British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical News 1992

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Volume 25, No. 2
Spring 1992
ISSN 0045-2963
ism*
Journal of the B.C. Historical Federation
St. ^Anthony's Church, Jort Steele I8QJ MEMBER SOCIETIES
Member Societies and their secretaries are responsible for seeing that the correct address for their society is
up-to-date. Please send any change to both the Treasurer and Editor at the addresses inside the back cover.
The Annual Return as at October 31st should include telephone numbers for contact.
Members' dues for the year 1990 - 91 were paid by the following Societies:
Alberni District Historical Society -    Box 284, Port Alberni, B.C. V9Y 7M7
Arrow Lakes Historical Society -    Box 584, Nakusp, B.C. VOG 1 RO
Atlin Historical Society -    Box 111, Atlin, B.C. VOW 1A0
Burnaby Historical Society -    6501 Deer Lake Avenue, Burnaby, B.C. V5G 3T6
Chemainus Valley Historical Society -    Box 172, Chemainus, B.C. VOR 1K0
Cowichan Historical Society -    P.O. Box 1014, Duncan, B.C. V9L 3Y2
District 69 Historical Society -   625 Pym Road, Parksville, B.C. V9P 1B6
East Kootenay Historical Association -     P.O. Box 74, Cranbrook, B.C. V1C 4H6
Golden and District Historical Society -    Box 992, Golden, B.C. VOA 1 HO
Gulf Islands Branch -BCHF -    c/o Wilma J. Cross, RR#1, Pender Island, B.C. VON 2M0
Koksilah School Historical Society - 5203 Trans Canada Highway, Koksilah, B.C. VOR 2C0
Kootenay Lake Historical Society -    Box 537, Kaslo, B.C. VOG 1 MO
Kootenay Museum & Historical Society -    402 Anderson Street, Nelson, B.C. V1L 3Y3
Lantzville Historical Society -    c/o Box 274, Lantzville, B.C. VOR 2H0
Lasqueti Island Historical Society -    Lasqueti Island, B.C., VOR 2J0
Nanaimo Historical Society -    P.O. Box 933, Station A, Nanaimo, B.C. V9R 5N2
North Shore Historical Society -    623 East 10th St., North Vancouver, B.C. V7L 2E9
North Shuswap Historical Society -    Box 22, Celista, B.C. VOE 1L0
Princeton & District Pioneer Museum & Archives -    Box 687, Princeton, B.C. VOX 1W0
Qualicum Beach Historical & Museum Society - 444 Qualicum Road, Qualicum Beach, B.C. V9K 1B2
Saltspring Island Historical Society - Box 1264, Ganges, B.C. VOS 1E0
Sidney & North Saanich Historical Society - P.O. Box 2404, Sidney, B.C. V8L 3Y3
Silvery Slocan Historical Society - Box 301, New Denver, B.C. VOG 1S0
Surrey Historical Society - 8811-152nd Street, Surrey, B.C. V3R 4E5
Trail Historical Society - P.O. Box 405, Trail, B.C. V1R 4L7
Vancouver Historical Society - P.O. Box 3071, Vancouver, B.C. V6B 3X6
Victoria Historical Society - Box 5123 Stn. B., Victoria, B.C. V8R 6N4
AFFILIATED GROUPS
Fort Steele Heritage Park - Fort Steele, B.C. VOB 1 NO
The Hallmark Society - 207 Government Street, Victoria, B.C. V8V 2K8
Nanaimo Centennial Museum Society - 100 Cameron Road, Nanaimo, B.C. V9R 2X1
Publications Mail Registration Number 4447
Published winter, spring, summer and fall by the British Columbia Historical Federation, P.O. Box 35326,
Station E, Vancouver, B.C. V6M 4G5. A Charitable Society recognized under the Income Tax Act.
SUBSCRIPTIONS: Institutional, $16.00 per year; Invividual (non-members), $10.00; Members of member
Societies - $9.00; For addresses outside Canada add $4.00.
Financially assisted by the Ministry of Municipal Affairs, Recreation and Culture, through the British
Columbia Heritage Trust and British Columbia Lotteries.
Back issues of the British Columbia Historical News are available in microform from Micromedia Limited,
20 Victoria St, Toronto, Ont. M5C 2N8 (416) 362-5211 • Fax (416) 362-6161 • Toll Free 1 -800-387-2689
- Micromedia also publishes the Canadian Magazine Index and the Canadian Business Index.
Indexed in the Canadian Periodical Index. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL NEWS
Volume 25, No. 2      Journal of the B.C. Historical Federation      Spring -1992
Readers will be shuttled on these
pages from Rogers Pass to Tahsis,
Victoria to Nelson, Chemainus to
Kelowna, and up the coast to
Loughborough Inlet. Summertime
coastal navigators will appreciate the
dilemma described in "Perigean Tides"
while the ordinary motorist will be
astounded at the 17 hours travel time
taken in 1917 over a route which today
takes 55 minutes. Our sincere thanks
to the contributors of these diverse
pieces.
The only constant in our lives is
Change.   Change of address usually
means that the subscriber has moved.
Recently, however, Canada Post has
made     numerous     adjustments.
Parksville   and   Qualicum   residents
have "graduated" from a downtown
post office box to a street address.
And our Honorary President, situated
in his home for 20 years, was assigned
a different Rural Route and Postal
Code.
SO, if you have a change of address be
it self imposed or designated by
administration, please notify Nancy
Peter (address inside back cover). The
Post Office still has postcards to
simplify this notification.
Naomi Miller
X^^/s&&&&,
St Anthony's Catholic Church, Fort
Steele, was built in 1897 for less than
$1000, and is still in use today. A
priest would come from nearby St. Eugene's Mission to give services. One
notice read, "Mass at 10 am SHARP.
Now that we have Standard Time no
tardiness will be tolerated."
photo courtesy of Martin Ross, Fort Steele
Features
Page
Two Attorney's General
2
by Bernard Webber
Franz Biberstein: Painter of the Canadian Rockies
4
by Peter C. Merrill
West Coast Carpenter
8
by Eleanor Witton Hancock
The Kootenay District Zinc Rush
12
by Edward L. Affleck
To Nelson by Car in 1917
15
by Henry Stevenson
The Barn with a Social Life
18
Gray Creek
19
by Bruce Paterson
John Christie Goodfellow: Historian
22
by Margaret Stoneberg
Not a Single Wheel Can Turn
22
by A. Stephen Brewer
Living History at Fort Steele
24
by Naomi Miller
The Lone Scout of Chimu-Nesu
25
by Toyo Takata
Perigean Spring Tide in Loughboro Inlet,
July 1792
28
by Nicholas A. Doe
NEWS & NOTES
32
BOOK SHELF
33
The Journal of Duncan McGillivray
33
Review by George Newell
A Country So Interesting: The Hudson's
Bay Co. and Two Centuries of Mapping
Review Frances M. Woodward
Noticias de nutka: An Account of
Nootka Sound in 1792
Malaspina & Galiano: Spanish Voyages to
the Northwest Coast
Reviews by Barry Gough
This Was Our Valley
Review by Frank Leonard
33
34
34
35
Manuscripts and correspondence for the editor are to be sent to P.O. Box 105, Wasa, B.C. VOB 2K0
Correspondence regarding subscriptions are to be directed to the subscription secretary (see inside back cover)
Printed in Canada by Kootenay Kwik Print
Cranbrook, B.C.
1
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 Two Attorneys — General: A Glimpse
Behind the Scenes
[This item was written prior to the October 17,
1991 election when the provincial Liberals became
the official opposition party. Since then Coiin Gabel-
mann, not a lawyer, has been appointed Attorney-
General In the N.D.P. Government.]
A few years ago, in 1988, there was
much public discussion about whether a
non-lawyer could be Attorney-General
as though such a circumstance would be
establishing a precedent. Actually, a
non-lawyer and a Premier to boot had
been Attorney-General of British Columbia in 1941.
The facts were these: A provincial general election had been held 21 October,
1941. Afterwards, no political party had
an absolute majority of the seats in the
Legislative Assembly. The Liberals who
had controlled the previous administration held 21 seats under the leadership
of T. Dufferin Pattullo, the M.L.A. for
Prince Rupert and still Premier. The
Conservatives held 12 seats with their
leader being RL (Pat) Maitland, the
first M.L.A. for Vancouver - Point
Grey. The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, (CCF) held 14 seats
under Harold Winch, the first member
for Vancouver East. The Labour member, Tom Uphill of Fernie, completed
the then 48 seat Legislative Assembly.
Between the election and December 4,
1941, the Legislature did not sit but a
minority cabinet continued under Duff
Pattullo. One can only speculate about
what went on behind the scenes in the
meantime. From the date of the election, there had been talk of a coalition
government, possibly representative of
all three major political parties in the
province. It was wartime and some believed or at least argued that a government of all the talents was desirable, the
better to fight the war.
Duff Pattullo thought otherwise. He
wanted to carry on with a minority government. As he was likely the wiliest
provincial politician of his day, he might
have been canny enough to make it
work. However, more and more Liberal
by Bernard Webber
members of cabinet capability were attracted to the idea of coalition. One by
one, Liberal ministers resigned their
portfolios in the cabinet. As they did
so, Mr. Pattullo picked up the vacated
portfolios. That is how he became Attorney-General.
The House was eventually called to sit
on 4 December, 194l. The "Journals
of the Legislative Assembly of the Province of British Columbia" for that day
(there being no Hansard then) record
that five Reports or documents were
presented to the House by "the Hon.
Mr. Pattullo (Attorney-General)"; and
the Public Accounts for the preceding
fiscal year were presented by "the Hon.
Mr. Pattullo, (Minister of Finance); and
the Annual Report of the Department
of Education was presented by "the
Hon. Mr. Pattullo, (Minister of
Education)."
Even the dogged Mr. Pattullo could
not stem the tides of change. No one
amongst his natural supporters believed
his Cassandra-like warning that eventually coalition would destroy the parties
associated with it. Ever since, the provincial Liberals and Conservatives have
found nothing but heavy going in British Columbia. . Finally, on that day, (4
December, 1941), Duff Pattullo accepted the inevitable and read a statement to
the House in which he, first, recognized
that a recent Liberal Party convention in
the province had opted for a coalition
government; second, stated that he released his cabinet ministers from any
ties of loyalty to himself; and, third; announced that he had asked the Lieutenant-Governor, W.C. Woodward, to call
upon Liberal John Hart to form a new
administration. The House was then
adjourned until 8 January, 1942.
When the House met again, John
Hart, now premier, announced the
names of the four Liberals and three
Conservatives who constituted the cabi
net at the time. In that statement, Mr.
Hart said that the CCF (Now the NDP)
had been invited to participate in the
government but "was not disposed to
join a government of the kind contemplated ..." Harold Winch for the CCF
argued that any government needed an
alert and well informed opposition to
keep it on its toes. Duff Pattullo, holding to his principles, refused to join the
coalition but continued resolutely to sit
in the House as an unreconstructed
Liberal.
Those were the days when Members of
the Legislative Assembly, of whatever
stamp, usually respected each other, observed the social courtesies, and, apart
from politics, were genuinely concerned
about each other's welfare — which is
not to say that politics did not have its
rough and tumble edge. One poker-
playing foursome consisted of Duff Pattullo, Harold Winch, Harry Perry,
(Minister of Education), and Sam Guthrie, CCF Member for Cowichan-
Newcastle.
Certain things were simply not done
in the clubbable atmosphere that prevailed then. One of the Ministers occasionally imbibed not wisely but too well
and as a consequence was sometimes absent from the House for days on end.
Everyone knew what was happening.
No one said a public word about it.
Colin Cameron (CCF, Comox), brilliant, a wit, but a chronic mischief, once
rose in his place to ask in disingenuous
vein when the Minister would likely be
recovered from his (pause) "indisposition." John Hart, straight-faced, replied
in like manner that he confidently expected the Minister to resume his seat at
the next sitting of the House on Monday next. Colin did not have to be told
the answer. He knew, as we all did, that
his leader Harold Winch was helping
the Minister regain his equilibrium.
As a novice in the House, I went one
B.C Historical News - Spring 92 day to see Pat Maitland, the new Attorney-General, an eminent Conservative
lawyer, about constituency business.
His was a spacious and elegant office on
the main floor of the Legislative Buildings, facing front over the lawn to the
statue of Queen Victoria. I was the
youngest member of the House, still
somewhat in awe of eminences like an
Attorney-General. He sensed my nervousness and made things easy for me.
After we had finished our business, I was
looking at the framed pictures of all previous Attorneys-General which at that
time ringed the Minister's office just
above the level of the picture rail. The
last of these pictures was that of the
Hon. T. Dufferin Pattullo, K.C., LL. D.
Pat Maitland saw me looking at the
pictures. I had heard that he sometimes
had a short fuse, but as he contemplated
the picture of the recent Premier cum
Attorney-General, I thought he was
about to go off like a firecracker. "What
do you think", he asked "of anyone other than a lawyer being Attorney-
General?" At that time, I had not
thought about the matter but I gathered
that in the corpus of Mr. Maitland's beliefs few things could be more reprehensible. He said that it had always been
assumed that the A-G. would be a lawyer but that requirement had not been
written into the Constitution.
"What, moreover, do you think of a
non-lawyer being created both a K.C.
and an LLD.?" Again, I had no opinion. He said that it was because it was
stated where it counted that any person
on being appointed Attorney-General,
automatically received a K.C. and an
LLD. This accounted, much to Mr.
Maitland's displeasure, for the incongruity of Mr. Pattullo, certainly not a lawyer, thereafter being permitted to record
those honorific letters after his name.
There was a coda to my interview with
Mr. Maitland. Warming to his Liberal
attack, he beckoned me over to one of
the greatest windows of his office overlooking Victoria's Inner Harbour.
"What would you think about the vanity of a man who would etch his name
on a window with the diamond of a
ring?" he wanted to know. He pointed
to the name "J.W. de B. Farris" neatly
but inconspicuously etched on the lower
left hand side of one of the windows.
Again I had nothing to say. I knew that
Mr. Farris had been Attorney-General
in a previous Liberal administration and
was even then a Senator at Ottawa.
What has since puzzled me is how Mr.
Maitland found the minuscule etching
in the first place. I wonder if it is still
there.
**********
Bernard Webber, a long time resident of Osoyoos, was M.L.A. for the Similkameen riding from
1941 to 1945. He is a past president of the
Okanagan Historical Society.
VM&^&tC/^        ... .■x-,>:.2-x
:&:: 7~'/<?r
A GEM FROM THE ARCHIVES
On one of his visits to
the Provincial
Archives, Bernard
Webber examined a
devotional
Commonplace Book
which had an obscure
pocket put there by
Sir James Douglas.
The good gentleman
was in the habit of
writing notes to
himself while in
church.  The papers
noted favorite hymns
and theological
statements as well as
excerpts from the
works of writers he
admired
"The Scheme for living for a labouring man "-shown here was one of
the entries. Also written in Sir James' spidery handwriting are the
procedures for making a canoe. Any reader wishing to obtain a copy of
this "Manner of Making a Canoe " should send their request to the
editor with a stamped self-addressed envelope.
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 Franz Biberstein: Painter of the
Canadian Rockies
by Peter C. Merrill
Franz Biberstein was a neatly dressed gentleman
in his seventies when Elmer Drieger, a young Mil-
waukeean, sought out the Swiss born artist in his
lodgings.
photo courtesy of
Milwaukee County Historical Society.
It was the year 1926. Elmer Krieger, a
young employee of the Milwaukee public land office, had been invited to the
home of his boss, Charles Bennett.
When Krieger walked into the living
room, his attention was immediately arrested by an immense oil painting, some
four by six feet in size, which hung over
the davenport. It was a Rocky Mountain landscape, a view of the Garden of
the Gods near Colorado Springs. The
place was familiar to Krieger, who had
visited there the previous summer. The
artist, he learned, was an elderly Swiss
immigrant named Franz Biberstein.
Though he lived in Milwaukee, Biberstein had made several trips to the West,
where he had painted many mountain
landscapes, particularly in the Canadian
Rockies. Later, at the home of another
Milwaukee colleague, Krieger saw a Biberstein painting which revealed a different side of the artist. It was a
painting of Castalia Park, a private park
by the Menominee River in suburban
Wauwatosa. This time the painting was
smaller, but still of ample size, 18 by 30
inches. Krieger took a liking to the picture and when he learned that a cartographer at the office knew the artist
personally, he asked whether Biberstein
might be willing to paint him a copy.
The cartographer, Maurice Kranyecz,
explained that Biberstein, now 76 years
old, had little income and would probably be delighted to undertake such a
commission.
One day Kranyecz took Krieger to see
Biberstein. They walked along Second
Street past the Miloki Club to an ancient rooming house near the corner of
Wright Street. Biberstein, a neatly
dressed, elderly gentleman with a white
beard, was living in a sparsely furnished
room. Yes, he still had his original
sketch for the Castalia Park painting
and he would be happy to provide an
oil on canvas copy, size 18 by 30 inches,
for thirty-five dollars. That would be
just enough to buy the new overcoat he
needed. Krieger had just become engaged and the painting of Castalia Park
was one of the first things that he and
his bride bought for their home. Castal
ia Park itself, like much of the old Milwaukee that Franz Biberstein knew, is
now gone and fading from memory.
When Biberstein died in 1930 Kranyecz managed the estate sale and Krieger
had an opportunity to buy a number of
other paintings and sketches by the
Swiss artist, including some more Wisconsin landscapes and a painting of
Mount Sir Donald in the Selkirk range
of British Columbia. Today, sixty-five
years after his meeting with the artist,
Krieger and his wife Laura cherish their
collection of Biberstein paintings, eleven
of which are hung on the walls of their
Milwaukee home.
Franz Joseph Biberstein was born February 12, 1850 at St. Niklaus, a village
in Solothurn Canton, Switzerland. His
father, Joseph Biberstein, was a skilled
marble craftsman who fashioned cemetery monuments and laid marble floors
for churches. His mother, Anna Maria
(Gubler) Biberstein, was from the nearby village of Lostorf. Both parents were
Catholic. The artist's older brother August became a well-known sculptor and
later took over his father's marble business. Franz Biberstein also had two
sisters.'
Biberstein received his first training in
Solothurn from the Swiss landscape
painter Johann Siitterlin. At the age of
nineteen he set off for Munich, crossing
Lake Constance to Lindau on the Bavarian side. He was admitted to the Royal
Academy of Art in 1869 and was placed
in the Antikenklasse, where he learned
to sketch in charcoal from plaster casts
of classical Greek and Roman sculptures. 2 For two more years he continued to follow the rigorous course of
training laid down by the academy,
sketching portrait heads from live models in the second class and continuing to
life studies of the full figure in the third
class.
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92 The quality of instruction in Munich
was good and one of Biberstein's teachers there was Wilhelm von Diez, a leading figure in the school of Munich
realism. But he wanted to do landscape
painting, something which received
scant attention in the inflexibly classical
tradition of the Munich Academy. So
he decided not to go on to the fourth
class, but worked instead on the kind of
painting that interested him. He
sketched mountain scenery in Switzerland during the summers and sometimes
visited Italy during the winter. He was
beginning to sell his painting and one
summer was able to afford a walking
trip to Italy, painting in the Dolomites
and visiting Genoa, Pisa, and Florence.
In 1880 an unusual opportunity presented itself. Ludwig Braun, a professor
of painting in Munich, was looking for
artists to assist him in a major project,
an immense panoramic painting which
had been commissioned by the owners
of a newly constructed exhibition building for panoramas in Frankfurt am
Main. Braun was an experienced war
artist who had been witness to the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. The
panorama that he had been commissioned to do was The Battle of Sedan
on September 1, 1870. The battle had
taken place just ten years before and the
memory of the war was still fresh in
both France and Germany. The idea of
memorializing notable battles of the war
by means of immense panoramic paintings had begun in France. Braun had
been to the Paris Exhibition of 1878
and had been overawed by The Defense
of Paris, a panorama created by a team
of French artists under the direction of
Paul Dominique Philippoteaux. Braun
consulted with the French panoramists
and quickly learned the techniques
needed for the production of such paintings. During 1880 and 1881 Biberstein
worked for Braun as one of the team of
artists which created the Sedan panorama in Frankfurt.3
When the job had been completed in
Frankfurt, Biberstein found his financial
situation much improved and decided
to seek further training. Instead of returning to Munich, however, he sought
out the smaller academy at Karlsruhe,
capital of the German principality of Baden. Records at the Karlsruhe Academy
indicate that he was a student there in
1881 and 1882. Even after completing
his studies there he probably remained
in Karlsruhe for the next three years. 4
One of the artists who had worked on
the Sedan panorama was an Austrian
named August Lohr. Like Biberstein he
had studied in Munich and specialized
in painting alpine landscapes. In 1884
Lohr went to New Orleans to supervise
the installation of the panorama at the
Cotton Exposition and there met William Wehner, a German immigrant
businessman in Chicago. Wehner had
an idea: why not bring experienced panorama painters to the United States
from Germany and have them paint
panoramic battle scenes of the American
Civil War? Lohr thought it was a good
idea and helped Wehner to establish the
Milwaukee-based American Panorama
Company. Lohr now started to recruit
European artists to come to Milwaukee.
Biberstein was at first hesitant, but
when Lohr wrote again enclosing the
passage money, Biberstein accepted. He
arrived April 14, 1886.5
The American Panorama Company
began operations in a specially built studio at 628 Wells Street in Milwaukee.
The first panorama painted there was
probably The Storming of Missionary
Ridge, which was followed by The Battle of Atlanta. Although Wehner's
American Panorama Company went
out of business in 1887, several successor firms kept the panorama industry
alive in Milwaukee for a few more years.
Many of the artists returned to Germany or dispersed to other cities in the
United States, but Biberstein was one of
those who stayed.
In 1893 Biberstein was one of several
Milwaukee artists to be caught up in the
hubbub of the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, for which he contributed a panoramic painting of the
fairgrounds. Another former panorama
painter to be involved in the Chicago
World's Fair was George Peter, who had
been one of Biberstein's closest friends
in Karlsruhe and had come to Milwaukee after Biberstein recommended him
to Lohr. 6 After the World's Fair, Peter
and Biberstein both found employment
as scenery painters for the German theater in Milwaukee, but a new employment   opportunity   suddenly   offered
itself when William Wehner decided to
produce a panorama of The Battle of
Manila Bay, a scene from the recent
Spanish-American War. Wehner engaged the services of Biberstein, Peter,
and two other veteran panoramists who
had remained in Milwaukee, Friedrich
Wilhelm Heine and Franz Rohrbeck.
The Manila Bay panorama was painted
in San Francisco, but proved to be a financial failure when it was exhibited
there in 1900. The panorama craze
had, it seems, run its course and could
not be revived.
By 1900 Biberstein was back in Milwaukee and was one of the local artists
who met at the studio of Louis Mayer
on October 23 to organize the Society
of Milwaukee Artists. 7 The society,
composed almost entirely of German
immigrant artists, became an important
local professional association. Although
it tended to promote the esthetic principles of Munich realism, there was also a
certain diversity of approach among its
members. Otto Dinger's paintings, for
example, reflect the graphic clarity of
the Dusseldorf school, while the influence of American tonalism is apparent
in the work of Friedrich W. Heine. Biberstein's association with the society
provided not only personal contact with
other local artists, but also served as a
means of finding purchasers for his
work. His landscape canvasses were a
regular feature of the society's shows.
In 1901 Biberstein briefly entered into
partnership with another former panorama painter, Ernst Julius Peege, to form
the Acme Portrait Company, but soon
afterwards went back to working independently. Writing in the Milwaukee
Sentinel on April 5, 1903, Louis Mayer
had this to report:
Bieberstein [sic], who has a studio
above the Milwaukee National Bank,
is a landscape artist of rare ability.
He paints scenerv from the western
coast and the Swiss highlands, where
he was born. He has lately experimented a great deal in photography,
and has devised a scheme of reproducing portraits on canvas and painting them with transparent colors.8
One of Biberstein's clients at this time
was the wealthy railroad official Thomas
George Shaughnessy (1832-1928). The
Milwaukee-born Shaughnessy had begun his career with the Chicago, Mil-
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 waukee, and St. Paul Railroad, but later
became president of the Canadian Pacific Railway. In an era when the railroads
were opening up new scenic areas of the
West to the general tourist, the railroad
companies sometimes offered patronage
to landscape artists who could publicize
the scenic beauty of the areas which they
served. John Fery (1859-1934), an Austrian immigrant artist working in Milwaukee and St. Paul, had a long
association with the Great Northern
Railway, helping them to publicize the
scenic grandeur of Glacier National
Park. Shaughnessy must have been
aware of this arrangement. At any rate,
Biberstein was invited to spend two
summers as Shaughnessy's guest in the
Canadian Rockies, where he painted numerous scenic views, particularly in the
Selkirk range of British Columbia. Biberstein's visits to Canada must have
been to the area around Revelstoke on
the main line of the Canadian Pacific.
Time and again Biberstein painted the
area around Mount Sir Donald, showing the peak and its surroundings in various ways. One of these paintings is
dated 1908, which gives an approximate
idea of when Biberstein visited the area.
Following his usual practice, Biberstein
worked in the field by making oil
sketches in color on small composition
board panels, usually about eight by ten
inches in size. These were then kept for
reference and used as a basis for larger
paintings, which were done on canvas in
his Milwaukee studio. One of these
larger paintings, a view of Mount Sir
Donald measuring five by seven and a
half feet, is now in the collection of the
Milwaukee Public Library, which received it as a gift from Frederick Layton
(1827-1919), an important local philanthropist and art patron.
Biberstein was not, of course, the only
landscape painter to discover and record
the scenic grandeur of the Canadian
Rockies. Among his contemporaries
were a number of Canadian painters
who received patronage from the Canadian Pacific Railway. 9 To mention
only a few outstanding names, the list
includes Lucius Richard O'Brian, Mar-
maduke Matthews, Thomas Mower
Martin, John Arthur Fraser, Frederick
Marlett Bell-Smith, John Collins
Forbes, and George Horne Russell.  To
encourage artists to paint in scenic areas
served by the railway, the Canadian Pacific provided passes or reduced-fare
tickets and sometimes even free hotel
accommodations. In 1886 O'Brian and
Forbes were guests at the new Glacier
House Hotel, a chalet-style lodge owned
and operated by the railway. The lodge
provided access to Glacier National
Park and had Swiss guides to lead excursions. Biberstein may, in fact, have also
stayed there. To enlist the talents of the
fashionable German-American painter
Albert Bierstadt, the Canadian Pacific
even placed a private railway car at his
disposal. The railway sometimes commissioned paintings and on occasion
even sponsored one-man shows by artists that it favored.
From 1910 to 1920 Biberstein was
one of several local artists who had a
studio in the Cawker Building at the
northeast corner of Wells Street and
Plankinton Avenue. 10 In 1910 he was
commissioned to paint a mural for the
Grays Harbor County Courthouse at
Montesano, Washington. The mural,
dated 1910, was painted on canvas and
installed when the courthouse was
opened the following year. The work
was probably painted at Biberstein's
Milwaukee studio. It shows the landing
in 1791 of Captain Robert Gray, an early explorer of the Pacific Northwest.
The Indians depicted in the mural are
not dressed like those of the area, but
wear costumes resembling those of the
Seneca Indians of New York state. On
the opposite wall is a mural by Biberstein's former colleague, Franz Rohr-
beck. The commission to paint the two
murals probably came through Associated Artists, a Milwaukee interior decorating firm which arranged to have
Rohrbeck paint murals for the Brown
County Courthouse in Green Bay,
Wisconsin.
During the years he had a studio in
the Cawker Building, Biberstein probably made much of his living from portrait commissions. Few of these
portraits can be presently located,
though it can be assumed that many
have been preserved by the families of
his Milwaukee clients. The State Historical Society of Wisconsin in Madison
has a finely preserved portrait of James
O. Davidson painted in 1908 when he
was governor of Wisconsin. An updated
portrait of Frank Whitnall is now in the
collection of the Milwaukee County
Historical Society. But despite portrait
commissions, Biberstein continued to
paint and exhibit his landscapes. In
1913 the Society of Milwaukee Artists
was reorganized as the Wisconsin Painters and Sculptors, which held frequent
shows at the new Milwaukee Art Institute. These, of course, provided a convenient place for Biberstein to exhibit
and sell his work. He also benefited
from the facilities provided by the Milwaukee Journal's Gallery of Wisconsin
Art, an exhibition room on the second
floor of the Milwaukee Journal Building
which held quarterly exhibits between
1924 and 1931. In reporting on the
gallery's fourth quarterly exhibit, the
Milwaukee Journal reproduced Biberstein's Pastureland in the Dolomites,
an impressive canvas showing a pasture
and cottage in the foreground with a
lake and snow-covered mountains in the
background.
Biberstein's last years were spent in
dignified poverty, his modest savings
having been lost in the collapse of a local trust company. For the last eighteen
years of his life he did occasional work
for Alphonse J. Moroder, in immigrant
woodcarver from the South Tyrol who
engaged Biberstein to paint backgrounds for his religious groups. Biberstein also supplemented his meager
income by growing ginseng in a vacant
lot. Poverty forced him to part with
some of the color field sketches that he
kept for reference, though a number of
these were still in his possession at the
time of his death.
Biberstein had been suffering from a
chronic heart condition and apparendy
died in his sleep on July 26, 1930. He
was found by his landlord in the furnished room at 919 Second Street where
he had lived the last ten years of his life.
He had never married and had no
relatives in America. Long obituary
articles appeared the next day in both
English-language Milwaukee Journal
and the German-language Milwaukee
Herald. u Both newspapers recounted
Biberstein's career as an artist and recalled the era of the panorama painters
in Milwaukee more than forty years
before.
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92 Biberstein's memory lingers in Wisconsin. In 1976 a number of his paintings were exhibited in a show at the
Charles Allis Art Museum in Milwaukee
and in 1989 the West Bend Gallery of
Fine Arts in West Bend, Wisconsin included three of his paintings in a show
entided "German Academic Painters in
Wisconsin." To Elmer Krieger, surrounded by his collection of Biberstein
paintings, the artist is an ever-present
memory. Nor has Biberstein been forgotten in his native Switzerland. Two
early landscapes, both pastoral scenes,
are preserved in the art museum at Solothurn. In Canada, however, Biberstein's
name and work appear to have been
completely forgotten. He was, of
course, an outsider, a visitor whose
paintings of the Canadian Rockies were
purchased by customers in the United
States. Nonetheless, his work ought to
receive at least passing notice in any discussion of regional painting in western
Canada during the early years of the
present century.
Hi*********
Dr. Merrill is a professor at Florida Atlantic
University in Boca Baton, Florida. He consulted
several Canadian museums, including the Whyte
Museum in Banff, when preparing this article.
FOOTNOTES
1. For basic biographical information on
Franz Biberstein and his brother August,
see Ulrich Thieme and Felix Becker,
Allgemeines Lexikon der bildenden
KUnstler von der Antike bus zur
Gegenwart (Leipzig: EA. Seemann,
1970-1971), vol. 3, p. 596 and Karl Brun,
Schweizerisches Kunstler-Lexikon
(Frauenfeld: Huber, 1905-1917), vol. 1,
p. 126. Further informaiton on
Biberstein's family in Switzerland was
obtained from the State Archive of
Solothurn Canton (Staatsarchiv des
Kantons Solothurn).
2. The matriculation records at the Munich
Academy note that Biberstein was accepted
for study there on April 16, 1869 and that
he was formally matriculated on April 12,
1870.
3. For information on the panorama in
Germany and the career of Ludwig Braun,
see Stephan Oettermann, Das Panorama:
Die Geschichte eines Massenmediums
(Frankfurt am Main: Syndikat, 1980).
4. Adolf von Oechelhauser, Geschichte der
Grossh. Badischen Akademie der
Bildenden Kttnste (Karlsruhe: Druck
und Verlag der G. Braunschen
Hofbuchdruckerei, 1904), p. 158.
5. For information on the Milwaukee
panorama industry, see Peter C. Merrill,
Mount Sir Donald in the Selkirks of British Columbia, 1908. Oil on panel, 10x8 in.
photo courtesy of Robert Brue.
"What Happened to the Panorama
Painters?" German Academic Painters in
Wisconsin (exhibition catalog, West
Bend Gallery of Fine Arts, West Bend,
Wisconsin, August 1989), pp. 19-44.
6. Milwaukee Journal, February 14, 1932.
7. Milwaukee Sentinel, October 23, 1900,
p. 3. For a derailed discussion of this
organization and its members, see Gay A.
Donahue, "Society of Milwaukee Artists,
1900-1913." MA. thesis, University of
Wisconsin-Madison, 1981.
8. Louis Mayer, "Haifa Century of Art and
Artists in Milwaukee," Milwaukee
Sentinel April 5,1903, part 5, p. 10
9. The art patronage policies of the Canadian
Pacific Railway and the artists who
benefited from this patronage are
discussed at length in EJ. Hart, The
Selling of Canada: The CPR and the
Beginnings of Canadian Tourism
(Banff, Canada: Altitude Publishing Ltd.,
10.
11.
1983) and in Allan Pringle, "William
Cornelius Van Horne: Art Director,
Canadian Pacific Railway," The Journal
of Canadian Art History / Annates
d'Histoire de l'Art Canadien, vol. 8, no.
1 (1984), pp. 50-77.
For a discussion of other artists in the
Cawker Building, see Peter C. Merrill,
"Milwaukee Artists and Their Studios,"
Milwaukee History, vol. 12, nos. 3-4
(Autumn-Winter 1989), pp. 94-104.
Milwaukee Herald, July 27, 1930.
Milwaukee Journal, July 27, 1930, City
News Section, p. 1.
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 West Coast Carpenter
by Eleanor Witton Hancock
In the spring of 1937 as Nootka
Sound hummed with canneries, gyppo
logging camps and a gold boom at
Zeballos River, construction of an
export lumber mill began at secluded
McBride Bay on Nootka Island.
Nootka Wood Products Ltd. would be
the first export lumber mill north of
Port Alberni on Vancouver Island's west
coast. It would also be North America's
first sawmill producing most of its
electricity through a gasification process
based on the burning of scrap wood.
The mill was located 10 miles from
present-day Tahsis which did not then
exist, its post office designation "Port
Tahsis".
Now retired in Richmond, B.C.,
carpenter Alder Bloom arrived from
Saskatchewan in August 1937, seeking a
change from the Depression-ridden
prairies. Alder was 24. Working at
McBride Bay for nine months, he was
present during the completion of the
sawmill and the installation of
ultra-modern equipment. He saw the
first logs arrive in tow from Kyuquot
Sound, Douglas firs resplendent of the
virgin rainforest. He watched the first
deepsea freighter sail for the United
Kingdom with the results: 1,500,000
board feet of high grade lumber. Alder
Bloom's sojourn at Port Tahsis evolved
into eight years in the area. His
experiences provide a valuable view of
life in Nootka Sound during the
Depression and Second World War.
Nootka Wood Products Ltd. was
incorporated in British Columbia on
February 1, 1937 with an authorized
share capital of $1,650,000. The parent
company, British and Allied Investment
Corporation of London, England, in
Vancouver was involved in the
construction of the Marine Building
(1929) and the Lions Gate Bridge
(1938); the Lions Gate crossing served
as forerunner to the company's
important suburban land development
in   West   Vancouver   known   as   the
British Properties.
The promoter of the Nootka Island
lumber mill was George Whalen of
Vancouver and plans originally included
a pulp mill. George Whalen some years
earlier was prominent in the pulp mill
industry of the province, Whalen Pulp
and Paper Mills Ltd. consisting of three
mills, including the bleached sulphite
mill at Port Alice on northern
Vancouver Island. The firm, however,
had gone bankrupt and in 1926 its
assets were purchased by the British
Columbia Pulp and Paper Co. Ltd.
which was formed to acquire the three
mills. George Whalen, with seemingly
unlimited British investment monies,
was to die before the opening of Port
Tahsis and a pulp mill was not built.
The Port Tahsis operation in a
depressed lumber economy, combined
with an approaching world war, was a
catastrophe for the shareholders - a
swindle many believed.
*****
When Alder Bloom and a pal arrived
at McBride Bay in the summer of 1937
the sharp smell of lumber was
everywhere. A small sawmill was
cutting for the large one under
construction, and most of the wharf was
finished. Alder had been lucky enough
to keep working during the Depression.
Repairing grain elevators he'd worked
his way up to a construction foreman's
job. He knew how to set up a 20-ton
platform scale, how to install a grain
cleaner, and he'd raised elevators as well
and put in new foundations; he was
comfortable with his expertise when he
hired on at Port Tahsis. But when the
foreman put him to work shaping skids
for a bunkhouse he had to confess that
he did not own an adze.
The skids were duly finished, however,
then Alder and his partner built the
bunkhouse, an eight-man, one-room
building, 16' x 32'. The August
weather, recalls Alder, proved a surprise.
"Coming from Saskatchewan", he says
today, "if there was a cloud in the sky
you grabbed your tools and ran! You
didn't want to get anything wet! Well,
the second day on the job there, it was
pouring down and here were us, my
friend and I - we didn't have any rain
clothes; we were soaking wet. And every
time you'd hit a nail the water would
splash back in your face. I was kind of
wondering whether that was going to be
a good place to be or not!"
Despite the discomfort they reduced
costs for the job and were praised by
management. This was encouraging in
view of the ostracism prevalent; fellow
workers regarded them as "farmers" who
were taking "B.C." jobs.
Alder's brother Ed Bloom now arrived
from Port Alberni and Alder, Ed and
two others formed a four-man gang and
built a cookhouse, a 26' x 80' building.
Afterwards they built the cold room and
tables and benches for the dining room.
The completion of the handsome
building called for a party and a dance
was held in the dining room, free drinks
provided. Happily, the handful of
women at McBride Bay was
supplemented by cannery girls,
including Japanese and native Indian
girls, from Nelson Brothers plant across
Hecate Channel at Ceepeecee. Alder
managed to enjoy a few dances.
The weather, apparently, was full of
surprises. One night during a storm,
trees began falling from the bluff above
the bunkhouses. Alder and others
gathered up mattresses and blankets and
headed for the cookhouse. Two
bunkhouses were damaged that night.
At 75 cents per hour, carpenters were
earning good wages. Alder began
banking his pay cheques. There wasn't
a great deal to spend one's money on in
any case, with no stores or recreation
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92 facilities. His    brother    Ed,    by
comparison, made friends among the
married people, and while Alder stayed
home at night Ed was part of the
outings to Ceepeecee and Zeballos.
Eventually Alder made a trip to
Ceepeecee:
"One Saturday night I got a ride to the
cannery and with some friends started to
explore the place. It was dark, with very
few street lights and less people. The
Japanese girls stayed close to their
quarters but we could hear a lot of noise
coming from the native village so we
wandered over.
"They were playing one of their native
gambling games where everybody sat on
the floor in a circle, pounding out a set
rhythm and singing a loud but
monotonous tune. While the noise was
going on, one guy had a piece of
polished wood about three inches long
that he kept passing from hand to hand
as rapidly as possible, and at a signal the
singing would stop and a member of the
opposite team would indicate what hand
he thought the wood was in. If he was
right, he and his team would win that
round and also get the stick. If not, it
would remain as before and the singing
would start all over again. This was a
gambling game and I heard later that
they often played for very high stakes.
At any rate, I moved to another window
to get a better look and was shocked to
see my brother Ed and his pal sitting in
the circle, making as much noise as the
rest and having a wonderful time!"
Nootka Wood Products Ltd. began
operating in October 1937, producing
three million feet of undressed lumber
monthly, 110 men on the payroll. The
source of the logs was the company's
timber limits, 65 square miles of fir and
hemlock in Kyuquot Sound. Fir only
was used for lumber at McBride Bay
and came by water the 35 miles; the
hemlock was cut for Port Alice's pulp
mill. Marketed as "Nootka Pine", the
fir produced an excellent grade of
decking, flooring and floor block stock.
Timbers 14" x 14" x 60' were the
specialty, the main customer the British
Admiralty. Although Nootka Wood
Products Ltd. did not wish to sell locally
- local people did not always pay their
accounts whereas overseas credits were
established - until a sawmill was built at
Zeballos in January 1938, 20,000 feet
of lumber was scowed to Zeballos
almost daily for a few months for
construction of the boom town.
No expense had been spared in
building the mill. McBride Bay boasted
two of the three Swedish gang saws to
be found in British Columbia. But the
Swede gangs were to prove inadequate
for the operation. The head sawing rig,
instead of a band saw, was a circular
head rig; further along in the mill were
fine trimmers but no re-saw.
The mill had one of the province's
first motor lumber stackers, a Ross, but
there was no room to store lumber.
Steep-sided McBride Bay offered little
land for building on and the wharf
could not be extended because teredos
consumed the untreated hemlock piles
as fast as they were driven. (The teredo
population had flourished through the
dumping of scrap wood and sawdust
into the bay.) With piles 130 feet long
at the wharfs front, the price of
creosoting was considered too high.
Scows therefore were used for storing
lumber, increasing costs. If a freighter
did not arrive every 10 days, the mill
was snowed in.
The power plant, however, was
efficient. A 150 kwh engine and
generator provided  lights,  and steam
power operated the log turner, auxiliary
deck equipment and pumps. The main
power was supplied by burning hog
fuel, one ton per hour, to produce a gas
which operated the eight-cylinder, 1120
hp Crossley-Premier engine. Built in
Nottingham, England the
Crossley-Premier was installed by a
factory engineer. Crossley-Premiers
were not new to North America but this
was the first time this gasification
process was used in a North American
sawmill. The process was estimated to
require 50 percent less fuel than the
usual steam boiler method; the burning
of bark provided the best results at Port
Tahsis.
Another North American first for a
lumber mill was the installation of a
radio telephone. Although radio
phones were now used in logging
camps, B.C. having a large number,
they had yet to be used in the sawmill
industry. McBride Bay's unit was
installed by Vancouver Radio
Laboratories Ltd. and was taller than a
man.
Money was also spent to ensure the
safety of employees. Instead of
operating with only a safety committee,
Nootka Wood Products Ltd. hired a
full-time safety supervisor, a move
lauded by the industry.
Nootka Wood Products Ltd mill after closure. Gibson tugboat centre foreground
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 Things seemed to be going fine at first.
Employees were building cabins and
sending for their wives; Alder Bloom
was building houses for senior staff on
an island 400 feet offshore. Access to
the island suburb was by rowboat until
it was decided to build a floating
walkway. Alder and another carpenter
were given the job of constructing the
walkway. Working on rolling logs was
something new again for Alder Bloom.
"I had bought a pair of caulk boots
such as loggers wore," he says, "and I
was having a fine time on these logs!
My partner was grumpy at times and at
other times he was singing. For some
reason, it bothered him when I moved
around on the logs too fast. He said he
didn't give a damn if I drowned but he
would hate to see me get wet! One day
he was in a good mood and singing a
happy song. I was working with my
back towards him when the singing
stopped for a second and then started up
again. I looked back to see him in the
water up to his armpits, struggling to get
back on the logs, but still singing to
cover his predicament! I kept on
working and said nothing!"
In spring Alder was laid off. He got a
job building a logging camp at
Esperanza, near Ceepeecee. The
setdement of Esperanza consisted of a
hotel with a beer parlour, and a two-bed
hospital operated by the Shantymen's
Christian Association. Much of the
lumber for the hospital had been
donated by Nootka Wood Products
Ltd.
Alder next went to Gibson Brothers
camp at Sandspit on Tahsis Inlet.
Gibsons, legendary for starting in 1945
their own export lumber mill - present
day Tahsis - had acquired old ships to
use as barges for transporting logs to
market. Alder was put to work cutting
out the deck and insides of a ship. The
pride of the Gibson fleet was the
245-foot five-masted schooner Malahat,
a Mother Ship during Prohibition. The
old girl had been stripped for use as a
barge but she was self-powered; she still
had a fireplace in the owner's stateroom.
Alder's father now arrived at McBride
Bay looking for work. John Bloom, 59,
variously a construction carpenter, store
owner, grain buyer and elevator repair
man, obtained the promise of a contract
to build living quarters for the sawmill's
Indian employees. While waiting, he
undertook private carpentry and built a
floathouse for himself. He built a skiff
as well; on the prairies Mr. Bloom
always owned a boat, whether he lived
near water or not.
Before long it was learned that the
Indian quarters at McBride Bay would
not be built. There were rumors that
the mill would close. [The sawmill
closed at Christmas, 1938.] Mr. Bloom
was at loose ends. Alder, recognizing an
opportunity in commercial fishing,
suggested they build a troller and turn
his father into a fisherman.
Nearly two and one-half years were
devoted to the construction of his
father's 40' boat, a good-size one. Alder
would go off to a job for a few months,
then return with his earnings to assist
his dad. Although they were joined by
his brother Rollie Bloom from Port
Alberni, the project seemed unending.
A cove near Port Tahsis known as
God's Pocket was selected and a 60'
open boatshed and lean-to workshop
erected. A handful of firs suitable for
lumber grew at God's Pocket. Despite
feeling guilty about taking timber for
personal use, John Bloom made a deal
with the Zeballos Lumber Co. to supply
several logs in return for some lumber.
By himself, he felled the trees with a
falling saw (chain saws were not on the
market), bucked them, jacked the logs
into the water and towed them behind
his skiff the nine miles to Zeballos.
Afterwards he towed home the lumber,
also in the water.
Most of the material had to be ordered
from "outside" and arrived at Ceepeecee
by steamer, small shipments as they
could afford it, mostly fir, oak for the
trailer's ribs and gumwood for the stem
and stern. Generally, Mr. Bloom
waited until Alder returned from a job,
then they worked on the boat together;
he considered Alder project boss. In the
meantime, to earn extra money, he built
a simple marine way for local use.
As the troller took shape, their work
became a topic of interest in the area;
large boats were seldom built in Nootka
Sound, especially under such
conditions.
"The only power machinery that we
had", says Alder, "was a 10" circle saw
powered by a four horsepower engine
out of Dad's skiff. I did have a small
bandsaw that I traded some work for
but it was very little help on the heavy
material we were working with. Dad
was the axeman so he cut and shaped
the keel by hand. Then we found that
we didn't have a timber big enough for
the keelson so Dad went back into the
woods again and cut down a tree and
shaped it with his trusty broad axe and
adze.
"It was unfortunate that we didn't
know more about electricity and picked
up a small generator, because lights and
an electric drill would have been a
godsend. On the planking I used two
hand braces, one with a bit for a
half-inch wood plug, and one for the
three-inch boat nail. First, I drilled a
hole a half-inch deep for the plug, and
then switched braces and drilled for the
nail. It wasn't hard but it took time and
when you remember there were over
5000 nails in the planking alone you can
get some concept of the time required.
We were on the job as soon as it was
light enough to see and we worked until
dark. At noon no-one wanted to quit
work to cook anything so we would
keep going until one of us got so hungry
that he would have to give in and do the
cooking!"
When the gumwood arrived at
Ceepeecee, 6" x 12" x 12', John Bloom
prepared to float it home, unaware it
would not float. He wrestled it to the
edge of the dock and, ropes around it,
pushed it into the water whereupon the
ropes slipped off and the gumwood
went to the bottom. The timber
represented nearly two weeks wages for
Alder and he dragged for it with a
grappling hook. Unsuccessful, he had
to order a new piece.
In the spring of 1941 Mr. Bloom was
finishing the cabin. But they still
needed an engine and gear. Not looking
forward to another year of scrimping,
Alder was relieved when Ceepeecee's
cannery manager offered to supply the
engine if the Blooms would charter the
boat to Nelson Brothers for packing dog
salmon in the fall. John Bloom would
serve as deckhand under an Indian
skipper.
Because he had worked at the Nootka
cannery Alder was permitted to use the
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92
10 cannery's machine shop to install the
engine and steering gear. Afterwards he
ran the boat triumphantly back to the
Pocket. They named her the Thyra B,
after Alder's mother who had died when
he was a boy.
John Bloom became a fisherman and
Alder resumed carpentry. The Second
World War was affecting the coast now.
Alder worked again for Gibson
Brothers, at Tofino where Gibsons were
clearing land for the construction of an
airport for coastal defense. Then,
returning to Nootka Sound, he got a job
at the Ceepeecee cannery; here he was in
charge of construction, building
maintenance, boat repairs and
pile-driving.
At Ceepeecee, men were leaving to
join the armed forces. After the
bombing of Pearl Harbour in December
1941 the Japanese were removed from
the coast. Bolstering the plant's
workforce were local women and a
number from the Ashcroft tomato
cannery, among them one Florence
French from Vancouver. Alder and
Florence were married on October
1942. They were married at the
Zeballos police station by the town's
B.C. Provincial Police constable. The
gold mines were closing at Zeballos,
some permanently, others for the
duration of the war, and the constable
was in the midst of dismantling the jail's
cells. The marriage business was brisk
that day with one couple ahead of Alder
and Florence and one behind.
John Bloom had never stayed more
than four years in one place and in 1946
he quit fishing, preparing to leave the
coast. For Alder, his wife and small son,
the time had come to leave as well. The
family, including Rollie Bloom, left
together, planning to settle in some
interior location. But canneries and
boats were in Alder's blood now and
soon he was working for Nelson
Brothers again, on the Fraser River in
Richmond. He remained in the
business, first with Nelsons, then B.C.
Packers, until his retirement.
Today he reflects on his experiences
on the coast during the Depression and
the Second World war; he is satisfied
with the benefits.   Faced with adapting
Alder.Flo and Robert (Bob)
Bloom 1945. Taken at C.PC.
photo courtesy Alder Bloom
to unfamiliar methods, the initial
hostility of co-workers and a harsh
climate, he achieved much personal and
professional growth.
**********
Eleanor Witton Hancock is a freelance writer
now living in Kamloops. She grew up at Zeballos
on die west coast ofVancouver Island
SOURCES
Personal interview and correspondence with
Alder Bloom.
Personal interviews with Tom Wellburn,
manager of Nootka Wood Products Ltd. in
1938.
Daily Colonist: February 2, 1937; October 21,
1937.
The Timberman: November 1937.
Anglican   Church  Archives
A Research Tools Grant has been awarded by SSHRCC for a project
sponsored jointly by the General Synod Archives, Toronto, and the Ecclesiastical Province of British Columbia and Yukon. Currently under
way, the primary goal of the project is to prepare and publish the third
volume in the Records of the Anglican Church of Canada series; volumes on the provinces of Rupert's Land (1986) and Ontario (1990) having already been published. The scope of the project includes the
archives of the Ecclesiastical Province and each of the six dioceses -
British Columbia, Caledonia, Cariboo, Kootenay, New Westminster and
Yukon.
The award provides for one year funding, the first part of a two year project that includes funding for the publishing of the fourth and final guide
in the series, that of the Ecclesiastical Province of Canada (Quebec and
the Atlantic provinces).
The guide will be the basic finding aid to the holdings of the Ecclesiastical Province and will assist various users including historians, church
administrators, genealogists as well as archivists in identifying and locating materials. The guide is being prepared in database format using
INMAGIC software and Rules for Archival Description (RAD) descriptive
standards.
Another goal of the project is to strengthen the Anglican archival
network in British Columbia. The Diocesan Archivists are the
supervising team for the project and will be meeting twice during the
year. Teresa Thompson, General Synod Archivist, is Project
Co-ordinator while Doreen Stephens, Archivist of the Ecclesiastical
Province, is providing overall supervision. In addition, the project is
benefitting from the earlier work involved in the Rupert's Land and
Ontario projects. The general office for the project is the Archives of the
Ecclesiastical Province in Vancouver.
Mark Epp has been hired as the Project Archivist to prepare the Guide
to the Holdings of the Archives of the Ecclesiastical Province of B.C.
and Yukon (Anglican Church of Canada). Mark has completed his
course work in the M.A.S. programme at the University of B.C. During
the course of the Project he will be working in each of the Diocesan
Archives, travelling throughout B.C. and into the Yukon.
11
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 The Kootenay District Zinc Rush
by Edward L. Affleck
Canada Zinc Co. 's Plant, Nelson, B.C.
The history of North America is replete with tales of gold rushes, silver
booms, and uranium strikes. Zinc admittedly lacks the glamour of these other metals, so that it is perhaps not
surprising that the "zinc rush" which
buoyed the hopes of citizens of Frank,
Alberta, Nelson, B.C. and various other
settlements in the Kootenay and Slocan
Lakes areas during the decade leading
up to World War I has failed to capture
much of a place in the history of Western Canada.
At the turn of this century, zinc was
decidedly the "ugly sister" in the low-
grade silver-lead-zinc lodes abounding
in the Kootenay District of British Columbia. Zinc content indeed often added to the problem of refining the silver
and lead content of ores, so that a number of smelters levied a penalty on ore
with a high zinc content.
A 1901 slump in the price of silver
added to the hard times faced by mining
men in the Kootenay in the years following the Klondike Gold Rush. In
1901 the Guggenheim interests merged
with the American Smelting & Refining
Co. and thereafter held a virtual monopoly on the refinement of lead in
North America and maintained a strong
lobby to insure that lead in Canada entering the U.SA faced a stiff tariff.
Since the lead bullion produced annually in the Kootenay exceeded the Canadian demand, mining men continued to
eye the alluring market for refined zinc
which existed particularly in Europe. If
the refinement of zinc in silver-lead-zinc
lodes could only be freed from an economic dependence of the refinement of
lead, the Kootenay could emerge from
the shadow cast by the Guggenheim interests and achieve its destiny in the zinc
market.
In 1904 - 1905 increasing demand for
zinc brought about a dramatic rise in its
market price and revived activity in a
number of the mines in the East and
West Kootenay. For several months the
District fed on the rumour that the
Guggenheim interests were about to
erect a state-of-the-art smelter adjacent
to the idle railway terminal of the Kootenay Railway & Navigation Co.
(Great Northern  Railway)  at  Kusko-
nook on Kootenay Lake. This project
never materialized, but in the meantime
the Canadian Metal Company Ltd., a
syndicate of French capitalists who had
interests in the Crows Nest coal mines,
came upon the scene.
The Canadian Metal Company first
acquired the Bluebell Mine on Kootenay Lake and the smelting works at
nearby Pilot Bay, idled since 1896. Several additional zinc properties were purchased in the Slocan area. The
company began to work the group,
stockpiling the ore until the sampler
forming part of the Pilot Bay works
could be reactivated. On the theory
that it was cheaper to haul zinc concentrates to a source of smelting coal than it
was to haul coal to a smelter situated on
Kootenay Lake (two tons of coal being
required to smelt each ton of concentrate), the Canadian Metal Company
then erected a large, well-equipped zinc
smelting plant at the Crows Nest coal
mining town of Frank, Alberta. The
smelter was designed for a capacity of 60
tons of ore in furnaces to convert zinc
sulphide to zinc oxide, then introducing
coal dust as a reducing agent for the oxide, distilling the mixture, casting the
metallic zinc distillate into plates and
saving the residue to recover the silver
content.
The Pilot Bay concentrator was not
the only one to be "galvanized" into activity. Smaller mines in the Ainsworth-
Slocan areas started shipping zinc ore to
the Kootenay Ore Company's small but
efficient sampling plant at Kaslo or to
the old concentrator at Rosebery on Slocan Lake. At these plants minerals such
as iron pyrites, galena and gangue matter were separated to facilitate the eventual smelting of zinc ore.
The Federal Government evinced considerable interest in the prospect of Canada becoming a major zinc producer
and commissioned two prominent
American metallurgists, W.R Ingalls
and Philip Argall, to make a field trip to
B.C Historical News - Spring 92
12 British Columbia to investigate the possibilities of zinc ore mining in the Province as well as methods of treating the
ore.
The 1905 year closed on a high note,
with more activity in the base metal
mines of the Kootenay than had been
witnessed for half a decade. Pending the
activation of the Frank Smelter, zinc
concentrate was sacked at the Kaslo
sampling plant, loaded on the Kootenay
Railway & Navigation Company's
sternwheelers Kaslo and International
and transferred at Five Mile Point to ore
cars for a long trip via U.S. railways to
the zinc smelter in Bartlesville, Oklahoma which had access to cheap Kentucky
coal.
1906, however, introduced a few sour
notes into the Canadian zinc industry's
song of rapture. First the U.S. Customs
determined that the product of a zinc
concentrator did not constitute "crude
mineral" and promptly slapped a heavy
duty on such concentrates entering the
U.S. for smelting. This ruling was rescinded the following year, but by that
time the 1907 financial panic was well
underway and mines which had suspended production in the face of the tariff could not secure refinancing to reopen.
The second sour note was sounded
when the Canadian Metal Company
discovered that the low grade of concentrate shipped from Pilot Bay to Frank,
combined with the high price of coal
($2.00 per ton at the pit head) made the
smelting of zinc at Frank uneconomic.
In the face of falling process for silver
and lead, the company decided to dismantle the sampler at Pilot Bay and to
reassemble the works into a more efficient reduction plant on the Bluebell
site, now renamed "Riondel" in honour
of the company's president, Count Riondel. Under the deft supervision of
Samuel S. Fowler, construction on this
new plant was begun in March, 1907
and was completed in the late spring of
1908. The new plant proved to be
highly efficient in separating lead concentrate for shipment to the smelter at
Trail, B.C., but a decline in the price of
zinc postponed indefinitely any further
activity at the Frank zinc smelter.
The third sour note was sounded by
the Ingalls-Argall Commission, which
made it fairly obvious that zinc smelting
by the standard roasting method carried
on at Frank could not, having regard to
the quality of zinc concentrates and the
prevailing wage, freight and coal rates,
be carried on competitively against U.S.
and European smelters. The Commission also expressed doubt that sufficient
zinc ore could be mined and concentrated in the Ainsworth-Slocan mining divisions to warrant full-scale development
of a zinc mining industry. It noted the
tremendous amount of zinc ore available in the Sullivan Mine at Kimberley,
but regretted that the refractory character of this ore was such that zinc extraction by traditional methods was almost
hopeless. The Commission then turned
its attention to the prospect of electric
smelting of zinc ores in British Columbia and sounded a very faint note of enthusiasm in making the following
points:
1. Electric smelting would never displace coal-fired smelting of zinc where
the electric power is generated from
coal.
2. Electric smelting might be, in the
future, economically conducted at places where very cheap hydro-electric power was available.
3. Aside from the question of power
cost, certain peculiar and serious metallurgical difficulties in electric smelting
had not yet been satisfactorily
overcome.
4. It was unlikely that electric smelting
of zinc ores could ever be profitably carried on in the zinc-producing districts
of East and West Kootenay.
The Ingalls-Argall Commission, however, proved to be a discordant voice
crying in the wilderness, as the B.C.
Government had now been bitten by
the zinc producing bug. A group of
Coast capitalists who had originally invested in the Kaslo & Slocan Railway
and who had an interest in the Kaslo-
Kootenay Land Co. as well as in a number of Slocan mines, formed the Canada
Zinc Company, lobbied successfully for
a $10,000 advance from the Provincial
Government and commenced in 1907
to build a new zinc smelter at Nelson,
B.C. Electric smelting of zinc was to
save the day, and the well constructed,
well-equipped smelter of the Canadian
Metal Company at Frank would henceforth stand as a monument to all that
was wrong with traditional zinc smelting
methods.
To-day the south shore approach to
the Nelson bridge towers over the Lakeside Park parking lot which now occupies the site of the Canada Zinc
Company smelting works. In 1908,
however, the long narrow building constructed of 2" x 10" planking flanked by
a tall thin exhaust stack one hundred ten
feet high assumed a commanding position on the lakeshore at the eastern limits of Bogustown. Enthusiasm waxed
large throughout the Nelson community, chastened by the recent wind-up of
activity at the copper-lead smelting
works of the Hall Mines Smelter now
standing idle on the bench across Cot-
B.C. Bur?,
Canadian Metal Co. 's Concentrating Plant, Blue Bell Mine, Kootenay Lake.
13
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 tonwood creek, and more than one Nelson citizen of modest means subscribed
to shares in the Canada Zinc Company.
The Canada Zinc Company's smelter
was to be an electric smelter utilizing the
new Snyder Electro-Thermic process.
The process would require ample electric power, but was not some of the lowest-cost power in British Columbia now
available from the nearby Bonnington
Falls hydro-electric power plant of the
West Kootenay Power &c Light Company? Freight charges would be modest,
because concentrate from the Kaslo and
Riondel reduction plants could be
barged down Kootenay Lake to the lake-
shore smelting site. (The difficulties encountered by the C.P.R during 1899-
1900 in working barges through the
Procter narrows were conveniently forgotten). Snyder would provide the solution to smelting low-grade concentrates
and Nelson would become the zinc cap-
tial of the world! Let Trail lead with
lead and Grand Forks conquer with copper; Nelson would zoom with zinc!
The Canada Zinc Company plant,
built under the supervision of A.C. Fer-
neau, consisted of a McDougall roasting
furnace, 14 feet in diameter and about
25 feet high, having a capacity of about
25 tons of ore per day, and an electric
furnace with inside dimensions of 34" x
54" capable of treating about 15 tons of
roasted ore per day. The electric furnace
was equipped with carbon electrodes,
the electric arc formed between the electrodes serving to generate the heat required for smelting the roasted ore. The
products of the process were: (a) slag
and matte, run off through an iron
spout (b) lead, collected in the bottom
of the furnace and ladled out of a lead
well, and (c) liquid metallic zinc condensed on the cool sides of the furnace
jacket and drained out through perforated carbon blocks. Several trial runs were
made in the late fall of 1908, with F.T.
Snyder, technical consultant, in attendance. On the basis of these runs, the
process was pronounced economically
feasible but in need of some small adjustments to iron out a number of mechanical and electrical problems which
had been encountered. The citizens of
Nelson confidently awaited the commencement of full-scale production in
the spring of 1909. It was not to be.
The doors of the smelter remained shut
and the furnaces cold. The Snyder
Electro-Thermic Process apparently had
not overcome all the "metallurgical difficulties" which Ingalls and Argall had
warned about. Edward Dedolph, a talented assayer at the Kootenay Ore
Company's sampling plant in Kaslo, did
succeed in producing electrolytic zinc in
the plant, but highly explosive zinc fulminate was a by-product. When 1909
vanished into history without a sign of
renewed activity, the Nelson City
Council offered to make available, free
of charge, power from the City's original hydro-electric power plant on Cottonwood Falls, idled since the opening
of the City's new Bonnington Falls
plant in 1907. This offer was not taken
up, but the old hydro-electric power
plant was "borrowed" during 1910 by
Andrew Gordon French, a prominent
metallurgist. French conducted his first
experiments on the premises of J.O
Patenaude, Nelson jewelry manufacturer, then moved to the Old Cottonwood
Creek hydro-electric plant. He installed
a small experimental electric furnace at
the Cottonwood Falls site, and with the
help of his son, Thomas French, conducted a number of experimental runs
there. When the French process
showed some signs of promise, father
and son were invited to continue their
work in the well-equipped research facilities of the Consolidated Mining &
Smelting Co. at Trail. Thomas French
carried on there his father's work, subsidized by a grant from the Provincial
Government.
By 1912, the Federal Government, fed
up with the shifting U.S. tariff policy on
Canada's zinc ore exports, had also become an active participant in zinc smelting experiments in Nelson. W.R.
Ingalls was commissioned to conduct
experiments at McGill University in
Montreal. After obtaining successful laboratory runs there he came out to Nelson to conduct experiments on a larger
scale at the Canada Zinc plant, which
by this time had passed into the hands
of the B.C. Government. Results at
Nelson were sufficiently promising to
cause a major U.S. mining and smelting
company to seek to acquire the Nelson
plant and continue the experimentation
there, but the B.C. Government balked
at yielding the title to a foreign concern.
The U.S. concern withdrew, and the
Federal Government proceeded to install improved equipment in the plant,
placing George C. Mackenzie, Chief of
its Metallurgical Division in charge as of
October, 1913. Once again the citizens
of Nelson looked forward to full-scale
production at the plant the following
spring. All work was abruptly terminated, however, early in 1914, when Mr.
Mackenzie issued the following report:
". . . experimental work at Nelson has
been discontinued, it being regarded as
conclusively settled that an electric zinc
smelting furnace so small as one ton of
daily capacity is a commercial impossibility, while the satisfactory development of a larger furnace is regarded as
too doubtful to be undertaken at Nelson
n
Thus ended Nelson's hopes of becoming a world centre for the production of
zinc. Twelve months later, an insatiable
war-time demand for zinc resulted in
the addition of an electrolytic zinc refinery to the smelter works at Trail, the
electrolytic process having been evolved
out of the work of the Frenches by a
team of scientists backed by the Consolidated Mining & Smelting Company
and the Anaconda Copper Mining
Company of Great Falls, Montana. The
story of Cominco's protracted litigation
with the Patenaude/French interests
which arose out of the development of
this process as well as the story of the
1910-11 mining rush triggered around
Nelson by A. G. French's claim to have
found substantial traces of platinum in
dykes of the Granite-Poorman mine near
Blewitt belong to other chapters of Nelson's mining and smelting history. A
lingering symbol of Nelson's aspirations
to become a world leader in the zinc
market vanished in January, 1935 when
the long idle Canada Zinc Smelter was
razed to make way for a parking lot opposite Nelson's Lakeside Park.
**********
EL "Ted" Affleck grew up in Nelson.  He became a Chartered Accountant, working out of
Vancouver and has recently retired in that city.
He has written several books on Kootenay history.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. British Columbia. Repon of the Minister of Mines.
1908-1914.
2. Geological Survey of Canada. Annual Repott on the
Mineral Industries of Canada. 1905.
3. Minnesota Historical Society. Corporate files of the
Kootenay Railway & Navigation Company.
4. Nelson Daily News.
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92
14 To Nelson By Car In 1917
by Henry Stevenson
Hazen Everett Stevenson opened a
blacksmithing business in Nelson, B.C.
in August 1911 in partnership with
Hereford Butchart. It was a viable enterprise which provided both partners
with a reasonable income until 1916
when a recession forced them to close
the shop.
Hazen had married Jennie Peterson, a
Swedish immigrant girl in March 1914.
A year later a daughter, Margaret, was
born and in April 1916 a son Henry arrived to complete the family. Hazen
was offered a black-smithing job at Gra-
num, Alberta, which he hastened to accept. The Stevenson family moved to
the prairie town where they intended to
make a new home.
During the summer of 1917 Henry
was taken critically ill. Evidently the alkali in the prairie water was burning the
lining of his stomach. The only thing
the toddler could digest was beaten
white of egg mixed with milk. The doctor stated, "It's back to mountain water
or the graveyard." Two days later the
Stevenson family loaded their belongings into Hazen's 1913 Model T touring car and started on their way back to
Nelson. Following the only roads that
connected Granum to Nelson took
them south to Fort McLeod, then west
through Crows Nest Pass to Cranbrook.
The road surface in Alberta consisted of
black prairie clay turned to gumbo by
h'eavy rains. On the west side of the
Rockies the road surface changed to
gravel and was very rocky in spots.
Travel was slow and flat tires a problem
but they pressed on. Crossing the Canada-United States border at Kingsgate
they drove through Bonners Ferry, Idaho stopping for the night at Rathdrum.
The next day (their fourth on the road)
they reached Spokane then turned north
through Deer Park. At Chewelah,
Washington, Hazen had to repair the
transmission bands in the car because he
was warned that there were treacherous
roads ahead that would require the vehi-
1913 Ford model T touring car, same vintage as the car my family made the six day trip from Granum,
Alberta to Nelson via Idaho & Wahington (the only available road between the two two towns in
1917). Price of Ford new was $600.00 it was Spsngr, 4 cyL 20 HP.
cle to be in good condition, especially
the low gear and brakes. (Transmissions on the Model T Fords were troublesome at the best of times, and these
were not the "best of times.")
Next day saw the Stevenson family on
the road again travelling through Colville then over a dreaded section of the
road known as the "Seven Sisters", a series of narrow stretches of sandy road
bordering the Columbia River. Fortunately everything went in their favor
along this stretch of roadway. At
Northport, Washington, they checked
through the U.S. Customs and progressed on up to Waneta where they
crossed the United States-Canada border and could proceed to Trail, B.C.
Evening was closing in so they stopped
overnight at the Arlington Hotel. In
Trail Hazen was offered a job at the
smelter; a job that would pay $4.00 a
day. He refused the offer because the
deal stated that this was $2.00 per day
cash and $2.00 in Consolidated Mining
& Smelting stock. He felt that he
would require more than $2.00 a day to
feed, clothe and house his family. (In
retrospect, the CM&S shares could
have, in time, become a small fortune.)
The Stevensons were up early next
morning, leaving Trail on the last lap of
their journey to Nelson. It was day six
and they were eager to get home. Hazen was told that the road to Castlegar
was not open due to a rock bluff pre
venting completion. But there was a
road to the Waterloo ferry about ten
miles upriver. It took less than an hour
to reach the ferry where they would
cross over to the east side of the Columbia River. The Waterloo ferry was a
small raft type of contrivance with an
overhead cable to guide the craft. The
cable was anchored at each shore; tripods held the cable in place. Another
cable device was attached to twin
sheaves in tandem running on the overhead cable. Another smaller cable was
attached to the two ends of the vessel
and run through the twin sheave unit;
by shortening one end through a winch
and lengthening the other while adjusting to the pressure on the hull from the
current the 'drift Ferry' was pushed
across the river.
The travellers were shocked when they
landed at the eastern shore. No one had
told them that there was no road up the
river bank to the bench at least 40 feet
above the river. Their Model T was the
first automobile to make the crossing.
Prior to that day the only traffic had
been pedestrians and the occasional
horse. The steep bank (sloping at about
35 degrees,) was more than the 20
horsepower vehicle could navigate. But
Hazen's motto was, "Don't give up;
there's always a way to beat the impossible." Hazen climbed to the top of the
bank to survey the situation. He found
a large pile of fence posts and an audi-
15
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 <o
**"
Lmtmtxz
l«CA«
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I
ence of Doukhobor farmers. They
probably expected to see the ferry return
the car to the west bank. None of the
onlookers could speak English, but Hazen used sign language to obtain a group
of helpers carrying fence posts down to
the car. A corduroy was created, the car
jacked up then the engine revved and
made a run up the hill. When the car
stopped Jennie rammed a post between
the spokes of the wheel to prevent it
rolling back. This process was repeated
several times until the car eventually
reached the top of the bench.
While Hazen and Jennie were busy
working the car up to the crest, a group
of Doukhobor ladies took turns caring
for Margaret and Henry.
Now that they were on the Ootische-
nia flat, onward travel posed no trouble
as farm roads were fairly well maintained. On arrival at the Doukhobor
Bridge that crosses the Kootenay River,
Peter (the Lordly) Verigin halted them,
denying passage over the bridge. Verigin was the first Doukhobor that Hazen
encountered who could speak English.
He said the car was too heavy for the
bridge; no automobile had ever crossed
it. Hazen explained to him that the car
was not nearly as heavy as a team of
horses and a wagon. Verigin was adamant; his mind was made up. While
they argued a horse drawn wagon loaded with logs came over the bridge. Hazen asked Verigin to instruct the husky
driver to lift one wheel of his wagon.
The teamster tried in vain, then Hazen
asked him to lift the rear wheel of the
car. That same man lifted the car with
little effort. Verigin was now convinced, but insisted that the lady must
carry the children across. When Hazen
drove the car over Verigin volunteered
to carry Henry across while Jennie followed with Margaret.
Castlegar jerry on Columbia river - crossing to Robson.  This picture taken about 1924
They made it to Brilliant and shortly
thereafter encountered another obstacle.
There was no road between Brilliant
and South Slocan. The only river crossing seemed to be the railway bridge.
Hazen had to get to Castlegar, so he cut
the wire fence, drove through, then repaired the fence, and was driving up to
the tracks when a railway section foreman arrived on the scene. The CPR
man was somewhat hostile accusing Hazen of trespassing on CPR property. He
also warned that a train was due to pass
over at any moment. The man quickly
climbed onto his handcar and headed
for Castlegar.
As soon as the handcar was out of
sight the Stevenson Ford edged onto the
bridge. At that moment the train appeared from Brilliant. Hazen had
thought the section man was bluffing,
but was able to back out of the way.
Once the train had passed the family
was loaded aboard and the car made a
bumpy crossing of the Columbia River
on the CPR bridge. When the first
roadway came into view below the railway Hazen drove down the bank, cut
the wire fence, put his car on the road,
repaired the fence and drove into Castlegar where the family had lunch and refuelled the vehicle.
Close to Castlegar he drove onto the
small ferry powered by a one cylinder
engine and they were taken over to Robson. From here there was a road to Nelson following the original pack trail up
Pass Creek, down Goose Creek where
the bridge at Crescent Valley crossed the
Slocan River. When they reached Bonnington Falls darkness was overtaking
them, so Hazen fired up the acetylene
headlights. It was 10 p.m. when the
party reached Taghum. The dreaded
Taghum Hill was an obstacle. The road
up the hill was narrow with many curves
including a switchback - and their gasoline supply was getting low. Model T
Fords had a gas tank situated in such a
position that a low gas supply would not
flow to the engine while climbing a
steep hill. To alleviate the problem the
vehicle was turned around and driven
uphill in reverse gear so that fuel could
flow readily to the engine. The difficulty that night was the pitch black darkness when back up lights had yet to be
invented.
Hazen again had to improvise. He re-
B.C. Historical News • Spring 92
16 moved the kerosene tail lamp from its
bracket, opened its hinged door, lit it
with a match, then handed it to Jennie
instructing her to walk up the hill ahead
of the car holding the light behind her.
In that manner the car was backed all
the way to the top of the hill. At the
crest of the hill Hazen turned the car
around to make a conventional final lap
into Nelson.
At 11 p.m. the Stevenson family could
see the beautiful lights of Nelson after
sue days on the road from Granum. The
final stretch from Trail had taken 17
hours. It had been a very trying trip for
Jennie with her two wee children (15
months and 2 1/2 years old), and for Hazen who 'fought' the Model T Ford over
prairie gumbo, rocks, gravel, mud, sand,
railway ties, and one blessed bit of pavement (in Spokane.)
**********
Henry Stevenson grew up in Nelson, ran a machine shop there, and is now retired in that Kootenay centre. He enjoys recording his memories
for others to read
This family portrait taken in
1917 shows Hazen Stevenson
standing beside Margaret
and Jenny Stevenson holding
young Henry on her lap.
Lasqueti Island Reviews Its History
by Elda Copley Mason
The Spaniards left considerable evidence of their explorations in the Strait of Georgia. Place names like "Lasqueti"
show the hand of Spanish map makers. Francisco de Eliza
was in command of an expedition in 1791 which set out
from Nootka to continue the exploration of the Fuca Strait
and other waterways. (See "Spanish Discovery" by John
Crosse in Vol. 25, No. 1) Narvaez in the Santa Saturnina explored the Strait of Georgia up to about Cape Lazo (near the
present site of Comox.) Eliza subsequently made up a chart
of the whole area; it shows an outline of Lasqueti and some
of the surrounding islets, and the larger island of Texada to
the east.
To commemorate the visit of the Spaniards to these waters
two hundred years before, members of the Lasqueti Island
Historical Association gathered with friends at Squitty Bay
Marine Park on June 15, 1991. There they unveiled the
plaque shown here. It is situated atop a small cliff that affords a lovely view of the bay and Sabine Channel with Texada Island in the background.
Later, residents and visitors assembled at the Lasqueti
Community Hall. School children gave a presentation (arranged and written by Patricia Forbes) of the unique history
of the island, commencing with the Spanish period. Many
descendants of original settlers were introduced representing the families of William Jeffreys, William Curran, Charles
Darwin and others. It was a happy celebration allowing residents past and present to review the history of our island
with a Spanish name.
Susan Page, Dubois Laursen, Edgar Darwin, and Elda Mason
(Copley) unveiled this plaque on behalf of the 150 or so people
gathered to participate in the historic event.
17
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 The Barn with a Social Life
by Bruce Paterson
Constable's barn, as illustrated, still
stands at Alice Siding 3 miles north of
Creston. It evokes memories of its
functional role on a multi-faceted farm
and as the venue for many lively dances
over the years. The barn was built in
1912-13 by Reed and Mather, two
English journeymen carpenters. It
featured details such as an attractive
pigeon cote atop the roof, a cement
floor sloped to carry liquid waste away
from the horse & cow stalls, a loft
floored with 1" x 3" tongue and groove
fir imported from the coast, and two
driveways at one end. One driveway
housed platform scales used to weigh
livestock, hay or produce for marketing;
the other ran under a large trapdoor to
the loft.
Guy Constable arrived in the Creston
Valley in 1904 where his uncle, Hubert
Mayhew, had bought the Kootenay
mining property known as Alice Mine.
Constable deliberated carefully then
decided to stay and develop the mine
and surrounding property . . . rather
than go to Brazil to oversee other family
investments. This was a major
undertaking requiring not only drilling
and working the mine, but also
constructing an aerial tramway to
convey ore down the mountain, a
concentrator, bunk houses and auxiliary
buildings. It also involved arranging
with the CPR to build a spur line to the
concentrator on the benchland below
the mine. This piece of rail line was
given the name Alice Siding - hence the
name of the community today. The
mine ran intermittently until about
1920 when the machinery was sold, the
rails removed, and buildings put to
other use.
Constable expanded his farming, using
material from the concentrator to add
new buildings such as three haysheds, a
wash house, pig sties, and machine
sheds. There was the family home, a
house for hired help, a dairy, honey
house, ice house, chicken house, root
cellar, smoke house, greenhouse with a
potting shed, a blacksmith shop, and a
workshop. Mr. and Mrs. Constable
enjoyed entertaining and held private
dances in the barn when it was awaiting
the next crop of hay. Locals looked
forward to attending these parties.
Wedding celebrations also happened
there. When a dance was to be held
here the piano was moved from the
family home on the hill, by wagon in
good weather or by sleigh in winter. It
was hoisted through the trap door into
the loft, using four blocks and tackle.
The floor above the driveway was at a
higher level than the main floor above
the horse stalls. This gave the orchestra
a stage, and visitors a seating area away
from the dancers. The horses would be
turned out of their stalls and that area
sluiced down. Guests walked through
the horse stall to the stairs up to the loft.
Music for dancing was provided by
Mrs. Constable and other musicians. In
the 1930s a small orchestra played here
and at Hunt's Hall in Kitchener, a few
miles east of Creston. Mrs. Constable
played piano; Mrs. Lister, violin; Gerald
Craigie, drums and sometimes joined by
the Lacey boys and Ronald Stace-Smith
on other instruments. During the
Depression years the Alice Siding
Community Club held dances to,
hopefully, finance the building of a
community hall. Admission was 10<t
per person. The youngster collecting
this fee was also to urge guests, "Be
careful with your smokes."
Consideration by visitors in an era when
almost everyone smoked kept the old
barn safe.
Constables raised a family of four boys
and were active in local organizations
such as the school board, reclamation,
and the fruit growers' association.
They had a big home on the hill above
the barn; the four-roomed gardener's
cottage near the north hayshed being
occupied by the eldest son and his new
wife until just before the war. The farm
was sold in 1944 when all the boys were
away from home involved in some way
in the war effort. The hired man's
house was moved elsewhere. The big
house burned during renovations. The
old   barn   was   left   alone   with   its
memories.
**********
Bruce Paterson is a biology teacher at Prince
Charles Secondary School in Creston. He has
prepared a series of "Kootenay Cameos'', careful
drawings with written histories of old buildings,
which appear monthly in the Kootenay Review
and will soon be collected into a book.
CRESTTON&
DISTRICT
HISTORICAL
SOCIEIY
Proudly announces that the
mortgage on their museum
has been paid off.
A burning of this mortgage
was held at their annual
meeting on March 29, 1992
Creston now has an
archivist, Mrs. Dolly
Kaetler, working in the
basement of the Town Hall
B.C Historical News - Spring 92
18 straint assault,  caucus  members were
caught off-guard when it was launched.
Things got worse, not better.
When rank-and-file members of the
Coalition had begun talking about a
general strike in early July, the New
Democrats included in their number began to demand a prominent role for
their party within that organizational effort. Whatever else was going to happen, though, that v/as not.
It is not clear, and will probably never
be clear, exactly when the party's role
within the Coalition was first discussed
by either's leaders. The intertwining of
the B.C. NDP's leadership with that of
the B.C. Fed was so complete that it is
doubtful even those involved really
know:
The president of the B.C. NDP was
also an 1WA local president and a B.C.
Fed vice-president; another B.C. Fed
vice-president was also vice-president of
the party; Kube, along with other B.C.
Fed officers and functionaries, had run
several times as an NDP candidate.
These people, and others like them,
wore so many hats that it is probable
the first time the question about the
NDP's role in the Coalition was raised
was as someone looked at himself in the
mirror while brushing their teeth one
morning in July. When they began
talking to one another, it is doubtful
anyone will ever know.
What can be deduced is that they decided, very early on, that the B.C. NDP
was not going to play a major role in the
Coalition. It was into this firm decision
that the rank-and-file party members
found themselves running headlong as
the call for a general strike escalated.
NDP leaders were willing to tell their
rank-and-file — and anyone else who
would listen - that the party's place was
in the Legislature, not in the Coalition .
. . and not on the streets. But the leaders were less immediately forthcoming
about why, exactly, that was so. For
many members of the party whose first
leader, James S. Woodsworth, had been
a leader of the 1919 Winnipeg General
Strike, it was beginning to get more
than a little confusing.
By 16 August the cries within the
NDP for a role for the party in the Coalition and its plans for a general strike
could no longer be ignored.   It was on
that day that the party executive convened an emergency meeting of its provincial council in the basement of the
IWA hall on Commercial Drive. Only
one item of business was on the agenda:
Solidarity.
If the party's rank-and-file had been
unsure about why their leaders were
maintaining such a low profile, it soon
became painfully apparent to them, as
one after another of those leaders stood
to explain the position the NDP found
itself in. The council delegates were
bluntly told the NDP could not be associated with a call for a general strike for
the very simple reason that general
strikes were designed for the sole purpose of toppling governments - and the
B.C. NDP, in that summer of 1983,
could not afford to have Bill Bennett's
government toppled:
* The party, council was reminded,
had no leader. Barrett had rejected earlier calls for him to stay on
in that capacity, and did so again
at the council meeting. He went
on to warn that it would be political suicide for the NDP to go into
an election as crucial as the one a
general strike might force without
a known, trusted leader.
* Nor could the party afford an
election financially, provincial
treasurer Roger Howard said.
The NDP was in debt, to the
tune of more than $750,000, for
the campaign it had run in May.
There was simply no way the party could raise the money needed
to mount another campaign.
No, the last thing the NDP - and,
therefore, its Operation Solidarity ally -
could afford to provoke in the late summer of 1983 was another general election. Clearly, this perception was not
new on 16 August: it had informed
these men's and women's decisions
from the very beginning of the anti-
Restraint fight.
The leadership's strategy — neither endorsing nor repudiating a general strike
publicly, while privately ruling it out altogether - was a careful one, and one
that worked just as they intended it to.
For the Coalition, with its members' increasing calls for just such a strike, it
was a strategy which made a tragic end
inevitable.
That end came despite what appeared
to be growing public support for both
the Coalition and for its militant's calls
for a general strike. By fall, when the
Socreds met at the Hotel Vancouver for
their annual party convention, those
militants were able to muster more than
50,000 people to march past the hotel,
Garr says, "shouting and shaking their
fists ..." Heady and, for the Operation
Solidarity / NDP leadership, frightening
stuff.
As if this wasn't bad enough, Operation Solidarity's leaders were faced with
the disturbing visibility of posters,
which advised the province to "Prepare
for the general strike," in the marchers'
ranks. And the marchers' loudest and
most persistent chant — "Socreds Out!
Socreds Out!" - could only reinforce exactly the message the leadership least
wanted to deliver. The situation was
ugly. It would get uglier.
At midnight on 31 October, the
BCGEU's 35,000 members struck the
state. The escalating public-sector strike
the Coalition had demanded had begun. On 8 November, ji.ist more than a
week after the BCGEU had walked out,
most of the province's teachers and educational support staff joined the government workers on the picket lines.
Things were clearly getting out of hand.
If that was the perception of the province's government, media and population at large, it was also the perception
of many of the leaders of British Columbia's private-sector trade unions.
When the teachers walked, the private-
sector union leaders could no longer ignore what was being done, ostensibly in
their name.
"Suddenly," Munro recounts, "we
started to realize that all of us .. .were in
trouble . . . The next day, I met with
the IWA negotiating committee and . .1
was given my marching orders: . . . 'Go
stop it'."
"Stopping it" might no longer have
been possible for Kube, who was still reluctant to abandon his dream of "a
wide-ranging co-operative movement
between unions, all unions, and the
poor and dispossessed" of British Columbia. Now he was being told, by the
most powerful trade union in the province, to kill what he saw as the fragile
nucleus of just such a movement.   The
23
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 question was not only "could he," but
"would he"?
As it turned out, he didn't have to.
The night after the teachers and support
staff went on strike, Art Kube was removed from the stage, both figuratively
and literally. At a Solidarity meeting in
New Westminster the evening of 9 November, he broke into tears, suffering a
complete physical and emotional collapse at the podium. Kube, and his
troublesome dream, were out of the
way.
The stage could now be set for what
the Operation Solidarity leadership
knew needed doing - the Coalition,
with all its embarrassing clamour for a
general strike, could be shut down. It
didn't take long.
As the sun came up on 10 November
1983, workers at the province's Crown
corporations were joining the BCGEU
and education workers on the picket
line . . . and the Operation Solidarity
executive was winding down an all-
night meeting, called immediately after
Kube's dramatic collapse in New
Westminster.
"Everyone," recalls Munro, "was there
. . . We all felt that we were heading
for insanity and had to get a settlement.
So at about four or five in the morning
we agreed on a package (of demands to
be presented to the government).
"Then . . . the question was asked:
Who was going to be the spokesman
that would shut the thing down?... It
was agreed that I was the only guy who
could do that job - ride out the political
storm  and  still  survive  in   my  own
union.
It was all over but the shouting.
Three days later, Munro was on his
way to Kelowna, where the meetings
with Bennett did not go smoothly. In
the end, all he could get Bennett to
agree to were three of Solidarity's five
demands, and those only tenuously.
It wasn't much. But it was all the
rWA leader could get . . . the Kelowna
Accord was a reality. And the Solidarity
Coalition was history.
**********
The author is a graduate student of Canadian
history at the University of British Columbia,
where he is writing a Master's diesis on American
VietNam War objectors who moved to British
Columbia between 1965 and 1975. A employee
of the B.C. NDP from 1980 to 1986, he spent
die decade before that as a newspaperman in the
Lower Mainland and on   Vancouver Island
Living  History  at Fort  Steele
In 1961 traffic passed through Fort
Steele, down the dusty Main Street past a
few neglected old buildings. A handful of
residents scattered in the remaining houses on the plateau above the Kootenay River defied the definition that theirs was a
ghost town. The pleas of three local citizens were heeded by the B.C. Government that year and the village was
designated as a Historic Site. Slowly vitality was injected into the collection of
buildings and gradually they became a
creditable display area with full time staff,
some seasonal workers and a corps of volunteers in costume. Major changes were
thrust upon the planners and restorers of
Fort Steele when the main road was rerouted in 1965. Several buildings had to
be moved from the right of way to vacant
lots "downtown." Gradually buildings
were stabilized, theatre productions offered during the summer (in a tent at first
then in the Wild Horse Theatre), horse
drawn vehicles graced the streets, Kershaw's store offered pioneer style goods
for sale, and tourists were treated to goodies baked in wood-fired stoves by volunteers garbed in dresses reminiscent of the
1890s.
Teachers soon realized the potential of
this Heritage Town for giving students a
taste of Hands-on History. Programs
were started in 1974. Recent figures show
that 4000 B.C. students come each year,
plus 600-700 Calgary 5th graders. As
part of the education program children
may stay overnight in the Mountie bar
racks, sleeping on straw filled mattresses
laid on cots or bunks framed with peeled
poles. They dine in the Sergeant's Mess
and use outdoor toilets (plus modern
washroom facilities.) These youngsters
view several aspects of our history. They
pan for gold: recreate Mountie life in
1887 including chinking log walls with
mud; do household chores such as churning butter, doing laundry on a washboard, or watching a cow being milked;
they attend class in the old schoolhouse
where arithmetic is done on a slate, and
recess given to carrying wood in for the
woodbox; they may participate in laying
rail track and ride a hand car, or learn
about the traditional life of Kootenay Indians. Many young have been so enthused by their stay at Fort Steele that
they inspire their parents to visit during
the summer holidays.
Visitors during July and August appreciate the ambiance created by costumed
staff and volunteers, horse drawn transportation and street scenes recreating a
moment back in the 1890s. Living history street scenes were introduced in 1981,
and have developed to become Fort
Steele's most popular program. Each
sketch, carefully researched, depicts an episode from Fort Steele's history, and is
portrayed by clever actors and actresses
every 20 minutes between 10 a.m. and 5
p.m. (often with a humorous twist.) Hol-
idayers frequently extend their stay to be
able to watch the complete series of street
scenes, take a complimentary ride on the
passenger wagon as well as to browse
through the various buildings. Wonderful smells waft across town from the bakery; the building was a reconstruction and
its brick oven (15 feet x 15 feet x 8 feet) is
wood fired and capable of producing 250
loaves of bread at a time. Next door the
International Hotel expects to open its
dining room to the public. The Tea
Room upstairs in the Wasa Hotel will
continue to serve through the 1992 season and give a great view from balcony
tables. Backyard gardens are maintained
and some even hold chickens, geese,
ducks or piglets which are very appealing
to patrons. Some days there will be demonstrations of horse farming, or perhaps
hose reel races, or ladies riding sidesaddle,
or fiddlers playing on the bandstand.
History does come alive in Fort Steele!
Extensive archives contain documentation of the gold rush up the Wild Horse,
the boom years of 'The Capital of the
Kootenays' (1896-98), microfilmed newspapers from several communities, a large
collection of historic photos, letters, journals, minute books and other materia]
valuable for researchers of East Kootenay
history. The Prospector, published
weekly from 1895-1905, now may be
seen on photocopied pages. The serious
historian can arrange to access the archives 8 a.m.-3:30 p.m. Monday to Friday year round while the casual visitor
can experience Living History daily during the summer season.
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92
24 The Lone Scout ofChimu-Nesu
by Toyo Takata
Above is reproduced a photograph of the Japanese Boy Scout troup of Chemainus, together with H. T. Ravenhill, Assistant-Commissioner for British
Columbia. Left to right, standing; H. T. Ravenhill, I. Sadafusa, M. Izumi, I. Taniwa, K. Izumi, T. Kawahara, patrol leader; S. Isoki, patrol leader;
S. Okada, S. Izumi, T. Okada, T. Yoshida, G. Kawahara, committee. Sitting, back row: M. Sakata, Scout; T. Kawabe, committee;
H. S. Yoshida, Com.; S. E. Yoshida, Scout Master; G. Nakashima, treasurer; B. Okada, Com.; N. Yoshida, Scout. Sitting,
front row: Okinobu, committee; Rev. E. O. Robathan, president; T. Yamashita, secretary.
It was an unforgettable "homecoming"
for the 83-year old Japanese Canadian.
On August 10, 1991, he was honoured
at the Festival of Murals unveiling ceremony at Chemainus, a town from
which he was exiled 50 years ago.
For Shige Yoshida, it was a crowning
moment as he stood proudly before the
new mural appropriately titled "The
Lone Scout" which portrayed him in
uniform as he appeared in the 1930's.
The assembled dignitaries, local and
provincial, as well as representatives of
Japanese Canadian associations, paid
tribute to his dedication and achievement. He was inducted as an honorary
member into the regional Baden-Powell
Guild, an organization of retirees from
the Scouting Movement.
Victoria born Shige Edward Yoshida
was six when his family moved to
Chemainus after a stint in nearby Ladysmith where his father failed his brief
business fling as a poolhall proprietor.
The Yoshidas were among the earliest
Japanese in the sawmill town attracted
by job opportunities at the Victoria
Lumber and Manufacturing Company.
Old timers who worked at the mill
might remember the elder Yoshida as
"Henry Ford", the driver of the Model
T converted to haul trailers loaded with
lumber around the yard.
Aside from the business owners and
three or four fishermen all the Issei (first
generation Japanese who immigrated to
Canada) and Nisei (second generation,
Canadian born children of Issei parents)
male workers in Chemainus either
worked directly for or were on contract
assignment to Victoria Lumber. The
Company was more than content with
its Japanese Canadian employees who
were industrious, reliable and cooperative. Moreover, the mill benefited by
the policy of paying them the "Oriental
scale" whereby they earned 20 percent
less hourly than Occidentals performing
the same task, but it should be pointed
out that Japanese enterprises such as the
sawmill at Royston and the logging operations at Fanny Bay were guilty of exploiting their own people in the same
manner.
During the more than a quarter of a
century that Japanese Canadians represented a sizable chunk of the work force,
no labour disruption or strife to speak of
occurred at Victoria Lumber. Even at
the height of the depression, no one suffered extended layoffs or shutdowns
which were prevalent elsewhere. When
a Nisei lad left school, he was reasonably
assured of a mill job though it was hardly his prime choice. Relations among
workers, which included Chinese and
East Indians, were, by and large,
harmonious.
One problem the Issei could not cope
with was Chemainus itself. It was beyond their ability to pronounce it properly. They had no difficulty with
Duncan or Nanaimo, but Chemainus
was a tongue-twisting disaster. The solution was to give their own phonetic in-
25
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 terpretation such as in the case with
Poh Tareesu (Port Alice) and Shah-
toroo (Seattle), and so Chimu-nesu was
adopted.
Life in Chemainus or Chimu-nesu
evolved around its community centre.
It was a rough, multi-functional structure that served as a meeting place, a
church, a school, a theatre and as a movie house. Funerals and weddings,
along with receptions, were held there.
Both Buddhist and Christian services
were conducted periodically in the
building by visiting Japanese clergy. After regular public school, Nisei children
took Japanese language lessons in its
classroom. At least once yearly, those
with musical and theatrical aspirations
would stage a variety performance for
the community's entertainment.
One activity that was not allowed at
the community centre was ballroom
dancing. By Japanese community standards, Chimu-nesu was considered to
be neady structured and disciplined
where the Issei elders ruled with a firm
hand. They ruled that western dancing
was immoral much to the disappointment of the young people. The bolder
Nisei drove 12 miles down the highway
on a Saturday night to mingle with their
Duncan counterpart where the community held a more tolerant attitude. In
later years, however, the fathers were
persuaded to yield to the growing restlessness of their young.
For sport and recreation, hunting and
fishing were close at hand. Occasionally, the settlement planned a picnic at
the beach or on a nearby island accessible by fishing boat. With skilled instructors and eager athletes, its judo
squad was claimed to be the best on
Vancouver Island. Chimu-nesu's pride
and joy were the Nippons, their entry
in the Chemainus Baseball League.
Though the Nippons never captured
the championship, they were competitive and even won over white fans with
their hustle and fair play. They also
competed against other Japanese Canadian community teams such as from
Royston, Coombs and Hillcrest.
Shige Yoshida in his youth was not a
ball player. Nor was he keen about
judo. His fascination was with scouting
and he enjoyed listening to his Caucasian friends discuss their meetings and
Shige Yoshida returned to Chemainus on August 10,1991 to be present at die unveiling of die newest
muraL photo courtesy of Chemainus Festival of Murals Society.
of the United States to share in the
scouting experience.
Yoshida promptly applied to become a
Lone Scout by correspondence. Soon
afterwards, he was transferred to the Canadian Branch and for five years he persevered alone, studying, training and
taking tests. Finally, in 1929, he
achieved his goal by passing the seventh
degree tests which were the highest attainable. This enabled him to receive
the Warrant of Appointment as Scoutmaster which granted him the right to
organize his own troop.
With the full blessing of the community heads, the new Scoutmaster in
1930 launched the Second Chemainus
Troop. Although it began with a mere
eight boys, the unit had the rare distinction of being composed entirely of boys
of Japanese extraction, the only such
outfit in the British Commonwealth.
Lord Baden-Powell, the founder of the
Boy Scout movement, aware of this
unique outfit, corresponded with Scoutmaster Yoshida and sent congratulatory
messages on the Troop's anniversaries.
The two met at a Scout Jamboree in
Victoria.
The Second Chemainus Troop proved
to be extremely active, meeting regularly
to improve their skills, participating and
competing with other troops, including
the First Chemainus Troop, in the
Cowichan perimeter, and attending Boy
Scout Rallies. They were cited for their
zeal, ability and efficiency. One scout,
Bill Isoki, was awarded a medal and
camping trips. Yoshida applied to join
the First Chemainus Troop. Acceptance seemed a simple matter but he
was told to wait. Finally, the answer
came, "The troop is filled up."
Yoshida was not deceived by that hollow explanation. He knew why he was
rejected. Nor was he prepared to accept
the decision without protest. For young
Shige had already experienced rank bigotry and he had fought back. One
morning, when he was attending Chemainus Public School, all students of
Asian background were placed in a single, segregated room. As the eldest of
eight or ten Nisei pupils, Shige felt that
it was his responsibility to take charge
and led the under aged strikers out of
the classroom. Parents supported his
action. Negotiations followed with the
Japanese consul from Vancouver playing a role. It was resolved by returning
the Chinese and Japanese children to
their proper classes. The issue was
closed forever.
That happened a few years before the
boy scout incident. Yoshida, therefore,
while disappointed, remained undaunted. It was a challenge, not a defeat. But
he wondered about the scouting ideals
of equality and good citizenship.
By coincidence, Yoshida was the local
distributor for a long defunct publication, The Chicago Ledger, whose publisher was also the founder of the Lone
Scouts of America. This movement
provided an opportunity for boys on remote farms and in inaccessible regions
B.C Historical News - Spring 92
26 Certificate of Merit for rescuing a friend
from drowning. In time, the unit expanded to include Rover Scouts and
Cubs.
Then the bombs fell on Pearl Harbour. Chimu-nesu, like dozens of similar B.C. communities, was stunned and
confused. Within hours, the Japanese
language school was ordered closed,
judo was banned and one Issei, a stalwart of the colony, was arrested and interned by the RCMP although he was
never charged. In a matter of days, Japanese Canadian fishermen such as Bill
Isoki were instructed to pilot their fishing craft under escort across the Strait of
Georgia to the Fraser River where the
boats were impounded and sold by auction shortly thereafter. The fishermen
were forced to return to Chemainus at
their own expense. Though they tried
to carry on behind a mask of business-
as-usual facade, activities such as scouting seemed irrelevant amid the chaos
and uncertainty.
Officials of the Victoria Lumber met
with the Issei and Nisei representatives,
Shige Yoshida among them, to assure
the latter that there would be no dismissals and that the mill would continue to
operate as usual. Though there were
likely some fellow employees who held
mixed or strained feelings towards
them, no open hostility was expressed or
displayed.
The settlement was resigned to the inevitability of a forced exit. But when, to
where and under what conditions? In
mid March of 1942, men classified as
Japanese nationals or enemy aliens
(born in Japan and not possessing Canadian citizenship) were ordered to assemble at the railway station. Affected were
some 30 Issei, including heads of young
families. For the wife of Torizo Yama-
shita, left with four children, eldest 12,
the youngest an infant, it was the most
despairing moment of her life as she
watched her husband climb aboard the
train bound for Nanaimo. From there,
they were to be ferried to Vancouver en
route to exile to road-building camps
near Jasper, Alberta.
The loss of these men thrust the responsibility of community concerns
upon the Nisei to assist families whose
fathers had been banished and to boost
morale among the despondent. As a
Nisei leader, Shige Yoshida acted as liai
son, relaying information and orders
from the authorities to his people. He
lived away from the camps and while he
had a telephone, camp homes did not.
Moreover, since his car had been confiscated, any new information that Yoshida received, he disseminated by riding
his bicycle from camp to camp, house
to house, during daylight hours because
of the curfew. And at least on two occasions, orders to prepare for evacuation
came through only to be rescinded
which meant more pedalling. Adding
to his burden was that his wife, Sue, was
expecting a child at any time. Fortunately, their daughter arrived in good
time, healthy and without complicating
the situation.
The worst was yet to come. On the
eve of departure, Shige's brother, Toki
Yoshida, found a stranger in the front
room. The latter brazenly admitted
walking in without knocking to see
what he could take after the occupants
left. On April 21, 1942, Chimu-nesu
died. Its inhabitants, together with other Japanese Canadians from the Cowichan district, from babes-in-arms to the
elderly, were corralled on the Chemainus docks to board a steamer, en route
to exile. Shortly thereafter, vandals ravaged the Japanese section of the Chemainus Cemetery, toppling and breaking
headstones and bulldozing the grounds.
It remained abandoned and forgotten
for over 40 years.
After a few days' confinement at Vancouver's Exhibition Park, most Chemainus bachelors, including former scouts,
were packed off to a Northern Ontario
roadcamp in one of the bleakest sections
of what was to become the Trans-
Canada Highway. Yoshida and his family were sent to Tashme, B.C., a detention centre housing 2,200 exiles 14
miles east of Hope. There, Yoshida, as
a worthy youth project, proposed the
formation of both the Boy Scout and
Girl Guide groups. The suggestion was
heartily endorsed by both the authorities and the residents. It was so successful that the First Tashme Boy Scout
Troop numbered 200 strong at its peak,
the largest troop in the British
Commonwealth.
The Troop, along with Tashme, was
short-lived as the detainees moved on,
generally eastward across the Rockies,
though some chose to be repatriated to
27
Japan. The Yoshidas joined the trek to
Southern Ontario as did most of the
evacuees from Chemainus. They established their new home in Toronto
where they raised three daughters and a
son who now lives in Texas. In 1984,
Shige and Sue Yoshida celebrated their
Golden Anniversary. They remain very
active within the seniors group of Toronto's Japanese Canadian community,
the largest such enclave in Canada.
Of the 300 expelled from the Vancouver Island milltown 50 years ago, at least
half survive. Though most of the pioneer generation are gone, Torizo Yama-
shita, 91, living at his birthplace,
Wakayama, Japan, is the eldest. Kunii-
chi, 90, and Yukie Fukumoto, 85, of
Toronto who marked their Diamond
(60th) Anniversary, are the most senior
ex-Chimu-nesu couple.
Though most resettled in Ontario including Toronto, Hamilton and Thunder Bay, they are spread across Canada.
Others live in the U.S., including Hawaii, and in Japan. But none has returned to resume his or her life in
Chemainus.
However, forty came back from across
Canada and Hawaii to attend the unveiling and to share in the Buddhist-
Christian rites dedicating the Memorial
Monument erected at the site of the
once-abandoned Japanese cemetery.
Most were family members of the 35
deceased buried there, 1906-1941.
Among them, the Yoshidas' infant son.
Representing the group, Bill Isoki of
Toronto, whose younger brother is
among those interred, said in his address: "We have today witnessed the reconciliation of past mistakes and
injustices with the present need to live
in peace and harmony."
Beyond the mural unveiling and the
gravesite dedication, it was truly a "day
of reconciliation" as long-time residents
turned out, some with musty class photos to seek and to renew 50 years of lost
friendship. "The Lone Scout" himself
was greeted eagerly by those who remembered. It was, indeed, a memorable "homecoming", as if Chimu-nesu
had been restored, at least in spirit.
**********
Mr. Takata was born in Victoria, evacuated to
Sandon and Slocan, then moved to Toronto. He
was editor of die English edition of the NEW CANADIAN newspaper for several years. He is past
president of the Japanese Canadian Cultural
Centre, and has been active in other community
affairs in Toronto.
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 Perigean Spring Tide
In late June and early July 1792, Captain Vancouver's ships HMS Discovery
and HMS Chatham were anchored in
the Teakerne Arm near West Redonda
Island in Desolation Sound. From here
the explorers set out in small boats to
probe the maze of narrow channels and
inlets that lay between them, the Johnstone Strait, and the open Pacific beyond. The last of these expeditions was
led by James Johnstone and Spelman
Swain, who on Tuesday, July 3rd (by
Captain Vancouver's reckoning), set out
in the Chatham's cutter and launch to
explore the mainland coast. They took
with them enough supplies for a week.
The two boats made their way through
the Yaculta Rapids and along the Corde-
ro Channel to the entrance of Loughborough Inlet. They entered the inlet and
camped for the night. We know that
this must have been on the evening of
July 4th as that was the day they passed
the entrance to the Nodales Channel,
and they spent the whole of the next
day, the 5th, examining Loughborough
Inlet. Vancouver records that that
night, i.e. the night of the 4th/ morning
of the 5th, the crew were "incommoded" by the flood tide which they had expected to be low, as the Moon was then
passing the meridian. Archibald Menzies, the expedition's naturalist, also recorded the event. In a diary entry for
July 12th, the day Johnstone and Swain
returned to the ships, he writes that:
"in this arm they stopped the second evening and thought themselves secure from
any disturbance by pitching upon a small
island for their place of rest, but in the
middle of the night they were hastily
roused from their repose by the flowing of
the Tide, which had risen so much higher
than they expected & rushed (sic) upon
them so suddenly, that every person got
completely drenched before they could remove to higher ground."
The tide that so "incommoded" the
explorers was an interesting example of a
Perigean Spring Tide. Such tides occur
at irregular intervals about two or three
by Nicholas A. Doe
times a year. In recent times, particularly large Perigean Spring Tides have been
accompanied by dire warnings of impending earthquakes which, some seismologists suggest, may be triggered by
tidal forces. Not only were the explorers "caught napping" as it were by the
unusual height of the tide, they also had
apparently not noticed that the Yaculta
and Dent Rapids are a transition point
between the tidal waters of the Strait of
Georgia to the south, and those of the
Johnstone Strait to the north, and that
there is a marked difference in the timing of the tides on either side of the
rapids.
Many factors go into determining the
level of the tide - so many that each
day's tidal cycle is almost never repeated
in all its detail. My own interest in the
tides of July 1792 stems from a kayaking trip I am planning to make some
day, which will involve a circumnavigation of Vancouver Island: it would, I
thought, be interesting to try to time
my passage under approximately the
same tidal conditions as pertained 200
years ago. I was also puzzled as to why
such keen observers of the Moon and
tides as our 18th century friends should
have been so taken by surprise that
night.
Loughborough Inlet is deep, has steep
sides, and almost no islands. There are
few campsites; there is therefore a good
possibility that Johnstone and Swain
camped near the mouth of Gray Creek
(125°32'W, 50°32'N); two small islands there are marked on both British
and Spanish charts. If they found this
site especially welcoming because of
mats of soft, green sea-grass, the author
can vouch for the fact that they were
not the last to make such a mistake!
The Moon, as is well known, is the
main cause of the tides; but the Sun also
makes a significant contribution. Theoretically, the solar tide is only 46% the
strength of the lunar tide, but in coastal
areas, and in narrow passage ways, this
ratio is often enhanced. The Straits of
Georgia and Juan de Fuca, for example,
because of their length and shape, tend
to swap water back and forth, see-saw
fashion, in sympathy with the twice daily tides of the open ocean. In some
places, near the pivot point at the southeastern tip of Vancouver Island, the
principal tidal component of the Sun
(Pl:Kl) is actually greater than that of
the Moon (M2); and in my home town
of White Rock beachgoers delight in the
fact that the tide is always at least partially out at noon in the summer regardless of the Moon's waxings and wanings.
Spring Tides occur whenever there is a
full or new moon. They are larger than
usual because, for a few days, the lunar
and solar tides are synchronised. Perigean Spring Tides occur when, simultaneously, the Sun, Moon and Earth are
aligned, and the Moon is at its closest
point to the Earth in its orbit around
the Earth. Because the Moon is closer,
its contribution to the tide is larger than
usual. There is a similar effect for the
Sun, but because the Earth's orbit is
very nearly circular, the effect is less
pronounced.
Perigean Spring Tides are often associated with major flooding, particularly
when accompanied by strong onshore
winds. The rise of the tide is accelerated
because when the Moon is aligned with
the Sun, the Sun's gravitational field distorts the Moon's orbit, making it more
elliptical, so that the Moon swings by
the Earth closer than is normal at perigee. As it does so, its orbital velocity increases, and because the Moon's orbital
rotation is in the same direction as the
Earth's axial rotation, the Moon appears
to "dwell" in the sky and the lunar tidal
forces, enhanced by the close passage of
the Moon, are given extra time to do
their work.
Whilst Captain Vancouver was surveying the coasts of British Columbia and
Alaska in the 1790s, he reckoned his
time as being 16 hours ahead of Greenwich, not as we do today eight hours behind. Consequently we can identify the
night of the flood as actually being the
night of the 3rd / morning of the 4th,
B.C Historical News - Spring 92
28 July 1792 (Julian Day 2375759.8).
Figures 1,2, and 3 show the astronomical conditions for these two days.
Figure 1, records the angular distance
between Sun and Moon. An angular
distance of 0° corresponds to an eclipse
of the Sun, and an angular distance of
180°, to an eclipse of the Moon. The
Figure shows that there was a full moon
on the night of the flood, 0uly 3rd
2300 PST), but an eclipse was missed,
as it often is, by a few degrees.
Figure 2 plots the distance between the
Earth and the Moon. Distance is significant because the closer the Moon is to
the Earth, the stronger is the lunar tidal
force, so much so that each 1% decrease
Figure 1: Phase of the Moon
Sun, by the gravitational
anomalies of the Earth,
and by the other planets
of the solar system. The
average time between
close approaches to the
Earth, perigee, is 27.5
days in contrast to the
29.5 days between new
or full moons. Consequently perigee seldom
coincides with a new or
full moon, but as Figure
2 shows, on the night of
the flood it did. In fact
perigee came just 1 hour
before full moon, a very
unusually
Figure 3: Sun & Moon Declinations
Degrees
6/16    6/21     6/26     7/1       7/6     7/11    7/16
Month/day 1792 (ET=00:00)
7/21
close
CO-
Sun-Moon Angular Distance (Degrees]
6/16    6/21    6/26     7/1      7/6     7/11    7/16
Month/day 1792 (ET-00:00)
in distance results in a 3% increase in
force. Most of the variation of distance
is a consequence of the Moon's approximately elliptical orbit around the Earth,
and I say approximately, because the
smooth predictable curve beloved of
mathematicians is constantly perturbed
in a very complicated manner by the
Figure 2: Earth-Moon Distance
2.8
July 3id PST
July <lh PST
6711    6/16   6/21    6/26     7/1      7/6     7/11    7/16   7/21
Month/day 1792 (ET-00:00)
incidence.
Figure 3 shows plots of
the  Sun's  and  Moon's
declinations.   The declination    of   a   heavenly
body is one of those intimidating terms that is
actually fairly simple.   It
is the latitude on the surface   of   the   Earth   at
which the body appears
directly overhead.  Thus,
if the declination of the
Sun is zero, it appears directly overhead at noon
on the Earth's equator.
This is the time of the
equinoxes.    In the (northern) springtime, the declination of the Sun slowly
increases until it reaches a positive maximum on mid-summer's day.   The Sun
is then directly overhead at noon on the
Tropic of Cancer at latitude 23°27'N,
and because the northern half of the
Earth is tilted towards the
Sun, it gets warmer there.
The       Moon       goes
through exactly the same
cycle as the Sun, except
that  it does  so  once  a
month instead of once a
year, and the angles are a
Uttle different and not so
constant. Probably everyone    has    noticed    that
sometimes,     particularly
during   the  winter,   the
Moon appears very high
in the sky, rising in the
north-east and setting in
the north-west.    This is
29
7/26
the time of month when the Moon's
declination is at its most northerly (positive) value and it is lunar mid-summer.
At other times, the Moon appears very
low on the horizon, even at midnight.
This is lunar mid-winter.
Figure 3 shows that at the time of the
flood, it was lunar mid-winter. This is
no surprise as the path of the Moon is
never more than five degrees from that
of the Sun (the ecliptic) and consequently, the lunar season is always the opposite of that of the Sun at full Moon, and
the same as that of the Sun at new
moon. However, the high positive and
negative declinations of the Sun and
Moon had two effects on the tide on the
night of the flood. Firstly, because the
line joining the Moon through the centre of the Earth to the Sun, was strongly
tilted with respect to the equatorial
plane, the levels of the two daily tides
were appreciably different. This may
have contributed to the element of "surprise". The other effect was that because at the peaks of the declinations,
the rate of change of declination is zero,
all of the orbital motion was directed in
exactly the same direction as the Earth's
axial rotation, thereby maximizing the
effect of the increased velocity due to
the approach of perigee. The increased
velocity prolonged the length of the tidal day by 12 minutes at the time of the
flood, three minutes of which was, by
my calculations, attributable to the fact
that the Moon had reached its most
southerly declination. Twelve minutes
may sound insignificant, but when the
tide on a gently sloping beach is rising at
a rate of several vertical feet per hour towards one's campsite, it does not seem
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 Figure 4: Tides
Loughborough Inlet & Desolation Sound
15     18    21       0      3      6      9
Pacific Standard Time
Figure 5: Components of the Tide
Heydon Bay - Loughborough Inlet
21 0 3
Pacific Standard Time
that way at all!
Figure 4 shows the tide that resulted
from these particular alignments, and
sure enough, shortly after midnight at
0054 Local Apparent Time (0121 PST),
there was a tide exceeding 15 feet in
Loughborough Inlet when the Moon
was 13° past the meridian (i.e. past due
south). The next morning at eight, the
tide sank to the lower low water level for
large tides.
At Redonda Bay, near where the ships
were anchored, the evening tide on the
3rd peaked between six and seven
o'clock, which would be a good time to
make camp. Unfortunately, in Loughborough Inlet the tide at this time had
already been ebbing for several hours
and it began to flood again a little more
than an hour later. The evening ebb
may not have been obvious because the
evening low tide in the inlet was much
higher than the morning low tide. It is
also interesting to observe in Figure 4
that, because of differences in topogra
phy, the highest tide of
the day at Redonda Bay
immediately followed the
lowest, whilst at Heydon
Bay in the inlet, the reverse was true.
For those interested in
the relative contributions
of various components of
the tide that night, I have
plotted in Figure 5 the
semi-diurnal (i.e. twice
daily) and diurnal (i.e.
once daily components)
of both the solar and lunar tides. The Moon's
diurnal and the Sun's
diurnal and semi-diurnal
components contributed
equally to the "incom-
modity", while the
Moon's semi-diurnal
component contributed
as much as these three
components together.
The next morning, all
four components were
close to their minima,
and the tide was within
inches of being as low as
it ever gets.
During their passage
through the rapids, Johnstone   and   Swain   had
moved from the waters of the Strait of
Georgia to those more akin to the open
coast.       They
had    obviously
observed      the
tides     of    the
Strait        quite
closely, for it is
a  general   rule
there that
Spring     Tides
are   low  when
the     Sun     or
Moon are due
south.  However, on the open
coast it is very
different.
The     author
first      became
aware of this after planning a
very unsuccessful  trip to see
the     tidepools
on Botanical Beach near Port Renfrew
based on the timing of the tide at Ambleside Beach in West Vancouver! It
was a long way to go to see surf sweeping up to the salal at the top of the
beach.
Calculating the delay between the
tides at different places is not quite as
straightforward as it may seem. Because
the pattern of the rise and fall varies
from day to day, and from location to
location, any comparison based on the
timings of a particular point in the cycle, high high water (HHW) for example, is likely to give a different answer
from a comparison based on the timings
of say low low water (LLW). What we
need is a comparison method that includes all of many cycles, not just one
particular point.
Engineers have long since had the solution to problems of this sort - what
they do is to look for the peak in the
cross-correlation function of the two
patterns. This sounds terribly technical,
but in fact is quite simple. Imagine you
had two rolls of film each of which had
been exposed to a light whose intensity
varied with the height of the tide at the
two separate locations. The clear patches on the films would correspond to low
tide. The pattern of light and dark
would be different on the two films, but
to find a best match, you could lay the
films together, hold them up to the
light, and then slide one strip of film
Figure 6:   Tidal Stations - Vancouver Island (see Figure 7)
British Cohunbis
CANADA
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92
30 300
270
240
210
180
150
120
90
60
30
0
Figure 7: Tidal Delay - Vancouver Island
Minutes (late on Tofino) Hours
D-.-ra«irn-Si-u-.id- MBQMMJtt      Comox6   pt.Atkinson  7
C   Whaletown Bay
Yaculta Rapids' AJj.
B    Big Bay* /
. „ /Seymou
Dent Rapids  '
Loughborough Inlet
10        20        30        40        50        60        70        80        90       100
% Distance from Tofino (clockwise)
over the other until the maximum
amount of light could be seen through
the two films. The offset of the two
films is then a measure of the time delay
between the two patterns.
Using a computationally equivalent
technique, I have plotted in Figure 7 the
relative time delay between the tides at
Tofino and the various points around
Vancouver Island shown in Figure 6.
The picture that these calculations paint
is as follows. Envisage the Strait of
Georgia as an inland sea whose level rises and falls with little variation in the
timing of the tides around its shores.
The rise and fall of this inland sea is
close to being in antiphase with the rise
and fall of the open ocean; when it is
high tide at Tofino, it is within an hour
and a half of being low tide in the
Strait.
Consequently at either end of the Strait,
water pours in and out continuously
through the narrow confines of the Gulf
and San Juan Islands to the south, and
the Discovery Passage and Desolation
Sound Islands to the north. The back
and forth flow along the Strait of Juan
de Fuca is fairly evenly distributed, but
through the narrow channels of the
north the flow becomes, almost literally,
precipitous, with no let up in the powerful and turbulent currents that result
from the differing heights of the tide at
the ends of the rapids.
As shown in Figure 7, Johnstone and
Swain in a short journey, had moved
from a tidal region where the presence
of the Moon due south, signalled low
tide to one where, the tides being a substantial fraction of a 13 hour semidiurnal tidal day earlier, it signified almost exactly the opposite.
Could the flood have been foreseen?
Most certainly yes. The movement of
the Moon was closely observed by Captain Vancouver, which he used almost
exclusively for fixing his longitude. The
unusual alignment of Sun and Moon at
perigee was not only tabulated in his
Nautical Almanac, but exaggerated, as
noted in Figure 8. The series of tidal
rapids obviously marked connecting
points between substantial bodies of water. Possibly everyone was too busy to
notice: the expedition lacked the presence of a professional astronomer, and
as Vancouver remarks in his Journal on
hearing the news of the death of the astronomer William Gooch, who was to
have joined the expedition in August
1792:
". . .we had little leisure for making such
miscellaneous observations as would be
very acceptable to the curious, or tend to
the improvement of astronomy"
Perhaps we should add ".. .or keep the
crew's bedrolls dry".
**********
The author is an engineer living in White Rock.
His interests include sea-kayaking, and 18th century navigational techniques.
vn;
S3
. c
5
Su,
M.
Tii.
XV.
■th.
SBTTrttrr;"
j at
Noon,-
YTfTTT~VWi
M. S.
16. 28
16, 38
i.6, 4?
16. 46
16. 42
siejiYiarrE;
"af Midnight.
M. S.
1V34
16. 42
16.46
16.45
16.38
HorTFaT
Noon.
M.S.
60. 2 j
61. 4
61.28
Hor
.J) at.
.Midnight
*>»*•     ft,   d*  fB)   M1
M.S.
60.46 :
6;.i§
'61. 27
6i.   3
W    -1
4H1
46,94
46B6
79
.'7-93
Sr*
? 9
4661
|6&8
f696
FIGURE 8: Captain Vancouver's Nautical Almanac shows the Moon's parallax peaking at 61'32" on
the night of the 3rd July 1792 (Greenwich time). Parallax is a measure of the closeness of the Moon
to the Earth and was an important figure in ISlh century navigational calculations. The tabulated
parallax is ihe maximum value that can ever he achieved, a very rare event. The Moon comes this close
lo us only once or twice a century, the last lime being in 1912. However, on this particular occasion,
Ihe Nautical Almanac is in error:  the correct figure was 61'26".
The average value of lunar parallax is 57'U3". At the July 1792 perigee the Moon was 8% closer than
average, and the lunar tidal forces 25'"c stronger than average.
Also tabulated in the Almanac is the apparent size (semi-diamctre) nf the Moon's disc.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author gratefully acknowledges the help of Dr.
Myles Standish of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Pasadena who supplied an accurate Ephemeris for the
Moon 1792 (DE-118 + LE-062), and also of Mike
Foreman and Fred Stephenson at the Institute of
Ocean Sciences, Sidney BC who supplied harmonic
constants, sample predictions and other useful data for
the tidal calculations.
SELECTED BIBUOGRAPHY
Doodson, AT. & Warburg, H.D., Admiralty Manual
of Tides, HMSO London 1941.
Forrester, W.D., Canadian Tidal Manual, Dept. of
Fisheries & Oceans, Ottawa 1983.
Lamb, W. Kaye Ed., A Voyage of Discovery to the
North Pacific Ocean 1791 - 1795, George Vancouver,
Hakluyt Society, London 1984.
Newcombe, CF. Ed., Menzies'Journal of Vancouver's
Voyage April to October 1792, Victoria BC 1923.
Wood, J.F., The Strategic Role of Perigean Spring
Tides in Nautical History and North American Coastal Hooding, 1635 - 1976, US Dept. of Commerce,
1976.
31
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 CENTURY SAM PASSES
Sid Williams, one of the Comox Valley's
most beloved citizens, died September 26,
1991. He is remembered as a man who
spread a little sunshine everywhere he
went. He worked in Barkerville with Fran
Dowie, and toured with the Barkerville
Players. During 1958 B.C. Centennial
celebration Sid, AKA Century Sam, with his
donkey Rosie, appeared in parades,
publications and souvenirs.
Fredrick Sidney Williams was born in
New Westminster in 1908, and moved to
the Comox Valley with his family in 1921.
He leaves his wife Lillian whom he married
58 years ago, two children, five
grandchildren, and two great grandchildren.
Sid was a Courtenay alderman from 1942
to 1964, made a Freeman of the City in
1968, Citizen of the year in 1976, and
received the Order of Canada in 1984. He
was also a school trustee, a founding
member of the Courtenay Credit Union and
Courtenay Recreational Association, plus
participating in many, many community
events. He is most fondly remembered for
his role as Santa Claus year after year.
THE HISTORY OF SIDNEY ON
VIDEO
Sidney, B.C. celebrated its centennial in
1991. The Sidney and North Saanich
Historical Society produced a two hour
documentary film, prepared in four 25 year
periods. The technical work was done by
volunteers from Shaw Cable Ltd. at Channel
11 Community Television. It is a composite
of many stories, interviews, and
documentation. Copies of this video are
being sold for $24.95.
WRITE TO: Sidney & North Saanich
Historical Society, Box 2404, Sidney, B.C.
V8L 3S1 or phone (604) 656-5458
WINN WEIR HONORED
Winfred Ariel Weir received the Canada
Volunteer Award Certificate of Merit for outstanding contributions to programs in Invermere and district. The presentation was
made on November 8,1991 by Kootenay
East M.P. Sid Parker.
Winn was very active in the B.C. Historical Association for many years, and a prime
mover in the establishment of the Windermere District Museum. She was a volunteer with the Canadian Cancer Society for
40 years, the B.C. Council for the Family,
Provincial Emergency Program, Toastmas-
ters, Girl Guides, Red Cross, Rotary Club,
and the annual Christmas pageant. The
B.C. Historical Federation joins in congratulating Mrs. Weir on receipt of this honor.
CANADIAN NAUTICAL
RESEARCH SOCIETY
The Canadian Nautical Research Society
will hold its 1992 Conference June 25-27 in
St. John's Newfoundland. For further
details write to:
Professor Lewis R. Fischer, Secretary
CNRS, Maritime Studies Research Unit,
Memorial University of Newfoundland, St.
John's NFLD.A1C5S7
SOCIETY FOR MILITARY
HISTORY
1993 Annual Meeting to be held at Royal
Military College of Canada, Kingston,
Ontario, May 21-24,1993. Proposals for
papers addressing the theme of "ALLIES &
ALLIANCES" should be sent with an
abstract of no more than 200 words to:
Dr. W.A.B. Douglas, Director of History,
National Defence Headquarters, Ottawa,
Canada K1A 0K2. Telephone (613)
998-7044 Fax (613) 990-8579
DEADLINE FOR BRIEF,
DECEMBER 15, 1992.
ZUCCA MELONS & OTHER
HERITAGE SEEDS
After an exhaustive global search, the
Grist Mill at Keremeos has found the
evasive "Zucca Melon" seed. Zuccas grow
60-180 lb. in size, are tasteless, and
colorless. The insides were made into
candied peel for fruit cakes. The zucca was
an important crop in Keremeos, Oliver and
Osoyoos areas from 1934-1952.
The zucca grew happily in the Heritage
Gardens at the Mill in 1991. Hundreds of
people came to celebrate the Zucca Melon
Reunion on August 31, and have their
picture taken beside this wonderful plant.
Zucca would have died completely had Mr.
Swenson from Sandwich, Illinois not
adopted' it and grown it faithfully for 20
years. Every gardener should adopt a heritage plant, and save and share the seed.
Heritage seeds are an important, and
much neglected aspect of local history
preservation. There is a growing awareness that we MUST start saving the seeds
that are left; the genetic material may one
day provide important characteristics for a
food crop in the future, or a medicine for a
disease. For more information on zuccas,
historic wheats, heritage seeds and historic
gardens contact:
CuylerPage
The Grist Mill, RRf1 Keremeos,
B.C., VOX 1N0   or
The Heritage Seed Program, /?/?/3
Uxbridge, Ontario, LOC 1K0
Submitted by Sharon Rempel
BRITISH COLUMBIA LOCAL
HISTORIES: ABiblioqRAphy
For the first time a single listing exists of
the thousand local histories that have been
written about British Columbia communities. This work is the result of a joint effort
between the British Columbia Library Association and British Columbia Heritage Trust.
The two authors have extensive expertise
with B.C. topics. Linda Hale has compiled
bibliographies on Vancouver history, B.C.
women,and Canadian childhood. Jean Barman's most recent publication is The West
Beyond the West; A History of British
Columbia.
The bibliography is organized alphabetically
by principal author. Each citation includes
author(s), title, subtitle if any, place of publication, date, pagination, and at least one
public location where the history can be
consulted. The histories are indexed by the
particular community or communities written about and by British Columbia's ten geographic regions. There are also indexes
by author and title.
British Columbia Heritage Trust has distributed the bibliography free of charge to
principal libraries across B.C. To facilitate
public access, the 196-page bibliography
was published in loose-leaf format in an especially designed grey and red binder.
Historians or others may obtain their
copy of the Bibliography at a cost of $20
(including tax.) Mail your request, with a
cheque to:
B.C. Heritage Trust
Ministry of Tourism and Culture
800 Johnson Street, Victoria, B.C. V8V1X4
Phone (604) 356-1433
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
The Fall 1992 issue brought back many
happy memories - "Manning of Manning
Park" reminded me of the hiking we did
there in the company of Chess Lyons and
other friends. We knew Helen and Philip
Akrigg when we lived in Vancouver.
My mother often told me what a fine
fellow Joe Fortes was. He accompanied her
in his boat when she swam from English
Bay to the point where the Museum now
stands.
My son, Gregory Bowes, participated in
the Long Harbour Archaeological Dig.
My husband and I have trailered south
five times and know each place named in
"Good Roads Todd." Our friend, Ted Hart,
has a photo to prove his father was issued
car licence No. 1 in 1903 (compared with
No. 13 for Bert Todd.)
Many Thanks
Stephanie Manson, Victoria
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92
32 Books for review and book reviews should be sent directly to the book review editor:
Anne Yandle, 3450 West 20th Ave.. Vancouver B.C. V6S1E4	
The Journal of Duncan
McGillivray
Arthur S. Morton.  Fairfield,
Washington, Ye Galleon Press, 1989,
200p.$19.95(U.S.$).
This is a facsimile of The Journal of
Duncan McGillivray of the North West
Company at Fort George on die
Saskatchewan, 1794-5, which was
originally published, with Morton's
writings, in a limited edition in 1929.
F.W. Giesecke of Olympia, Wash, has
added a new introduction to Ye
Galleon Press's edition. The result is a
handsome book, well bound and
finished, and the publishers should be
thanked for making this work
available again.
There are two parts to the book - the
work of Morton (the preface,
introduction and appendix), and
McGillivray's    journal. Giesecke
suggests that Morton's part "should be
regarded as (being) far more
important". This is not an idle claim,
for Morton's introduction is a lengthy
and penetrating analysis of the
development of the fur trade into the
valley of the Saskatchewan and of the
advance towards the rich fur-bearing
lands of the upper sources of the river
and of the Athabasca country. The
Journal, however, has its merits too.
Morton himself writes that it "gives,
with a sharpness of outline far beyond
the ordinary, the story of a year of life
and trade within a typical North West
Company's post".
This particular Fort George, "a group
of rough shanties surrounded by a
stockade", was situated on the north
bank of the North Saskatchewan a few
miles upstream from the present
Alberta-Saskatchewan boundary. It
had a fine view of the river. Across a
small gully was Buckingham House,
the Hudson's Bay Company post, and
the two posts shared a well which had
been dug in the gully by Mr. Tomison
of the H.B.C. During the winter of
McGillivray's journal, Fort George was
home for about eighty men and about
the same number of women and
children. Its situation, on the border of
the prairies, the home of the great
herds of buffalo, and at the southern
edges of the valuable fur-bearing treed
areas, made the post essential to the
company's prosperity in the region.
Obtaining supplies of dried meat for
transport to the posts further north
was an important part of
McGillivray's duties.
The main sources for the meat and
the furs were, of course, the native
Indians, and the journal is devoted in
large part to the problems of dealing
with them and with extensive
observations, rich in detail, about their
habits. The Indians of the forested
regions to the north and west of the
post McGillivray found easy to
handle, as they were organized into
small and weak groups, while those
from the more open lands to the south,
the "gens du large", were "so
advantageously situated that they
could live very happily independent
of our assistance". He observed that
"their love of rum is their first
inducement to industry", and though
the Indians of the prairies were often
at conflict among themselves, "yet
they never fail to unite against a
common enemy". McGillivray and his
companions feared that their post and
that of the H.B.C. might well at any
time be the common enemy, and
conflicts of the previous year, which
included the sacking by Indians of
nearby trading posts, were fresh in the
men's minds. The result, as Morton
expresses it, was a "curious mixture of
trust and fear of the Indians".
A similar ambivalence existed in
McGillivray with respect to the "opposition", the neighbouring Hudson's
Bay post. The two establishments recognized their vulnerability in the face
of vastly superior numbers of natives
who, at any moment, might decide to
attack them. On the other hand, Morton observes, "a rigid watch was kept
at each post to see that their own Indians, to whom 'credit' had been given
in the form of ammunition or clothing
did not go with the returns of their
hunt to the enemy house". McGillivray reports with some glee the occasions when he is able to better in trade
the "English".
For the reader of British Columbia
history, both Morton's writings and
McGillivray's journal are valuable documents. With clarity and in vivid colours they establish some of the
background for the expeditions into
the regions west of the Rocky Mountains of such as Alexander Mackenzie,
Simon Fraser and David Thompson.
As introductions to the fur trade and
the initial intrusions of non-natives
into the upper reaches of the North
Saskatchewan River they are replete
with the small incidents of day-to-day
life which tell so much about the meeting of two cultures.
George Newell
George Newell is a member of the
Victoria Historical Society.
A Country So Interesting: The
Hudson's Bay Company and Two
Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870.
Richard I. Ruggles.
Montreal & Kingston, McGill-Queen's
University Press, 1991. 300 p.,
illustrated. $49.95
"The company that became a
country"; "Canada's first 'national' map
agency." These are two phrases
Richard Ruggles has used elsewhere to
describe the Hudson's Bay Company
and its mapping accomplishments,
which the Company considered an
essential element of its business
operations. For two centuries this
trading company was employer,
landlord, shopkeeper, law and order,
and government services for most of
what is now Canada.
. . . .what a field to face the
imagination, what a number of ideas
rushes in at once, all for the means to
investigate a Country so interesting
Dr. Ruggles has taken his title from
this quotation from Edward Smith to
the Committee, March 1825. The book
is divided into five parts. Part One has
introductory chapters on mapping
policy and records, the explorers and
map makers, field and office methods
and equipment, and company
procedures in the operation of policy.
In the next ten chapters we see the
33
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 map of Canada gradually filling in as
the various company employees
explore more of the country, compile
their maps, and send the maps and
reports to the Company's headquarters
in London.
The story begins with the London
chart makers, 1669 to the late 1720's,
followed by the initiation of company
mapping, from the late 1720's to 1754;
mapping rivers and barren grounds
inland, 1754-1778; mapping inland
from the Bay and over to Athabasca,
1778-1794; mapping to the Columbia
and behind the Eastmain, 1795-1821;
mapping Rupert's Land, the
Mackenzie Basin, and the Arctic shore
1821-1849; mapping west of the
mountains, 1821-1849; Pemberton and
the Colony of Vancouver's Island,
1849-1859; exploration and mapping in
the Northwest and the establishment
of the Company land claims,
1849-1859; and mapping Company
land claims and exploring inland
routes, 1859-1870. Ruggles talks about
the various men, such as Hearne,
Turnor, Fidler, Thompson, and Rae,
and the maps they made, both the
surviving and the lost, and identifies
information provided by these men
found on commercial maps,
particularly those of the Arrowsmith
firm which became the Company map
publisher.
The story of the exploration and
mapping west of the Rockies is
particularly fascinating, as it is the
parly "white" history of what is now
British Columbia. Ruggles comments
that there was little cartographic
activity in New Caledonia despite, the
fact that the Company men were busy
in the area since inheriting it from the
North West Company in 1821.
Part Three of the book is a selection
of sixty-six maps representing the
various areas, periods and map
makers. Part Four is composed of
three catalogues of maps: those in the
Hudson's Bay Company Archives,
those in other archives, and those
which have not been located. Part
Five is composed of ten appendices,
glossary, notes, biblography and
index. The appendices include lists of
people who prepared maps and charts,
and those who prepared sketches or
descriptions for Fidler and Turnor,
and a list of native persons who
drafted maps. Dr. Ruggles has
provided good location maps, and
maps showing the gradual growth of
European knowledge of Canadian
territory, plus a graph of types of
maps in the Hudson's Bay Company
Archives for various periods.
There are a few minor typographical
errors, but nothing distracting The
major problem is with the plates.
Sixty-six maps which few people have
ever seen are reproduced in an
"antique" buff tone. There is no list or
table of plates. The only identification,
which does not distinguish between
actual and invented titles, plus
cartographer, date and catalogue
number, appears in the plate section.
If the map is large, the identification
note may be separated from the map
by a page or more. There is no
information about the size of original
maps. Some of the maps are very
faded. Many of the maps are
reproduced on less than half a page.
The result has been to have maps
squashed against the centre margin,
with half a page or more blank except
for the page and plate number and the
brief map identification note.
This is not only an interesting book,
but I think a very important one,
providing the basis for a new look at
the history of British Columbia,
Western Canada, and our country as a
whole. It should be in every library
and school, and in the reference
collection of every geographer and
historian, particularly of western
Canada.
Frances M. Woodward, FRGS
Frances Woodward is curator of historical
maps and cartographic archives at U.B.C.'s
Special Collections Division
Noticias de nutka: An Account of
Nootka Sound in 1792
by Jose Mariano Mozino. Trans, and
ed. by Iris H. Wilson Engstrand, with
a new foreword by Richard Inglis.
Seattle, University of Washington
Press; Vancouver: Douglas &
Mclntyre, 1991. Liv +142 pp. $18.95
Malaspina & Galiano: Spanish
Voyages to the Northwest Coast
Donald C. Cutter. Seattle, University
of Washington Press, 1991; Vancouver:
Douglas & Mclntyre, 1991 viii +160
pp. $34.95
The Spanish years in the history of
British Columbia and the Northwest
coast were rich indeed, for they left a
literary and artistic record that is a
considerable legacy of our past. Not
only do Spanish place names on our
charts and maps recall to mind the
momentous late eighteenth century.
Our good bookstalls carry some gems
on this score. These two books are
notable works of high quality.
Mozino was a Mexican scientist who
came to Nootka with the Bodega y
Quadra expedition in 1792, two years
after the famous Martinez-Colnett
dispute and the Meares-in-London
aftermath just about plunged Europe
into war for a distant dominion that
parliamentarian and historian
Edmund Burke thought really
belonged to the native inhabitants
anyway. Mozino's report has been
lauded as one of the most significant
ethnographies of the Nuu-Chah-nulth
in existence. Its author was born in the
Americas, and he has a sympathy for
continental as opposed to European
precepts. Though his scientific zeal is
everywhere evident in his factum, this
reader was struck upon re-reading this
work, which first appeared almost in
identical form in 1970, that Mozino
had a keen eye on the secrets of
imperial structure in that age. He
notes in his conclusion that Spain
would be bled dry by defending
remote garrisons such as Nootka, and
that it ought to concentrate on
developing an empire in Alta
California. Similarly, he thought that
Spain ought to concentrate on
commercial development in the
Northern Pacific and throughout that
ocean world, including Hawaii, and
ought to emulate Britain in commercial pursuits. He correctly understood,
from personal observation, that empire
should best flow from commercial pursuits, and that the flag ought to follow
trade, and not the other way around.
Most students of Northwest Coast his-
B.C. Historical News ■ Spring 92
34 tory and anthropology will be attracted to Professor Engstrand's book for
its significant native and cross-cultural
contact. It has an excellent array of
contemporary illustrations, a
vocabulary, a catalogue of flora and
fauna, and a superb bibliography of
primary and secondary sources
apparently not updated in this edition.
Robin Inglis of the Royal British
Columbia Museum has written a
delightful foreword to a book which is
a heritage classic happily in this new
edition and ought to be, as is its
companion work reviewed here
below, in every serious collector's shelf
of Northwest Coast books.
In 1791 two Spanish corvettes, the
Descubierta and the Atrevida,
commanded by Captains Alejandro
Malaspina and Jose Bustamente de
Guerra, as well as two junior officers,
Dionisio Alcala Galiano and Cayetano
Valdes, who were later to return, in
1792, on aboard the goletas Sutil and
Mexicana, visited the Northwest Coast
on a voyage that has continued to
fascinate the inquiring student of
regional history and the interested
reader of voyage literature. In a
collective assault to reveal the
remaining secrets of this quarter of
America, the vessels mapped portions
of the coastline, met certain native
peoples, and laid claim to sovereignty
in the name of King Carlos IV of Spain.
Contrary to the claim that the
Spanish heritage of the Pacific
Northwest has been overshadowed by
English activities, as is claimed on the
dust jacket of this book, it is instructive
to point out that the diplomatic aspects
of Spain's imperial quest were first
published under the authorship of
William Ray Manning in 1905, and
Henry Raup Wagner made distinguished contributions to the cartographic side of Spanish activities in the
1930s. In our own times Professor
Cutter has made several previous contributions, as have Christon Archer,
Jack Kendrick, Freeman Tovell and
particularly Warren L. Cook, whose
magisterial Floodtide of Empire:
Spain and the Pacific Northwest,
1543-1819 (Yale University Press, 1973)
is conspicuously absent from this
book's bibliography.   Several editions
of Malaspina's account have appeared,
by Mercedes Palau among others, and
catalogues of the documents of the
same voyage have been published by
the Museo Naval in Madrid. In other
words, this is hardly a neglected field.
That having been said, what we have
in this book is the first complete
assessment of the records and
illustrations of the voyage in so far as
the Northwest Coast is concerned, the
other magnificent contributions of the
Malaspina voyage to the South Pacific
and Australia lying outside of the
scope of this work. Professor Cutter
provides an excellent account of life
on board ship, and he provides an
excellent summary of Spanish
impressions of the Tlingit of Port
Mulgrave and southeast Alaska and
the Nootka of Vancouver, including
Chief Maquinna. His spritely
discussion of the well-intentioned
Spanish intentions to have peaceful
relations, and the disillusionment that
set in in consequence of the
cross-cultural violence that ensued is
well worth the attention of any
student of native affairs. This work is
rich in contemporary drawings, maps
and paintings, and contains numerous
photographs of artifacts from museum
collections. This     book     was
commissioned by the Vancouver
Maritime Museum to honour the
bicentenary of the Malaspina
expedition.
Barry Gough
Dr. Barry Gough, a British Columbian, teaches
history at Wilfrid Laurier University,
Waterloo, Ont.
This Was Our Valley
Earl K. Pollon and
Shirlee Smith Matheson.
Calgary, Detselig Enterprises, Ltd.,
1989.375 p. $17.95
This title contains two complementary works on the Peace River region
centered on Hudson's Hope. In the
first section, Earl K. Pollon presents a
series of reminiscences concerning his
activities, mostly upriver, from 1931 to
the mid-1960s. Shirlee Smith Matheson begins the second part with her ar
rival in 1965 in "the Hope" which was
grappling with the influx of construction workers for the W.A.C. Bennett
Dam. But Matheson then weaves elements of her personal story into a
more wide-ranging study of the impact of the dam on the region. Although the authors' passionate regard
for the Peace as their valley bridges the
secitons, the two works offer different
types of pictures. This reviewer, then,
will deal briefly with each section in
turn.
Pollon presents a spare outline of some
of his adventures during the 1930s and
1940s from trapper to lime burner to
sawmill opertor. What makes this account appealing is his evocative rendering of the people he meets. From a
promoter touting northeast coal long
before Tumbler Ridge, to a general
store owner who refused to accept Pol-
Ion's word that he had fired him the
day before, Pollon draws a series of
portraits which comprise the character
of the Peace as much as any geographic feature. A selection of the author's
poems, apparently from a self-
published collection, reiterate his regard for his home. While one might
respect Pollon's description of these
episodes as the "annals of history,"
they reflect rather than explain the economic and social evolution of the
Peace region before the 1960s. We
must look to what appears to be
Matheson's general introduction to
sketch the early development schemes
of the Pacific Great Eastern and the Edmonton, Dunvegan and British Columbia railway companies which planned
to lay steel to the Peace from Vancouver and Edmonton respectively. One
also wishes for notes to fill out the
lives of some of the characters that Pollon describes. For example, Neil Geth-
ing, the coal promoter who Pollon
suggests first recognized the hydroelectric potential of the Peace, had another career in Prince George as a real
estate broker and municipal politician.
His defeat by the Grand Trunk Pacific
there might illuminate his inability to
interest railways in his Peace coal projects in the early part of the century.
Pollon's concluding stuggle to compel
Peace Power contactors to hire local
people leads easily into Matheson's
35
B.C. Historical News -Spring 92 more ambitious investigation of the
Bennett Dam's impact on the region.
She deals thoughtfully with such disparate matters as labour unrest, failed
coal schemes (again), structural problems of the dam itself, flooding, preservation of fossils, pesticides, plans for
additional dams at Site 1 and Site C,
and the traumatic impact of the dam
on Sekanni Indians. One chapter ranges far afield to consider the dam's impact on the Peace delta in Alberta. The
theme that unites these chapters is exploitation of the North's resources and
people by outsiders. The author's cost-
benefit estimate is bleak. For an input
of less than one billion dollars, few
jobs, and widespread environmental
damage, outsiders extracted 40 to 50
billion dollars worth of power over
twenty years. What makes the account
more than a rant is the informed discussion of a series of government documents, many of which Matheson
probably first read in her work as district office clerk in Hudson's Hope.
She frequently ties impersonal reportage to the real complaints of her neighbours. It is perhaps inevitable that in a
discussion of so many issues, she relies
too much on a single source. A case in
point is her account of Axel Wenner-
Gren, perhaps the most visonary developer of the North. Her discussion
depends largely on promoter Percy
Gray's correspondence which he circulated to boost his own image. An examination of John Wedley's
dissertation on the provincial government's role in northern development
(1986) might have helped her here and
in several other chapters.
When a second edition of this work
appears, one hopes the publisher will
provide adequate maps. The fuzzy reproduction of an old highway map of
the Peace country before the dam obscures even the course of the river, let
alone many of the sites that Pollon
mentions in his travels! A second map
should display the flooding from dam
construction. Readers not familiar
with the region will have a hard time
locating Williston Lake as well as the
exact location of the dam itself.
Frank Leonard
Douglas College, New Westminster
Other Books Noted
Manning Park Memories: Reflections
of the Past. 52 p., maps, illustrated,
Victoria, Ministry of Lands and Parks,
(1991) Available free from Ministry.
Seven essays, including one by Helen
Akrigg on Ernest C. Manning and one
by R.C. Harris on early trails.
Canada: An Outline History, by J. Arthur lower, 343 p., maps. Toronto,
McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1991. 2nd ed.
$17.95
Back in print again is the standard history by Vancouver member, J. Arthur
Lower.
British Columbia Local Histories: A
Bibliography, compiled by Linda L.
Hale and Jean Barman. Victoria, B.C.
Heritage Trust, 1991.196 p. $20.
Useful compilation of over a thousand
local histories, listed by author, with
indexes by title and place.
Music Education in Canada; A Historical Account, by J. Paul Green and
Nancy F. Vogan. Toronto, University
of Toronto Press, 1991. 534 p.,
illustrated $125.
Charts the growth of music education
in its earliest days to Canada's centennial in 1967. Includes information on
cultural life, music in the schools and
community, and festivals, in British
Columbia.
The Chuck David Greater Vancouver
Appointment Book.
Vancouver, New Star Books, 1990.
An "any-year" desk calendar, filled
with greater Vancouver trivia, from
Anna Pavlova to Thomas Wilby.
International Hotel at Fort Steele, 1898
Fort Steele reached ihe
height of its prosperity in
1898, the year this picture
was taken. It had been the
supply centre for the East
Kootenay, advertised as
"KOOTENAY'S CAPITAL", and the jumping off
base for establishing the
towns of Wardner, Moyie,
and Kimberley. Then the
railway bypassed "Steele"
in favor of Cranbrook, and
its decline began. The International Hotel shown in
this photo was built in 1897,
one of nine hotels operating
at that time. In due course
it was burned down. It has
been replicated and will be
open soon as the dining
room in Fort Steele Heritage Town.
International Hotel,
Fort Steele 1898.
courtesy Fort Steele Archives.
British Columbia
Historical Federation Conference
May 7 - 9/1992
Hosted by Burnaby Historical Society.
All history buffs are welcome.
Phone Nancy at (604) 437-6115 for registration details.
Deadline for registration, April 20.
B.C. Historical News - Spring 92
36 THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL FEDERATION
Honorary Patron:
Honorary President:
His Honour, the Honourable David C. Lam, CM, LL.D.,
Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia
Ken Leeming
OFFICERS:
President:
1st Vice President:
2nd Vice President:
Secretary:
Recording Secretary:
Treasurer:
Members-at-Large:
Past President:
Myrtle Haslam, P.O. Box 10, Cowichan Bay, B.C. VOR 1 NO 748-8397
Alice Glanville, P.O. Box 746, Grand Forks, B.C. VOH 1H0 442-3865
Ron Welwood, 1806 Ridgewood Road, RR#1, Nelson, B.C. V1L 5P4 825-4743
T. Don Sale, 262 Juniper Street, Nanaimo, B.C. V9S 1X4 753-2067
Arnold Ranneris, 1898 Quamuchan Street, Victoria, B.C. V8S 2B9 598-3035
Francis Sleigh, Box 29, Deroche, B.C. VOM 1G0 826-0451
Mary Rawson, 1406 Woodland Drive, Vancouver, B.C. V5L 3S6 251-2908
Daphne Paterson, 2650 Randle Road, Nanaimo, B.C. V9S 3X2 758-5757
John D. Spittle, 1241 Mount Crown Road, North Vancouver, B.C. V7R 1R9 988-4565
COMMITTEE OFFICERS:
Archivist
B.C. Historical News
Publishing Committee
Book Review Editor
Editor
Subscription Secretary
Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, B.C. VOX 1W0
Tony Farr, RR#3 Sharp Road Comp. 21, Ganges, B.C. VOS 1E0
Anne Yandle, 3450 West 20th Avenue,
Vancouver, B.C. V6S1E4
Naomi Miller, Box 105, Wasa, B.C. VOB 2K0
Nancy Peter, #7-5400 Patterson Ave., Burnaby, B.C. V5H 2M5
Historical Trails & Markers    John Spittle, 1241 Mount Crown Road, North Vancouver, B.C. V7R 1R9
Publications Assistance
(not involved with
B. C. Historical News)
Jill Rowland, #5-1450 Chesterfield Avenue, North Vancouver, B.C. V7M 2N4
Contact Jill for advice and details to apply for a loan
toward the cost of publishing.
Scholarship Committee Arthur Wirick, 2301 - 4353 Halifax St., Burnaby, B.C. V5C 5Z4
Pamela Mar, P.O. Box 933, Nanaimo, B.C. V9R 5N2
Writing Competition
(Lieutenant - Governor's
Award)
295-3362
537-5398
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422-3594
437-6115
988-4565
984-0602
291-1346
758-2828 The British Columbia Historical News
P. O. Box 35326, Stn. E
Vancouver, B.C.
V6M 4G5
Publications Mail
Registration No. 4447
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ADDRESS LABEL HERE
^
J)
British Columbia Historical Federation
WRITING COMPETITION 1992
The British Columbia Historical Federation invites submissions of books for the tenth
annual Competition for Writers of B.C. History.
Any book presenting any facet of B.C. history, published in 1992, is eligible. This may be a
community history, biography, record of a project or an organization, or personal recollections
giving a glimpse of the past. Names, dates, and places with relevant maps or pictures turn a story
into "history".
The judges are looking for quality presentations, especially if fresh material is included,
with appropriate illustrations, careful proofreading, an adequate index, table of contents and
bibUography from first-time writers as well as established authors.
Note: Reprints or revisions of books are not eligible.
The Lieutenant-Governor's Medal for Historical Writing will be awarded to an individual
writer whose book contributes significantly to the recorded history of British Columbia. Other
awards will be made as recommended by the judges to valuable books prepared by groups or
individuals.
All entries receive considerable publicity. Winners will receive a Certificate of Merit, a
monetary award and an invitation to the B.CH.F. annual conference to be held in Kamloops in
May 1993.
Submission Requirements: All books must have been published in 1992, and should be
submitted as soon as possible after publication. Two copies of each book should be submitted.
Please state name, address and telephone number of sender, the selling price of all editions of the
book and the address from which it may be purchased if the reader has to shop by mail.
Send to: B.C. Historical Writing Competition
P.O. Box 933
Nanaimo, B.C. V9R 5N2
Deadline: December 31, 1992. LATE ENTRIES WILL BE ACCEPTED WITH POST-
MARKUP TO JANUARY 31,1993, BUT MUST CONTAIN THREE COPIES OF EACH BOOK
**********
There is also an award for the Best Article published each year in the B. C. Historical News
magazine. This is directed to amateur historians or students. Articles should be no more than
2,500 words, typed double spaced, accompanied by photographs if available, and substantiated
with footnotes where applicable. (Photos will be returned.)
Please send articles directly to:
The Editor, B.C. Historical News
P.O. Box 105, Wasa, B.C. VOB 2K0
58588

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