British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical News 1982

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Published by the British Columbia Historical Association
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VOLUME 15, NO. 3
Spring 1982
Liquor in Chilliwack
Land Settlement
The Steamboat Trail
Archives Directory On the cover ...
E. O. S. Scholefield (1875-1919) was both the Provincial Librarian and Provincial Archivist of British
Columbia. Born on the Isle of Wight, he came to British Columbia in 1887. A noted expert in and
collector of Northwest history, Scholefield succeeded R. E. Gosnell as provincial librarian in 1898 and
held the job until his death on Christmas Day, 1919. In 1910, he was also appointed provincial
... story starts on page twenty-four.
Member societies and their secretaries are responsible for keeping their addresses up-to-date. Please enclose
a telephone number for an officer if possible also.
Alberni District Museum & Historical Society, Box 284, Port Alberni, B.C. V9Y 7M7
Atlin Historical Society, P. O. Box 111, Atlin, B.C. VOW 1A0
BCHA — Gulf Islands Branch, c/o P.O. Box 35, Saturna Island, B.C. VON 2Y0
BCHA — Victoria Branch, c/o Mrs. S. Manson, R.R #7, Echo Drive, Victoria, B.C. V8X 3X3
Burnaby Historical Society, c/o Kathleen A. Moore, 3755 Triumph St., Burnaby, B.C. V5C 1Y5
Campbell River & District Museums & Archives Society, 1235 Island Highway, Campbell River, B.C. V9W 2C7
Chemainus Valley Historical Association, P.O. Box 172, Chemainus, B.C. VOR 1K0
Cowichan Historical Society, P.O. Box 1014, Duncan, B.C. V9L 3Y2
Creston & District Historical & Museum Society, c/o Margaret Moore, Box 253, Creston, B.C. VOB 1G0
District 69 Historical Society, c/o Mildred Kurtz, P.O. Box 74, Parksville, B.C. VOR 2S0
East Kootenay Historical Association, c/o H. Mayberry, 216 6th Avenue S., Cranbrook, B.C. VIC 2H6
Golden & District Historical Society, Box 992, Golden B.C. VOA 1H0
Ladysmith New Horizons Historical Society, c/o Mrs. V. Cull, R.R. #2, Ladysmith, B.C. VOR 2E0
Nanaimo Historical Society, P.O. Box 933, Station "A", Nanaimo, B.C. V9R 5N2
Nanooa Historical & Museum Society, R.R. #2, Texaco, Box 5, Nanoose Bay, B.C. VOR 2R0
New Denver Historical Society, c/o Janet Amsden, Box 51, New Denver, B.C. VOG 1S0
Nootka Sound Historical Society, Box 748, Gold River, B.C. VOP 1G0
North Shore Historical Society, c/o Doris Blott, 1671 Mountain Highway, North Vancouver, B.C. V7J 1M6
Princeton & District Pioneer Museum, Box 687, Princeton, B.C. VOX 1W0
Sidney & North Saanich Historical Society, c/o Mrs. Ray Joy, 10719 Bayfield Road, R.R. #3, Sidney, B.C.
V8L 3P9
Silverton Historical Society, c/o P.O. Box 137, Silverton, B.C. VOG 2B0
Societe Historique Franco-Colombienne, 9 avenue Broadway E., Vancouver, C.-B. V5T 1V4
Trail Historical Society, P.O. Box 405, Trail, B.C. V1R 4L7
Vancouver Historical Society, P.O. Box 3071, Vancouver, B.C. V6B 3X6
Windermere District Historical Society, Box 1075, Invermere, B.C. VOA 1K0 BRITISH COLUMBIA
Vol. 15, No. 3
Letters to the Editor        4
News of the Association        5
The Liquor Question and the 1916 Election in Chilliwack
by Bob Smith      6
Land and a New Life: British Columbia's Land Settlement Board, 1918-1925
by Reuben Ware      13
The Steamboat Trail: Hope to Skagit Valley, 1910-1911
by R. C. Harris      17
Who Invented the Egg Carton?
by Lynn Shervill      22
Discovery: 1913   24
News and Notes     26
Reports from the Branches  27
Archival Notes by Michael Halleran     30
Organizations and Institutions with Archival Collections  30
The Cariboo Mission: A History of the Oblates by Margaret Whitehead
review by Jacqueline Gresko       34
Russia in Pacific Waters, 1715-1825 by Glynn R. V. Barratt
review by Barry Gough     36
The Water Link: A History of Puget Sound as a Resource by Daniel Jack Chason
review by William Ross     37
Building With Words by William Bernstein and Ruth Cawker
review by Martin Segger    37
Second-class mail registration number 4447.
Published fall, winter, spring, and summer by the British Columbia Historical Association, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, V8W
2Y3. Our Charitable Donations number is 0404681-52-27.  Printed by Fotoprint, Victoria, B.C.
Correspondence with editor is to be addressed to Box 1738, Victoria, V8W 2Y3.
Subscriptions: Institutional $15.00 per year, Individual (non-members) $7.00 per year.
The B.C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance of the British Columbia Heritage Trust. To the Editor
The Editor:
Congratulations on your last issue of B.C. Historical News. It is most interesting with your use of
pictures. I love the showshoes on the horse.
Just a suggestion. From nineteen years of
editing a small town newspaper, I know people
like odds and ends of news though they are
sometimes reluctant to tackle long articles.
How about a short "Did You Know?" box each
issue? A different area each time. I am sure each
society could suggest three short items. I'll enclose
one from here which you could use if you are
Winnifred Weir
Invermere, B.C.
Editor's Note: The three items from the Windermere District Historical Society are with the
Reports from the Branches.
Deadline for submissions for the Spring issue of
the NEWS is June 1, 1982. Please type double
spaced if possible. Mail to the Editor, B.C.
Historical News, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B.C. V8W
The Editor:
I am appealing to everyone working on any
level in the field of women's history to check
through their written and oral sources to find the
names of women who died between 1891-1900,
who might be included in this volume of the
Dictionary of Canadian Biography.
We feel certain that the editors will be pleased
to receive such names, but it is up to us to send
them in. They can be sent to the Editor,
Jean Hamelin
directeur general adjoint
Dictionary of Canadian Biography
Les Presses de L'Universite Laval
Quebec, P.Q. G1K 7P4
Please let us not assume as I did in the past that
someone else will do this. Someone else did.
Unless we are content to leave the DCB for this
decade virtually all-male, we must provide
information and suggestions for material on
Barbara Roberts
Department of History
University of Winnipeg
Winnipeg, MB R3B 2E9
Editor's Note: Barbara Latham at Camosun
College (1950 Lansdowne Road, Victoria, V8P5J2)
says she would be happy to offer whatever
assistance she can in directing interested women
to potential sources of information.
Yes, I wish to subscribe to B.C. Historical News. I enclose a cheque or money order payable to the
B.C. Historical Association, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B.C. V8W 2Y3.
Individual Four issues for $7.00 ( )
Instutional  Four issues for $15.00 ( )
Postal Code
Page 4
British Columbia Historical News mai£
Maureen Cassidy
(Editor's note: It seems only fair to subject myself
to the publicity that I ask of others.)
I had just moved to Victoria when I was
cornered into being the editor of the News. I
happily accepted since it was my first opportunity
to do graphic design since I learned newspaper
work as a sideline while I was in graduate school.
We have a place in the Kispiox Valley, just
north of Hazelton, B.C. I have taught local history
of the Smithers and upper Skeena areas in the
community college and have spent some years at
local history research for Indian bands there.
I'm the proud mother of two girls, Amy (age
five) and Megan (age eighteen months) who keep
me hopping along with my present job working
for the Kispiox Indian band writing their history in
a book suitable for use in the schools, with
funding from the Ministry of Education.
Convention registration
form is between
pages 28 and 29
A Message from
the President
It is that time of the year again. It doesn't seem
possible to be looking to another annual meeting.
I hope you will all come to the meeting
prepared to offer ways and means of improving
the service of British Columbia Historical Association to be of assistance to you.
The convention committee is working very
hard to prepare an interesting convention for you.
The Cowichan district has a very fascinating
history to offer you.
Hope to see you there in April.
Barbara Stannard
Why not join the British Columbia Historical
Association and receive British Columbia Historical News regularly?
The BCHA is composed of member societies in
all parts of the province. By joining your local
society, you receive not only a subscription to
British Columbia Historical News but the opportunity to participate in a programme of talks and
field trips and to meet others interested in British
Columbia's history at the BCHA's annual convention.
For information, contact your local society
(addresses on inside of front cover). ... No local
society in your area? Perhaps you might think of
forming one. For information contact the secretary of the BCHA (address inside back cover).
Spring 1982
Page 5 The Liquor Question
and the 1916 Election in
By Bob Smith
The election of 1916 was a major turning point
in the province's history. British Columbians were
askedrto give yet another mandate to the Conservatives who,under Premiers Sir Richard McBride
and William Bowser, had ruled the province for
thirteen years, a period of unprecedented growth
and prosperity. Ranged against the Tories was the
inexperienced Liberal Party which promised to
end the Conservatives' glaringly reckless and
corrupt practices and inaugurate an era of reform
so long demanded by progressive clergy, labour,
farmers, feminists, and last but not least, prohibitionists.
The importance of the election was heightened by the inclusion of two referenda: should
women be permitted to vote and should the
saloon and domestic liquor traffic be abolished.
Throughout the summer of 1916, during the "war
to end all wars", amid Allied disasters and the
flurry of patriotic activities on the home front,
British Columbians' new-found sense of idealism
led to a debate about the type of society they
wanted to live in, the kind of society which 30,000
had volunteered to defend, indeed, for which
their sons were dying in the mud, shrapnel, and
gas of the Western Front.
This sense of commitment was not lost on the
people of Chilliwack. Their patriotism was
overwhelmingly demonstrated by enlistments,
the unceasing "war work" by women, the
generous contributions to soldiers' dependents,
and the numerous subscriptions to the Dominion's War Bonds. The proposed referendum on
the liquor question, in particular, intensified the
patriotism and moral fervour of the "dry" forces in
the Upper Fraser Valley. It presented to them an
ideal opportunity to reconstruct a society worthy
of wartime sacrifices then being made in Europe
and at home.
Chilliwack residents had long since decided
that the liquor traffic not only undermined public
decency and individual morality and health, but
also undid the necessary and good work of their
institutions — the home, family, church, and
school.1 The saloon, then, was no club; it was a
whiskey den, a scene of gambling and prostitution. The saloon led its patrons away from family
responsibilities and conjugal fidelity, robbed
money from wives and children, ruined marriages, caused crime, filled hospitals and insane
asylums, and eroded the work ethic.
Through the evangelical churches and numerous clubs the prohibitionist message was
inculcated in the young. The Chilliwack authorities repeatedly denied liquor licences to hotel
operators, prosecuted drunks and bootleggers,
sniffed out stills, and kept an eye out at the
landings for shipments of booze. Area voters
supported the dry cause in the Dominion plebiscite of 1898 by a margin of three to one.
After the turn of the century, however,
provincial law governing the granting of liquor
Page 6
British Columbia Historical News licences wrested from the community the power
to prevent the intrusion of the saloon. In a
plebiscite in 1909, provincial prohibitionists waged
a hard-fought and apparently successful campaign to permit local communities the right to
decide the local status of the liquor traffic, the so-
called "local option", but Premier McBride's
government disregarded the results, citing
numerous irregularities. (The local option passed
in Chilliwack, 748 to 309.2)
Prohibitionists, however, did not give up. They
combined into the People's Prohibition Association to pressure the government. An active
Merchant's Protective Association, a group of
hotel operators, distillery and brewery owners,
and liquor wholesalers which included Messrs.
Sutro and McGillvray, owners of the Empress and
Royal Hotels, respectively. Sutro and McGillvray,
who had complained of being taxed to no end for
the privilege of selling liquor, now faced the
prospect of greatly reduced income, without
compensation. Sutro, also faced a crushing debt
incurred in the purchase and expensive renovation of the Empress. Support for Sutro and
McGillvray came almost entirely, it would appear,
from outside the community.
Their dry opponents in Chilliwack, on the
other hand, enjoyed strong grassroots support
chapter was easily formed in Chilliwack. In 1915,
Premier McBride promised a referendum on
prohibition, and in the spring of 1916 his successor, William Bowser, reaffirmed the decision.
Then, in the early summer of 1916, Bowser
announced that this referendum, and the one on
women's suffrage, would coincide with a provincial election to be held on 14 September 1916.3
The wet and dry forces throughout the
province, and in Chilliwack, prepared for the
campaign. The "wets" were represented by the
and the endorsement of numerous churches and
temperance, youth, service, fraternal, and women's clubs, all represented by respected community leaders.
Accounts of the debate were prominently
displayed in the pages of the Chilliwack Progress
from March until September, 1916. The historic
arguments against the liquor traffic were presented in these articles, letters to the editor, ads ("The
Home vs. the Bar" or "Blot Out the Bar"), public
debates, guest lectures, club socials, and revival-
Spring 1962
Page 7 p»TOMM
A Chilliwack hop yard.
like rallies. Drink was an affront to humanity. It
caused crime, broken homes, poverty, disease,
and addiction. For example, one advertisement in
the Progress asserted that drink sent 1770 people
to prison in British Columbia in 1914, over 80% of
total convictions.5
Even moderate drinkers imperiled their lives
and the good of society because, it was argued,
drunkards were once moderate drinkers. Statistics
proved, prohibitionists submitted, that wherever
prohibition laws were enacted and enforced,
crime rates dropped and public and private
morality and material prosperity increased.
The "drys" also argued that a bad food, booze,
was made from wholesome grains much needed
in the war, which was heading into its third year
and, by all accounts, would be won by the side
that most effectively disciplined itself and employed its resources. The production of booze
detracted from Canada's maximum effort. Another argument, or rather propaganda tactic, of
wartime origin was the identification of the liquor
interests, "the B.C. whiskey huns", with the
enemy. The abolition of the saloon and liquor
traffic, local prohibitionists asserted, was essential
in order to build a better society, which alone
could justify the slaughter in Flanders' fields.6
There were, arguably, unspoken motives
among prohibitionists. The continued leadership
of the dry advocates in the community might be at
stake. Merchants could make additional profits
from people who would buy their wares instead
. of drink.
The saloon keepers and their allied interests
tried to make the best of their position, which was
now deteriorating amid the fervour generated by
the war. They pointed to some good arguments,
although their narrow economic interest was
apparent to all. The Merchants' Protective
Page 8
British Columbia Historical News Association stated in articles in the Progress that
drink had been around for millenia. Better to
recognize the saloon for the social institution it
was and control abuses, such as serving minors, by
enforcing liquor licence regulations. The liquor
traffic provided employment and liquor licences
were an important part of municipal income.
The measures the government proposed the
electors endorse or reject, the "wets" argued,
violated civil liberties. Law enforcement officers
would be permitted to enter and search private
homes without warrant. Those accused of offenses would have to prove their innocence rather
than placing the burden of proof on the Crown.
Additionally, the proposed prohibition law
would allow individuals to import liquor for
private consumption or obtain liquor on the
strength of a doctor's prescription, two measures
which favoured drinkers with money for the
purpose and penalized the working classes who
were traditionally drinkers "by the glass". Thus,
prohibition would apply only to the less affluent,
not to the well-to-do. The MPA also asserted that
it was unfair to abolish the property rights of hotel-
keepers or bartenders without compensation,
their investment and loans being in part secured
by the sale of liquor. One wag even argued that
prohibition would encourage intemperance
because when the bars were open a man could
buy one drink, whereas when they were outlawed
he would have to import booze by the gallon.
Finally, anti-prohibitionists contended that prohibition was unworkable.7
The debate also had its religious dimension
which took on great local significance. In an
engaging series of letters to the Progress, Henry
Hulbert, owner of the hop farms in Sardis, and
local clergy went at it in June and July of 1916.
Hulbert wrote that there was no Christian basis for
prohibition. While Christ had cautioned moderation and denounced drunkenness, He Himself
drank wine and had turned water into wine for
others to drink. He also promised His disciples that
they would all drink wine together in Heaven.
Why should the churches prohibit something that
was not in itself evil? Hulbert concluded that, in
view of these facts, the strong religious representation in the prohibition movement was not only
mistaken but led others to make the same
The ministers, A. W. McLeod and H. C. Fraser,
criticized Hulbert for his interpretation of the
word "wine", a point which was still being
debated by scholars. Additionally, Hulbert, they
wrote, was no scholar of the Greek language, but
was a hop grower with an obvious economic self-
interest in the continued sale of beer. The
scholarly interpretation of the word "wine",
however, generally supported Hulbert's position,
hence the thrust of ministerial opinion came
down to two major points: modern circumstances
may require Christians to refrain from actions that
even Christ took, and Christians, as voters, should
not be insensitive to the "broken hearts, ruined
homes, hungry children, and wrecked manhood"
that the saloon and liquor traffic so clearly caused.8
Candidates Square Off
Prohibitionist sentiment seemed to be running
so high that both political parties endorsed the dry
position, although it was well known the Liberals
had the more consistent and sincere anti-liquor
record, while the Conservatives had only recently
reversed their position for fear of losing votes. The
local Conservative candidate, W. L. Macken, was,
however, as strong a prohibitionist candidate as
his party could expect to find. Macken, an active
and prominent member of the local chapter of
the People's Prohibition Association, always saw
to it that when he spoke to his constituents he was
attended by a man of the cloth — usually Rev.
McLeod — who preached in favour of prohibition.9
The Liberal candidate, E. D. Barrow, supported
his party's position, but he readily admitted to
voters that he was not a tee-totaller and that he
was not prepared to misrepresent his personal
habits in order to get votes. This is not to say that
Barrow didn't have a chance of winning. Barrow
had come to Chilliwack in 1892, eight years before
Macken, and was a farmer in what was an
overwhelmingly agricultural riding. He was the
president and manager of the Chilliwack Creamery and would be founding president of the Fraser
Valley Milk Producers' Association. His most
effective criticisms of the Conservative Party were
agricultural in nature, from the farmer's point of
Macken, on the other hand, was a real estate
broker and president of the Chilliwack Telephone
Company. While he had served the Chilliwack
Creamery as secretary, he simply wasn't a farmer.
His speeches, indeed the Tory Party's platform,
contained a great deal of special pleading to
express the farmer's concerns, which he knew
only from second-hand.11
Macken's problem was that he was on the
Conservative ticket. Although he was in no way
personally responsible for the previous Conservative policies, he was handicapped by his party's
alliance with big business. The party did not
represent the farmer or the worker. The Conservative Party and Premier Bowser himself, had long
Spring 1982
Page 9 since acquired the reputation of corruption,
which the Lower Mainland Ministerial Association
had so amply documented in its pamphlet, The
Crisis in British Columbia.
This pamphlet and the men who took its
message directly to the people, the Rev. Dr.
McKay of the University of British Columbia and
Rev. A. E. Cooke, asserted in unequivocal terms
that the Tories were a bunch of grafters who
personally profited from the wholesale sell-out of
the province's resources to even more unprincipled robber barons, alias "railroad builders" and
"developers". McKay and Cooke implored the
voters in many ridings, including Chilliwack, that
morality dictated these Tories be thrown out of
office.12 The famous Vancouver Sun cartoon of the
period depicted these Tories in a rowboat
dumping the unaudited public accounts over the
side.13 Bowser was commonly known as the
"Czar," the "string puller," "party machine boss,"
and "palm greaser" par excellence.
In their speeches to the Chilliwack voters,
Bowser and Macken glorified what their party had
done for farmers, i.e., the loan of $65,000 at
reduced rates to farmers.14 Still, it was well known,
from The Crisis in British Columbia, that the Tories
had been given land and millions to railroad
builders, some of whom fled the province with
public funds, not bothering to build the railway
(the PGE) for which they were paid.
Despite his prohibitionist credentials, his
small-town business experience, and support
from numerous pioneer families, Macken laboured under an enormous handicap. Barrow had
only to sit back, put in an occasional appearance,
and let the Tory Party's sleazy record do its work
on the electors.
After the returns of the 14 September 1916
election were in, a colossal reversal of fortune
befell the Tories, who lost 30 seats. The Liberals,
who had no seats until recent by-elections, won 37
seats. E. D. Barrow received 871 votes to Macken's
654. Women's suffrage, apparently a foregone
conclusion, was approved by local voters 1129 to
344, and by over a two-to-one margin provincially.
Prohibition was also approved locally by a vote of
1090 to 440, and in the province by almost 8000 of
the 63,000 ballots.15 The referendum on prohibition, however, would not be settled for many
The Soldier Vote
In the 1916 election, British Columbia's soldiers
were permitted to vote. The soldiers were,
however, scattered throughout Canada, British
Columbia, France and Belgium. It took some time
before their ballots could be cast and counted.
Few expected to learn, when the vote was
announced at the end of 1916, that the large
civilian majority in favour of prohibition had been
overturned by the soldier vote by the narrow
margin of 822 votes.
Despite their position on prohibition, the
Liberals, now in power, were prepared to stand by
the verdict and would have done so had not the
People's Prohibition Association pressured them
to establish a commission to investigate the
overseas voting procedures. The commission
subsequently uncovered many gross irregularities.
Some soldiers, it seemed, voted more than once
and some of them were treated to beer before
voting. The commission decided to throw out
over 4500 ballts and reverse the verdict. Prohibitionists breathed a sigh of relief. The Liberal
Government then decided to enact prohibition,
effective 1 October 1917. (Although a Chilliwack
prohibitionist and part-time bard erred on the
date, his wish in August 1916 finally came true:
"King Alcohol has had his fling / Since first we can
remember / But 'round his grave we all shall sing /
On fourteenth of September.") The People's
Prohibition Association's suspicion that the soldier
vote had not been administered fairly was doubly
confirmed when it was later learned that Premier
Bowser in the last days of his government had
cabled Sir Richard McBride, British Columbia's
Agent General in London, to fix the vote, not only
to defeat the prohibition verdict, but also to insure
his (Bowser's) re-election in Vancouver.16
Chilliwack residents were pleased with the
overall results of the election of 1916. E. D. Barrow
turned out to be an inspired choice. As the
province's Minister of Agriculture from 1918 to
1928, he initiated and brought to fruition the
"mega-project" of the period — the Sumas Lake
Reclamation scheme, which provided good
agricultural land for family farmers. Barrow also
led the long battle to establish fair prices for
agricultural products. The Liberal government
enacted a number of important and lasting
reforms: reduction of party patronage by the
creation of a Civil Service Commission, grant of
land to returning soldiers, professional audit of
the government's books, a minimum wage act,
creation of a Ministry of Labour and extension of
the eight-hour day, and the return of land and
money to the public domain from the railroad
robber barons.
Prohibition, however, turned out to be an
impractical and short-lived measure. True, public
drunkenness decreased and some jails were shut
down for lack of offenders. Many saloons were
forced out of business, although some continued
Page 10
British Columbia Historical News E.D. Barrow in Telkwa, B.C. in 1918.
He is holding what
was termed "a good sample of peavine
to operate by selling "near-beer". The taste for
drink, however, could not be eliminated, and
there were those who saw to it that that taste was
Bootlegging became a new and thriving
profession. Unscrupulous doctors issued prescriptions by the thousands so that their "patients"
could obtain booze legally. The medical profession was fast acquiring the image of a bartender's
union. "Speakeasies" and "blind pigs" popped up
by the hundreds. Enforcement of the law at a
reasonable cost proved impossible. For example,
in one month, Vancouver police were called out
to raid 108 bootlegger joints.
There were well-founded charges that policemen were becoming implicated in the liquor
traffic, receiving "pay-offs" to turn a blind eye and
the like. The prohibition commissioner, W. C.
Findlay, was himself a bootlegger and was sent to
prison for two years. Municipal councils, now
deprived of the revenue derived from liquor
licences, were forced to levy new and administra
tively cumbersome taxation systems. The quality
of liquor was no longer ensured by government
agencies and, as a direct result, liquor akin to antifreeze had its predictable effects.
Matters had become ridiculous, to say the
least. Society was being turned upside down.
British Columbians had to face the need to
become a police state to enforce prohibition and
combat the growth of the underworld. B.C. would
require a fleet of world-class proportions to
prevent smuggling along its extensive shorelines.
Public support of schools, hospitals, and other
services would suffer for lack of funds needed to
support a growing army of detectives, stool
pigeons, prevention officers, and coastguard
men. The court system would be clogged with
liquor-related cases.
Not surprisingly, British Columbians increasingly acquired a different view of prohibition in
the years 1917 to 1920. The wartime idealism that
led people to consider prohibition a reform had
Spring 1982
Page 11 waned. Indeed, prohibition was now perceived as
a reactionary, as well as impractical, measure.
Returning soldiers demanded an end to it.
Municipal councils wanted their old liquor
revenues back. Hotelkeepers wanted their old
trade back. In 1920, they also saw the prospect of
enormous profits to be made by selling booze to
American tourists, the United States having just
enacted prohibition. In 1920, the provincial
government publicly admitted what most British
Columbians already knew: prohibition could not
be enforced. Premier John Oliver, himself a
teetotaller, announced that another referendum
would be held.17
In October 1920, British Columbia voters were
asked to vote for the continuation of prohibition
or for the legalization of the trade and consumption of liquor, based on government control and
sale. Provincial voters rejected prohibition by a
vote of 92,095 to 55,448.
Electors in Chilliwack, predictably, along with
only Richmond among the province's communities, voted in the minority by a margin of 1159 to
664.18 Again, the anti-prohibitionist side did not
have local sources of appeal. The prohibitionist
clubs were still strong and the Methodist Church,
for example, on the local as well as provincial
level, still advocated prohibition. The results of the
1920 referendum indicate that Chilliwack was a
distinctly different kind of community than those
that generally prevailed elsewhere in the province.
Although the government liquor control
system was here to stay, Chilliwack would
continue to resist it, although it and its schools and
hospitals would enjoy spending their share of the
profits made from the government sale of liquor.19
Sale of beer "by-the-glass" in hotels was not
legalized until about 1950, having been rejected in
1924 and 1931.20 Even after, many would continue
the fight and oppose, for example, the intrusion,
or at least limit the proliferation of, neighbourhood pubs. The saloon and the liquor traffic still
had much of its old, local reputation: a threat to
basic institutions and society in general, and the
residents who hold these views receive daily fresh
evidence to reconfirm them.
Sob Smith teaches history at Fraser Valley College
1 See R. L. Smith, "Bibles and Booze: Prohibition in
Chilliwack in the Late 1800s", British Columbia
Historical News, Vol. XII (April, 1979), pp. 2-9.
2 Chilliwack Progress, 1 December 1909, p. 2.
3 Ibid., 2 March 1916, p. 1, and 8 June 1916, p. 1.
5 Ibid., 11 May 1916, p. 7, and 29 June 1916, p. 1.
6 Robert Craig Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada,
1896-1921: A Nation Transformed (Toronto, 1974),
pp. 299-302.
7 Progress, 20 July 1916, p. 6; 3 August 1916, p. 6; 10
August 1916, p. 6; 17 August 1916, pp. 6-7; 24 August
1916, p. 6; 31 August 1916, p. 6.
8 Ibid., 1 June 1916, p. 7; 8 June 1916, p. 7; 15 June 1916,
p. 6; 22 June 1916, pp. 2-3; 6 July 1916, p. 7; and 27 July
1916, p. 3.
9 Ibid., 8 June 1916, p. 1.
10 Morag MacLachlan, "The Success of the Fraser
Valley Milk Producers' Association," BC Studies, No.
24 (Winter, 1974-75), p. 54
11 Progress, 20 July 1916, p. 1, and 8 Sept. 1916, p. 1.
12 Progress, 14 Sept. 1916, and Margaret Ormsby, British
Columbia: A History (Toronto, 1971), p. 387
13 Reproduced by Martin Robin, The Rush for Spoils:
The Company Province, 1871-1933 (Toronto, 1972),
opposite p. 164.
14 Progress, 8 Sept. 1916, p. 1
15 Ibid., 21 Sept. 1916, p. 1. The substantial minority —
440 — that voted against prohibition doesn't
necessarily invalidate the previous statement that
"support for Sutro and McGillvray ... came almost
entirely from outside the community." Apart from
Hulbert and just a very few souls, the local wet
contingent was virtually anonymous and simply did
not have the "big name" institutional support or
public prominence. There is evidence cited in the
present writer's previous article "Bibles and Booze
..." that some local residents were publicly "dry"
but privately "wet". (See B.C. Historical News, Vol.
12, No. 3)
16 Albert Hiebert, "Prohibition in British Columbia"
(unpublished M.A. thesis, Simon Fraser University,
1969), pp. 88-91; Robin, p. 167; Progress, 14 August
1916, p. 3 — the poem goes on but it doesn't get any
17 Hiebert, Chapter 3, passim.
18 Ibid., p. 130, and Progress, 28 Oct. 1920, p. 1.
19 Progress, 29 Dec. 1921, p. 1, and 21 June 1923, p. 1.
20 Ibid. 16 July 1924, p. 6, and 3 Dec. 1931 (cited in
Progress, 16 Dec. 1981, p. 4C).
Page 12
British Columbia Historical News Reuben Ware
Land and a New Life
British Columbia's Land Settlement
Board, 1918-1925
Newly constructed settler residence at the Merville Development Area in 1920.
In the wake of the Great War they wrote from
Alberta, Saskatchewan, Ontario, Manitoba and
the Maritimes; from Michigan, Texas, Montana,
Alaska, Washington, Iowa, California, Colorado,
and from other states as well; from Wales, Ireland,
Scotland, and England; Australia and New Zealand; from Norway, Germany and Romania. They
sought land and a new life in British Columbia.
They were tenant farmers and sharecroppers
wanting their own homestead; they were pensioners, ex-teachers and policemen looking for a
retirement farm; they were miners down on their
luck or bunkhouse men hoping for a place to
settle down; they were recent immigrants from
England and Scotland seeking to relocate away
from prairie winters or eastern factory towns; they
were war widows and returned soldiers needing a
way to rebuild shattered, disrupted lives.
They had all heard of land settlement schemes,
sponsored by the government, which sought to
establish new farming communities in British
Columbia. They had heard of British Columbia's
Land Settlement Board and wrote to get information about its settlement programs. Operated by
the provincial government, the Land Settlement
Board was the largest and most diverse public
settlement scheme ever attempted in British
Columbia. A brief introduction to its history might
illustrate some of the problems of agricultural
development in the province and the limited
socio-political perspectives of early 20th century
The newly-elected Liberal government established the Land Settlement Board (LSB) in 1917 by
passing the Land Settlement and Development
Act.2 The Board, staffed by noted Liberals and
agriculturalists, was given wide powers over
privately-owned lands it acquired for its settlement schemes. It could resurvey and subdivide
lands and clear, fence, dyke, dam and irrigate
them. It could lay out townsites and community
centres, erect buildings and homes, build and
Spring 1982
Page 13 maintain roads and bridges, and buy and sell
equipment. If no settlers were immediately
available for a site, the Board could cultivate the
land itself with hired labour or could lease land to
other farmers. These powers, along with its
financial authorities and the penalty taxes it could
levy, gave the LSB the potential for social engineering on a vast scale.
The LSB's purpose was to stimulate the rapid
development of British Columbia's agricultural
areas by establishing settlement communities in
areas near transportation and market facilities and
on lands suitable for mixed farming, fruit growing,
and intensive garden cultivation. The Board
hoped to co-operate with the University of British
Columbia faculty to plan scientifically each of the
agricultural communities and to co-ordinate
public expenditures with the Department of
Lands and the Department of Public Works.
With these ideas the LSB promised to go far
beyond its predecessor agency, the Agricultural
Credit Commission (ACC) which had been
established in 1916 by the desperate Conservative
government of Premier William John Bowser both
as a means to shore up farmer support for the
declining system of Bowserian patronage and as a
short-term agricultural credit scheme to stimulate
war-time production.
The LSB heralded these changes by reducing
the money-lending and short-term credit policies
of the ACC and promoting "land settlement and
development to the fullest extent." Loans to
farmers were continued by the LSB and at first
total amounts were even increased, but emphasis
was to be on "productive credit". Loans were to
be used for expansion of the productive base of
B.C. agriculture, not to serve the continuing needs
of established farmers for short-term agricultural
credit. Loans were to go primarily to new settlers
for land clearing, the erection of farm buildings,
and the purchase of equipment.
Ironically, this one-dimensional agricultural
loans policy undercut many of the new settlers on
LSB's settlement projects, for as a settler drew near
to establishing a viable agricultural operation, he
generally became ineligible for credit. The result
was often a failed farm and emigration to an urban
centre or out of the province. But in the early years
hopes were high that settlement and agricultural
development could expand rapidly. To achieve
these ends the LSB had two types of settlement
program: Settlement Areas and Development
The first Settlement Areas were established in
1919 at Fernie, Telkwa and Vanderhoof. The next
year the program was expanded and new areas
started at Prince George, Smithers, Alexandria,
Rose Lake, Francois Lake and Colleymount. To
determine the location of these projects, attention
was given to areas combining unoccupied Crown
lands and unimproved pre-emptions that were
near transportation lines. The LSB would reserve
or acquire these lands and offer them for sale to
settlers. Under Section 42 of the Land Settlement
and Development Act, owners of unimproved
lands were subject to a penalty tax and given a
period of time in which to begin improvements. If
they failed to do so, they either had to continue
paying the penalties or sell their land to the LSB at
prices set by the Board. These lands were then
incorporated into Settlement Areas and offered
up to prospective settlers and returned soldiers on
easy terms. New settlers got low interest loans and
repayment deferments and veterans got additionally a $500 deduction from the purchase price. As
the average price of land in Settlement Areas was
$5 per acre, an ex-soldier could obtain about 100
free acres.
Funds were also available for land clearing,
fencing, and other improvements. The LSB also
maintained a livestock purchasing program to
promote local dairy industries and built silos and
creameries. Cattle clubs were established in most
Settlement Areas to further enhance livestock
production and to provide agricultural education.
The penalty tax was seen by the LSB as a key
element in the Settlement Area program. It was
hoped that it would encourage improvements by
pre-emptors to avoid the penalty tax and thereby
encourage agricultural expansion. The penalty tax
also caused land companies, holding lands for
speculation, to sell lands at prices attractive to
settlers. Because the LSB value appraisals were so
low, it was better for a land company to sell on the
market, albeit a depressed one, rather than sell to
the LSB and lose its lands to a Settlement Area. The
result was to stimulate settlement generally and
reduce the wide spread practice of acquiring
lands and waiting for settlement and the subsequent rise in land values.
The Settlement Areas were moderately successful in the numbers of settlers who were able to
establish viable farm operations. Compared to
some of B.C.'s private land development and
colonization schemes, more people were settled
on the land at a lower per capita investment.
However, the Settlement areas were not without
their problems as by 1922 the LSB was faced with
the prospect of slashing loan funds permanently,
increasing loan fees, and raising interest charges
to meet political criticism of its deficits. It was
realized that this would have an adverse effect on
the already "overburdened settler" and strangle
agricultural expansion, but the government was
British Columbia Historical News not ready to subsidize adequately the high costs of
agricultural development.
The Liberal government wanted prosperous
farmer communities and hoped for the political
support of settlers, but it was unwilling to engage
fully in public-supported settlement. For example,
the costs of land-clearing could be astronomical
(as high as $250 per acre in the interior and $400
per acre on the coast). Land preparation costs and
the settlers' requirements for other development
capital necessitated a large-scale and long-term
commitment. Such a commitment was not
forthcoming from agricultural reformers committed to "sound business practices" and balanced
While the Settlement Areas were hindered by
Liberal fiscal and political ideology, the Development Areas largely failed as a direct result. The key
LSB Development Areas were at Merville on
Vancouver Island and Camp Lister near Creston
where work on land preparation began in 1919.
Later the Sumas reclamation project was
established as a Development Area, but Sumas
never had the community or social planning
dimensions of Merville and Creston. The dyke
construction and lake drainage was so costly that
little was left for subsidization of new settlers. In
addition, the farmsteads at Sumas were not
available for settlement projects and had reverted
to the "strictest accounting principles". Most of
the Sumas lands, which were far more fertile than
other Development or Settlement Areas, were
sold to those who could pay the price. The Board
argued that it was inadvisable to establish "penniless men on raw undeveloped land" unless large
sums of money were spent.
As Sumas never went through the community
development stage, the Merville Development
Area best illustrates the problems of co-operative
settlement and agricultural development within
the confines of a restrictive ideology and antagonistic economic structure.4
In 1918 over 40,000 acres of logged-off lands
north of Courtenay were purchased from the
Canadian Western Lumber Company. Although
logged, it was still costly to clear the land of slash
and stumps and prepare it for cultivation, so the
LSB at Merville employed returned soldiers in
land development work — land clearing, road
construction, erection of community buildings,
and residences. The land was then subdivided into
50 to 60 acre farm lots and offered to sale to those
who had proved their fitness for agrarian life while
labouring on the development projects. The price
of each farm was determined by the amount of
development work that had gone into it. By 1920,
126 units had been allotted and loans provided for
■ T3
Land clearing work at Merville, 1919.
additional land development, for the purchase of
equipment, and building construction.
There was a definite community orientation in
Merville's development plan. Temporary and
permanent homes were built with labour provided by LSB funds. A community centre, school,
garage and a blacksmith shop were also constructed. A co-operative store was established to serve
community needs, with the profits divided among
the settlers. In the first two years, there was
continued employment on development work in
addition to income from farm produce.
The goal was a self-supporting community
and by 1921 the future looked promising: crops
of clover, potatoes and oats were in; truck
gardens had been planted; dairy stock and
horses had been purchased and shipments to
the Courtenay Creamery Association began. A
chapter of the United Farmers of B.C. was
organized and a settlers' committee was active
in presenting the community's views to LSB
Spring 1982
Page 15 Yet the Merville settlement as a self-
sustaining agricultural community of small
farms was largely unsuccessful. By 1926, some of
the settlers had left permanently. Most of those
who remained worked at the Powell River Mill
or industrial sites on Vancouver Island and were
only part-time residents at Merville. The most
notable successes were several farmers who
had started strawberry farms or had purchased
the allotments of others and expanded their
Merville's problems stemmed from the LSB's
torpid bureaucracy and arbitrary powers over
settlers, from an inadequate land base for each
farm, and from insufficient development
capital and a lack of on-going agricultural
credits. The Board often inhibited effective
action itself by a general immersion in red tape.
The situation got so bad that it drew the ire of
Premier Oliver. The Premier complained, "I am
becoming very weary of the time and money of
the Board being wasted in considering so-
called regulations," and urged the LSB to get on
with its settlement work.7
The LSB's extensive supervisory powers
resulted in "sharp differences" between the
settlers' committees and the administration. The
Board could, without appeal, "deprive settlers of
... employment within the community." This
usually resulted in forfeiture of land rights, loss
of income necessary to make loan payments,
and explusion from the farmstead. The Board
determined the amounts of annual improvement that were necessary to keep an allotment.
To get the capital to make these improvements, a settler had to borrow, yet after 1921
funds available for development were insufficient. Private loans were also hard to raise
because the allotment agreement between the
LSB and the settler gave the settler a tax break,
but stipulated resale to the LSB at LSB appraised
values if the farm failed. This made it practically
impossible to use the land for collateral.
There were conflicts between the Board's
representatives and inspectors and the committees of development workers and settlers on
other issues. Hiring, employment conditions,
and wages for the development work were
constant strains on relations. The irony was that
as the community was ready to assume responsibility for much of its management, the Board
expanded its control over such things as
residences, water supply, land levelling, and
drainage while withdrawing much of the
financial support. Another sign of retreat from
the community ideals of early LSB rhetoric was
the 1921 sale of the Merville co-operative store
to a private party against the opposition of the
settlers' committee.
The sharp decline in agricultural prices in
1921 exacerbated Merville's economic difficulties, but causes of the scheme's failure are
sharply revealed in the LSB's reaction to the
crisis. The amounts available for new loans were
sharply reduced and in July loans were suspended altogether. By 1922 the attitude of the LSB
had hardened into a definite policy of retrenchment as loan qualifications were tightened, LSB
appraised values were raised, new mortgage
agreements imposed, and closer inspection of
farms was instituted.
The LSB sent at the task of "eliminating
settlers ... obviously incapable." Board Director R.D. Davies bitterly complained about the
activities of the settlers' committees and
regretted the unwise and "promiscuous settlement" of the Board's early days, while Board
reports consisted of sanctimonious soul-
searching about the pitfalls of government
interference in the settlement process and the
demoralizing effects of government assistance
on the recipient.
The B.C. Land Settlement Board would
continue on for many years afterwards, but for
the establishment of publicly supported cooperative farm communities, its heyday was
1 Many of the records of the Land Settlement Board
have recently become available at the Provincial
Archives of British Columbia, see GR 929. This
includes reports, minutes of Board meetings, loan
application registers and loan files, and subject
correspondence and covers the years 1916 to 1967.
Most of this article is based on these extensive
2 S.B.C., 1917, C. 34. The LSB, which reported to the
B.C. Minister of Lands, should not be confused with
the Dominion's Soldier Settlement Board which
could reserve only Dominion lands in British
Columbia's Railway Belt and Peace River Block. Nor
should it be confused with B.C. Returned Soldiers Aid
Commission which co-operated with veterans
associations to find employment for ex-soldiers, nor
with B.C.'s Soldier Settlement Act which gave the
Department of Lands authority to reserve lands for
veterans, but provided no funds for settlement
3 GR 929, Box 8, Files 1-3.
4 GR 929, Box 41-47.
5 GR 929, Box 43, file 1.
6 Vancouver Province, 24 October 1926.
7 GR 929, Box 8, file 3.
Reuben Ware is a government records and manuscripts archivist at the Provincial Archives of British
Page 16
British Columbia Historical News R. C. Harris
The Steamboat Trail
Hope to Skagit Valley, 1910-1911
The bare facts of the Steamboat boom are
given in two official mining reports. The British
Columbia Minister of Mines wrote in 1910:
During the past summer, Greenwal[t] and
Stevens, two American miners from Nevada ...
proceeded to prospect, and, tracing these colours
to their source, were rewarded by finding the
claims now known as the "Steamboat group" [July
As a consequence, an influx of prospectors has
taken place, and some 500 [claim] locations have
been made throughout the Skagit district. ... the
lateness of the season ... and the scarcity of pack-
horses available, which were all engaged by the
Steamboat Mining Co. for the remainder of the
open months, has prevented the forwarding of
supplies for owners who would have otherwise
have erected winter camps?
The Summary Report of the Geological Survey
of Canada, written in 1911, gives the obituary of
the Steamboat rush:
After the winter had come on and that [Steamboat] district was deeply buried in show, a boom
was gradually worked up with the aid of the press
and purely on the word of the original locators.
By the spring [7977], at least 1200 mineral
locations had been made in the surrounding
ocuntry, three townsites staked out, and hotels,
stores and other buildings erected for the carrying
on of business ...
The results of the [G.5.C.] examination of the
district show that the deposits on and around
Steamboat mountain do not carry gold ...
[T]here was no legitimate reason for the boom
that took place in this district?
Although Greenwalt and Stevens had left the
country by Christmas of 1910, when the boom had
hardly begun, other capable hands reached out
and kept it going for a further six months.
Blow by blow accounts of the rise of the boom
were published in the Hope News, established for
the purpose on November 17, 1910. The first
headline "Steamboat Mountain: The Greatest
Gold Producing Mining Camp the World has ever
Known" might nowadays incur reproof from the
Superintendent of Brokers.
In May 1911, as the excitement grew, the
newspaper became the Hope News and The Gold
Trail and the Steamboat trail was headlined as
"Like a Path in Stanley Park". By June of 1911, the
trail had been further embellished to "The Trail of
the Gods to Eldorado" in a fulsome article by J. H.
Gerrie, "For Fifteen Years on the Editorial Staff of
The Steamboat district was named during an
earlier rush to the Skagit. There was a strike in 1879
at the mouth of Ruby Creek in Washington State,
where the Ross Dam now stands. The best access
was through Hope, and down the upper Skagit.
Most prospectors used the 1860 Boundary Commission trail down the left bank, but W. L. Flood
and James Corrigan, who in 1911 still lived in
Hope, built a raft on the Skagit near the mouth of
the Klesilkwa River.
They named their craft "Steamboat", and its
building place "Steamboat Landing". The raft was
wrecked on the first logjam, a short way downstream, but the locality became known as "Steamboat". It is close to the Bailey Bridge which now
carries the Silver Skagit road to the left bank of the
Skagit River.
Before the Steamboat rush, Steamboat Mountain had been named "Shawatum" by the Boundary Commision (1860). It reverted to this name
after the Steamboat bubble collapsed. Similarly,
Muddy Creek was originally "Ne-po-peh-eh-kum
Creek". This name was reinstated as Nepopekum
Spring 1982 K[o \$_
\lv\   15'3
Page 17 Page 18
British Columbia Historical News the New York Herald".
The March 1911 issue of the business magazine
Opportunities carried a full page advertisement
for Steamboat Central Mines Limited (not the
original company): "And There's Gold at Steamboat, Plenty of It, Baskets Full of It ... the best
chance to make money you will ever have". The
fiscal agents in Vancouver offered 50,000 shares at
25 cents each.
Well Chosen
The place chosen for the gold strike was the
convenient distance of thirty five miles from
Hope, a full day's backpack over existing trails; not
too far, and yet not too close. The elevation of 5500
feet ensured the prospect was snowbound for half
the year. As trade built up in the Spring of 1911, the
three major packers in Hope, controlling 56 of the
86 horses on the trail, combined to give daily
service at the following rates:
4 cents/lb
6 cents/lb
9V2 Mile (Camp Comfort)
14 Mile (Lake House)
23 Mile House "where the
Steamboat trail turns sharp right
off the Princeton trail"
33 Mile (Steamboat — either
Steamboat Mines
8 cents/lb
10 cents/lb
15 cents/lb
The 50% rate increase for the last two miles to
Steamboat Mountain Gold Mines reflects the
arduous climb up the new trail from Steamboat
Citizens at Steamboat Townsite formed a
Board of Trade in June, 1911, blissfully unaware
that the game was over. In addition to the
resthouses along the Steamboat trail, substantial
investments were made at the two Steamboat
The original (southern) Steamboat Townsite
was staked by "Alaska Jack" Ginivan. This townsite
was more complete when abandoned, with
Mclntyre and Raymond's hotel, manager J. J.
Doyle; a two storey assay office; a real estate
office; and several smaller buildings.
The second townsite, Steamboat Mountain (33
Mile) had been staked, presumably, to intercept
traffic en route to the other settlement. Here was a
three storey hotel, a grocery, a real estate office,
and a post office.
The town of Hope also benefitted from the
Steamboat rush. It had declined almost to a ghost
town after the heady days of the 1850's and 60's.
The C.P.R. across the Fraser River was only
accessible via Luke Gibson's ferry.
Dominion Land Surveyor A. W. Johnson
resurveyed the townsite in 1906, and observed:
"The Hudsons Bay Company once cleared
practically the whole townsite to grow feed for
their packtrains, but it had been allowed to grow
up again, and is now covered with dense brush,
except where a few houses are".
Suddenly, in 1910, not only did Hope have to
service the rush to Steamboat, but it had to make
way for three major railways either being surveyed
or under construction: the Canadian Northern
Pacific; the Vancouver, Victoria and Eastern; and
the Kettle Valley. New hotels and warehouses
were built, and riverboat service from New
Westminster was reinstated after a gap of twenty
As the Steamboat bubble grew, other towns
wished to share the benefits with Hope. Princeton
noted how favourably situated it was for reaching
the Skagit by the old Hope trail. On Muddy Creek,
twelve men worked on the government trail from
Similkameen. R. W. Jarvis started a third townsite,
on Muddy Creek near Little Steamboat Mountain,
and extended the government trial to Steamboat
The burghers of Chilliwack proposed a sixty
mile trail up the Chilliwack River to the Skagit, an
impractical dream held fifty years before by the
Hudson's Bay Company. If the trail did not go
through, the British Columbia Electric Railway
Company was prepared to build a sixty mile
railway up the Chilliwack River.
The Snow Melts
In the Spring of 1911, as the snow went, owners
began developing their properties. A feeling grew
that all was not well. A mining engineer, one Mr.
Webster, came up from Mexico and spent two
weeks examining the area. On leaving, June 15, he
diplomatically observed that "the camp will be
one of low grade ore".
Hope News for June 22,1911, hinted that there
might be "a taste of salt" in the Steamboat
Discovery claim. Others were more forceful.
Mining Engineer W. A. (Bill) Lewis spent nearly
two months examining mining properties for
investors, then declared in the Hope Steamboat
Nugget, July 29, 1911: "There's nothing there,
never was, and never will be. It was all a fake. All
the gold samples that were brought out from
there were from Tonapah and Cripple Creek
[Nevada] ..."
What may have been the last Steamboat
Mountain mining transaction was the sale of a fifth
interest in a claim immediately below the Discovery claim, by John Vinson to Henry Mclntyre for
$1200 on July 20,1911. By the end of July, with J. J.
Spring 1982
Page 19 M
1911    jv|av OPPORTUNITIES Paje 43
You know all about tlie fortunes that have been dug out of the ground. All the great
fortunes of the ages have Ikicii made out of the utilization of the natural resources of the
earth—oil, coal, gas, silver, iron, lead, gold and all the other minerals that contribute so
largely lo the profits of industrialism. Everylxxly knows that this is true and nolxxly knows
it better than men like Rockefeller and Carnegie and Morgan. The only serious prohlcni is
It's what you all want. And there is NO PLACE IN THE WORLD TO-DAY
MOUNTAIN DISTRICT. Every mining expert who has visited SEAM BOAT predicts
that the next two months will witness a rush to STEAMBOAT which will equal the rush
to California in '49 and the subsequent rushes into Cripple Creek, Nevada, Alaska and the
Yukon. Those who are on the ground first are the men who are going to win. Last year
C. S. Walgamott and his associates went into the STEAMBOAT region. They discovered
LTD., has purchased SADDLE ROCK, SADDLE ROCK No. 3 and KILO No. 5, from
Mr. Walgamott and these properties are full of—
Do you want to share in the vast wealth of the STEAMBOAT MOUNTAIN region,
where $520 a ton is the AVERAGE value shown in NINE ASSAYS taken from TWO
DIFFERENT TUNNELS? Assays taken from the surface show an average of $t<;.i;o in
gold AFTER ELIMINATING ALL VALUES OVER $30. And experts estimate tlint it
will cost only $2.50 PER TON TO MINE AND MILL THE STEAMBOAT MOUNTAIN ORE. These figures ought to interest you. They tell a story of OPPORTUNITY
UNEQUALLED since the discovery of Goldfield, Nevada. DO YOU WANT TO SHARE
IN THIS OPPORTUNITY? If you do, let us know. We are disposing of $50,000 worth
of stock that has a par value of $1.00 a share at 25 cents a share. IT IS THE BEST
address is Suite 806 Bower Building, 543 Granville Street.
WALGAMOTT & EAMES, f;.c«i Agent.
Remember the Steamboat ore we'll show you Ih speckled -with
Page 20 British Columbia Historical News Hope, B.C. shortly before the Steamboat excitement.
Doyle the sole resident of the two Steamboat
townsites, the post office was "temporarily"
abandoned. Doyle had just come south from
fourteen years in the Yukon, and was probably
considering his next move.
Several travellers left descriptions of the
Steamboat trail, including the imaginative J. H.
Gerrie. There was a consensus that the trail ran
through some fine country, but there was no
agreement on its condition below 23 Mile.
Opinions varied from "Like a path in Stanley Park"
to "Impassable".
Part of the disagreement would stem from the
time of year, and the remainder to inexperience.
Several backpackers travelled the thirty five miles
in a summer's day, and regular packtrains ran
between Hope and Steamboat. Existing trails were
reused as far as possible.
Leaving Hope, the trail cut southeast over
Coquihalla Flats to the slopes of Hope Mountain,
climbing above the Coquihalla River. At 41/2 Mile
the trail {formerly the 1860 Engineers'wagon road)
passed below Bridal Falls, then a local beauty spot,
shown on maps and surveys from 1860, onwards.
As far as the Nicolum River, this section of the trail
will be found largely intact, below the modern
highway to Princeton.
At the Nicolum (6 Mile) the trail crossed
immediately to the north bank. The first road-
house, a canvas cabin, at bVi Mile, would have
been just inside the present Nicolum Provincial
Park. Similar accommodations were offered by
Fred Simpson at "Camp Comfort", 9Vi miles from
"Lake House" at 14 Mile was an old campsite
when the Similkameen trail was built in 1860/61. It
was just over the Sumallo divide beyond Beaver
Lake, just clear of the 1961 Hope Slide.
Near the west entrance to Manning Park,
several fine sections of the 120 year old trail remain
on the left, one being the well-known "Engineers
Road" Stop of Interest. Next, the great cedars
along the Sumallow River were noted by most
travellers. At 23 Mile, the Steamboat trail turned
sharp right from the Similkameen trail, exactly
opposite the "km 35" sign on the present
It was just as hard to maintain a bridge here
over the Skagit River seventy years ago as it is
today. Travellers in 1911 had to "deep-ford" to
reach the left bank, until the freshet subsided and
the bridge was replaced, in June by the provincial
road superintendent.
Beyond 23 Mile House, by most accounts, the
trail deteriorated. Captain W. W. de Lacy had cut
the privately funded Whatcom trail up the Skagit
very lightly indeed, with a few men, whereas the
Royal Engineers, working for the Colonial Gov-
vernment, used over a hundred men to construct
the solid wagon road which endures, in part,
At 33 Mile, ten miles below the Similkameen
turnoff was 10 Mile Creek and Steamboat Mountain townsite, located to intercept traffic to the
earlier, and more complete Steamboat Townsite,
half a mile to the south. The tunnels of the
Steamboat Gold Mining Company's Discovery
claim were located southwest of Steamboat peak
at about elevation 5500 feet, about two miles by
new trail above Steamboat Townsite. The Discovery claim was reckoned to be thirty five miles
by trail from Hope.
The Steamboat excitement undoubtedly
influenced the first line located for the Southern
Transprovincial Highway, which ran to the Skagit
over the present Silver Skagit route, then through
the two Steamboat townsites, up Muddy (Nepo-
pekum) Creek and through Gibson Pass to the
Similkameen. Construction began in 1912, and
reached five miles south of Silver Lake before
being abandoned in 1913.
The Skagit or Whatcom trail from 23 mile still
runs south through giant cedars on the left bank
of the Skagit to where the Silver Skagit road
crosses by Bailey bridge, ten miles below, where
the original "Steamboat" raft was launched a
hundred years ago.
'   British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1911, Report of
Minister of Mines.
2  Dominion of Canada Sessional Papers, 1912,
Geological Survey of Canada, Summary Report.
Spring 1982
Page 21 Have You Ever Wondered ...
Who Invented the Egg Carton?
By Lynn Shervil
The next time you take your dozen eggs from
the supermarket cooler, their safe arrival at home
will be thanks in no small part to B.C. inventor Joe
Coyle. The Coyle Safety Egg Carton, distributed
the world over after a humble initiation in
Vancouver in 1919, was the highlight of a career
which included the founding of three Northern
B.C. newspapers.
Born in 1871 in Ontario, Joseph Leopold Coyle
worked as a printer, surveyor and newspaper
reporter in Eastern Canada and the United States
before finding his way, via The Juneau Daily
Dispatch in Alaska, to Hazelton, B.C. in 1907. His
intention was to start his own newspaper there but
John Dorsey, a principal in the Vancouver-based
North Coast Land Company, convinced him the
new community of Aldermere in the Bulkley
Valley was the place for an eager and experienced
newspaperman. It appears Dorsey's prime interest
was in establishing a local vehicle for his real estate
promotion. Only one issue of The Bulkley Pioneer
was published in Aldermere before Dorsey and
his North Coast partners withdrew their financial
support from the Bulkely Valley operation and reestablished The Pioneer in Port Simpson.
Coyle, on the other hand, pursued his initial
plan, founding The Omineca Herald in Hazelton
in 1908. The paper survived for many years but
only briefly under Coyle's guidance. His short
association with the Bulkley Valley had left him
with a compelling desire to return. This he did in
1909 and immediately founded The Interior News,
publishing the paper on his ranch near Aldermere
before moving the operation into the community
six months later. In 1913 Coyle moved the paper
again, this time to Smithers, an emerging divisional point for the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway,
where it is still published today.
It was during his time in Aldermere, however,
that Coyle invented the predecessor to the
modern day egg carton. According to Coyle's
daughter, Mrs. Ellen Myton of Bellingham, Wash.,
The Coyle Egg-Safety Carton
Page 22
British Columbia Historical News one Gabriel Lecroix, a local rancher, was in the
business of shipping eggs to the Aldermere Hotel.
Few of Lecroix's eggs ever arrived intact, leading to
"loud criticisms and recriminations between the
packer and the hotel". As Coyle's newspaper
office was in the immediate vicinity, he was privy
to the disagreements and decided to do something about them.
"Dad's cushioned container solved the problem," said Mrs. Myton. "It was even demonstrated
that you could drop the carton (in a certain way!)
and the eggs survived intact."
By 1919 Joe Coyle had decided to start
manufacture of his egg carton ... and thereby
revolutionize that aspect of the packaging
industry. He moved to Vancouver where, for a
short while, his carton was made by United Paper
Products but only after Coyle had designed the
machines required for its production. In 1920, due
to financial problems with United Paper Products,
Coyle took his venture to Los Angeles and
produced the carton himself, setting up a family
business. What happened next is related by Mrs.
"Dad wanted to retain his independence but
needed capital so a deal was made with a Leon
Benoit in Chicago. The Coyle Safety Egg Carton
was produced at a factory on Halstead Street in
Chicago and then in New York. It was also
manufactured in Indiana and in Pittsburgh at the
Grant Paper Box Company. Later production
started in Toronto at the Colette Sproule Co., and
in London, Ontario by Somerville Industries. It
enjoyed extensive sales abroad — South Africa,
Hawaii, Alaska, Mexico, England, the Continent.
From the New York factory 200 million cartons
were sold annually."
A Chicago newspaper described Coyle's
invention as "pleasing in design with many
structural advantages. It has a cushioned bottom
and is air conditioned, offers a large egg space, a
good printing surface and has no glued parts to
become detached or metal parts to rust."
Unfortunately, according to Mrs. Myton, the
magnitude of the business grew beyond the
ability of her father to control it. "As is so often the
case with inventors," she said, "he was no match
for the sharp practices of big business and their
sharper lawyers. The Coyle carton made several
millionaires but Dad was not one of them. We
lived comfortably but not affluently."
During the heyday of the carton's production,
the Coyle family lived in London, Ontario,
returning to New Westminster in 1941 where
Coyle designed another carton and began its
production. By this time Joe Coyle was 70 years
old. With his son Patrick, he continued the
business until the advent of the molded and
plastic egg cartons.
"Conversion of the plant to new machinery
and methods would have involved a huge
expenditure," Mrs. Myton said. "And Dad was
then in his early nineties, still working the presses
and planning for the future."
Joe Coyle died in New Westminster on April
18,1972, just shy of his 101st birthday. According to
his daughter the last egg carton deliveries from his
Vancouver plant were made at about the same
"His invention of 1911 survived until his death
in 1972 and then died quietly with him."
Lynn Shervell has reported for the Interior News and is
author of the recently published Smithers: From
Swamp to Village.
Joseph Coyle with his wife and daughter Ellen, August
24, 1912. 6
Spring 1982
Page 23 Discovery: 1913
Editor's note: The life of the provincial librarian/
archivist in British Columbia in the early years was
not a job for those who liked sitting down at a desk
as these quotes from a manuscript in the Provincial
Archives attest. E. O. S. Scholefield wrote the
following about a collecting expedition he went
on in the Fort Fraser-Stuart Lake area in 1913. The
photographs are from the Cariboo leg of the same
Ethelbert Olaf Stuart Scholefield, "Diary of a Trip Through
the Cariboo to Stuart Lake, 1913", Provincial Archives of B.C.,
Add Mss 491.
Reached Fort Fraser yesterday after hard, fine day trip in from
Quesnel. First night slept under the sky. Second night, as we had no
tent, had to make the best covering possible with a piece of canvas
open at the sides and end pitched in thunder, lightning, rain and hail.
Slept in rough log cabins the other two nights. Rain and hail every day
but one. Do not feel quite well. Hope to go on to Hudson's Bay post
this afternoon. Very bad journey and no road houses — brought my
own blankets and grub box.
Page 24
British Columbia Historical News Made Sucher Creek in time for dinner with Mr. & Mrs. Powers
who keep a "road-house", consisting of a one-roomed log-cabin. Mr.
and Mrs. P. live in a tent, while guests lay their blankets in a bedstead
in a corner of the cabin or on the floor — I took the floor. Terrible
dinner of boiled potatoes, boiled turnips, stewed raisins and hot
bread. After sleeping in the open found the cabin insufferably hot
and stuffy but it was too wet to sleep outside ... got up betimes;
dressed while Mrs. Powers prepared a breakfast of fried turnip and
potatoes, tea, bread, butter and marmalade ... Left Sucher Creek
about eight-thirty o'clock. Felt quite ill after that breakfast dinner —
must have got a chill also, for which our wet camp at Mud River may
be responsible.
Spring 1982
Page 25 News and Notes
Seniors' Summer Study:
UVic in the Kootenays
June 13-19 or June 20-26
The Senior's Summer Study operated by the
University of Victoria on the campus of David
Thompson University Centre (DTUC) in Nelson is
an opportunity for people sixty years or better (or
whose spouse or travelling companion qualifies)
to study aspects of the rich natural and human
history of the Kootenay Region.
Life experience makes you an interesting
student. There are no formal educational requirements, just a positive attitude toward living and
learning and an interest in being a participant in a
vibrant learning community.
Three courses will be given from Monday to
Friday, with each class allotted IV2 hours. The
general course outline is one on natural history, a
second on the early settlers of the areas and one
course on creative expression. There will be two
field trips each week to areas of interest led by the
The cost includes all meals, your room, course
fees and field trips — from Sunday evening to
Saturday morning. It does not include your
transportation to Nelson, but you should be able
to come and forget about your wallet while you
are enjoying Seniors' Summer Study. The projected cost for one person in a double occupancy
room is $199.00; for a single room it is slightly
more. (The tuition portion of the fee is deductible
from your income tax.)
For further information call Cynthia Williams
or Anne Fraser at the University of Victoria (112-
721-8463) or write University Extension, University
of Victoria, P.O. Box. 1700, Victoria, B.C. V8W 2Y2.
Manitoba Archives
The Provincial Archives of Manitoba, which
also includes the Hudson's Bay Company Archives,
will be closed to the public September 13-17,1982,
for the purpose of taking inventory.
THIRD B.C. Studies Conference
February 1984
The third B.C. Studies Conference will be held
at the University of British Columbia in February
1984. Proposals for conference papers are now
The B.C. Studies Conference is interdisciplinary with an historical focus. The organizers invite
proposals for papers that will enhance our
understanding of any aspect of British Columbia's
Approximately ten sessions will be held at the
conference, each session made up of two papers
on a related subject followed by a commentator's
critical assessment. One special evening session
will also be held.
Suggestions for conference papers will be
considered as they are received; the final deadline
for proposal submissions is December 1,1982.
Enquiries should be directed to R. McDonald,
Department of History, University of British
Columbia; Alan Artibise, Department of History,
University of Victoria; and Hugh Johnston or
Robin Fisher, Department of History, Simon Fraser
Page 26
British Columbia Historical News News and Notes
Reports from the Branches
In October the Vancouver Historical Society
held a seminar on oral history, which was
conducted by Allen Specht of the Provincial
Archives. As a result of this seminar, attended by
about twenty people, the Society has formed a
committee to initiate an oral history project to
record the reminiscences of long-time residents
of Vancouver.
The major social event of the fall season was a
dinner and historic fashion show held at St. James'
Church. One hundred members and guests
attended and enjoyed Ivan Sayers' models who
displayed a series of costumes illustrating women
at work and at play in British Columbia from the
1890's to the present.
The Society ran a successful local history book
sale at the B.C. Studies Conference held in
Vancouver on October 30th. Orders are still
coming in as a result of the booklist that was
distributed to members afterwards. The Society
hopes to run another book sale at the B.C.H.A.
Convention in Duncan.
Speakers of the past months have included
Melva Dwyer (Art in Vancouver architecture);
Ralph Maud (Charles Hill-Tout); and Hugh
Johnston (Komagata Maru).
— Report submitted by Anne Yandle
Windermere District
1981 was a busy year. We were fortunate in
having two students working in the Museum
through the summer — Pam Tranfield and Lisa
Rohrick. Our thanks to Mrs. Eileen Fuller who did
the accounting connected with the employment
of these young ladies, and to Winnifred Weir who
undertook their supervision.
The members held open house on three
occasions. The first was in February when Mrs.
Laird showed her collection of slides of buildings
of historical interest built before 1923, showing
how they appear today. The second was June 20,
the date of the museum opening for the summer.
This occasion was named "Madeline Turnor Day"
to honour her many years of pioneering and
service in the valley. Many friends came to talk
over old times with her and an interesting
collection of memorabilia connected with her
family was shown. The third open house was held
during the summer in honour of Konrad Kane
and featuring Arnor Larson's photographs of
appropriate mountain scenes. Mr. Larson has
donated these imaginative pictures to the museum.
A committee was formed to see what can be
done to improve the condition of the Windermere Cemetery. This undertaking will be done
with the backing of the Village of Invermere and
the committee will work along with the Lions
Club, who have made this a project also.
Through the tireless efforts of Arnor Larson the
photographic lab is completed and has been put
to good use.
The major undertaking of the year was the
moving and restoration of the Brisco School
House. Our thanks go to all those who gave so
generously of their time to make this possible. The
school house was ready on schedule for the June
20 opening.
Lack of finances was an ongoing problem
throughout the year. We are grateful to those who
did so much to keep our heads above water; in
particular, Mr. Roger Smith. The Village of
Invermere kept the Museum Park grounds in
good order and aided us with funds to pay for this
maintenance and assistance in paying utilities.
Also, the Canadian Arts Council gave us a
substantial grant.
Many new acquisitions have been donated by
members of the community. Through the capable
work of Mrs. Mary Laird these have been marked
and listed in a well-organized file.
Attendance during the year was over 1,600,
including many visitors from Great Britain,
Germany, Australia and other countries.
Special thanks from our members go to Mr.
Charles Osterloh, our retiring treasurer, who
worked tirelessly and cheerfully in this department, and to the directors and committee
Spring 1982
Page 27 members who worked hard on the displays and
general organization, creating a good image to
the public and making the museum a pleasant,
attractive place.
— Report submitted by E. Stevens.
Did You Know?
Lake Windermere is named because of a real
or fancied resemblance to Lake Windermere in
England's lake district.
Lake Windermere and its sister Columbia Lake
are really just widenings of the Columbia River
which flows through them on its way to Golden
and hence to the Pacific.
David Thompson named a 10,772 foot peak in
the Purcell Mountains west of Invermere "Mt.
Nelson" because, when at Lake Windermere in
1807, he heard of the death of Admiral Horatio
Nelson at the Battle of Trafalgar two years before.
Chemainus Valley
Due to changing holiday trends, the Chemainus Valley Historical Society changed the time
of the annual meeting from March to November.
At the November 1981 meeting, the following
officers were elected: past president, Elmer
Albee; president, Tony Motherwell; vice president, Grace Dickie; secretary, Audrey Ginn; and
treasurer, Edith Stephenson. The following
directors were appointed by the new president:
George Pedersen, Betty Pedersen, Mary Anne
Hiehaus, Lillian Gustafson and Karen Flakstad.
The main project of the society during 1981
was having the Pioneer Cemetary at Lamalchi Bay
on Kuper Island brush-cut and generally tidied
up. There are twenty-two graves in this cemetery
but only four have markers, so the Society wants
to arrange for a suitable memorial cairn with all
the names.
In the spring, the society mourned the passing
of Harry Olson who had been a valued member
since the start of the Historical Society in Chemainus.
At the May meeting the members heard an
address by Ning Chang of Chemainus who spoke
about the first Chinese community in Chemainus.
It was so interesting that the Society requested a
copy of his notes to keep on file.
During the year, Elmer Albee gave a talk on old
times in Chemainus and named the occupants of
every home and business around 1919. Later in the
year, Mr. Albee gave an account of the bus lines
on Vancouver Island from 1924 to the present day.
Adam Hunter of Thetis Island was a guest at the
September meeting and he talked about the
pioneers on Thetis Island. Adam has a handwritten letter from the Government Agent in
Nanaimo dated September 1896 authorizing his
father, Peter Hunter and Peter's brothers to survey
and build a 12 foot wide road from his home to a
point near the site of the present ferry landing
which was approximately four miles. This entailed
using teams of horses, cutting trees and clearing
the right-of-way and grading the road. For all this
work, the Government agreed to pay the Hunter
brothers the total sum of $150.00
Members of the Society are looking forward to
an equally interesting year in 1982.
— Report submitted by Grace Dickie
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Wdt**^      tfJZSBrtsd
Page 28
British Columbia Historical News Golden & District
Golden and District Historical Society has
accelerated its efforts in both museum and
historical research. The group has attracted new
members and revitalized its original members.
Minor successes and the acquisition of grants
elated all the lagging workers. Enterprises are
being pursued with excitement and enthusiasm.
"Golden Memories — Revised" is going to the
printer in March. The book tells of the earliest
pioneers, then unfolds the industry and activities
which kept the town and district viable and
expanding. Mrs. Ethel King and her committee
have written many letters, researched all available
sources, written, revised, and proofread many
There is always a nostalgic pause when looking
through piles of old photographs to find suitable
illustrations. Why, oh, why didn't the photographer write information on these delightful
snapshots? "This is the Johnson family — the girls
were Emily and ... can anyone remember the
name of the younger one?" We have availed
ourselves of collective expertise by taking these
unidentified photographs down to the extended
care wing of the local hospital. The senior citizens
relish the opportunity to look at these pictures
and to reminisce.
The Brisco log schoolhouse, transported forty
miles up the valley by volunteers has been rebuilt
and restored by Norman King. The building boasts
a roof freshly covered with shakes split and
donated by the Old Timers Hockey club. The
inside was scrubbed and whitewashed by delinquents contributing hours of "community service". The tongue and groove flooring, cut as a
special favour by the Donald Sawmill, was installed
by Mr. King and Wilf Habart. The restoration of this
schoolhouse has been a labour of love, because
Norman's wife Ethel taught in it prior to their
The museum building and its displays had
undergone very little alteration since opening day
in 1974. Early in December three eager young
workers started changing all that. Working on a
Canada Community Development Grant they
renovated the back room and the book room,
created a large loft for storage space, made hidden
treasures more accessible, and they will create new
displays in remodelled settings.
— submitted by Naomi Miller
Historic Trails Update
I had hoped to include details of the Historic
Routes Symposium scheduled for this May,
sponsored by the Heritage Conservation Branch
with the support of the British Columbia Historical
Association and other groups. I have been advised
that the provincial government policy of fiscal
restraint has forced postponement of this project
until at least 1983.
My last report in this department brought
several replies giving information on the status of
and problems in preserving historic trails in
various parts of the province. I hope to comment
on these at a later date.
Meanwhile, those of you who may have felt
that historic lines of communication have been
somewhat neglected in the study and appreciation of British Columbia's past should have no
trouble in enjoying the Winter 1982 issue of the
— John Spittle
While the War of 1812 was being fought in the eastern part of
North America, a Vermont Yankee represented the North
West Company in New Caledonia. Wno was he?
(Warning: The answer is not Simon Fraser!)
For the correct answer we offer a prize of a copy of Pierre
Berton, Flames Across the Border, 1813-1814. Toronto:
McClelland and Stewart, 1981.
Entries should be addressed to "Contest", P.O. Box 1738,
Victoria, B.C. V8W 2Y3 and should arrive before June 1,1982!
If there is more than one correct answer, we will draw for
the prize winner.
Spring 1982
Page 29 Need to do Some Research?
Archival Notes
By Michael Halleran
There are over one hundred institutions
maintaining archival collections, both large and
small, across British Columbia. A list of their
addresses has been prepared on the basis of the
Directory of Museums, Art Galleries and Archives
published by the Provincial Secretary and the
membership list of the Association of British
Columbia Archivists.
A circular letter has been sent to all the
institutions on that list asking that they perodically
provide information about new acquisitions of
manuscripts, photographs and aural history tapes.
This information will be printed in subsequent
issues of the News as a service to researchers.
Some of the collections are well known and
others are less so. Researchers, especially begin
ners, tend to look to obvious sources, indeed they
may not know other sources exist. Perhaps by
drawing attention to new acquisitions throughout
the province, researchers will be directed to
sources of information previously unknown as
well as to new areas of investigation. You can find
gold by fossicking ground that has already been
worked, but the biggest nuggets are often in
creeks that have been overlooked by earlier
Michael Halleran was treasurer of the B.C.H.A. for
several years. He asks that information about collections missed be sent to him in care of the News.
Organisations and Institutions
with Archival Collections
Arranged in alphabetical order by city
Matsqui-Sumas Abbotsford
33660 South Fraser Way
Curator: Diane Kelly
Alert Bay Museum
Box 208
Manager: Joyce Wilby
Ashcroft Museum.
Box 129
Curator: Robert Graham
Atlin Museum
Box 111
Barkerville Historic Park
Curator: B. Dale Perry
British Columbia Ambulance
4730 Imperial Avenue
Director: Cor Zanabergen
Heritage Village Museum
4900 Deer Lake Avenue
Curator: Rick Duckies
Page 30
British Columbia Historical News British Columbia Telephone
3777 Kingsway
Historian: Tony Farr
Simon Fraser University Archives
Simon Fraser University
Archivist: Don Baird
Geneological Branch Library
Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-Day Saints
5280 Kincaid Street
Campbell River and District
1235 Island Highway
Curator: Jay S. Stewart
Doukhobor Village Museum
Box 3081
Curator: Anna Gattinger
Registered Nurses Association of
British Columbia West Kootenay
District Nursing Archives
302 Centre Avenue
V1N 3C1
Archivist: Helen McLeod
Selkirk College Archives
Box 1200
Chief Librarian:
John Mansbridge
Canadian Military Engineers
MPO 612 CFB Chilliwack
Contact: Tom Higgins
Wells Centennial Museum
209 Corbould Street
Curator: Nora Layard
Mennonite Historical Society of
British Columbia Museum and
2825 Clearbrook Road
Vice-Chairman: A.A. Olfert
South Cariboo Historical
Box 46
President: Bert Dibben
Coquitlam Historical Society
1011 King Albert Avenue
Curator: Louise Richards
Courtenay and District Museum
Box 3128
Acting Curator: Trevor Davies
The Railway Museum
Box 400
Gary Anderson
Creston and District Historical
and Museum Society
Box 1123
Contact: H.L. Dodd
Cumberland Museum
Box 74
Curator: Norman Alexander
American Foundrymen's Society
Archives and Museum, B.C.
8499-110 A Street
Curator: Donna Police
Delta Museum and Archives
4858 Delta Street
Curator: Mary A. Brown
Cowichan Valley Museum
2737 James Street
Curator: Myrtle Haslam
Fernie and District Historical
Box 1527
Curator: William D. Quail
Elphinstone Pioneer Museum
Box 766
President: David Helm
Golden and District Museum
Box 992
Curator: Naomi Miller
Kilby Provincial Historic Park
Box 48
Curator: C.T. Wood
Hornby Island Archives
Chairman: Betty Smith
Jack Lynn Memorial Museum
Box 288
Curator: Harriette Erickson
Windermere District Historical
Box 1075
Curator: Winnifred Weir
Kamloops Indian Band Museum
315 Yellowhead Highway
Contact: Manny Jules
Kamloops Museum and Archives
207 Seymour Street
Curator: Ken Faverholdt
S.S. Moyie Museum
Box 537
President: Harold Carss
Diocese of Kootenay Archives
Box 549
Archivist: Gail Greenhalgh
Kelowna Centennial Museum
470 Queensway
Curator: Ursula Surtees
Keremeos Museum
Box 27
Curator: Alberta Parsons
Kitimat Centennial Museum
293 City Centre
Curator: James Tirrul-Jones
Kaatza Historical Scoiety
Box 135
Lillooet Museum
Box 441
Curator: Renee Chipman
Mackenzie Public Library
Box 1095
Contact: Helen Knorr
Spring 1982
Page 31 Maple Ridge Museum
Box 223
Curator: Daphne Sleigh
Ed Jones Haida Museum
Box 186
Nicola Valley Archives
Box 1262
Curator: Katherine A. Howes
Mission Museum
33201 Second Avenue
Curator: Dorothy Crosby
Nakusp Museum
Box 280
Curator: Bert Gardner
The Bastion
Natives Sons of British Columbia
211-450 Stewart Avenue
Contact: W.R. Stannard
Nanaimo Centennial Museum
100 Cameron Street
David Thompson University
Centre Archives
Director: Ron J. Welwood
Nelson Centennial Museum
402 Anderson Street
Curator: W. A. Fetterley
Silvery Slocan Historical Museum
Box 281
Contact: Judith Maltz
Douglas College Archives
Box 2503
V3L 5B2
Director: David Williams
Irving House Historic Centre and
New Westminster Museum
302 Royal Avenue
V3L 1H7
Curator: Archie W. Miller
Museum of the Royal
Westminster Regiment and
Royal Westminster Association
530 Queens Avenue
V3L 1K3
Curator: Doreen Cull, CD.
New Westminster Public Library
and Archives
716 Sixth Avenue
V3M 2B3
Chief Librarian: Alan Woodland
North Shore Museum and
209 West Fourth Street
V7M 1H8
Curator: W.J. Baker
Oliver Heritage Society Museum
and Archives
Box 847
Curator: Mrs. Marilyn Simmons
Osoyoos Museum and Archives
Box 791
Curator: Claire E. Burns
District 69 Historical Society
Box 74
R.N. (Reg) Atkinson Museum
785 Main Street
Curator: Joe Harris
Pitt Meadows Heritage and
Museum Society
Box 381
Alberni Valley Museum
4255 Wallace Street
Port Moody Historical Society
126 Kyle Street
Curator: A.C. Espeseth
Pouce Coupe Museum
Box 293
Curator: Wilma Harms
Powell River Historical Museum
Box 42
Archivist: Gordon Stanely
Northcoast Marine Museum
309 Second Avenue West
Curator: Gladys Blyth
Quesnel and District Museum
707 Carson Avenue
Curator: Shiela Hill
Revelstoke Museum
Box 1908
President: Jack Leslie
Richmond Museum and
6911 Number 3 Road
Curator: W.P. Anderson
Steveston Museum and Post
3811 Moncton Street
Curator: Harold Steves
Page 32
British Columbia Historical News VV»V»%V»V«ViViVJVJviVSV
Salmon Arm Museum
Box 1642
President: Helenita Harvey
Shawnigan Lake Historical
Box 152
Shawnigan Lake Road South
Curator: Jim Griffin
Sointula Museum
Box 172
Curator: Wilma Olney
Sooke Region Museum
Box 774
Curator: Elida Peters
Squamish Museum
Box 166
Secretary: Ruth McAbee
Stewart Historical Museum
Box 690
Curator: Mary Schindel
Summerland Museum
Box 1491
Curator: Gertie J. Butler
Societa Cristoforo Colombo
Lodge Archives
584 Rossland Avenue
Curator: Allan Tognotti
Trail City Archives
1394 Pine Street
Curator: Jamie Forbes
Archives of the Anglican Synod
of British Columbia
6050 Chancellor Boulevard
Director: Garth Walker
Archives of the United Church
British Columbia Conference
6000 lona Drive
Archivist: Marilyn Harrison
British Columbia Museum of
1807 Tenth Avenue West
Curator: C. William Fraser
Vancouver Archdiocesan
150 Robson Street
Archivist: Sister Harsch
Vancouver City Archives
1150 Chestnut Street
Archivist: Sue Baptie
Vancouver Public Library:
Historical Photographs Section
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Contact: Dr. John Roberts
Spring 1982
Page 33 Bookshelf
OBLATES. Margaret Whitehead. Victoria: Sono
Nis, 1981. Pp. 142, illus., $8.95 (paper)
Those interested in the history of Christian
missions and the native peoples of British Columbia welcome the publication of Margaret Whitehead's University of Victoria M.A. thesis on the
Roman Catholic Cariboo Mission.
Because few books on the Catholic Indian
missions of this province have ever appeared, the
Anglican William Duncan who served the Tsimshian has become the historian's typical Indian
missionary. Yet, Wilson Duff's Indian History of
British Columbia (1964) notes that of the 95% of
British Columbia Indians who were nominally
Christian in 1939, 57% were listed as Roman
Catholic. Why?
Margaret Whitehead's The Cariboo Mission:
A History of the Oblates begins to answer that
question. French Oblates began missionary work
on the Pacific Coast in the 1840s in response to the
requests of French-Canadian bishops who were
responsible for the territory beyond the Rocky
Mountains. In the mid-1850s differences with
their French-Canadian colleagues and their
American neighbours in Oregon territory led the
Oblates to move north, first to Vancouver Island,
and, after further disagreements with French-
Canadian clerics, to the new gold colony of British
There, the Oblate order rapidly acquired
autonomy as a Roman Catholic missionary force.
From their base in New Westmister, Oblates
under Bishop D'Herbomez and his missionary
vicar and later assistant Bishop Durieu, opened
missions to serve various parts of British Columbia.
In 1866 the Oblates sent Father James McGuckin to establish St. Joseph's Mission (west of present
day Williams Lake) to serve the Cariboo district,
primarily its Indian bands. Why? The Oblates
knew the Carrier, Babine and Shuswap Indians
had their own religious beliefs but also had some
previous experience with Christianity and had
favourably received earlier missionary visitors.
Also, the scarcity of white settlements and the
absence of Protestant Indian missions in the area
would mean that Roman Catholic missionary
work would not be inhibited as it had been in
Oregon and in the Fraser Valley.
According to Whitehead, Father McGuckin, a
"serious ... conscientious, practical [and] demanding" man was the main figure in the early
years of St. Joseph's Mission. By background and
temperament he was a desk man, not a field
missionary. Nevertheless, he worked with white
settlers and he started both a mission school and
the ranch that was necessary to supply it and to
support the Cariboo mission. Yet, Whitehead
criticizes McGuckin and praises his superior Paul
Durieu who "was not always a good businessman."
McGuckin and the other Oblates in the
Cariboo were supposed to follow the Durieu
system: "the creation of a Catholic Indian State in
every willing Indian village. An administration was
created under the direct authority of the Bishop,
with local [itinerant] missionaries acting as ...
supervisors." Indian officials — Chiefs, catechists
and watchmen — kept bootleggers and pagan
rites out of the village and maintained the
observance of Roman Catholic morals and rituals
within. However, the Oblates were short of funds
and men to get this system going. Whitehead
remarks that the Soda Creek, Kluskus Lake, and
Fort Alexandra Indians were "returning to their
old patterns" in the late 1870's. The "crux of the
problem," was "a lack of missionary manpower."
Even the most notable field missionary of the
Cariboo Oblates, Father Francois Thomas, found
"the conversion of the Chilcotin ... was slow
painstaking work." His years at St. Joseph's, 1898-
1918, "the Golden Age" of the mission, were
marked by his implementation of the Durieu
system as the Indian Total Abstinence Society of
British Columbia. Like Durieu, "his mentor,
Francois Thomas was well aware that the Indians,
while claiming to believe in the Church's teaching, still participated in 'pagan feasts' and ...
drinking parties." The time of the missionary's
quarterly visit was also "the occasion for horse
races, ... said to have been 'permitted' by Paul
Patricia Roy is the Book Review Editor. Copies of
books for review should be sent to her c/o B.C.
Historical News, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B.C. V8W
Page 34
British Columbia Historical News Bookshelf
Durieu, but which could have been the major
drawing card for some Indians."
"To several generations of the Cariboo's
Indians the mission ... meant simply the Mission
School." Begun by Father McGuckin, it was
enlarged in the 1890's by Durieu and the federal
government as an Indian Industrial School. It later
became part of the residential school system
sponsored by the government but run by missionaries. Both kinds of Indian boarding schools were
operated, as Whitehead notes, under an imported
European style of education, "without any
consideration being given to cultural clash."
Indian children and parents resisted this style
of schooling by the Oblates and the three
different orders of Roman Catholic nuns who
came to assist them. However, the poor economic
situation of Indian parents in the Depression and
their need to search for work overcame some of
their resistance to leaving their children at the
residential school.
In the 1940's the Cariboo Mission began to
experience the shift from the Durieu-style Indian
villages to integrated parishes and from residential
to day schools.
Margaret Whitehead's Cariboo Mission goes a
long way toward explaining why the majority of
nominally Christian Indians in British Columbia
were Roman Catholic in 1939, but her explanation
of that phenomenon and the role the Oblates
played could be improved. The Cariboo Mission
needs context. Whitehead might profitably have
compared the Oblate's Cariboo mission with their
efforts elsewhere in British Columbia and on the
prairies. Oblate priests were leaders and innovators in the latter area in establishing Industrial
Schools, such as the one at Qu'Appelle (Lebret).
The records Whitehead consulted on the Cariboo
mission and school — the Missions of the Oblate
Congregation, Indian Affairs Reports and papers
— provide a wealth of comparative material. So do
Anglican sources on Duncan and Methodists
sources on Crosby's missions on the coast of
British Columbia. Some of this has been published
such as Jean Usher's biography of William Duncan
and my article on Qu'Appelle Industrial School (in
A.W. Rasporich, ed., Western Canada Past and
Present. [Calgary, 1975]).
Whitehead's analysis of the Cariboo Mission
would also have been strengthened by more
attention to Indian history. The use of comparative material on prairie Oblate missions and
schools would enhance her study of the Indian
peoples of Cariboo and underscore the value of
using the anthropological framework of an
acculturation study for the history of Catholic
missionary effort with the Indians. Such a model
makes the Indians more than peripheral to the
study of White-Indian contact.
Without such a framework, The Cariboo
Mission views the Indians almost exclusively from
the viewpoint of the missionaries. There is only
slight mention of changes in native peoples' lives
after the 1870's. Yet, wherever Whitehead notes
shifts in Indian response to Oblate missionary
effort she turns up patterns paralleling developments in the Fraser Valley, on the Coast, or in
Saskatchewan. When various Cariboo villages
'revolted' against the Durieu system's strictures
and went back to 'pagan feasts' in the 1870's, the
coastal Tsawwassen and Semiahmoo had gone
back to potlatching. And the Cree, Sioux and
Assiniboine took off for the sun dance.
Whitehead should also be more critical in her
treatment of Oblate records. She seems to accept
the twin biases, folklore and hagiography, of these
original records; she relies on a manuscript history
by a modern Oblate priest for her discussion of
the missionaries' background and practice; she
fails to probe a major anomaly in this work and in
the Oblate records — their treatment of the
Durieu mission system; she does not question the
"successful" image of it in these sources; and she
does not go beyond the rhetoric of Fathers Bunoz,
Morice, and Thomas, the devoted pupils of
Durieu. Their writings shaped the history and the
historiography of the Oblate missions of B.C.
Even Father Thomas, the greatest of the
Cariboo missionaries, had doubts about how well
the Durieu system actually worked. My own
research on Oblate missions in the Fraser Valley
and in Saskatchewan makes me wonder about the
results of the system and its origins. Durieu's Total
Abstinence Society and industrial schools for
Indians followed patterns laid down by D'Herb-
omez, his superior and predecessor. Durieu's
quick and generous attachment to the Dominion
government's Industrial School system of the
1890s followed the 1887 visit of prairie Bishop
Tache and Father Lacombe to Squamish.
Despite these criticisms, The Cariboo Mission
deserves high praise as a history of Roman
Catholic Indian missionary work. Those interested
in the history of Christian misisons and the native
peoples of British Columbia will be pleased to
know that Whitehead has recently edited a
Spring 1982
Page 35 Bookshelf
volume, Now You Are My Brother: Missionaries
in British Columbia, in the Sound Heritage series.
Jacqueline Gresko, a frequent contributor to the
News, teaches history at Douglas College.
Glynn R. V. Barratt. Vancouver: University of
British Columbia Press, 1981. 300 pp. illus. maps,
Russia in Pacific Waters is the first in a series,
"Pacific Maritime Studies", published by the
Univeristy of British Columbia Press, a notable
publisher of works on maritime and Pacific
history. To date,students of Pacific history (in the
English language) have invariably relied on Frank
Golder's classic, Russian Expansion on the Pacific,
1641-1850, an account of expeditions along Asian
and American coasts and related Arctic voyages.
Now well out of date and insufficiently based in
Russian sources, Golder has been ably succeeded
by Barratt.
Russia in Pacific Waters is the first substantial
survey of Russian naval activity in the Pacific from
Peter the Great to Nicholas I. Barratt traces the
story of how Russia sent armed ships in search of
icefree northern routes, in support of fur traders,
and, not least, in pursuit of scientific endeavours.
The effectiveness of such ships was not great: they
were few in number; they were not always well
built. Nor were they always well-manned. Nor,
too, were the captains and masters of these vessels
seasoned and good mariners.
Yet, these ships made their influence felt at
Kamchatka and Sitka, the anchors of Russian
influence on either side of the Pacific. They made
visits to the Hawaiian Islands and to northern
California in support of Russian traders and
agents. They called at Polynesia and various Pacific
islands, showing the flag in support of Czarist
influence and trade. But their presence hardly
deterred any rivals, especially the British, whose
naval supremacy was unmatched.
The motives of the Russians in the Pacific were
mixed and confused, and for that reason Barratt is
unclear on the 'why's' of Rusian activity. He does
not pursue the sort of useful investigation
heralded by Raymond H. Fisher in his splendid
Bering Voyages: Whither and Why (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1977). For instance, Barratt does not adequately explain
Catherine II's newly-acquired interest in Pacific
naval ventures. Though Barratt gives adequate
attention to Bering, Kruzernshtern, Lisianskii and
Golvnin — and seeks to make sense of an
awkward pattern of voyages — we are left
wondering at how naval operations influenced
the formation of strategy and policy in St.
The whole seems a little rushed, and more
balance between the interplay of metropolis and
frontier would bring us more appropriately, and a
little less breathlessly, to Barratt's excellent last, but
regrettably, short chapter "Conclusions and
Barratt rightly concludes that Russia was
incapable at that time of a great power role in the
Pacific because she lacked an independent, self-
sufficient fleet there. In fact, the roots of this
inadequacy lie elsewhere: overextended, domestically corrupt, feudally dominated, Czarist
Russia's reach far exceeded her grasp.
Admiral S. G. Gorshkov's The Sea Power of the
State (first published in Russian in 1976 and in
English in 1979) ought to be a poignant lesson and
salutary reminder to students of world affairs that
Russian eastward expansion onto Pacific shores
and beyond did not end in failure. These early
voyages were as important in North American
history as Columbus's probes from Europe. The
Russian voyagers came over two hundred years
later, but they formed part of that great imperial
process of the extension of power and dominance
from "the world island" (Sir Halford Mackinder's
term) to its outlying peripheries, including the
Barry Gough, the author of several books on British
naval activities on the North Pacific Coast, teaches
history at Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo,
Page 36
British Columbia Historical News Bookshelf
AS A RESOURCE. Daniel Jack Chason. Seattle:
Puget Sound Books (University of Washington),
1981. Pp. 192, illus. $8.95 (U.S.) Paper.
Chason's volume, published under the auspices of the Washington Sea Grant program, is a
popular, well illustrated, anecdotal view of Puget
Sound as a resource. It is not, nor was it intended
to be, a highly academic interpretation of the role
of the Sound in the economic development of the
local region and the State. Herein lies the problem
with the book. It is well-written and interesting,
but lacks a well-documented theme and a chapter
summarizing the historical role of the Sound that
brings the disparate parts of the volume together.
This weakness is most apparent in the early
part of the volume. The first four chapters
concentrate on the economic development of the
Puget Sound region — not necessarily on the
Sound itself. Woven into these chapters is a
familiar story of the early timber trade and the ties
to San Francisco which characterized the early
cities on both sides of the border and the
subsequent diversification of trade to the midwest after completion of the Northern Pacific
Railroad in 1882. Seattle emerged as the dominant
centre on the Sound, the salmon industry grew
rapidly, and coal, lumber and wheat were the
main exports from this region.
In all this Chason asserts that the Sound was the
critical water link, but does not develop this idea
well. He does not discuss fully the trading patterns
that emerged on the Sound, the important living
resources, the aesthetic value attached to water
locations in the early period, and degree to which
the Sound facilitated interaction between communities both inside and outside the region.
The latter chapters are much more interesting.
Chapters on water pollution, the public nature of
the Sound, the salmon industry, aboriginal treaty
rights, and environmental management document the importance of the Sound to life in the
In the early period Puget Sound had been the
link for all communities to outside markets, but,
after completion of the railroad, towns on the
Olympic Peninsula were at a competitive disadvantage. Products such as lumber and fish had to
be shipped to railhead in Seattle. "Instead of being
closer to the ocean, the Olympic Peninsula was
further from the railroad ... [The] Sound was
coming to seem less a highway than a barrier."
As industrialization developed in the region so
did pollution levels. Effluent from pulp mills was
discharged directly into the Sound and in many
cases species such as oysters which were once
plentiful, disappeared. Oystermen protested, but
"they were not in the same league as the pulp and
paper industry." Other industries such as Boeing
Aircraft and aluminum plants did not really
depend on the Sound as a water link, but they did
attract people to the region who began to
appreciate the aesthetic quality of the Sound.
The Sound which had been a critical link in all
facets of life in the early period, is no longer the
critical water link for commerce. Small communities that depended on water transportation are
now more isolated. The Sound, more particularly
the eastern shore, is still concerned with external
trade, and shore locations remain important for
ship building industries and oil refineries, but the
environmental values attached to the Sound are
now much greater than in the last century.
Chason's volume is well worth reading. It is
relatively free of errors. Two minor points could
be noted — salmon canning began on the
Sacramento River in 1864 (p. 10) not 1866, and
"Esquimault" (p. 27) is spelled "Esquimalt". For
those unfamiliar with the economic development
of the Puget Sound region, this volume provides a
quick popular summary.
William Ross teaches Geography at the University of
BUILDING WITH WORDS. William Bernstein and
Ruth Cawker. Toronto: Coach House Press, 1981.
Pp. 102, illus., $14.50 (paper).
From two 1980 graduates of the School of
Architecture, University of Toronto, comes a fresh
and stimulating book which breaks new ground
for both the history and future of Canadian
architecture. Twenty-one of Canada's best known
architects and architectural critics have been
cajoled into saying something about their work,
the state of the art, and the future of Canada's built
Spring 1982
Page 37 Bookshelf
environment. Bernstein and Cawker's introduction is a genuinely scholarly contribution to the
recent history of modern architecture.
Backed up by the still raw resources of Robert
Hill's yet-to-be-published biographical dictionary
of Canadian architects, the two editors concisely
but brilliantly trace the use of the modern
movement out of its Arts-and-Crafts beginnings in
the 1920s to the megalomonuments of Parkin and
Erickson in the 1980s.
So how do their twenty-one professional
interlocutors find the future for Canada's architectural evolution? "Enough of Vitruvius, Philip
Johnson and the Bauhaus. This is illusionary and
vapid ... our present methods lead to oblivion"
declares Edmonton architect, Peter Hemingway.
Melvin Charney, a Montreal architect, finds the
"disarray of Modernism" the result of "an
ingrained confusion between means and ends,
between metaphor and reality".
Jean Claud Marsan, professor of architecture
at the University of Montreal, is more to the point:
"This architecture ('International Style'), based on
norms universally applicable to any function or
location, neglects the principal asset of this
society: its culture". Dr. McMordie of the
University of Calgary decries the ravages of so-
called modern functionalism in his booming
hometown: "Calgary ... is building a dinosaur—
a city of towers after an obsolete model. The
towers that Calgary builds, and that Toronto has —
at least selectively — rejected, are buildings of the
1950s, when climate was ignored, and when big
was beautiful and new was best."
So whither goest we? Here there is less
concord among the contributors. Toward a state,
says Yale-trained Montrealer Peter Rose, Canada's
high priest for the referentialists of 'post modernism', where we "have too many influences to have
a real mainstream". Toward a "pluralistic style"
which "will save this multiplicity of interests with
an architectural language that can accommodate
a variety of tastes and a spectrum of meanings"
echoes Anthony Jackson of the Nova Scotia Tech.
At the other extreme Barry Downs, Vancouver
architect and celebrated apologist for the modern
West Coast school, pleads for a return to basic
Arts-and-Crafts environmentalism. Buildings
"must be consciously shaped to the challenge of
their location ... The psychological need in the
West for sunlight and reflected light causes
interior spaces to be shaped to harness and
contain light."
Jack Diamond in Toronto translates this
aesthetic into an eastern urban context: "Eccentric or bizarre design makes easy novelty. Context,
on the other hand, makes its own very different
demands. Most circumstances call for increments
of a simpler kind, buildings as fragments, which
can contribute to the harmony of the larger
It might be expected that some architects find
themselves totally divorced from this litany of
discontent. Not surprisingly they are Canada's two
most successful internationalist corporate architects. "... revivals now last only a few months, and
like dress fashions fill the narcissicm or ennui of
the moment", states Arthur Erickson who strives
for simplicity of pattern and form as "a reaction to
our trash oriented society". Similarly John C.
Parkin, recent winner of the National Gallery
competition, states categorically "Post-
Modernism — or as I prefer to call it, neo-
conservatism, is not going anywhere".
If debate still rages at the verbal level, does the
photographic content of Building with Words
point to a way out of this dilemma? I am afraid not.
Unfortunately the buildings illustrated are not
dated, but for the most part we are served a
somewhat stale feast from such periodicals as
Architecture Canada and The Canadian Architect
of the last decade. High points are the witty
historical quotation pieces of Peter Rose, the high-
tech gesturalism of Burton Myers and Gaudiesque
earth-womb of Douglas Cardinal. And
undeniably the sculpturalism of Erickson and
studied minimal forms of Parkin still photograph
Interesting perhaps more by way of side
comment are the omissions. Where is the playful
and exuberant architectural enthusiasm of Raymond Moriyama of Ontario Science Centre fame?
Or the cerebral observations of jet-set conservationist guru, Jacques Dalibard — architect and
executive director o' the Heritage Canada
Still Bernstein and Cawker must be
congratulated for at last bringing to the surface the
great ongoing debate which will dominate
western world architecture during the eighties.
They have given it a specific — and sparkling —
Canadian context.
Martin Segger is Director/Curator of the Maltwood
Art Museum and GaUery at the University of
Page 38
Honorary Patron:
Honorary President:
1st Vice President:
2nd Vice President:
Recording Secretary:
Ex Officio:
His Honour, The Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia, Henry P. Bell-Irving
Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2C 2V6
392-4365 (res.)
Barbara Stannard, #211-450 Stewart Ave., Nanaimo, V9S 5E9
754-6195 (res.)
Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0
342-9562 (res.)
Leonard G. McCann, #2,1430 Maple St., Vancouver, V6J 3R9
736-4431 (bus.)
Frances Gundry, 255 Niagara St., Victoria, V8V 1G4
385-6353 (res.)
387-3623 (bus.)
J. Rhys Richardson, 2875 W. 29th, Vancouver, V6L 1Y2
733-1897 (res.)
Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0
295-3362 (res.)
Naomi Miller, Box 1338, Golden, VOA 1H0
Catou Levesque, 10420 Cambie Road, Richmond, V6X 1K5
273-0254 (res.)
Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Rd., Campbell River, V9W 3P3
287-8097 (res.)
John Bovey, Provincial Archivist, Victoria, V8V 1X4
387-3621 (bus.)
Maureen Cassidy, Editor, B.C. Historical News, 316 Montreal St., Victoria, V8V
383-8062 (res.)
Chaimen of Committees:
Historic Trails: John D. Spittle, 1241 Mount Crown Rd., North Vancouver, V7R 1R9
Finance: H.R. Brammall, 4649 W. 12th, Vancouver, V6R 2R7
228-8958 (res.)
Seminars: Leonard G. McCann, #2,1430 Maple St., Vancouver, V6J 3R9
736-4431 (bus.)
B.C. Historical News Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Rd., Campbell River, V9W 3P3
Policy Committee: 287-8097 (res.)
Publications Assistance Committee (not involved with S.C. Historical News):
Helen Akrigg, 4633 W. 8th Ave., Vancouver, V6R 2A6
288-8606 (res.) B.C. Historical Association
1982 Convention
The Inn at Cowichan Bay, Cowichan Bay,
Vancouver Island
Thursday, April 29    registration, wine and cheese party, Council
meeting (7:30 p.m.)
Friday, April 30 morning — walking tour of Cowichan Bay
afternoon — a visit to the B.C. Forest Museum
evening — entertainment
Saturday, May 1       Annual General Meeting (9 a.m.-12 a.m.)
afternoon — bus tour of historic sites of
Cowichan district
evening — banquet (7:30 p.m.)
Sunday, May 2 new Executive Council meeting
Forms with prices and reservation requirements will be mailed to each
member society early in the new year.
The Cowichan Historical Society will be
the host.
Cowichan Bay is 36 miles north of Victoria, 5 miles south
of Duncan, Vancouver Island.
Pacific Coach Lines buses leave the Vancouver depot, at
Cambie and Dunsmuir, at 5:45 a.m. and 12:35 p.m., and
travel via Nanaimo to Cowichan Bay.
Air B.C. has flights from Vancouver harbour to Quamichan Lake, 2 miles from Duncan.
As well as the convention site, there are hotels and
motels nearby.


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