunately I had bought the
two lots next mine—a house stood on it, put there by the man who built Mr.
Douglas ['s] house—at least who finished the inside. Here Halcro worked
and I think lived—but oh, how slowly—for I wanted the house to be finished
by the spring-time.
"Then to get Lime—this came from Langford[']s and McKenzie[']s—
who burned lime occasionally for their own use—after time and trouble I
got this and Indians split cedar laths—a work pretty new to them—so the
laths were too thin and too springy. The expense and annoyance of all this
was very great, in fact the house cost more than treble of a good house now.
" Indians dug a couple of wells and lined one with boulders! The boulders left very little well—they were to[o] large and heavy—I now wonder
how the indians handled these stones and built the well without a severe
" A well was an important thing then. Most of the water in the summer time had to be drawn in carts from a spring at a place now called
Spring Ridge. —    - -    **_. *_*k\3__T^-y~:
Helmcken House. 1941 Notes and Comments. 303
" Of course whilst all this was going on I was ' courting'—but never
outside—save on Saturdays, when lots of horses were driven into the fort,
and clerks, ladies, Mr. Douglas and others would form a party and ride to
the country round about. Every one kept his own horse then—one or more.
Altho [sic] we all started together—we certainly returned in small parties
—having gone helter skelter everywhere.   .   .   .
" It so happened that at this time a Cowitchin indian committed a murder and as usual it was determined that he must be had, but the chiefs could
not or would not give up the culprit. Mr. now Governor Douglas determined to go with an expedition to seize him.   .   .   .
" A short time before he went on the aforesaid expedition, Mr. Douglas
spoke to me—saying—I am going on this expedition—it is dangerous and
what may happen to me is uncertain. I have made my will and so forth.
You design to be married at Easter, but it would please me were you to
marry before I go, then I would go feeling that if anything happened to me
my daughter would be in safe hands and Mrs. Douglas would have some one
to look too as well as my children—and so forth. Of course I immediately
consented and so my marriage was fixed to come off hurriedly and unexpectedly early.   .   .   .
" My house not being finished it was arranged that we should live in
Government House—i.e. Governor Blanshard [']s house formerly. So we
lived there for some months, had two rooms and a kitchen, with mighty
little furniture—but quite enough for two.   .   .   .
" We remained at ' Govt House' a few months, and then had to remove
to my residence, still standing. It was habitable—roughly finished, plastered &c, but inner doors were wanting, so to supply these, grey cotton
curtains were hung across—the furniture did not amount to much, but we
were soon better supplied, as I received some from England—the horsehair
chairs remain—the Windsor chairs came from the HBCo store."
Every care has been taken in the restoration of this old house to create
a colonial home of the 1850's. Most of the furniture is original. Some of
it was brought around Cape Horn in the Norman Morison by Dr. Helmcken
in 1849-50. Other articles were acquired at the time of and subsequent to
his marriage. Some pieces of furniture have been added. All are of great
historic interest and come from the homes of such early pioneers as Sir
James Douglas, John Work, and Chief Justice David Cameron. At present
the restoration includes the Doctor's bedroom, lady's bedroom, hall, and
sitting-room; one room has been reserved for exhibition purposes. Of particular value and interest are the collection of early medical instruments
and the medical library, to say nothing of the medicine chest—with the
medicines intact—used by the Doctor en route to the infant colony of Vancouver Island.
A schedule of hours has been arranged, at which times a curator is present to conduct persons through the museum. A nominal charge is made
for admission. 304 Notes and Comments. October
Helmcken House stands as a tribute to one of British Columbia's most
distinguished pioneers. Dr. Helmcken was the first magistrate appointed
in the old Crown Colony of Vancouver Island. When a Legislative Assembly was constituted in 1856 he became its Speaker, a post he retained until
the union of Vancouver Island and British Columbia in 1866, at which time
the Legislative Assembly was abolished. Thereafter he was a member of
the Legislative Council of British Columbia until confederation with the
Dominion of Canada was accomplished in 1871. Dr. Helmcken accompanied
the Hon. J. W. Trutch and the Hon. R. W. W. Carrall to Ottawa in 1870 to
negotiate the terms of Confederation. Although offered a senatorship, Dr.
Helmcken retired from active political life in 1871, and lived quietly in
Victoria until his death on September 1, 1920, at the ripe old age of 95.
The Similkameen Historical Association held its annual banquet in the
Travellers' Hall, Princeton, on Friday, October 3. The celebration was the
tenth of its kind, as the first of the series took place on August 18, 1932,
the 92nd birthday of Mrs. S. L. Allison, " Mother of Similkameen," who was
the first Honorary President of the Association.
The Ninth Report of the Okanagan Historical Society has just come from
the press of the Kelowna Printing Company. As usual, the appearance of
the report is due in great part to the interest and untiring efforts of Mr.
Leonard Norris, Secretary-Treasurer of the Society. A review will appear
in the next issue of this Quarterly.
For some years past the Graduate Historical Society has had the pleasure of entertaining, at a special summer meeting, the visiting professors
who join the faculty of the University of British Columbia for the Summer
Session. Continuing this custom, the Society met in the Brock Memorial
Building, on the University Campus, on the evening of August 6. About
fifty members and friends attended. Professor A. C. Cooke was host, and
the guests of honour were Professor F. Lee Benns, of the University of
Indiana, author of Europe since 1914, and Professor Robert L. Schuyler, of
Columbia University, New York City. The President, Mr. Ludlow Beamish,
conducted the meeting and Dr. W. Kaye Lamb, Honorary President, introduced the guests. Dr. Benns spoke on Some American Traditions and the
War, with particular and timely emphasis upon those traditions which relate
most closely to foreign policy. Dr. Schuyler had chosen a topic farther
removed from day-to-day events, and read the paper entitled History in
a Changing World which is printed in this issue of the Quarterly. Considerable discussion followed, in the course of which Professor H. Noel Field-
house, Head of the Department of History in the University of Manitoba,
was introduced to the meeting and spoke briefly. 1941 Notes and Comments. 305
recollections of judge begbie.
The Associate Editor of the Quarterly received the following letter from
the Hon. Archer Martin, retired Chief Justice of British Columbia, in July:—
Dear Sir,
In the April issue of our British Columbia Historical Quarterly, pp. 126
and 139, it is " presumed " by Dr. Kaye Lamb as " almost certain " that the
author of the article on Chief Justice Begbie that appeared in the Victoria
Province (then a weekly) on 22 Dec. 1894 signed " A. B.," was by Canon
Arthur Beanlands.
You will doubtless be pleased to know that Dr. Lamb's " presumption "
is correct, because I was so informed by Mr. A. H. Scaife (the Editor of
the Province) at the time the article was published.
Yours very truly,
Archer Martin.
This letter was received only a few weeks before Mr. Justice Martin's
death, which occurred suddenly on September 1. The late Chief Justice was
called to the bar of British Columbia in 1894, and was appointed to the
Supreme Court in 1898, and to the newly-constituted Court of Appeal in
1909. He retired as recently as May, 1940. A keen student of history, he
joined the British Columbia Historical Association upon its formation in
1922, and was a Past President of the Society. It will be recalled that
following his retirement he arranged for the transfer of a large and most
valuable collection of legal records from the Law Courts in Victoria to the
Provincial Archives. To these public records the Chief Justice most generously added his own note-books, covering his forty-two years on the bench,
and his set of judge's wigs, which is believed to be unique on the continent.
Donald C. Davidson, Ph.D. (California), a graduate of the University of
British Columbia, was formerly Educational Adviser to the Huntington
Library, San Marino, California. He has recently been appointed to the
staff of the University of Redlands, Redlands, California.
E. P. Creech, is associated with the Geographic Division of the Department of Lands, Victoria, B.C.
Robert Livingston Schuyler, Ph.D., L.H.D., is Professor of History in
Columbia University. A former editor of the Political Science Quarterly,
he has just resigned from the editorship of the American Historical Review,
the leading historical journal on this continent.
Judge F. W. Howay, LL.D., F.R.S.C., President of the Royal Society of
Canada, is the acknowledged authority in the field of British Columbia
W. T. Easterbrook, Ph.D. (Toronto), is Assistant Professor of Economics
in the University of Manitoba. He is the author of Farm Credit in Canada.
This year he is the holder of a Guggenheim Fellowship and is conducting
research on the economic history of the Pacific Northwest. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF.
Minutes of Council Northern Department of Rupert Land, 1821-1881.
Edited by R. Harvey Fleming, with an introduction by H. A. Innis.
Toronto: The Champlain Society, and London: The Hudson's Bay
Record Society, 1940.    Pp. Ixxvii., 480.
The second volume in the Hudson's Bay Company series, Colin Robertson's Correspondence Book, centred about the final stages of the great
struggle which culminated in the union of the North West and Hudson's
Bay Companies. This, the third volume in that admirable series, forms an
interesting companion-piece, for herein are traced the main threads of the
first decade of the new company's existence, when a period of intense
competitive activity ends and is replaced, of necessity, by a period characterized by retrenchment and consolidation. In this same decade an efficient
scheme of organization is hammered out on the hard anvil of practical
experience and its efficacy almost immediately subjected to the test of new
competitive undertakings throughout the entire sweep of its widespread
The minutes themselves occupy some 289 pages of the text and represent
the concisely worded conclusions and recommendations of the Northern
Council. While they contain much information of great interest of themselves, they do not give a complete nor comprehensive picture of the actual
operation of the company, for due consideration must always be given to
the part played by the Governor and Committee in London and to the wide
discretionary powers vested in the resident governor, George Simpson. An
appreciation of this reservation will save the student more particularly
interested in the activity of the company in the Pacific slope considerable
disappointment. The reorganization in this area and the main trends of
policy were more the work of men on the scene, particularly during Simpson's tours of inspection in 1824-25 and 1828-29, than of consultation round
the council board in Rupert Land. The editors, fully aware of this limitation
in the minutes, have very wisely included, in a lengthy appendix, letters
from the Governor and Committee in London, and official reports and private
correspondence of Governor Simpson for the period 1821-22, which effectively illustrate how the terse, formal resolutions were transmuted into the
functional operations of a vital fur-trade organization. This appendix
reveals pointedly the paucity of information contained in the minutes themselves and to many students it will, perhaps, be a matter of regret that more
material of this nature was not made available.
From his wide knowledge of the fur trade of Canada and with his typical
erudite scholarship, Professor H. A. Innis has contributed a masterly
introduction. Fortunately, it was made possible for him to draw considerably on the large mass of still unpublished records of the company. The
result has been an analysis of the problems facing the company after union
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. V., No. 4.
307 308 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
and of the means devised to meet the new conditions in the numerous spheres
of activity, which is remarkable both for its conciseness and clarity.
Without in any way belittling the excellence of this introduction or of
those which have accompanied the preceding volumes, the time would appear
opportune to raise a question concerning the general editorial policy for the
series. Considering the great bulk of the material in the Archives of the
Hudson's Bay Company and the keen anticipation with which scholars have
looked forward to its publication, it would appear to be open to question
whether the inclusion of lengthy introductions is in the long run a wise plan
of procedure, if in so doing the amount of original source material published
has, of necessity, to be reduced. Moreover, the reviewer is of opinion that
a change in the format, substituting smaller type for the main text and
less generous margins, would not impair the appearance of the publications
but materially improve its usefulness by reason of the increased amount of
source material which might thereby be printed. The Hargrave Correspondence, 1821-1843 (Toronto, 1938), suggests itself as an excellent example
of a less lavish publication.
In keeping with previous practice a series of biographical sketches forms
an extensive appendix. Of the fifty-three individuals thus noted, over
twenty served at some time or other on the Columbia or in New Caledonia.
The foot-notes throughout the volume are up to the usual high standard.
Unfortunately the same cannot be said of the index, which is entirely inadequate for a publication of this sort. The frontispiece is a reproduction of
silhouettes of three of the London Committee, Nicholas Garry, Benjamin
Harrison, and Edward Ellice, and of the Secretary, William Smith.
The publication of this volume under the serious handicap of war conditions redounds greatly to the credit of all concerned. It is a further
evidence, if such be necessary, " that although the war can delay, it cannot
break, co-operation between Canada and the Mother Country."
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives,
Victoria, B.C.
North Pacific Fisheries with special reference to Alaska Salmon. By Homer
E. Gregory and Kathleen Barnes. (Studies of the Pacific No. 3.) New
York: American Council Institute of Pacific Relations, 1939. Pp. xviii.,
302.    $3.
When Japanese intervention threatened a valuable food resource already
endangered by improved techniques of exploitation in Canadian and American
hands, the complex problem of conservation of the North Pacific fisheries
became acute. Since solutions lie essentially in the sphere of international
adjustments, this study, along with others devoted to legal aspects of the
fisheries—Dr. Joseph Walter Bingham's Report on the International Law
of Pacific Coast Fisheries (Stanford University Press, 1938), and a more
detailed analysis under preparation by Dr. Stefan Riesenfeld, of the University of California—quite properly takes its place as part of the inter- 1941 The Northwest Bookshelf. 309
national research programme of the Institute of Pacific Relations. The
result is an important and useful contribution to research in the economy
of the Pacific Northwest.
The primary issue, as stated, is that of conservation. Governmental
policies and procedures devoted to this end are described briefly; Alaska,
here as elsewhere throughout the book, receiving the most detailed treatment.
Canadian-American negotiations in the salmon and halibut fisheries, and
particularly in the latter, are discussed as illustrations of the possibilities
of international co-operation. More elaborate treatment is reserved for a
discussion of Japanese encroachments in the North Pacific—the book opens
and closes on this note. The complexity of the problem of conservation,
and the urgent necessity of more satisfactory solutions than at present
obtained, are emphasized in a treatment notable for its astute handling of
controversial issues.
Another and closely related issue is that of monopolistic tendencies in
the production, processing, and marketing of fish. The organization of the
canning industry is regarded as a determining factor in fishing operations,
and a study of the combination movement among canners leads to the conclusion that a balance appears to have been maintained between competitive
and monopolistic elements, competition having been preserved to a considerable extent by expansion. The tendency to integration between the
stages of processing and marketing, however, and lessened possibilities of
expansion in the future, promise a higher degree of centralization in the
fishing industry. These chapters on industrial organization are among the
best in the book.
Other aspects of the fisheries which receive attention include a description of biological factors, fishing techniques, and processing methods; an
account of methods of marketing, advertising, and distribution, and of regulations for the protection of consumers; an analysis of prices, profits, and
costs in the industry; a study of the position of labour, and a short chapter
on foreign trade in canned salmon. There is a brief treatment of the problems of the halibut industry, and an excellent discussion of the place of the
fisheries in the Alaskan economy. Although attention is directed largely to
the American scene, British Columbia is included where necessary to make
the picture complete. The volume is not only the first comprehensive study
of the fishing industry of the North Pacific, but a clear, realistic analysis
of the major problems of that industry. It is to be hoped that other industries will be subjected to the same treatment.
W. T. Easterbrook.
Brandon College,
University of Manitoba,
Brandon, Manitoba. 310 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
Ultima Thule, by Vilhjalmur Stefansson. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1940.   Pp. 383.   111.   $3.50.
Mr. Stefansson's previous book on Unsolved Mysteries of the Arctic,
published in 1938, was deeply interesting. He solved the mysteries by aid
of his knowledge of the Arctic regions and his indefatigable research. In
this book he penetrates the mystery surrounding Thule, the modern Iceland.
This is done with reference to the voyages of Pytheas and Columbus, 1,167
years apart.
The three most famous voyages of antiquity were the Phoenician circumnavigation of Africa during the reign of the Pharaoh Necho, early in the
seventh century B.C.; the voyage of Hanno from Carthage to the west coast
of Africa in 550 B.C.; and the voyage of Pytheas, the Greek astronomer,
from Massilia (Marseilles) to Britain and beyond in 325 B.C.
It is a question whether Pytheas went to Thule, and it is a further
question whether Thule was Iceland or Norway. Our author brings wide
research to bear on the problem, and concludes that Pytheas did go to
Thule, and that his Thule was Iceland. The evidence for and against is
given judicially, and with pleasant touches of humour. It is intellectual fun
of the best kind.
The supposed voyage of Columbus to Iceland is treated in the same
manner, with numerous citations from conflicting writers. The reviewer
found it deeply interesting, for it is all done skilfully and pleasantly, with
a total absence of dogmatism or acerbity. The two chief sources of information, the Historic of Ferdinand Columbus, the son of the Admiral of the
Ocean, and the Historia of the Spanish bishop, Bartolome' de las Casas, are
examined carefully, and in the end the literary and textual criticism of Miss
Eloise McCaskill, who has collaborated with our author, presents a new and
ingenious argument. A blunder supposed to have been made by Columbus
in his description of the high tides on the coast of Iceland proves to be
nothing of the kind when attention is directed to the meaning of grosse
maree or marea, the phrase used by Ferdinand Columbus and incorrectly
translated as referring to high tides instead of high waves. On the whole,
despite new arguments, the reader is left in doubt, as he should be left,
because the evidence is inconclusive. However, if Christopher Columbus
went to Iceland in 1477, he must have heard about the Norse voyages to
Greenland and to the North American coast; if he did, why did he sail
through the South Atlantic to the West Indies?
In the third and last chapter of this book the author discusses Arctic
climate, a matter on which it will be granted readily he is better qualified
to speak than anybody living. Here the title of his famous book The
Friendly Arctic will have prepared the reader for his decisive opinion on
the question. Philosophers and cosmographers have prevailed too long in
their misconceptions. In his conclusion Mr. Stefansson quotes the meteorologist of the U.S. Weather Bureau: " That high temperatures necessarily
go with low latitudes is one of the most stubborn of delusions. This notion
has come down to us from the ancient Greek philosophers. ... It is false
even in regard to the extreme temperatures of summer and winter."   The 1941 The Northwest Bookshelf. 311
reviewer remembers basking in a temperature of 90° at Dawson and fearing
for his life in a temperature of —65° in the Bitter Root Mountains of
western Montana.
T. A. Rickard.
Victoria, B.C.
War Chief Joseph. By Helen Addison Howard and Dan L. McGrath. Caldwell, Idaho:   The Caxton Printers, Ltd., 1941.   Pp. 362.   111.   $3.50.
The history of the Indian in the Pacific Northwest normally does not
make pleasant reading, for few aboriginal peoples have been made the victims of more inhuman maltreatment. In this book we are told the life-story
of Young Joseph, Hin-mut-too-yah-lat-kekht, the great chief of the Nez
Perces, with particular emphasis upon the military campaign of 1877.
From the scattered and fragmentary sources available the authors have
pieced together a dramatic story. Conflicting testimony has been carefully
analysed. A sympathetic appreciation of Indian practices and customs
made easier the task of reviewing with proper historical perspective the
tragic details of an Indian war.
As might be expected the biographical material relating to the early
years of Chief Joseph is not abundant. What does exist has been skilfully
interwoven into a background for the Nez Perces War of 1877. Due attention is paid to the earlier Yakima War of 1856-58 and to the subsequent
councils and treaties. The story of the military campaign of 1877 is told in
great detail, for it was during this epic struggle that the full genius of the
young Nez Perces leader, as diplomat as well as warrior, came to be recognized. In all he fought eleven engagements, five of which were pitched
battles, and marched some 1,800 miles in seventy-five days—a military
exploit of no small magnitude. The nobility of character of this great
Indian leader is amply evidenced by the fortitude with which he endured
the years of unwarranted punishment following his surrender and the constancy with which he sought to regain freedom for his people.
This is a book for the general reader and the historical student alike.
In the words of Clifford M. Drury, in a foreword: " Let the reader get but
a few pages into this book and, if he has any compassion in his heart for
the mistreated red man, or any interest in a dramatic story, he will be loath
to lay the book aside till he has read the full account. No novelist could
ever have conceived such a tale." Yet it also stands as a sound piece of
historical research, for the facts related therein are well authenticated.
An excellent bibliography and a detailed index greatly enhance the usefulness of the volume. The illustrative material selected reflects careful consideration.   All in all War Chief Joseph is a book well worth reading.
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives,
Victoria, B.C. INDEX.
Adams, J. R., 205, 206
Adams, R. H., 71
Alaska purchase, 68
Anderson, A. C, 91, 256-263;   Routes in the
Similkameen, 257-261
Anian, The Strait of, 161-188
Ankidah, 29, 30
Annexation Petition of 1889, A Further Note
on the, 67-72
Apocryphal voyages, 175-179
Archives accessions, 1938-40, 73 77
Armstrong, W. J., 99-101, 107, 108
Astor, John Jacob, 34
Austin, 187, 188
Baillie, George, 210
Bakery, Craigflower, 98
Baranof, Alexander Andreevich, 56
Barkley, Capt. C. W„ 286
Barlow, A., 208
Barnes, Kathleen, and Gregory, H. E., North
Pacific Fisheries, review of, 308, 309
Barr, Robert, 252
Bass, Oscar, 126
Bates, A. S., 196, 197
Beanlands, Rev. Arthur, 125 ;  Some Recollections of Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie, 127-180
Beck, A. E., 125;   Sir Matthew Begbie, 131-
Begbie, Sir Matthew Baillie, 126-147, 305
Begbie, Memoirs and Documents Relating to
Judge, 125-147
Begg, J., 94
Birch, A. N., 196, 197
Bird, J. Edward, 9-12, 14, 18
Black-eye, Indian, 260
Brent, Frederick, 210, 211
Brent, Joseph, 211
Brigade Trails, Similkameen, 261-263
British Columbia and Confederation, 67-69
British Columbia Historical Association, 78-
80, 150-152, 233-235, 299-801; Constitution,
Brown, S. L. C, 192, 193
Bruce, Rear-Admiral W., 249-252
Building a State;   Washington, 1889—1989,
review of, 156, 167
Bunster, Arthur, 98-101
Burnaby, Robert, 71
Burrell, Martin, 19-23
Calder, Alexander, 217
Cameron, David, 137, 140
Campbell, Sir Archibald, 288
Campbell, Robert, 43, 60, 61
" Captain Cook " and the " Experiment,"
1785-88, The Voyage of the, 286-296
Carey, Pat, 133
8 313
Cose of the "Moneta," The, 185-190
Cassidy, Robert, 12
Chapeaux, Calmetto, 211
Chapman, Charles, 209
Clogstoun, H. C, 22
Cochrane, J. J., 96, 217
Collins, R. A., 217
Collison, H. A., The Oolachan Fishery, 25-31
Colnett, The Journal of Captain James, review
of, 155, 166
Columbia River, 255-267
Cook, Capt. James, 287, 291, 293
Cornwall, C. F., 194, 201, 203
Courts, British Columbia, 134-147; Vancouver
Island, 134, 137, 138, 140-147
Cox, 188
Craigflower School, cairn at, 77, 78
Crate, W. L., 99, 100, 102
Crease, H. P. P., 196
Creech,  E.  P.,  Similkameen  Trails,  1848-81,
Cridge, Bishop, 252
Crime and criminals, British Columbia, 131-
Crimean War and the Pacific Coast, 243-253
Davidson, Donald C, Relations of the Hudson's Bay Company with the Russian American Company, 33-51; The War Scare of
1854, 243-253
Dawkins, Capt. Richard, 189
DeCosmos, Amor, 95, 102, 103
Defence of Vancouver Island, 1854, 243-253
DeLacy, Capt. W. W., 266, 266
Devereux, Capt., 189
Dewdney, Edgar, 217, 218, 263, 264
Dewdney Trail, Similkameen, 263-265
Dickson, Dr. James, 96
Douglas, Sir James, 91, 226, 226; Defence of
Vancouver Island, 1854, 243-249 ; Esquimalt
as a naval base, 249-251; Letters from,
56-66 ; Russian American Company, 53-66 ;
Similkameen Trails, 260-264; Surveys, 216,
Douglas, James, and the Russian American
Company, 1840, 53-66
Draper, W. N., Pioneer Surveys and Surveyors
in the Fraser Valley, 216-220
Duncan, Capt. Alexander, 58, 61-64 ; letter to,
Duncan, James, 96
Dunlop, J., 198
Early Flour-mills in British Columbia, 89-109,
East India Company, 286, 287, 288, 291
Easterbrook, W. T., North Pacific Fisheries,
review by, 308, 309 314
Ein Au8flug nach Britisch-Columbien im Jahre
1858, Extracts from, 221-228
Eliza, Francisco de, 149-150
Elliott, 187-189
Enterprise Flour-mill, 96
Esquimalt as a Naval Base, 248-251
Etholine, Capt. Adolf Karlovich, 57, 63, 64;
letter to, 64-66
Evans, Elwood, 72
Everard, Louis F„ 196
" Experiment," The Voyage of the " Captain
Cook " and the, 285-296
Farnham, Thomas J., 62
Father De Smet, Pioneer Priest of the Rockies,
review of, 240-241
Fenton, 92
Finlayson, Roderick, 91
Finnish Utopian Venture in British Columbia, A, 111-123
Finns in British Columbia, 111-123
Fisher, Alexander, 90
Fishery Bay, 25-29
Flour, price of, 191-193, 198-200, 202, 213
Flour-mills, Alexandria, 90, 91, 192; Ashcroft
Manor, 194,195 ; Big Bar Creek, 194 ; Bonaparte River, 203 ; Cayoosh Creek, 198, 214 ;
Clinton, 201-203, 214; Craigflower, 92, 93,
95 ; Deep Creek, 207, 208, 214 ; Dog Creek,
192-194, 199, 214; Esquimalt, 94; Hope,
214; Kamloops, 192; Kelowna Creek, 210,
211; Keremeos, 211; Lillooet, 196-200, 202,
214 ; Lytton, 209, 210, 214 ; Marysville, 214 ;
Mill Creek, 210, 211; New Westminster, 101,
103-109; Okanagan Lake, 214; Parsonville,
199-201; Pavilion, 211; Quamichan, 101;
Quesnelmouth, 195, 196, 201, 214; Saanich,
96; Soda Creek, 204-208, 214; Sooke, 92;
Tranquille River, 208, 209; Victoria, 91-94,
97-99, 101, 108;  Yale, 214
Flour^mUls in British Columbia, Early, 89-
109, 191-214
Forts and trading-posts. Bodega, 67, 63; Colville, 60; Dease Lake, 43, 60, 61; Durham,
56 ; Frances, 61; George, 35 ; Halkett, 43 ;
Highfield, 56; Hope, 226, 262; Kamloops,
257; McLoughlin, 53, 65, 56 ; New Archangel,
56; Nisqually, 62; Okanagan, 60; Pelly
Banks, 61; Redoubt St. Archangel Michael,
56 ; Redoubt St. Dionysius, 40-43, 47, 49, 56 ;
Ross, 34, 47, 57, 58; Rupert, 56; Simpson,
40, 45, 65, 56, 58, 61-63; Sitka, 56, 58, 62;
Stikine, 40, 56, 60, 65; Taku, 53-66, 59, 65;
Vancouver, 86, 60; Victoria, 55; Walla
Walla, 60; Yale, 226, 227, 262; Yerba
Buena, 58, 60
Fortune, William, 208, 209
Foster, F. W., 199, 202
Francis Norbert Blanehet and the Founding
of the Oregon Missions, review of, 240-241
Frank, Charles W., 196
Franklin, Selim, 96
Fraser, John A., 217
Fraser, Paul, 262
Fraser River, 265-257
Fraser  River  Gold-rush,   Two  Narratives  of
the, 221-231
Fraser Valley, Pioneer Surveys and Surveyors
in the, 215-220
Freemasonry in British Columbia, 70-72
Friesach, Dr. Carl, 221-228
Fur Trade, 33-51, 55-61, 286, 291-293
Further Note on the Annexation Petition of
1869, A, 67-72
Gaspard, Vespuios, 193, 194
Gates, C. M., ed.. Messages of the Governors
of the Territory of Washington, review of,
Gold-mining, Fraser River, 221-231
Gold Rushes, The, review of, 237-239
Gowen, Charles, 98
Graduate Historical Society, 80, 81, 163, 236,
236, 304
Grant, Capt. J. M., 264
Gray, Mrs. William, 92
" Grease Trail," 26, 27
Gregory, H. E., and Barnes, K., North Pacific
Fisheries, review of, 308, 309
Grinder, Philip, 194
Guide to the Material in the National Archives,
review of, 86, 86
Guize, Capt., 294-296
Hamley, W. O., 196
Harmon, Daniel Williams, 89
Harmony Island; A Finnish Utopian Venture, 111-123
Harnett, Legh, 213
Harper, Jerome, 201-203
Hastings, Rear-Admiral, 189
Hawks, J. F., 206
Heisterman, H. F., 71
Helmcken, Dr. J. S., 67-69, 301-304
Helmcken House, 301-304
Higgins, D. W., 126, 126
History and Development of the Agassiz-Harrison Valley, review of, 240
History in a Changing World, 269-283
Homer, J. A. R., 105
Homfray, R., 217
Hope Trail, 263-265
Hopkinson, 11, 14
Horback, G. S., 288, 290
Howard, H. A., and McGrath, D. L., War
Chief Joseph, review of, 311 Index,
Howay, F. W., The Case of the " Moneta,"
185-190; History and Development of the
Agassiz-Harrison Valley, review by, 240;
ed.. The Journal of Captain James Colnett,
review of, 155, 156; The Voyage of the
" Captain Cook " and the *' Experiment,"
Hudson's Bay Company, Russian American
Company, 88-51, 243, 246-248
Hudson's Bay Company with the Russian
American Company on the Northwest Coast,
18X9-1887, Relations of the, 88-51
Hunter, Judge, 4, 5, 9
Immigrants, Finnish, to British Columbia,
Immigrants to Canada, 1-23
Inside Story of the " Komagata Maru," The,
Ireland, Willard E., Early Flour-mills in British Columbia, 89-109; Father De Smet,
review by, 240, 241; Francis Norbert Blan-
chet, review by, 240, 241; A Further Note
on the Annexation Petition of 1869, 67-72;
Guide to the Material in the National
Archives, review by, 85, 86; ed., James
Douglas and the Russian American Company, 58-66 ; Minutes of Council Northern
Department of Rupert Land, 1821-31, review by, 807, 808; Panchromatic Photographic Reproductions of Twenty Charts,
review by, 159, 160; War Chief Joseph,
review by, 811
James  Douglas  and   the   Russian   American
Company, 1840, 53-66
Johnson, C. Gardner, 15
Joseph, War Chief, review of, 811
Journal of Captain James Colnett, review of,
155, 166
Kalevan Kansan Colonization Company, 114
Kayak, 167-170
Kennedy, Sir A. E., 146
Kennedy, Alexander, 200
Keays, G. C, 71
Kolehmainen, J. I., Harmony Island; A Finnish Utopian Venture. 111-123
" Komagata Maru," The Inside Story of the,
Kupreanoft*, I. A., 57;  letter to, 68
Kurikka, Matti, 111-115, 119, 121. 122
Ladner, W. H. D., 2, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17
Laing,   F.   W.,   Early  Flour-mills in  British
Columbia, 191-214
Lamb, W. Kaye, Memoirs and Documents Relating  to Judge  Begbie,   125-147;   Ranald
MacDonald: Adventurer, review by, 86, 87;
Tales of the Kootenays, review by, 88, 84
Larance, 210, 211
Laumeister, F., 98
Leighton, J. B., 208
Lillooet Flour Mill Company, 198, 199, 202, 208
Lindenberg, Capt., 64, 65
Lowrie, Capt., 294-296
Lyons, Sister L.  M., Francis Norbert Blan-
chet, review of, 240, 241
McCreight, Judge J. F., 138, 189
McDonald, D. G. F., 217, 218
MacDonald, Ranald:   Adventurer, review of,
86, 87
McGrath,  D.   L.,  and  Howard,   H.   A.,   War
Chief Joseph, review of, 811
Mcintosh, James, 208, 209
McKay, John, 286, 292
Mackenzie, Sir Alexander, 26
McKenzie, Kenneth, 93
McLennan, Malcolm, 16, 17
McLeod, John, 48
McLoughlin, Dr. John, letter to, 56-61
McMillan, 187, 188
MacNeill, A. H., 18-20, 22
Magaret, Helene, Father De Smet, review of,
240, 241
Mahood, J. A., 219, 220
Makela, A. B., 116, 116, 120, 122
Major, Charles George, letter from, 228-231
Malcolm Island, see Harmony Island
Marshall, John, 208
Martin, Judge Archer, 805
Memoirs  and Documents Relating  to Judge
Begbie, 126-147
Messages of the Governor of the Territory of
Washington, review of, 242
Minutes of Council Northern Department of
Rupert Land, review of, 307, 308
Mitchell, Capt., 186
Moberly, Walter, 217, 263, 264
" Moneta," The Case of the, 185-190
Monro, Dr. A. S., 10
Moody, CoL R. C, 218, 229, 268, 264
Morrell, W. P., The Gold Rushes, review of,
Morse, Eric W., 1
Murphy, Judge, 4, 5, 12
Narvaez Sesguicentennial, 1791-1941,  The,
149, 160
Nass River, 25-80
Needham, Judge, 184, 135, 137, 140, 141, 143-
147, 187, 189
Nelson, 200
Nelson, Hugh, 106
Nesselrode, Count, 88, 44-46
Nichols, M. Leona, Ranald MacDonald:   Adventurer, review of, 86, 87
North Pacific Fisheries, review of, 308, 309 316
North West Company, 34, 35
Northeast passage, 173, 182, 183
Northwest passage, 161-188
Ogden,  Peter   Skene,   39,   41-43,   46,   62,   90,
257, 261
Oolachan Fishery, The, 25-31
Pacific Ocean, The, review of, 157, 158
Pamphlet, Capt., 186, 187, 189, 190
Panchromatic Photographic Reproductions of
Twenty Charts, review of, 159, 160
Parsons, Otis, 200
Parsons, Capt. R. M., 218
Parsons, William, 92
Patten, L. W., 208
Pearse, B. W., 102
Peers, Henry N., 262
Pioneer Surveys and Surveyors in the Fraser
Valley, 215-220
Powell, I. W., 71
Pratt, 14
Price, Capt., 189
Price, Rear-Admiral, 252
Princeton, 264
Puget Sound Agricultural Company, 47
Rae, William Glen, 60-62
Ranald MacDonald: Adventurer, review of,
86, 87
Ravenhill, Alice, The Tale of the Nativity,
review by, 84, 85
Raymur, Capt. J. A., 185
Reid, Malcolm J. R., 2, 11, 14, 18, 19
Reid, R. L., ed., Ein Ausflug nach Britisch-
Columbien im Jahre 1858, 221-228; The
Inside Story of the " Komagata Maru,"
Relations of the Hudson's Bay Company with
the Russian American Company on the
Northwest Coast, 33-51
Rickard, T. A., The Gold Rushes, review by,
237-239; The Pacific Ocean, review by, 157,
158; The Strait of Anian, 161-188; Ultima
Thule, review by, 310, 311
Riesenberg, Felix, The Pacific Ocean, review
of, 157, 158
Ritchie, W. B. A., 2, 11, 12
Robson, John, 101, 103, 135, 136, 185, 189,
228, 229
Routes of Travel in Similkameen, 255-267
Royal Engineers, 215, 217, 218, 263, 264
Russian   American   Company,   33-61,   58-66,
.   243, 246-248, 251
Russian American Company, 1840, James
Douglas and the, 53-66
Russian American Company on the Northwest Coast, 18B8-1867, Relations of the
Hudson's Bay Company with the, 33-51
Sage, W. N., The Journal of Captain James
Colnett, review by, 155, 156
St. George Steam Flour Mill Company, 94
Sawmills, Harmony Island, 117,118; Victoria,
Scarborough, Capt. James, 60
Schuyler, R. L., History in a Changing World,
Scott, David, & Company, 289-296
Scott, J. H., 199-202
Seymour, Frederick, 134,137, 198; letter from,
Ships, Active, 99 ; Beaver, 49, 53-56; H.M.S.
Brisk, 252; Cadboro, 39, 60; Captain Cook,
285-296 ; Champion, 200 ; Chichagoff, 41, 64 ;
Deux Freres, 185 ; Dryad, 41-46 ; Enterprise,
105, 108, 207; Experiment, 285-296 ; G. S.
Wright, 99, 207; Gold Hunter, 94; Golden
Hinde, 172; Gyoa, 183 ; Imperial Eagle, 286 ;
Isabel, 185-190 ; Komagata Maru, 7-23 ; Lady
of the Lake, 209 ; Loriot, 39 ; Loudoun, 286 ;
Maria, 228; Moneta, 185-190; Nicolai I.,
56, 64, 65; H.M.C.S. Niobe, 17, 18; Nootka,
287; Norman Morison, 92, 803 ; Nor'Wester,
98; Otter, 245, 246, 249; Pacific, 228 ; Pelican, 172; Princessa Real, 149; H.M.C.S.
Rainbow, 17-21; San Carlos, 149; Santa
Saturnina, 149; H.M.S. Scout, 189; Sea
Lion, 16, 17; Sea Otter, 287; Seabird, 223-
225; SicUia, 7; Sir James Douglas, 102;
Spallumacheen, 208 ; Stubbenhuk, 7 ; Umatilla, 224, 225; Vancouver, 53, 54, 58, 61-
64; Vega, 182; Vittoria, 183; Washington,
180; Wilson G. Hunt, 224, 225, 228; Win-
etta, 117; H.M.S. Zealous, 189
Similkameen Historical Association, 152, 153,
235, 304
Similkameen Trails, 1846-81, 255-267
Simpson, Sir George, 33, 35-37, 46-49, 65, 89,
247, 255, 257
Singh, Gurdit, 6-10, 13-15, 21
Singh, Munshi, 12, 13, 18
Singh, Narain, 4-6, 9, 10
Singh, Rahim, 13, 14, 18-20
Smyth, Fred J., Tales of the Kootenays, review of, 83, 84
Spice trade, 161-163
Stamp, Edward, 186, 187
Stefansson, Vilhjalmur, Ultima Thule, review
of, 310, 311
Stephens, 187, 188
Stephens, Edward, 217
Stevens, H. H., 2, 17, 18, 23
Stikine River, Survey of, 62, 64
Strait of Anian, The, 161-183
Strange, James, 285-296
Subsidies, Flour-mills, 95-97, 102, 103, 105,
106 Index.
Surveys and Surveyors in the Fraser Valley,
Susannah, 188
Tale of the Nativity, The, review of, 84, 86
Tales of the Kootenays, review of, 83, 84
Tariff, Wheat and Flour, 97, 99-101, 104-108,
202, 211, 212
Tate, Charles Montgomery, 78
Tobacco, first, grown in British Columbia, 200
Todd, Ronald, Messages of the Governors of
the Territory of Washington, review by, 242
Tolmie, Dr. W. F., 93, 95
Trahey, J. W., 185
Trails, 1846-61, Similkameen, 255-267
Trutch, J. W., 197, 216-220
Turner, George, 217
Turpin, Capt. W. H., 185-189
Two Narratives of the Fraser River Gold-
rush, 221-231
Ultima Thule, review of, 310, 311
Umiak, 170
Vancouver Island, Defence, 1854, 243-253
Versepuch", Isadore, 192, 193
Vermilion Forks, 264
Victoria, 1858, 222
Voyage   of   the   " Captain   Cook"   and   the
" Experiment," 1785-88, The, 285-296
Waitt, M. W., 71
War Chief Joseph, review of, 311
War Scare of 1854, The, 243-263
Whatcom Trails, 265-266
Wheat,   89,  91,   93-96,   99-108,   192-197,   201,
203, 206, 209, 212
Wolfenden, Madge, Building a State, review
by, 156, 167
Wood, T. L., 189
Woodcock, W. H., 97, 105-107, 204-206, 208
Woods, J. J., History and Development of the
Agassiz-Harrison Valley, review of, 240
Work, John, 61-63 ;   letter to, 61, 62
Wrangell, Baron F. P. von, 37, 89, 40, 42, 43,
46, 48, 64, 65
Wright, G. B., 195-197, 201, 206
Yale, J. M., 260
Yamamoto, Capt., 1, 15, 16
Yates, James, 252
Young, C. B., 95
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