British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly British Columbia Historical Association Jan 31, 1951

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 THE
BRITISH
COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
JANUARY-APRIL,  1951 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Published by the Archives of British Columbia
in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
EDITOR
Willard E. Ireland,
Provincial Archives, Victoria.
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
Madge Wolfenden,
Provincial Archives, Victoria.
ADVISORY BOARD
J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. T. A. Rickard, Victoria.
W. N. Sage, Vancouver.
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor.
Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings,
Victoria, B.C. Price, 50tf the copy, or $2 the year. Members of the British
Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the Quarterly without
further charge.
Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical Association
assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine.
The Quarterly is indexed in Faxon's Annual Magazine Subject-Index and the
Canadian Index. We
BRITISH COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
"Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. XV Victoria, B.C., January-April, 1951 Nos. 1 and 2
CONTENTS
The Kootenay Mail: Revelstoke's Second Newspaper. page
By Burt R. Campbell       1
How British Columbia Nearly Became a Colony of Australia.
By Thomas Dunbabin       35
George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster.
By Andrew Forest Muir    47
British Columbia and Confederation.
By Walter N. Sage    71
First Impressions: Letter of Colonel Richard Clement Moody, R.E.,
to Arthur Blackwood, February 1, 1859.
Edited with an introduction by Willard E. Ireland     85
Notes and Comments:
British Columbia Historical Association  109
Yukon Historical Society  116
Kootenay Historical Society  116
The Montana Magazine of History  117
Plaque Commemorating British Columbia Becoming a Province of the
Dominion of Canada   117
A Note on "Coal-seekers on Peace River, 1903"  117
Contributors to This Issue  118
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Copy-book of Letters Outward &c begins 29th May, 1680 ends 5 luly,
1687.
James Isham's Observations on Hudson's Bay, 1743, and Notes and Observations on a Book Entitled "A Voyage to Hudson's Bay in the
Dobbs Galley," 1749.
By Willard E. Ireland ,  121
Urquhart: Arthur Currie, the Biography of a Great Canadian.
By F. H. Soward  123
Cain: Petroglyphs of Central Washington.
By Wilson Duff  124
Canada.
By F. H. Soward  126 THE KOOTENAY MAIL:   REVELSTOKE'S
SECOND NEWSPAPER*
In attempting to write a story of this kind, the natural thing to
do would be to search the files of the newspaper itself. It would
appear, however, that only two complete files of The Kootenay Mail
exist—one in the Provincial Library, Victoria, B.C., and the other in
the Library of Parliament, Ottawa—neither of which was available
for personal examination. The files for the years 1896 to 1898,
being Volumes 3 and 4, are to be found in the office of The Revelstoke Review, currently publishing at Revelstoke, and these were
examined.
As the story is written from within rather than from hearsay, it
includes a more or less biographical sketch of the period during
which the author was associated with the newspaper; therefore, an
indulgence is asked for personal references.—B. R. C.
The final issue of The Kootenay Star, which had been published at
Revelstoke since the summer of 1889, appeared on March 31, 1894,
and contained the following poetic obituary:—
THE STAR'S FAREWELL
By " The Devil "
I am leaving with the snow; I am going " out of sight";
My twinklings you will never see again;
I am very glad to quit this uncongenial sphere
On which my bright effulgence shone in vain.
'Twas difficult to please more than one or two each week,
For each reader had an idea of his own
On every topic 'neath the sun, how a paper should be run,
And scrupled not to let the same be known.
I've been criticized and cuss'd; I've been victimized and wuss—
I've been starved and neglected and unloved.
Without a dollar or a cent, all my debts paid but the rent,
In the journalistic boneyard I am shoved.
This is my last farewell; but I'm not going to h-
As some of my dear friends have wished of yore,
So I'll bid you all adieu; I'll just leave you " in the stew!'
As a Star I'll never twinkle any more.
* The presidential address delivered before the annual meeting of the British
Columbia Historical Association, held in Vancouver, B.C., January 19, 1951.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 and 2.
1 2 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
I am nothing loth to go, to give the Mail a show;
But I wish to make this sole and last request—
Vouchsafe to my successor what you would not give to me—
A living—in this wild and woolly west.1
This somewhat graceful bow of retirement announced the commencement of The Kootenay Mail, which entered the field on April 14, 1894,
as a four-page home-print product.
This new venture in the newspaper field was sponsored by the Revelstoke Printing and Publishing Company, Limited, which had been
incorporated the previous year by a group of Revelstoke business-men.2
R. W. Northey was its first editor, and the policy laid down made it
possible to lay a claim to being the only independent newspaper in the
Province thus able " to take a whack at any offending head which pops
up on either side." J. A. Smith, who came from Toronto, was also on
the staff as printer. The home of this new enterprise was in a building
on the north side of Front Street in lower town. The plant included
a good supply of wood and metal type—all type being set by hand—
imposing-stones, racks, paper-cutter, a No. 2 Gordon press for job work,
and what was known as a Washington press for the newspaper work.
This latter unit called for two operators—one to feed the paper sheets
and take the impressions, the other to ink the forms. With hard work
it was capable of producing 250 two-page sheets an hour. Most newspapers to-day have what is known as " the morgue," containing photographic cuts of prominent people and local personages. The Kootenay
Mail had but one, the likeness of Queen Victoria, the editor evidently
having visions of that good lady some day passing away. In point of
fact this same cut did service on that memorable day in January, 1901,
when the time of Empire mourning arrived. That the office equipment
did not include a Linotype or Intertype, which to-day seem so essential,
is not to be wondered at, for it was only eight years prior to this time
that Ottmar Mergenthaler introduced the first Linotype in New York.
None had reached British Columbia, although the Vancouver News-
Advertiser had two years previously installed slug-casting machines
(1) Revelstoke The Kootenay Star, March 31, 1894. Hugh McCutcheon, who
until the fall of 1893 was the owner of The Inland Sentinel at Kamloops, was at the
time the publisher and proprietor of this newspaper.
(2) The articles of association on file in the office of the Registrar of Companies, Victoria, B.C., are dated June 3, 1893, and were signed by Frederick
Fraser, William Cowan, H. N. Coursier, and Charles Lindmark. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 3
known as the Rogers Typograph, which, on the introduction and general
use of the more versatile Linotype, were abandoned as obsolete.3
That the business people of a town of less than 500 population
should see the need for a paper is not to be wondered at, for Revelstoke,
which had come into being with the construction of the Canadian Pacific
Railway in 1885, was just beginning to get on its feet. The railway
company's townsite was about" to be placed on the market, although the
prospect of securing clear titles was still obscure and did not improve for
over a year. Mackenzie Avenue was to be opened from the railway to
First Street, and a road cleared on that street from Campbell Avenue to
the freight-sheds. This latter road would also be of advantage to the
Revelstoke Lumber Company. Settlers were taking up land across the
Illecillewaet River, and there was a prospect of a bridge across that river
to accommodate them. Work was already under way on what was
known as the R. & A.L. Railway—Revelstoke and Arrow Lakes Railway
—and the road was that year completed to Wigwam. Mining in Big
Bend showed signs of some activity, but it was perhaps the Lardeau,
Slocan, and South Kootenay Districts that were of the greatest help
to Revelstoke. Nelson, Nakusp, and Robson were each making a bid
as choice sites for business and residential property. Boats of the
Columbia and Kootenay Steam Navigation Company and two smaller
craft were operating in the handling of traffic4 to and from the lower
Kootenay and bringing ore from the south for shipment by rail from
Revelstoke to smelters. The larger boats landed at the smelter wharf,5
the smaller ones at the lower-town landing. That being the summer
famous for creating a record of high water through the Province, Revelstoke shared in it, and the lines were blocked east and west, and the long
trestle bridge over the Columbia was for a time endangered.
A Provincial election was drawing near, and as the political pot
commenced boiling, for a time there seemed a prospect of six candidates
entering the field. Under these circumstances the paper's motto of
political neutrality would seem to have been a wise one.   Those men-
(3) For further details on this subject see Burt R. Campbell, " From Hand-set
Type to Linotype," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, X (1946), pp. 253-272.
(4) Captain James Fitzsimmons, " Columbia River Chronicles," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, I (1937), pp. 87-100 passim.
(5) For details concerning the Revelstoke smelter see S. S. Fowler, " Early
Smelters in British Columbia," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, III (1939),
pp. 193-197. 4 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
tioned as possible candidates were J. M. Kellie (the sitting member),6
W. M. Brown, R. Tapping, R. Howson, J. W. Haskins, and Angus
McKay. However, when nomination-day arrived, only the names of
Kellie and Brown7 were submitted, the former as a supporter of the
government of the Honourable Theodore Davie; the latter, the Opposition—party lines as now known not having then been introduced. The
results following the election on July 11 showed Kellie, 217; Brown, 125.8
Some attention was being given to mining properties in the Illecillewaet and Big Bend districts, and this helped the town from a business
standpoint. South Kootenay, principally around Nelson, was coming to
the fore, and the Slocan District was also developing. To serve the
latter district, the Nakusp and Slocan Railway had been built, and two
passenger-coaches for this run passed through Revelstoke the latter part
of August. The burning of the steamer Columbia near Waneta on
August 1 somewhat hampered the traffic on the Arrow Lakes and
Columbia River, but the steamer Lytton was assigned to the Revelstoke
run as a replacement.9
All apparently went well with The Kootenay Mail during the fall and
winter months, although an occasional letter by " Diogenes" dealing
somewhat caustically with various matters served the purpose of making
the publication interesting.10 However, in the issue of March 6, 1895,
there appeared a letter from " Diogenes " commenting on the Police
(6) J. M. Kellie, popularly known as " Pot-Hole " Kellie, was born in Cobourg,
Ontario, December 6, 1848. He came to the Kootenay country in the 1880's and
was extremely popular. He was first elected to the Legislature in the general
election of 1890 for Kootenay West riding. This seat he retained when that riding
was divided in 1894, when he became the first member for Kootenay West (north
riding) and again in 1898 when he was the first member elected for the Revelstoke
riding. He was never defeated at the polls and refused to accept a nomination after
party lines were introduced into Provincial politics. He died at Victoria on December 12, 1927. Victoria Colonist, December 13, 1927; also article in Kamloops
Sentinel, May 13, 1932, entitled " Kidnapping of a Prime Minister."
(7) W. M. Brown was a native of England, born in 1837, who for many years
resided in the Lillooet district. He was elected to the Legislature in 1874, the first
member from the Lillooet riding and was re-elected in 1875. Subsequently, he
moved to Revelstoke, where he operated the Union Hotel and became active in
local politics, serving for several years as Mayor. He died at Medford, Oregon,
on December 23, 1915, while on a visit to his daughter. Victoria Colonist,
December 29, 1915; Vancouver World, December 30, 1915.
(8) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, July 21, 1894.
(9) Ibid., August 4, 1894.
(10) Ibid., August 4 and 11 and September 29, 1894. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 5
Court case of Swift vs. Currie,11 involving an assault charge which started
ructions in the Revelstoke Printing and Publishing Company. The
plaintiff, Miss E. Swift—" Irish Nell" to the old-timers—ran a sporting-
house in lower town. Northey, the editor, who lived in the same building
that housed the printing plant, received notice of his dismissal but refused
to vacate the office. He appeared before Fred Fraser, J.P., on a charge of
trespass laid by the company, and the case was adjourned for eight days.
Northey remained in possession until publication-day (Saturday), getting out an edition of the paper setting forth his grievances, as also those
of B. H. Lee, a lawyer, and his client, Miss Swift. Quite a number of
copies of this issue were put into circulation before the directors took
possession while the editor was absent for a short time in his home. The
directors, with J. W. Vail as editor, then undertook to get out a second
edition of the paper. This appeared in the evening and contained an
apology for the unauthorized edition of the morning.12
While this was going on, a petition was circulated asking for an
inquiry into the fitness of Fred Fraser to act as a Justice of the Peace.
This contained 120 names and was submitted to the Attorney-General
of the Province by W. M. Brown on behalf of the petitioners. Subsequently, suit was entered by Northey, claiming $700 damages in lieu of
six months' notice of dismissal and for certain incidental expenses in the
proceedings. This case was not disposed of until the County Court sessions held in the latter part of May, when F. J. Fulton,13 of Kamloops,
appeared for the printing company and R. B. Kerr, of New Denver, for
the plaintiff.   Judgment was given the plaintiff for $260.14
During the last week in March, what was styled the third scene in
the drama "How to Fire an Editor" was enacted in the Police Court
(11) Ibid., February 23 and March 2, 1895.
(12) Ibid., March 9, 1895.
(13) F. J. Fulton was born in Bedlington, England, on December 8, 1862, and
came to Canada in 1887, settling at Kamloops in 1889. From 1900 to 1909 he
represented Kamloops in the Provincial Legislature and served in the Cabinet as
President of the Council, Provincial Secretary, Attorney-General, and Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works at various times. He resigned from the Legislature
in 1909, when he disagreed with Premier McBride over guarantees promised to the
Canadian Northern Pacific Railway. In 1917 he entered the Federal Parliament as
a Unionist member, but retired from public life in 1920. He died at Kamloops on
July 25, 1936. E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia, Vancouver, 1914, Vol. Ill, p. 921; Vancouver Province, July 25, 1936.
(14) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, May 18, 1895. 6 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
before A. McArthur, J.P., of Illecillewaet. This was an action for libel
brought by Fred Fraser against ex-Editor Northey. The cause of the
complaint was attributed to the unknown correspondent " Diogenes," a
letter from whom had appeared in the spurious issue of the paper. The
plaintiff sought to prove that R. W. Northey, editor of The Kootenay
Mail, and " Diogenes " could all be covered by the same hat. However,
the limelight of evidence was not strong enough to penetrate the transparency of fact, and the case fell through. Moreover, the evidence failed
to prove who were the editors or the proprietors, what either of them
had to do with " Diogenes," and, further, what " Diogenes " had to do
with the defendant. A. G. M. Spragge appeared for the plaintiff and
B. H. Lee for the defendant.15 Still another controversy arose within the
ranks of the Revelstoke Printing and Publishing Company when Charles
F. Lindmark disagreed with the other directors over the matter of
the motion for Northey's dismissal.16 T. L. Haig, managing director,
claimed Lindmark had made the motion and that it was unanimously
endorsed. Lindmark threatened to expose the doings of other meetings
if more was said on the subject.17
This episode in the annals of The Kootenay Mail had been ironed
out before the arrival of the narrator of this story in Revelstoke.
Northey, however, remained a resident of the town until the latter part of
August, when he went to Rossland as the editor of The Prospector.
The writer entered the printing trade at The Inland Sentinel, Kamloops,
when James W. Vail was editor and, during the interval before going to
Revelstoke, had also worked at The Vernon News, returning to Kamloops, where only occasional employment was available. It was the
friendship of Mr. Vail that led to the connection with the Revelstoke
newspaper. The second letter from Mr. Vail regarding this position,
written on the printed note-paper of T. L. Haig, notary public, mining,
real estate and commission agent, bears date June 10, 1895, and leaves
the inference that this likeable old gentleman, like many of that time,
believed it was no crime to beat the Canadian Pacific Railway. It
read:—
I received your letter saying that you would be willing to come and work on the
Mail if wanted, or rather that is to be inferred from your letter. I wish you would
come up immediately.   Hope you are well enough acquainted with the train boys to
(15) Ibid., March 30, 1895.
(16) Ibid., March 9, 1895.
(17) Ibid., March 30, 1895. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 7
get here without paying fare; but if not, I have told Mr. Haig that you would have
to be repaid the amount of the fare. I suppose you will have $10.00 a week, as you
have been getting from others, for the present.1^
A change had but recently taken place at the old Court-house, when
J. D. Graham19 succeeded John Kirkup20 as Gold Commissioner and
general official, the latter being transferred to Rossland. Earlier that
year the Canadian Pacific Railway ran a train to the end of steel at
Wigwam for the handling of ore and some passengers,21 and with the
rise of water in the river the Columbia and Kootenay Steam Navigation
Company's boats resumed the run to the smelter wharf. Rossland boom
had started, and building was going forward day and night. Mining
properties were showing up well in that district as well as in the Slocan,
and pack-trains were serving the northern district of the Big Bend.
Printers of that day were somewhat noted as tourists—the " homestead " stage when one must stay on a job not having arrived. The first
of these to call in Revelstoke, though not working for the Mail, was
James W. Greer, afterwards well known in the Boundary and Slocan
Districts as a printer and publisher. Mr. Greer's call was made at a
time when the writer was engaged on one of his earliest assignments—
the preparation of a Dominion Day poster, a task that afforded him
some amusement to watch. Dominion Day opened with a Gun Club
shoot held on or about Mackenzie Avenue, south of Third Street, a site
difficult to locate owing to the new growth of brush among the stumps
(18) Letter in the possession of the author.
(19) Joseph Dee Graham was born on the high seas aboard the transport ship
Dee on August 14, 1853. He received his education at the Duke of York's Military
School in England and joined the Royal Engineers as a bugler when 14 years of
age. Before coming to British Columbia, he saw service in South Africa, Bermuda,
Gibraltar, and Halifax. For a time he served in the police force at Victoria and
then joined the Provincial Police and served at Kaslo and Nelson. In 1898 for a
time he left the Government service, but the following year accepted a position as
Gold Commissioner at Atlin. About 1910 he retired to the Cobble Hill district
on Vancouver Island. He died at Duncan on May 8, 1940. Victoria Colonist, May
11, 1940; Atlin News-Miner, June 29, 1940.
(20) John Kirkup was born in Kemptville, Ontario, in 1855, and came west to
Winnipeg in 1878. Two years later he came to Victoria and in 1881 joined the
Provincial service as constable at Yale. In addition to serving at Revelstoke,
Kirkup was stationed at Golden and Rossland, and at the time of his death on
November 2, 1916, he was Government Agent at Nanaimo. Victoria Colonist,
November 3, 1916.
(21) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, April 6, 1895. 8 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
of the logged-off area. In the afternoon athletic sports were held on
Front Street and keenly contested.22
Mid-August witnessed the inaugural meeting of the Revelstoke Board
of Trade, at which J. M. Kellie, M.L.A., was chosen president,23 but he
resigned at the next meeting and was succeeded by J. D. Sibbald.24
Before the close of the month, steamboat history was made with the
arrival of the new steamer Nakusp.25
During the early days of July Mr. Vail resigned as editor of The
Kootenay Mail and was succeeded by the author's printing mate, J. A.
Smith. By this time the Northey incident had been pretty well forgotten, and work went on without unusual happenings. Probably as a
result of expenses in connection with the disposal of Northey, the Revelstoke Printing and Publishing Company found itself short of money for
operating expenses. In consequence, the first issue of the paper in September did not make its appearance on the Saturday as usual, the staff
having gone on strike. A partial adjustment of arrearages on salary was
paid on the Monday and business resumed. Peace reigned for five or
six weeks. Then, during the absence of Mr. Smith at the Coast and Mr.
Vail substituting for him, the author declared a lone strike for the same
reason as on the former occasion. This was a rather unusual strike
inasmuch as one of the directors of the company was an abettor to the
action. About noon on publication-day William Cowan paid a visit to
the office and made the remark, " I will pay you a week's wages, but
never mind the paper to-day, we want you to play football." Games were
then held on the ball-grounds in the centre of town between upper and
lower town teams. Mr. Vail did what he could with the paper, his
lament being that he should be thus deserted on his seventieth birthday.
A few weeks later another walkout occurred in which Mr. Smith also
participated. This was not as speedily adjusted as the first and, as a
result, it was necessary to cover up the continuity of some legal advertisements then running.   To do this, two issues were produced from the
(22) Ibid., July 6, 1895.
(23) Ibid., August 17, 1895.
(24) John Drinkwater Sibbald was a pioneer on the Canadian Prairies before
coming to Revelstoke. In 1882 he reached Regina, where he subsequently built the
first grain-elevator and flour-mill in that city and also built the first brick house in
Regina. He came to Revelstoke about 1895 and subsequently became a Government official.   Revelstoke Review, July 6, 1944.
(25) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, August 31, 1895. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 9
same type with a change of date-line, only a few copies of the second
issue being distributed.
In mid-September a contract was let to Dan. McGillivray for the
completion of the Revelstoke and Arrow Lakes Railway for $150,000.26
This, of course, resulted in busy times for Revelstoke for the balance of
the season. About the same time, navigation closed on the upper river
and the steamer Nakusp laid up at Wigwam. During the winter months
of 1895-96 nothing much of outstanding interest transpired. Business
went on without interruption, and social life centred about dances at
Bourne's Hall and skating at a rink built and operated by Hugh Lougheed on a site near the present residence of C. R. Macdonald on First
Street.
In the spring of 1896 political interest shifted to the Federal scene.
The Conservative candidate was the sitting member, John Andrew Mara,
one of the Overlanders of '62, who had throughout most of the intervening years been a resident of Kamloops, with many interests, such as
steamboat operator on the Thompson River and Shuswap Lake, partner
in mill, store, and townsite ventures, and a former member of the Provincial Legislature. At Revelstoke he was a large shareholder in the
Columbia and Kootenay Steam Navigation Company.27 The Liberal
standard-bearer was a comparative new-comer to the Province who had
also located in the Kamloops area and had interests elsewhere, including
mining property at Rossland.   This was Hewitt Bostock,28 an English-
(26) Ibid., September 21, 1895.
(27) John Andrew Mara was born in Toronto on July 20, 1840, and joined the
overland party of R. B. McMicking in 1862 and settled for a time at Yale but soon
moved to Kamloops. In 1871 he became a member of the first Provincial Legislature for the Kootenay riding. In 1875 he was elected for the Yale riding and held
this seat until 1886. During 1883-86 he was Speaker of the Legislative Assembly.
In 1886 he successfully contested the Federal Yale constituency. Subsequently, he
became a resident of Victoria, where he died on February 11, 1920. J. B. Kerr,
Biographical Dictionary of Well-known British Columbians, Victoria, 1890, pp.
227-228; Victoria Colonist, February 12, 1920.
(28) Hewitt Bostock was born near Epsom, Surrey, England, on May 31, 1864.
He was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, receiving his Master of Arts degree
in 1888. Called to the Bar at Lincoln's Inn that same year, he never practised his
profession. He came to British Columbia in 1893. One of the newspapers in
which he became interested was The Province, then a weekly published in Victoria,
B.C. In 1904, after serving eight years in the House of Commons, he was called
to the Senate and became leader of the Liberal Party in that House in 1914. From
1921-22 he was Minister of Public Works and in 1922 became Speaker in the 10 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
man, who had acquired the ranch property of Duck & Pringle at Ducks,
now Monte Creek. To him the political game was somewhat new, but
being possessed of the requisite finances for such an undertaking, he
found .many seasoned political advisers on his Kamloops central committee.29 Mr. Bostock was quick to recognize the value of newspaper
support and was reputed to have become interested in one or more
publications. Others, wishing to engage in journalism, found this interest made it somewhat easier to secure loans on chattel mortgages.
About this time the majority of the Revelstoke business-men who
had founded and carried on The Kootenay Mail for two years were
tiring of the venture and casting about for a purchaser. As a result,
what must have seemed to them a strange act occurred when H. N.
Coursier30 and John Abrahamson31 made an offer for the business. This
agreement was concluded on April 15, 1896, when the transfer papers
were drawn up and signed on behalf of the Revelstoke Printing and
Publishing Company by T. Livingstone Haig, chairman and managing
director, and F. B. Wells,32 secretary, the witness to the transfer being
Senate. He died at Monte Creek, April 28, 1930. W. Stewart Wallace {ed.), The
Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Toronto, 1945, Vol. I, pp. 61-62.
(29) Personnel of this committee included M. J. Mclver, Ben Moore, J. H.
Morrison, Charles Sweeney, William Baillie, James Vair, Hugh McCutcheon, J. S.
Bennett, M. P. Gordon, J. M. Harper, W. H. Whittaker, and James Russell.
(30) H. N. Coursier was born in Lambton Mills, Ontario, in 1862 and came
west to British Columbia by way of San Francisco in 1882. For a time he worked
as timekeeper with Andrew Onderdonk in the construction of the Canadian Pacific
Railway. Subsequently, in 1889, he opened a store in lower town Revelstoke for
R. E. Lemon, and in 1892 he became proprietor of this business, eventually opening
other branch stores throughout the Kootenay country. He gave up his mercantile
business after the turn of the century and for a time served as Government Agent
at Revelstoke. Later he established an insurance and coal business, from which he
retired four years before his death on January 10, 1938. Revelstoke Review,
January 14, 1938.
(31) John Abrahamson was born in Sweden in 1853 and came to Revelstoke
in 1885. He died at New Westminster, September 30, 1933. Vancouver Province,
September 30, 1933.
(32) F. B. Wells came to Revelstoke in 1889 from Nelson, where he was the
first postmaster. At Revelstoke he bought out the business of T. W. A. Gordon on
Front Street in lower town. On March 10, 1890, he received the appointment as
postmaster at Revelstoke, the second to hold that position. He was born in England
and came west with the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, serving as
timekeeper at Winnipeg and later at Donald. When Revelstoke was incorporated,
he became one of the first Aldermen. He died on October 1, 1940. Victoria
Colonist, October 2, 1940; Revelstoke Review, February 6, 1947. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 11
R. R. MacLean, assistant to Mr. Wells in his store and the post-office.
But, strange as this transaction may have seemed, the awakening came
three days later when, on April 18, the printing plant and business was
transferred from Coursier and Abrahamson to B. R. Atkins and J. A.
Smith, the witness in this instance being W. G. Paxton, an accountant.33
Atkins, whose native home was Cork, Ireland, had for some time resided
at Kaslo,34 and he became the editor under the new set-up. Smith, as
previously mentioned, had been connected with the Mail as printer and
latterly as editor. One of the first weekly papers in the Province to
adopt a front page free from advertising, The Kootenay Mail continued
as a faithful chronicler of mining activities throughout the Kootenay.
The southern part of the district was rapidly coming into prominence,
but Illecillewaet, Albert Canyon, and the Big Bend sections all showed
activity.   Railway news also shared the paper's columns.
The first gun in the Federal election battle was fired on May 6, when
Hewitt Bostock made his initial appearance at a meeting held in Peterson's Hall, lower town, and presided over by H. A. Brown, chairman of
the local Liberal committee.35 As was the custom of the day, an invitation had been extended to Mr. Mara to be present, but he was said to be
absent from his Kamloops home. Mr. Bostock addressed the meeting
at some length, and other speakers were E. C. Carney, of Kaslo, and
R. B. Kerr, of New Denver. An invitation for a Mara supporter to take
the floor was issued without response. A motion of J. W. Haskins,
seconded by H. N. Coursier, endorsed Mr. Bostock's candidature and
pledged him support. The evening of May 23 again found Peterson's
Hall the venue of political activity, when Mr. Mara sought the suffrage
of the electors at a meeting presided over by W. M. Brown.36   Mr. Mara
(33) Notice of this transfer appeared in The Kootenay Mail of April 11, 1896,
when it was announced that Atkins and Smith were the new " Proprietors & Publishers." In the issue of May 2 there appeared the comments of many other newspapers in the Province regarding this change in ownership.
(34) Benjamin Richard Atkins was born on May 5, 1866, at Cork, Ireland. He
was a sailor and came to Canada in the early 1890's and worked on Great Lakes
steamboats. Later he went to Montana and in 1893 was in the Slocan country. He
came to Revelstoke at the time of his purchase of the paper. Later he became
private secretary to the Premier. Until his retirement in 1921 he served as Customs
Collector at Revelstoke. He died in Kamloops on November 16, 1941. Kamloops
Sentinel, November 20, 1941.
(35) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, May 9, 1896.
(36) Ibid., May 30, 1896. 12 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
reviewed the proceedings at the last Federal session. He was followed
by Hugh McCutcheon, former owner of The Inland Sentinel and The
Kootenay Star, representing the Liberal aspirant for the office. Then
came E. King Dodds, of Toronto, who spoke until midnight on behalf
of the Conservative candidate. Of this meeting, the next issue of the
Mail said:—
The large audience completely filled the hall, and there was no lack of enthusiasm,
particularly when mention was made of Laurier or Bostock. . . . The climax
was reached when the meeting, though called in the interests of Mr. Mara's candidature, adjourned at midnight with cheers for the Queen, Laurier and Bostock; and
without a resolution, or even a cheer, for our ex-member.37
From the foregoing it may be assumed that the newspaper no longer
enjoyed the independence declared at its birth two years previously.
Succeeding issues until the election-day dwelt heavily on the sins of
omission of Mr. Mara during his representation of the constituency at
Ottawa.38 Summing up the election results under the heading " Laurier,
Mowat and Victory" in the issue following election-day, June 23, the
Mail gave various phases of the battle. British Columbia Conservatives
—the "solid six"—found a reverse in the election of four Liberals.
Yale-Kootenay-Cariboo returns showed Bostock, 1,824; Mara, 1,479.
Of the Revelstoke vote, the Mail stated: " Locally the contest was keen,
and resulted in disappointment for Mr. Mara's committee which had
confidently counted upon a much larger majority than 14. The number
of ' importations' was considerable, and will account for the majority."39
With the election over, the excitement caused thereby was soon overshadowed by interest in the Dominion Day celebration, for which $500
in prizes had been collected. Disappointment when the day arrived was
caused by the non-arrival of the Donald baseball players due to washouts
on the railway. At that time the Columbia River at Revelstoke was
within 16 inches of the historic 1894 high-water mark.40 Well-contested
tennis matches between upper and lower town, athletic sports, bicycle
and horse races, participated in by the residents, served to make an
enjoyable holiday. It may be of interest to note that the bicycle feature
was a new one for Revelstoke, and in these competitions the winners
(37) ibid.
(38) Ibid., June 6 and 13, 1896.
(39) Ibid., June 27, 1896.
(40) Ibid., July 4, 1896. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 13
included Miss Lyda Edwards, Miss Grace Hamilton, Eddie Edwards,
J. H. Lyons of Kamloops, and David Little.41
Considerable excitement was occasioned by the discovery of gold
quartz on Mount Revelstoke near the railway, which resulted in seventeen claims being staked and recorded within a few days in mid-July.42
J. E. Long also recorded as a placer claim the property on which his
brewery stood. The Kootenay Mail was represented in this flurry by
J. A. Smith, who had staked the Maureen Claim. Much activity in
mining furnished ample news for the Mail and dealt with the Big Bend,
Jordan Pass, Trout Lake, and Illecillewaet districts, of more local
interest, not to mention southern Kootenay sections. At Illecillewaet,
properties to an aggregate of $90,000 changed hands. Even the Mail
staff as a whole joined in the mining excitement when an asbestos strike
was being staked on Keystone Mountain, Big Bend.43 This was the
staking and recording by B. R. Atkins et al. of Crown Point Claim—the
et al. being J. A. Smith, the author, and F. W. Laing, each having a
quarter interest in the claim.
Of particular interest to residents of the town was the announcement
on August 1 that A. P. Cummins, C.E., was making a survey on behalf
of a local company for the installation of a water system from Brewery
Creek, the money already being subscribed.44 Before the close of the
month the Revelstoke Water, Light and Power Company held an organization meeting, when W. Cowan, W. M. Brown, and J. Abrahamson
were appointed provisional directors.45 By the middle of September,
work on the waterworks system was under way, with Charles Hoiten as
superintendent.46
On September 29 all Canadian Pacific Railway telegraph operators,
dispatchers, and agents over the entire system went on strike for official
recognition of their organization, better hours, and increased wages.47
The Mail joined in the controversy, setting forth both sides of the story.
By October 8 all the men were back at work after a victory.48 A notable
fact was that on the Pacific Division only one member of the Order of
(41) Ibid.
(42) Ibid., July 18, 1896.
(43) Ibid., September 5, 1896.
(44) Ibid., August 1, 1896.
(45) Ibid., September 5, 1896.
(46) Ibid., September 19, 1896.
(47) Ibid., October 3,1896.
(48) Ibid., October 10, 1896. 14 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
Railway Telegraphers remained at his key. The Revelstoke agent, I. T.
Brewster, had been in the East for some time, and Dan Stearman, who
was substituting, was among the strikers.
The formation and incorporation of The Orphan Boy Gold Mining
Company to handle a property known as The Orphan Boy Claim on
McCulloch Creek, with J. W. Haskins as vice-president and manager
and F. C. Whitney, a former steward on the river-boats, as secretary-
treasurer,49 was the beginning of somewhat of a scandal which for
months was the cause of news as company officials became involved in
litigation arising from shady transactions in the handling of the company's stock by the secretary and culminating in his departure to the
United States.50
During the early part of the winter of 1896-97 Mr. Smith went on
a visit to the East, and the proposition was made that during his absence
the author, who had been up to this time a wage-earner, should work
with Mr. Atkins on a 50-50 basis. Mr. Atkins not being a compositor,
the task of setting the paper and attending to the job-printing orders was
fairly heavy with the reduced staff.
On Monday, January 18, 1897, the first issue of the Revelstoke
Herald made its appearance and announced that future publications
would be on Wednesdays and Saturdays.51 Published by Arthur Johnson and R. Parm Pettipiece,52 who had respectively printed newspapers
at Edmonton and South Edmonton, but who had now joined forces, the
Herald was said to be a free and independent paper. In welcoming the
new contemporary, the Mail expressed the hope that the enterprise of
semi-weekly publication would be rewarded. Three weeks later G. E.
Grogan arrived from Edmonton to take over the position of editor of
the new paper.53 This venture followed rather closely a visit of Mr.
Pettipiece to Revelstoke and Rossland and gave rise to a suspicion that
(49) Ibid., October 3, 1896.
(50) Ibid., March 6, 1897.
(51J Revelstoke Herald, January 18, 1897.
(52) R. Parm Pettipiece was born in Huron County, Ontario, and came west
to the Prairies in the early 1890's. He founded the South Edmonton News in 1895,
and after starting the Herald at Revelstoke in 1900 founded the Lardeau Eagle at
Ferguson. The following year he came to Vancouver and began publishing a
labour paper. In Vancouver he took an active part in civic affairs, serving for
years on the Board of the Vancouver General Hospital. North Vancouver North
Shore Press, August 3, 1945.
(53) Revelstoke Herald, January 30, 1897. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 15
one or more local parties not politically in accord with the Mail had
influenced the intrusion. Be this as it may, it was but typical of a trend
throughout the Interior. Soon thereafter Rossland had two dailies and
a weekly; Nelson, the same; Grand Forks, two dailies; Greenwood,
a daily and a weekly; the same year the Inland Sentinel at Kamloops
found opposition in the coming of the Standard after having enjoyed
a monopoly for thirteen years. The cause of such duplication lay largely
in the fact that publishers had not learned that they could not tread on
the toes of their customers and expect them to like it. The semblance
of neutrality in the newspaper field was then unknown, even though but
little Government support was forthcoming to those friendly to the party
in power.54
During the winter months the Mail devoted considerable space to
separate write-ups of the various mining camps of the district, and these
were widely circulated. An indication of the extent of the mining
operations then going on in the Province is to be found in the announcement that the registration of 120 mining companies in three weeks
had brought the total capitalization to $600,000,000.55 As spring
approached, building operations were under way on many structures in
the town and, as a result, 1897 was the most prosperous year that Revelstoke ever enjoyed. Many new business houses were introduced and
existing ones were enlarged, but to enumerate them would require too
much detail.56 Incorporation of the town was being mooted, but a meeting held in Bourne's Hall late in February, 1897, voted against the
proposal.57
Toward the close of March Mr. Smith returned from Toronto, and
this involved a slight change in the set-up of the Mail office. It was then
agreed that the author should be placed on a one-third split instead of
the 50-50 basis prevailing during the winter.   To all intents and pur-
(54) About this time the Mail found it necessary to enter a protest under the
heading " This is Not Fair " against what was considered too liberal an interpretation of the provision regarding the publication of legal notices in The British
Columbia Gazette and a newspaper circulating in the district involved. Certificates
of improvement pertaining to mining properties in the vicinity of Revelstoke had
appeared in a Nelson newspaper.
(55) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, March 20, 1897.
(56) See Burt R. Campbell, " Revelstoke Was at One Time Divided into Two
Sections," Revelstoke Review, June 29, 1940, pp. 3-4. This was a special edition
commemorating the opening of the Big Bend Highway.
(57) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, February 27, 1897.
2 16 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
poses this meant becoming a silent partner, a plan that worked so
satisfactorily that it established my belief in the co-operative plan for
the operation of a small business. Under this plan my new duties
included that of soliciting business for the paper and collecting outstanding accounts. These were the days when every person could produce
a few dollars without the use of cheques—the first bank, the Imperial
Bank of Canada, had just opened a branch in Revelstoke58—and the
collection of an account was only a matter of finding the party owing.
Book-keeping was scarcely a necessity, and the custom was to make
collections, pay the accounts owing by the Mail, and divide the balance.
That the business of the paper had greatly increased during the year
covered by the third volume—April 25, 1896, to April 17, 1897—the
first year operated by Atkins and Smith, is shown by a comparison of
the inches of advertising carried. At the beginning of that year there
was 153 inches of display and 26 inches of legal advertising, and the
final issue contained 247 inches of display and 16 inches of legal advertising. This may be partially accounted for by the fact that a publication
operated by local business-men could scarcely be expected to encourage
outside advertisers, whereas by the end of the year a considerable
number of outside advertisers are to be noted.
A printer visitor that spring was John Mclntyre, of Calgary, who
later worked in Nelson. Early association with touring printers had
given me a most favourable impression of the International Typographical Union. Mr. Mclntyre provided the requisite name and address
of the western representative of that organization and, as a result, an
application was immediately filed and affiliation granted with the head
office at Indianapolis. This marked the commencement of a membership that has been continuous since that date. About the same time
another visiting printer came in from Calgary, whose name is now
forgotten. After imbibing a little Revelstoke " cheer-producer," he
became' playful and touched a match to the whiskers of Tom Cadman,
then having his pre-supper snooze in a chair at the Stockholm House.
The result was a visit to the office by the hotel proprietor, Albert Stone,
who indignantly wanted to know who the crazy printer was. It was
thought prudent that the visitor should leave town while the going was
good, so he departed.
(58) Ibid. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 17
In The Kootenay Mail of May 8, 1897, there appeared the following
item:—
To correct a false idea raised by a notice in the Revelstoke Herald on the 5th inst.
the publishers of the Kootenay Mail desire to state that the premises at present
occupied by them will not be available for rental on June 5, next, and that the
Kootenay Mail will neither suspend publication nor move at that date. Atkins &
Smith, publishers.59
This announcement was brought about through the landlord, Jules
Perrin, harbouring a grievance in the satisfaction of which he attempted
to render the Mail homeless at a time when new quarters would have
been difficult to get. To accomplish this, he sought to give the necessary
month's notice and then advertised the premises as being for rent on the
date named. Not being equal to the task of penning the aforesaid
notice, he asked the assistance of Fred W. Wrong, who was, by the way,
a friend of the Mail. Mr. Wrong wrote the notice in due legal phraseology, but purposely post-dated it so as not to take effect for some time.
The last day of tenancy, as Perrin thought, arrived, and he paced by the
office repeatedly in wonderment at the lack of action. Finally he could
stand the suspense no longer and came into the premises to investigate
and was then shown the post-dated notice. He was a good sport, for no
move was asked nor took place for some months.
During the period of this month's tenancy the newspaper operated
under somewhat unique conditions, for the premises were in semi-
quarantine. The apartment over the office formerly occupied by Perrin
was then used by James Lauder and his family. A diphtheria scare
arose, and one of the Lauder children eventually died from the disease.
Quarantine was set up from the corner of the building to cover the
entrance to this apartment, past the large window of the office, and
extended to, but did not include, the doorway. Once inside, practically
all the work was being performed under quarantine.
Having promised steamer service on the Columbia River above
Revelstoke, Captain T. J. Troup brought the steamer Illecillewaet to the
wharf at Revelstoke but reconsidered his promise and did not attempt
the trip.60 River-men volunteered to pull the boat through the bad spots
if necessary. However, commencing on June 1 a daily boat service was
inaugurated by the Canadian Pacific Railway between Arrowhead and
(59) Ibid., May 8, 1897.
(60) Ibid., May 15,1897. 18 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
Trail.61 This was the means of keeping all local hotels filled to capacity
in catering to the large traffic to and from the south and contributed
greatly to the general prosperity of the town.
One of the worst catastrophes on the Canadian Pacific Railway up
to that time occurred on Tuesday, June 15, when the eastern end of
a tunnel just west of Laurier collapsed during the operation of renewing
supporting bents. Bridge Foreman Alex. McGregor was in charge of
the work and had the previous day replaced one bent. While removing
a second bent on the day of the accident, it was thought unwise to continue the work inside until the overhead weight had been reduced. As
attempts were being made to move a rock, it slipped through the bents,
and the ceiling of the tunnel collapsed, burying six men, five of whom
were killed, the other being slightly injured. A correspondent of the
Mail visited the place and interviewed numerous witnesses, securing
facts of the case. When the inquest was held at Illecillewaet the next
day, J. D. Graham, Gold Commissioner, watched the proceedings on
behalf of the Crown and A. G. M. Spragge represented the railway
company. Following the depositions of the various witnesses, the jury
sat all night, giving its verdict Thursday morning, this being signed by
Walter Scott, foreman.   The verdict was set forth in three parts:—
(1) Ques.—What was the cause of death?
Answer.—Wounds and suffocation caused by collapse of approach to east
end of C.P.R. rock tunnel 2V4 miles east of Illecillewaet.
(2) Ques.—Was death due to accident?
Answer.—Yes!   Caused by defective timbers in said approach to tunnel.
(3) Ques.—Does any blame attach to anyone?
Answer.—Yes!   The Canadian Pacific Railway Company.62
With a view to making a scoop, covering the story in full, the Mail staff
worked late and early in preparation for the issuance of the paper, which
found a ready sale. Before it appeared, however, the publishers had
a visit from Superintendent E. J. Duchesnay and Solicitor A. G. M.
Spragge who, sensing what was going on, without threat advised that
the evidence be verified before publication. The callers were shown
a proof of the story and assured every possible precaution had been
taken to make a trustworthy report. That the story as printed was well
founded is borne out by the fact that the railway company never in the
slightest way intimidated, coerced, or punished the Mail for its audacity
and the officials were ever friendly to the editor.    For a long time there-
(61) Ibid., June 5, 1897.
(62) Ibid., June 19, 1897. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 19
after, however, the Mail kept pointing out that due attention had not
been given the matter by the Government and urged J. M. Kellie, M.L.A.,
to bring the matter to the consideration of the Attorney-General on the
floor of the House. No action on the part of the Government was ever
taken.
Property-holders in the lower town—Farwell townsite—and surrounding area had been seeking titles which were long overdue. Finally
in desperation they signed a " round robin " whereby they jointly refused
to pay taxes until the titles were forthcoming.63 Whether or not this had
any effect, the fact remains that the announcement was made within
a few days (June 12th) that the title dispute had been settled.64 The
Mail also brought good news to the residents of the community by the
announcement on June 19 that the Revelstoke Water Works, Electric
Light arid Power Company had agreed to extend the water system to all
parts of the town and to build a new reservoir 600 feet farther up the
stream. It was also decided to install an electric-lighting plant.65 More
stock was to be offered to shareholders. A few days later the company
paid a dividend of 13 per cent on the first six months of operation.
Celebrations on the occasion of the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria's
accession and on the 12th of July once more drew attention to the need
for a recreation ground, a matter stressed by the paper editorially.66
However, one of the most eventful days was August 5, for the steamer
Lytton left for the Big Bend with 20 tons of hydraulic piping for the
French Creek Mining Company, for which the manager, George J.
Atkins, had made arrangements.67 This proved a difficult trip, but leaving again on the 28th the steamer made three round trips to LaPorte in
five and one-half days.
Late in November, 1897, the paper carried the following item: " The
Mail wishes all its patrons to note that its office is now . . . the
ground floor of the Central Hotel."68 This was the room designed by
Abrahamson Bros, for use as a commercial sample-room.
Much consternation arose in mid-December, and it was largely
shared by the Mail, when it was made known that J. D. Sibbald had
been named as Gold Commissioner to preside at the recently opened new
(63) Ibid., June 5, 1897.
(64) Ibid., June 12, 1897.
(65) Ibid., June 19, 1897.
(66) Ibid., July 17, 1897.
(67) Ibid., August 7, 1897.
(68) Ibid., November 27, 1897. 20 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
Court-house in place of J. D. Graham, who had resigned to become
manager of Waverley Mines Ltd. at Albert Canyon.69 This was the first
of several political appointments to that position ignoring the rights of
Civil Servants. It also led to the desertion of the Government by the
local member, J. M. Kellie, who stated that he would no longer support
the Premier, Honourable J. H. Turner, when he would not consult the
members of his Government in such appointments.70 At a meeting of
300 persons Kellie explained his stand to his constituents, and a resolution was passed with only six dissenting votes asking that he retain the
seat at the next session, thus avoiding the expense of a by-election. Two
weeks later the Mail recorded:—
J. M. Kellie, M.P.P., got back Saturday last from his trip through the constituency.
His stand against the government was everywhere endorsed, and the Herald and its
peanut gang are the only persons who requested him to resign his seat. What a
call-down for the peanut gang!71
The local Turner party, which had been dubbed the " peanut gang "
or the " peanutters," came in for occasional shots. By the commencement of 1898, Provincial politics were warming up, and the Mail, which
in November had drawn attention to the fact that " The Herald Somersaults Once More—Under a Party Cry It Will Support the Turner
Government,"72 again had occasion to make reference to the Herald,
pointing out that " Our lightning change contemporary has again somersaulted."73 Other sallies aimed at the Herald from time to time asked as
to how its tail was, giving the impression it had been caught in a crack.
Another favourite reference was to the Herald's smoke-screen. With
Mr. Kellie declaring his opposition to the Government,74 the appearance
of a report in the Slocan City News of March 5, 1898, of an interview
with William White, Q.C., who had some months earlier taken up residence in Revelstoke, in the course of which he indicated that the return
of the Turner Government was not only assured, but that he anticipated
no difficulty in unseating Mr. Kellie, caused unusual interest. Later
Mr. White repudiated the statement credited to him,75 but nevertheless
it later transpired that he was in the field.
(69) Ibid., December 18, 1897.
(70) Ibid.
(71) Ibid., January 8, 1898.
(72) Ibid., November 27, 1897.
(73) Ibid., January 8, 1898.
(74) Ibid., February 26, 1898.
(75) Ibid., March 12, 1898. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 21
Editorially and otherwise the question of the responsibility for river-
bank protection as between the Federal and Provincial Governments and
the grants for such work made an ever-popular topic for the Mail.16
The city received its first electric lights when the service was instituted
on February 26, 1898.77   Street-lights followed within a few weeks.
The Kootenay Mail of April 9, 1898, carried the following notice:—
DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP
Notice is hereby given that the partnership heretofore existing between B. R.
Atkins and J. A. Smith, under the firm name of Atkins & Smith, as publishers of
the Kootenay Mail newspaper, was dissolved March 31, 1898.
Signed   B. R. ATKINS.
J. A. SMITH.
The said business will be continued by B. R. Atkins and B. R. Campbell, as
Atkins & Campbell, to whom all accounts of the old firm are payable and by whom
all debts of the firm will be paid.
Signed   B. R. ATKINS.
B. R. CAMPBELL.78
The agreement of sale which brought this about was dated March 31 and
conveyed the interests of J. A. Smith to B. R. Atkins, which condition
really held good for thirteen months thereafter due to the fact that the
new partner (B. R. Campbell) was not of age and could not be a party
to a legal document. This was an instance of a " gentleman's agreement " to the full. At this time there happened along one of the best
printers ever in the upper country—A. C. Thompson—and he became
an employee of the paper for a considerable time.
The smelter townsite had been boosted for some months, and the
Mail acquired a lot at the intersection of Second Street and Government
Road, on which Mr. Atkins had a building erected, which the partnership rented. Moving from the Central Hotel site on April 20, the paper
thus became a party in the trend of business eastward. Second Street
was then cleared but not graded. Volume 5, No. 1, of The Kootenay
Mail thus was issued from its new home. By way of comparison with
the two previous years, there were 227 inches of display and 32 inches
of legal advertising being run at the close of Volume 4.
It should be noted that the hotels of those early days were among the
most faithful advertisers.   The merchants, too, were consistent in their
(76) Ibid., February 26, 1898.
(77) Ibid.
(78) Ibid., April 9, 1898. 22 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
support and, for the greater part, contented themselves with standing
advertisements stating their lines. Where they varied from this, it was
only by checking up that they could be kept from advertising snow-shoes
in mid-summer and other unseasonable articles in winter. As for commercial printing, hotel letter-heads bulked large, the great quantity
required partially arising from the travelling public taking more than
they needed for immediate use. Loose-leaf systems were not in vogue,
and merchants issued itemized written accounts on sheets of four varying
sizes to meet the requirements of the bill.
Settled in the new home, the Mail modernized itself somewhat by
purchasing a faster and steam-equipped newspaper-press. This press,
known as a Prouty, was good for about 800 two-page prints per hour,
as against the former machine's 250. The engine and boiler resembled
a large box stove with a small power device on the top. To the writer
the new equipment was an old friend, having been bought from The
Inland Sentinel. Misfortune overcame the boiler the following winter
when frost burst the tubing and ended its career. From then on the
press had to be operated by hand, as had been the case at Kamloops.
In those days at the Sentinel it was propelled by a Chinaman known as
" Jim Jam," a name given him after he had helped himself to preserves
belonging to a woman living next door to the office. Jim, though
perspiring freely, was good for an hour's run and " cussed " if he had
to stop. If sick for a day he sent two men to substitute, and they could
not do the job without a break. At the Mail the staff furnished the
man-power, and it proved good exercise for the editor.
The Provincial election participated in by the Turner and Semlin
factions, represented by W. White, Q.C., and J. M. Kellie as respective
candidates, was preceded by some interesting meetings in which Cabinet
Ministers participated. July 11 was the election-day, and when the
smoke had cleared away, Mr. Kellie was declared to be again the
representative of Revelstoke riding of West Kootenay, his majority
being 76.79
One of the highlights of The Kootenay Mail's career was the preferring of a charge of libel against its editor by J. D. Sibbald, whose duties
as Government Agent placed him in charge of road-construction.
Formerly the Big Bend Road went by way of the east end of the
Canadian Pacific Railway's bridge across the Columbia River.   A new
(79) Ibid., July 16,1898. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 23
road was under construction east of the cemetery and by the route now
used by the Big Bend Highway. This work was carried out just prior
to the election, which in itself was a cause for comment. Political
factions opposed to the Turner Government that had appointed Sibbald
declared that the cost of this work was excessive for the amount of road
constructed. In this the Mail concurred80 and, when the Semlin
Administration was elected, asked that a survey of the construction and
cost of the road be made. A. P. Cummins, C.E., was appointed for the
work, and his report showed an expenditure out of all proportion to the
mileage and form of construction. The Mail asked bluntly " Where did
the money go? "—the somewhat general impression being that it went
for electioneering or campaign purposes.81
Sibbald inferred that this reflected on his administration and handling
of public moneys and had a warrant issued for the appearance of the
editor.82 Alex. McRae, then Provincial Police officer in Revelstoke,
was handed the document for service. Mr. Atkins, looking from the
Mail's corner window, saw McRae crossing the open spaces where the
high school now stands swinging the blue paper and, guessing what it
meant, suddenly discovered that he had business elsewhere and departed
by the back door. The constable, unable to serve the warrant, returned
and suggested to Magistrate T. L. Haig that he be given a bench warrant.
To this Sibbald demurred, and the request was refused probably because
it would have given costs to the defendant if the case failed. Later the
original paper was served, and the author was also summoned as a
witness. The case was heard at the Court-house, the plaintiff being
represented by W. White, Q.C., and the defendant by the newly arrived
lawyer James Murphy, B.A., a brother of Denis Murphy, then practis-"
ing at Ashcroft. In opening, Mr. Murphy took exception to the
presiding Justice of the Peace, C. F. Lindmark, sitting on the case.
Lindmark, a member of the so-called " peanut gang," was said to have
expressed opinions favouring Sibbald. The defence, incidentally, had
seen that two other Justices of the Peace were present in Court, but a
fair hearing being promised, the trial proceeded.
After publication of the article was admitted, the author was
excused. The prosecution then sought to prove the reflection charged,
and a somewhat surprising incident occurred when the editor of the
(80) Ibid., August 20, 1898.
(81) Ibid., February 18, 1899.
(82) Ibid., February 25, 1899. 24 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
Herald, G. E. Grogan, testified that he had interpreted the story as had
the plaintiff—that the money went into Sibbald's pocket. In summing
up, the presiding Magistrate decided that the charge had not been
proven and dismissal followed.83 A sequel to the above followed soon
after when, with a change of the Government in power, H. N. Coursier
replaced Sibbald as Gold Commissioner.84
Following the election in July, 1898, a government was formed by
the Honorable C. A. Semlin, and the following March he reorganized
his Cabinet, the Premier also taking the portfolio of Provincial Secretary.
About this time Premier Semlin invited Mr. Atkins to become his
private secretary, and the offer was accepted. This necessitated Mr.
Atkins' removal to Victoria and new plans being made for the Mail.
It was agreed that the author should purchase Mr. Atkins' half interest,
and the terms were arranged, the dissolution dating from March 31,
1899. However, because of the minority of the new owner the
document transferring the business, as drawn up by Langley & Martin,
Victoria attorneys, bore date April 29, 1899, the day following the
owner's twenty-first birthday. The signatures were witnessed by G. S.
McCarter.
British Columbia was in those days pretty much a young man's
country in almost every respect. While this particular instance was
probably somewhat extreme, publishers of small newspapers throughout
the land were, for the most part, quite youthful. How this prevalence
of young men appeared to easterners is illustrated by a personal experience. During the summer of 1899 two gentlemen called at the Mail's
office, the spokesman being a Member of Parliament well up in years
who had come from Moncton, N.B., and had timber interests in the
Big Bend country. He asked for the editor, and when told that he
was speaking to him, looked amazed, and when he had recovered from
the shock, turned to his companion exclaiming " That's the West for
you! " As might be expected of a youthful editor and publisher,
editorials were not a strong point in the newspaper; in fact, the
expression credited to George Norris, founder and for long publisher
of the Nanaimo Free Press, found sympathetic support. It was said
that when Norris was interrogated as to the few editorials appearing in
his paper, he curtly replied, " Who gives a damn what the editor says? "
However, this editorial deficiency was probably more than compensated
(83) Ibid., March 4, 1899.
(84) Ibid., Februarys 1899. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 25
by a fair " nose for news " of a local nature. Mr. Grogan of the
Herald, on the other hand, preferred to sit back and suck his pipe and
rewrite the locals from the Mail for his newspaper. On one occasion
personal zeal nearly proved disastrous for both papers, for the Mail
prematurely announced a birth and the Herald copied it. Whether
the sex of the child was correctly forecast is not now recalled.
Following the incorporation of the City of Revelstoke on March 1,
1899,85 the early summer found the civic fathers getting into their stride,
and municipal printing and advertising became a consideration. At
one Council session the question of the printing of by-laws and advertising came up for discussion and, as a result, both the Herald and the
Mail were asked for tenders. Arthur Johnson, of the Herald, and the
author were present at that meeting, and on the way home it was agreed
that identical tenders would be submitted and the work divided between
the two newspapers, and this arrangement held. Later the suggestion
was made in the City Council that the printing of debentures should
be done outside the city, but a protest was entered and again tenders
were called. This time, since the Herald could not undertake the
work, it was decided that the Mail should submit an estimate and
the Herald would raise its price; in this way the Mail got the debenture-
printing contract, thus keeping it in the city for a considerable number
of years. On the other municipal printing and advertising, the City
Clerk, C. E. Shaw, tried to arrange an equitable distribution of the
work. Actually the bulk of the advertising went to the Herald and
the greater share of the printing to the Mail since it was able to produce
better work.
Although Revelstoke's population was greatly augmented by the
arrival of the residents of the town of Donald late in 1898,86 the year
1899 was not as good from a business standpoint as had been the three
immediately preceding years. This was due largely to a falling-off
in the traffic up the lakes and river as a result of the opening of the
Crowsnest Pass branch of the Canadian Pacific Railway. In addition,
those who had moved from Donald were obliged to rebuild their
homes in Revelstoke and found this a heavy drain on their finances.
In an effort to counteract the loss in advertising revenue the Mail
(85) Ibid., March 4, 1899. The Proclamation establishing the city called for
civic nominations by March 15 and the elections, if any, by March 22. Fred.
Fraser, J.P., was appointed Chief Returning Officer.
(86) 76M.,'October 29, 1898. 26 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
became a five-column semi-weekly publication instead of the former
six-column weekly.87 This proved to be a mistake, resulting in a poorer
paper and not having the desired financial results. Up to this time
there had not been many changes in the Mail's small staff, but that
summer Mr. Thompson represented the Revelstoke Lodge of the
I.O.O.F. as supervisor in the construction of the new brick-veneer
lodge building on Second Street and Government Road. As his substitute with the Mail came Fred. S. Kettleson, of Calgary, who had for
a time previously served on the staff of the Herald. An addition also
was Marvin Archibald, of Vernon, a half-brother of the author, who
came as an apprentice and remained a year, then returning to Vernon
to join the staff of the Vernon News.
To digress a little but having some bearing on the story, it may be
related that in February, 1897, Court Mt. Begbie, No. 3461, Independent Order of Foresters, was instituted at Revelstoke, and both the
author and Mr. Atkins became charter members and officers. A High
Court for British Columbia was later set up, and Mr. Atkins became
High Vice-Chief Ranger. In the fall of 1899 the High Court executive
decided to appoint a Deputy High Chief Ranger and organizer to do
occasional work throughout the Province. On Mr. Atkins' recommendation the author accepted appointment to this position. This led
to occasional absences from Revelstoke, with consequent neglect of
business. This new appointment provided an opportunity for meeting
people and making new friends, and eventually had a bearing on the
decision to dispose of the Mail, but shortly after the sale of the business
the High Court office was itself dispensed with.
One of the first of the trips arising from this appointment was to
Golden. A. C. Thompson was back on the job with the Mail and was
left in charge, Kettleson having departed. A stranger, Mike Hickey,
arrived in town and was engaged by the Mail. Some days later
Thompson returned from dinner, became delirious and proceeded to
fire Hickey bodily, but the latter proved too much for him. Thompson
was at the time wearing a red pullover sweater, and the proceedings
were likened by Arthur Johnson, who happened to be passing by, to
a railway switchman's lantern signal as Hickey threw his assailant
over his head and off the back steps. In the meantime the frightened
apprentice sought a policeman and was fortunate in meeting Chief
(87) Ibid., February 6, 1900. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 27
Thomas Bain. When he arrived, Thompson threatened to throw the
portable typewriter at him. However, the Chief was strong on reasoning and suggested that they should go the first round without weapons
and that if Thompson lost he should have the privilege of using the
typewriter in the second. This was agreed to, but the Chief was the
better man and, of course, there was no second round. This incident
seemed too amusing to be passed over, but in fairness to Thompson
it should be said that he was soon on the job. Needless to say, Hickey
sought new employment. Soon thereafter David M. Rae, formerly
of Golden, was brought from Nelson and became a resident of Revelstoke for several years, serving first with the Mail and later with the
Herald and the Mail-Herald.
Nearly a year had elapsed since the departure of Mr. Atkins, but
it would be unfair to drop interest in him while he held a government
position, which in those days of short-lived administrations was so
uncertain. His experience in office proved no exception to the rule.
February 27, 1900, saw the defeat of the Semlin Government in a
want-of-confidence vote, and the Lieutenant-Governor, T. R. McInnes,
called upon the Honourable Joseph Martin to form a government. On
assuming office " Fighting Joe" hardly waited to take off his hat
before declaring a vacancy in the position of private secretary to the
Premier. This meant that the former editor returned to Revelstoke
to seek new activities. Soon thereafter, through the auspices of
Hewitt Bostock, he became Customs Officer at Revelstoke, a position
held with satisfaction to the public generally until his retirement on
superannuation.
Principal interest for newspaper-men during 1900 centred around
two elections—a Provincial contest early in June and a Federal one
in December. The former, so far as the Revelstoke riding was concerned, was a rather unusual one, with two popular men in the field,
for either of whom, apart from party leanings, most voters would have
been pleased to cast a vote.    These were Thomas Taylor,88 later
(88) Thomas Taylor was born on February 4, 1865, in London Township,
Ontario. He trained as a lawyer and in 1885 came west to Winnipeg. In 1888
he came to British Columbia in the service of the Canadian Pacific Railway. In
1889 he was at Donald in connection with the mechanical and stores department of
the railway company. After leaving the service of that company in 1894 he took
over the management of the C. B. Hume Company in Revelstoke and subsequently
directed their Trout Lake branch.   At the time of his leaving this firm in 1903 he 28 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
Minister of Public Works, and Alexander (Sandy) McRae, who became
the first postmaster when Revelstoke central post-office replaced the
former upper- and lower-town services. As a result, this contest was
more or less lukewarm, but on election-day, June 9, Taylor won a
decisive victory—517 votes to 367 for McRae.89 In the early stages
of this campaign the Honourable Joseph Martin sent to the Mail for
publication a copy of his long-winded platform accompanied by a $10
bill. This amount would in all probability not have covered the cost
of placing the essay in type, so, consequently, it was returned and
regular advertising rates quoted.   With this the transaction ended.
The Federal election, a deferred contest in the Yale-Cariboo-
Kootenay constituency, was held on December 6, 1900. It was keenly
contested with three candidates in the field, and as a coincidence all
were South Kootenay men—W. A. Galliher,90 barrister of Nelson,
running as a Liberal; Chris. Foley, miner of Rossland, running as a
Labour candidate; and John McKane, a mine-owner from Rossland,
upholding the Conservative Party. The latter replaced A. H. McNeill,
who had been the candidate in the earlier stages of the campaign.
The candidates emerged after a strenuous fight as follows: Galliher,
3,112; Foley, 2,652; McKane, 2,583. While Galliher's majority
over either of the others was quite decisive, the Liberals were overjoyed,
as it was claimed that Foley had previously been rated as of their faith,
and his ranking second was considered a further victory for them.
One of the most vivid recollections of this election campaign had
to do with the Foley meeting in Revelstoke.    This was the first time
was a partner, although he continued to retain a financial interest in it. From
1894 until 1898 he was Mining Recorder and also postmaster at Trout Lake. First
elected to the Legislature in 1900, he retained his seat until the defeat of the Bowser
Government in November, 1916, and since 1908 had been in the Cabinet. He
died in Vancouver, April 26, 1947. E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British
Columbia, Vancouver, 1914, vol. iii, pp. 1144-47; Vancouver Daily Province,
April 28, 1947.
(89) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, June 12, 1900.
(90) William Alfred Galliher was born in July, 1860, in Bruce County, Ontario.
He served with Lord Wolseley's Nile contingent for the relief of General Gordon.
In 1887 he was called to the Bar in Manitoba and ten years later to the Bar in
British Columbia. First elected to the Federal House in 1900, he retained his seat
in the election in 1904 and in 1909 was appointed to the Appeal Court of British
Columbia, when it was created, from which he resigned in July, 1933, because of
ill-health. He died in Vancouver on November 23, 1934. Victoria Colonist,
November 24, 1934. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 29
the candidate had addressed a Revelstoke audience, and he proved to
be a whirlwind orator. As the hour of the meeting approached, the
author took a place at a table behind the scenes on a wing of Tapping's
Opera House. Not having mastered the art of shorthand, it was
necessary to be content with a few notes and trust to memory for the
remainder. It soon became apparent what a rapid talker Foley was,
a fact of which he was well aware, and the big affable man from time
to time kept casting a look at the reporter, as much as to say " How
are you coming? " It was a trying ordeal, not made any easier by
the natural weariness resulting from long hours spent in performing
the multifarious duties involved in preparing a fair report of all
meetings.91 During the campaign a meeting booked in the Galliher
interests had to be called off owing to an extreme cold spell, when it
was considered impossible to heat the Opera House. The speaker
for that event was Frank Oliver, of Edmonton, who had himself been
returned by a large majority to the House of Commons a few days
previously. A printer of the old school, he spent most of the day
around the Mail office.
In so far as the Mail was concerned, not much by way of change
took place during that year. During the midsummer a prospective
purchaser in the person of J. A. Bates, school-teacher at Golden with
journalistic ambitions, came forward, but the negotiations were not
brought to completion. Later, however, he satisfied his ambition and
had newspapers at Mission and White Rock. January, 1901, brought
forward a new prospective purchaser and by coincidence also a Golden
man. This was E. A. Haggen,92 a mining engineer who at a previous
time had edited the Golden Era. The agreement of sale was drawn
and executed at Golden on January 12, 1901,93 the signatures to this
document being witnessed by Thomas King, present M.L.A. for that
riding. A concluding paragraph of the agreement provided for the
continuation of the author as printer in charge of the composing-room.
The new owner assumed control at once and took up residence in
(91) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, November 8, 1900.
(92) Edward Alexander Haggen was born and educated in New Zealand,
coming to British Columbia in 1897, continuing his profession of mining engineer.
For a time he was editor of the Mining and Industrial Record and also served as
one of the founders of the British Columbia Chamber of Mines. At the time of his
death on April 22, 1929, he was in his seventieth year. Vancouver Sun, April 24,
1929.
(93) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, January 17, 1901. 30 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
Revelstoke. Publication of the Mail continued for the time being at
the old stand, but late in the spring a move was made to the original
furniture store of R. Howson & Company on Mackenzie Avenue. The
new editor, who was a fluent writer and a professional mining engineer,
proved to be a great space-filler with strong leanings toward reporting
mining activity. So pronounced was this that it was difficult at times
to accommodate the type set, even with the return to a six-column
paper.
One of the highlights of that summer was the strike of Canadian
Pacific Railway maintenance-of-way men which lasted a considerable
time and was a topic of great interest, the Mail lending what support
it could to the men involved.94 Early in the proceedings, as extra
gangs laid down their tools, the railway company decided it was wise
to concentrate them in one place, so boarding-cars were run into
Revelstoke, somewhat swelling the population temporarily. While
Revelstoke continued to grow slowly, there was not sufficient business
to support two newspapers. With the approach of fall it became
evident that a cut in the staff would have to be made and, as a result,
the author retired in favour of D. M. Rae, who was a married man
with a child, and as his assistant Norman Hillier was taken on as an
apprentice.
From that time the writer's association with The Kootenay Mail
was broken for nearly a year and a half. At first a new line of
endeavour was undertaken with the establishment of the Revelstoke
Collection Agency, with which was combined the district agency for a
then little-known life insurance company. An office for this purpose
had just been furnished, next door to the Mail, when an offer was
made by A. C. Thompson, who had left the Mail early in 1900, to
succeed him in charge of the composing-room of the Ladysmith
Leader. Thompson at the time went to Nanaimo to join the staff of
the Nanaimo Herald. Early in December work was commenced at
Ladysmith, but early in March the staff of the Leader was reduced and
again new employment had to be found. After a short return visit
to Revelstoke a position opened up as pressman on the staff of the
Inland Sentinel, Kamloops, and it was not until February, 1903, that
association with The Kootenay Mail was resumed on invitation of
Mr. Haggen.
(94) Ibid., June 21 and July 5 and 12, 1901. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 31
During this interval the Mail found a new home in the original
Tapping's Theatre building; D. M. Rae transferred to the Herald, and
his place was taken by M. M. (Tom) Collinge. Mr. Haggen was trying
to solve the problem of frenzied finance, at which he was a past master.
One of his policies was to draw up statements of accounts due for
advertisers, including such well-known firms as P. Burns & Company.
This was something which no other person would have thought of
attempting, let alone carrying it out; however, these methods served
to keep the banker in good humour. The Kootenay Mail Publishing
Company Limited was incorporated under date September 6, 1902,
and the sale of stock was commenced. Shares Nos. 1 to 28 were
turned over to the writer in lieu of the balance due on the original sale.
Several other local business people also became shareholders in small
amounts.
Mr. Haggen had views quite favourable to labour organizations,
and this, combined with the fact that Revelstoke railway unions were
then very active, led to his asking that the Mail employees be brought
under the jurisdiction of the Rossland Typographical Union. Thus
when the invitation came in 1903 to rejoin the Mail, the $4 per
week differential between Rossland and New Westminster scales was
a deciding factor, for Kamloops newspapers operated under the latter
scale.   The staff at that time included only Collinge and the author.
As summer approached, there was a fresh impetus in mining
operations north and south. As a result, the editor was frequently away
from his desk. Mr. Haggen was a man of few words, and often the first
intimation that he was gone on one of his periodic jaunts through the
mining country would be a brief note " Gone to Big Bend, back in ten
days." Although these periods were usually doubled or trebled, he
was a most trusting employer, for no copy was left for the paper and
it was up to the staff to become responsible for its preparation.
The Provincial election of 1903 was an historic event inasmuch as
it saw the introduction of party lines as now known. Under the system
of government and opposition formerly prevailing, the factions so far
as Revelstoke was concerned were pretty closely drawn on " Grit " and
" Tory " lines. It was perhaps unfortunate therefore that the first real
contest had a Socialist candidate interjected into it. Throughout the
Province as a whole the Conservatives under the leadership of the
native-born Premier, Richard McBride, emerged with a bare majority.
In Revelstoke there was an interesting contest, which resulted as follows: 32 Burt R. Campbell Jan.-Apr.
Thomas Taylor, Conservative, 342; J. M. Kellie, Liberal, 316; J. W.
Bennett, Socialist, 186.95
With the approach of winter a wave of prosperity struck the
Kootenay Mail Publishing Company Limited, due partially to the sale
or anticipated sale of stock. A larger press, a four-page Wharfedale,96
was bought from the Vancouver News-Advertiser; a 6-horsepower
upright boiler was installed; and extra type purchased. This was in
early December, and before the installation was completed work was
undertaken to produce what was supposed to be a sixteen-page Christmas supplement resplendent with photo reproductions. To assist in
this work, Miss Edith Pettipiece, later Mrs. J. J. Manley, an experienced
type-setter, was brought onto the staff. Unfortunately, just at this
time " Tom" Collinge went on a " periodical" and was dismissed,
and the author declined to assume charge of the plant until a salary
adjustment was made. Much difficulty was found in getting the
Wharfedale press into service, which also contributed to the difficulty
of producing the special issue. In addition, Mr. Haggen kept bringing
in more advertisements, cuts, and manuscripts until, if memory serves
correctly, the completed number ran to forty-eight pages. With all
hand composition and a large issue involving many runs of presswork,
the production of this edition became a matter of endurance. Christmas
passed and still no supplement. The column-width to be used was
magazine rather than double-column newspaper, but finally in desperation the last section was at least partially made up of advertisements
lifted from the regular paper. It was New Year's Eve when the
much-looked-for Christmas special edition was ready for delivery and
a most trying period was ended.
About that time, too, George Keating, one of the most radical
Socialists of the day, was added to the staff and remained for a couple of
months. During the next two or three months more equipment was
introduced into the plant, including a folding-machine, a large power-
cutter, and a larger job-press. Mr. Haggen had a dream that he might
monopolize the counter-slip business of the country, and with this in
mind he purchased a self-feeder for the job-press, which was never put
into use. Keating was replaced by Thomas Hart, an Englishman, and
there was a succession of apprentices—" Bobby " Smith, Earl Pettipiece,
(95) Ibid., October 10, 1903.
(96) This press in 1921 went to the Kelowna Courier; its predecessor, the
Prouty, to Lethbridge. 1951 The Kootenay Mail 33
and Albert Robbins. That winter had seen the introduction of a bookkeeper and office-helper, H. W. Pritchard, who left in the early spring
and was succeeded by Miss Mae Corley, later Mrs. C. R. Macdonald.
During the winter further sales of stock were undertaken, and for
this purpose Mr. Haggen spent several weeks in the Okanagan Valley
going from town to town. He met with considerable success, for it
later developed that he had promised the establishment of a second
newspaper in Vernon, something that appealed to the Liberals there
and doubtless facilitated greatly his sale of stock. Summer came but
no paper appeared in the Okanagan, although a press had been ordered
from the Vancouver agency of the American Type Foundry and was
delivered to the Canadian Pacific Railway's freight-sheds at Vernon.
A deputation of two prominent business-men from the valley was sent
to Revelstoke later that summer to make inquiries as to when the
newspaper might be expected to commence publication, but they
returned home quite subdued after having been informed by George
S. McCarter, on behalf of Mr. Haggen, that they had bought stock
in The Kootenay Mail Pubhshing Company Limited and not in an
Okanagan newspaper.
In September, 1904, the writer's connection with The Kootenay
Mail terminated, although there remained to the end of its existence a
kindly interest in its welfare. " Tom " Collinge returned to Revelstoke
and became the replacement on the Mail. That fall witnessed another
Federal election, with the Kootenay riding for the first time being
separated from Yale-Cariboo. Because of the size of both of these
constituencies and the slowness in handling of the ballot-boxes, deferred
elections were held on November 22, the regular election-day throughout the country being November 3. Three candidates were in the
field—the sitting member, W. A. Galliher, C. Macintosh, and F. Baker.
Galliher won with a good majority, as did Duncan Ross in Yale-Cariboo,
thus creating what was known as the " solid seven " Liberal representatives of British Columbia in the Federal House.97
Amalgamation of The Kootenay Mail and the Herald was first
talked of early in 1904, but the terms then suggested by Mr. Haggen
could not be given serious consideration, as he proposed that he should
continue as managing editor and that the author should be placed in
charge of the plant.   This meant that Arthur Johnson, then proprietor
(97) Ibid., November 26, 1904. 34 Burt R. Campbell
of the Herald (R. Parm Pettipiece having long since disposed of his
interest), would have been reduced to the status of a workman in a
business, one branch of which he had built up. However, new proposals
were submitted toward the end of 1905 that were acceptable and, as
a result, the Mail-Herald became a reality with the appearance of its
first issue on January 6, 1906.98 The editorial that appeared in the
final issue of The Kootenay Mail on December 30, 1905, wrote finis
to the career of one of the publications which served the town and city
of Revelstoke throughout the principal years of its development.
The first issue of the Mail-Herald, resulting from the amalgamation of the Mail
and Herald offices, will be out on Saturday, January 6th, and thereafter the paper
will be published twice a week, on Wednesday and Saturday afternoons. Arrangements are being made to secure the latest telegrams up to the hour of going to
press. The former Herald office will be closed, and the business will be carried on
meantime in the building which has been occupied by the Mail, until arrangements
are made for the.erection of a new building suitable to the requirements of the
amalgamated companies."
Burt R. Campbell.
Kamloops, B.C.
(98) Revelstoke The Mail-Herald, January 6, 1906. In making its bow, this
newspaper pledged itself to political independence. It stated that the reasons for
the amalgamation were economic—Revelstoke was not large enough to warrant
the continuance of two newspapers.
(99) Revelstoke The Kootenay Mail, December 30, 1905. HOW BRITISH COLUMBIA NEARLY BECAME
A COLONY OF AUSTRALIA
On March 11, 1950, the centenary of the founding of the colony of
Vancouver Island, the first British colony on the western side of America,
was celebrated. Richard Blanshard, the first Governor, reached his post
by a voyage from England by way of the Isthmus of Panama.1 Sixty
years almost to a day before Blanshard's arrival, the British Government
had issued instructions for the founding of a colony on the coast of what
is now British Columbia as a dependency of New South Wales, Australia.
The first Governor was to have been an officer of the New South Wales
Corps. Had these orders been carried out the boundary between
Australia and Canada might now be at the continental divide, or perhaps
even farther east. The whole history of the Pacific Coast of North
America might have been very different.
Idea of finking activity on the Northwest Coast of America with
action in the Southwest Pacific goes back more than two centuries before
the day when Governor Arthur Phillip2 of New South Wales was instructed to found a " Botany Bay " colony at or near Nootka Sound.
A definite English project for combining exploration and settlement in
the Australasian region with a search for the western end of the Northwest Passage, supposed to reach the Pacific not far to the north of
California, was put forward in the earlier years of Queen Elizabeth's
reign. In 1572 Henry Hawks returned to England from Mexico, where
he had lived from 1567 to 1571. He brought news of Mendana's discovery of the Solomon Islands in 1567-1568 and of a voyage from the
west coast of Mexico to seek the western end of the Strait of Anian,3
the supposed North-west Passage leading from the Atlantic to the Pacific
somewhere near Puget Sound.   When Mendana found the Solomons, he
(1) See W. E. Ireland, "The Appointment of Richard Blanshard," British
Columbia Historical Quarterly, VIII (1944), pp. 213-226; W. Kaye Lamb, "The
Governorship of Richard Blanshard," ibid., XIV (1950), pp. 1-40.
(2) For his account of his Australian experiences see The Voyage of Governor
Phillip to Botany Bay; with an account of the Establishment of the Colonies of
Port Jackson and Norfolk Island   .   .   .   , London, 1790, passim.
(3) See T. A. Rickard, "The Strait of Anian," British Columbia Historical
Quarterly, V (1941), p. 161 ff.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 and 2.
35 36 Thomas Dunbabin Jan.-Apr.
had been seeking the Terra Australis, the continent presumed to exist in
the Southwest Pacific. Such a continent, answering roughly to Australia,
had appeared on the world map which John Ross, or Jean Rotz, had
given to Henry VIII in 1542 and on other maps of the Dieppe School.
These two themes, the continent in the Southwest Pacific and the
Strait of Anian, are linked in the petition which Sir Richard Grenville
(later of the Revenge) presented to Queen Elizabeth on March 22, 1574.
This sets out that the fourth part " of the new found world . . . is by
God's providence left for England "4 and adopts the belief mentioned by
Hawks that the west end of the Strait of Anian " lieth not far from the
main land of China, which the Spaniards account to be marvellous rich."5
In response to the petition, a draft patent was drawn up for the enterprise proposed by Grenville and his associates. This sets out the twofold
purpose of the undertaking—the discovery and occupation of new lands
in the South Seas and the search for the western end of the Strait of
Anian.6
Grenville never sailed to the Pacific to seek the Terra Australis and
the North-west Passage. However, when Drake sailed for the Pacific on
November 15, 1577, the " draft project " for his voyage included these
two objectives. After passing through the Straits of Magellan, Drake
did attempt to sail westward, presumably in search of Terra Australis.
Adverse winds drove him away to the south, nearly to Cape Horn. He
gave up the attempt and turned to plundering the Spaniards on the west
coast of America. Later he ran up the California coast and made a perfunctory search for the Strait of Anian. It is the belief of some authorities that he went as far north as what is now British Columbia.7 Drake
crossed the Pacific to the Moluccas, within a few hundred miles of the
north-west coast of Australia, but he was concerned with collecting
spices, not with exploring Terra Australis. He did, however, found
a little colony by leaving two negro men and a woman on the Isle of
Crabs, near Celebes.   Of these colonists we hear no more.
Australia and the Northwest Coast of America were linked again in
the first definite and detailed plan for a British colony in Australia.   This
(4) A. L. Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville of the Revenge, London, 1937, p. 89.
(5) E. G. R. Taylor, Tudor Geography 1485-1583, London, 1930, pp. 113-117.
(6) For a full discussion of Grenville's " Great South-Sea Project," see A. L.
Rowse, op. cit., pp. 83-112.
(7) R. P. Bishop, "Drake's Course in the North Pacific," British Columbia
Historical Quarterly, III (1939), pp. 151-182. 1951 British Columbia and Australia 37
was put forward in August, 1783, by James Magra (who took the name
of Matra), a native of New York who had visited Botany Bay in New
South Wales with Captain Cook in 1770. After referring to the fur trade
of the Pacific Northwest as carried on by the Russians and mentioning
that the sea-otters furs were sold at high prices in China by the ships
engaged in Cook's last voyage, Magra wrote: ". . . our situation in
New South Wales would enable us to carry on this trade with the utmost
facility. . . ."8 By 1788, when the colony proposed by Magra was
actually founded, British subjects were becoming actively and regularly
engaged in the maritime fur trade on the Northwest Coast of America.
In March, 1790, the Right Honourable W. W. Grenville, Secretary
of State for the Colonies, wrote a dispatch to Governor Phillip of New
South Wales instructing him to found a colony on the Northwest Coast
of America, using for the expedition H.M.S. Gorgon and H.M.S. Discovery. Grenville gave orders that as many officers and men as possible
from H.M.S. Sirius, then on the New South Wales station, should be lent
to the Gorgon for the trans-Pacific voyage.
One of the objects of this expedition being to form a settlement on the no.-west
coast of America, it is his Majesty's pleasure that you should select from among
the people with you a proper number of persons to compose it, and that you should
embark them either on board the Discovery or Gorgon.
The extent of this establishment, it is imagined, need not at first exceed thirty
persons, a moiety of whom at least should consist of drafts from the new corps,9
under the command of a discreet subaltern officer, who is to be entrusted with the
temporary superintendence of the new settlement. The remainder should consist
of two or three of the most intelligent of the overseers, who have lately been sent
out, a storekeeper, and any other persons who may be desirous of accompanying
them, together with a few of the most deserving of the convicts, to whom you may
offer a remission of a part of their service as an inducement to go.10
Such " stores, provisions, medicines, and utensils for building, etc.," as
would enable the colonists to form a settlement able to resist any attacks
of the natives and able also to assist His Majesty's subjects in the fur
trade were to be put aboard.
The Discovery and the Gorgon were to meet at Hawaii a warship
being sent from the East Indies station by Commodore Cornwallis. It
was hoped that the three vessels would reach the Northwest Coast in the
spring of 1791.   Provision was made that if for any reason the frigate
(8) Historical Records of New South Wales, Sydney, 1892, Vol. I, part 2, p. 4.
(9) The New South Wales Corps which was replacing the Marines as the
military force in New South Wales.
(10) Historical Records of Australia, Series I, Vol. I, Sydney, 1914, p. 162. 38 Thomas Dunbabin Jan.-Apr.
from the East Indies should not reach Hawaii, then known as the Sandwich Islands, by the end of April, 1791, Governor Phillip was to direct
the senior officer of the Discovery and Gorgon to proceed with the two
vessels to execute the instructions, leaving one of his people with the
natives in order to communicate to the captain of the frigate the route
proposed to be taken so that upon his arrival he might also proceed to
the place of destination. In addition, packages " containing such articles
as are most esteemed by the people of the Sandwich Islands and the
inhabitants of the American coast" were being sent out so that the
colonists might barter for provisions and other necessaries.11 Alternative
plans were laid in the event that the Gorgon or the Discovery were disabled, for Governor Phillip was instructed to use his discretion in sending
H.M.S. Sirius in place of the Gorgon and any light vessel—" if any such
should be under your orders "—in place of the Discovery.
The Sirius was wrecked at Norfolk Island on March 19, 1790, and
became a total loss. The plan for making British Columbia a dependency
of New South Wales was not carried out; indeed, there is no known
acknowledgment by Governor Phillip of Grenville's dispatch. In all
probability the dispatch of March, 1790, was a draft of an intended letter
that was never transmitted, for the Gorgon sailed from England on
March 25, 1791, and reached Sydney, New South Wales, on September
21. After landing stores and troops, she sailed for England on December
18 carrying a detachment of Marines whose term of service in Australia
had ended, Governor Phillip making no effort to send her to the Sandwich
Islands.12
In a dispatch written on February 19, 1791, and acknowledged by
Governor Phillip on November 5, Grenville speaks of " a plan which is
now in contemplation for surveying the north-west coast of America and
the Sandwich Islands."13 A transport was to be sent to the Sandwich
Islands in the ensuing spring (1792), which, after supplying the ships
engaged in the survey, was to proceed to Port Jackson, carrying to New
South Wales as much live stock from the Sandwich Islands, Tahiti, or
the Friendly Islands as she could carry.
(11) Ibid.,v- 163.
(12) Ibid., p. 747.
(13) Ibid., p. 216. The phrasing of this reference is misleading, for it is
unlikely that the details for the famous Vancouver expedition were not fully drawn
up at this time, only forty days prior to the sailing of the vessels. 1951 British Columbia and Australia 39
H.M.S. Discovery and H.M.S. Chatham, under the command of
Captain George Vancouver, sailed from Falmouth on April 1, 1791, for
the Sandwich Islands and the Northwest Coast. It is to be noted that
Grenville's letter to the Lords of the Admiralty outlining the scope of
the expedition makes no mention of the earlier proposal regarding the
establishment of a colony on the American continent from Australia.14
Vancouver, in agreement with Grenville, did a little Australian
exploration on his way to the Northwest Coast.15 Had the weather been
better, he would have done more and would probably have settled seven
years before the voyage of George Bass and Matthew Flinders the
question whether Tasmania was part of the Australian mainland. On
August 9, 1791, Vancouver wrote to Grenville—who had by that time
been succeeded as Secretary of State for the Colonies by Henry Dundas—
from False Bay, Cape of Good Hope:
Since receiving my instructions at Falmouth for the prosecution of our voyage
I have much regreted not being fortunate enough in a farther interview with your
Lordship to have gained your final opinion respecting the examination of that
extent of coast of the S.W. side of New Holland, which in the present age appears
a real blot in geography.   .   .   .16
Vancouver reminded Grenville that the latter " seemed highly to approve " of the idea when Vancouver communicated his wish to make
such an examination. He intended, therefore, " to fall in with the S.W.
Cape of New Holland, and should I find the shores capable of being
navigated without much hazard, to range its coast and determine whether
it and VanDiemen's Land are joined, which from all information at
present extant appears somewhat doubtfull."17 Vancouver did "fall in"
with the coast at Cape Chatham on September 26, 1791, and charted it
for 330 miles to the eastward. On September 28 he discovered King
George's Sound,18 where he spent thirteen days. He planted watercress,
vine cuttings, almonds, orange, lemon, and pumpkin seeds on an island
for the benefit of future visitors.   He also saw two or three yellow or
(14) Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. I, part 2, pp. 451-454.
(15) For a detailed account of the career of Captain George Vancouver, see
George Godwin, Vancouver: A Life, 1757-1798, New York, 1931, passim.
(16) Reprinted in ibid., p. 204.
(17) Ibid., pp. 204-205. Also in Historical Records of New South Wales,
Vol. I, part 2, pp. 519-520.
(18) Wild flowers from Vancouver's watering-place on the sound, now marked
by a plaque, were placed on the navigator's grave at Petersham, England, on May
10, 1949, the 151st anniversary of his death. 40 Thomas Dunbabin Jan.-Apr.
bronze coloured snakes which were very good eating.   Owing to adverse
winds, Vancouver quitted the Australian coast on October 17.    He
sighted the Tasmanian coast near its south-western corner on October 26
and ran along it for two days, when he stood away for Dusky Sound,
New Zealand.   There he examined an arm of the sea which Captain Cook
had called " Nobody Knows What " and renamed it " Somebody Knows
What."   This seems to have been Vancouver's only geographical joke.19
After he had spent his first northern summer exploring the coast of
America, Vancouver wrote to Governor Phillip, whom he called Phillips.
In his letter, dated from the Discovery, at sea, on October 15, 1792, he
wrote:—
On my passage into this ocean I visited a small part of the S.W. coast of New
Holland, and there discovered one very excellent port, which I have honored with
the name of King George the Third's Sound. As I think from its situation, the
fertility of the country, with Oyster Bay Harbour, seas, etc., it may be worthy some
further attention. I have sent you my survey thereof with the adjacent coast,
and some views of the surrounding country, which, though not executed with any
degree of neatness, the positions of the different harbours, etc., as also the different
headland, etc., as also their appearance [are given], without, I believe, any material
error.20
Vancouver also gave details of two other discoveries—the Snares group
of rocks off the south end of New Zealand and the Chatham Islands.   In
addition, he announced his intention of sending the transport Daedalus
under Lieutenant James Hanson to Australia.
We are now on our passage to some of the Spanish ports on the south part of the
coast of New Albion, where I intend putting on board the Daedalus, for the use of
his Majesty's colony under your Excellency's government, so many breeding cattle
and sheep as she can conveniently take, which breed, inur'd to countries but
slightly cultivated, have at Nootka succeeded to a very high degree with scarce the
smallest care and attention. I therefore trust they will be found useful in New
South Wales.21
In a second letter, written at Monterey, California, on December 29,
1792, Vancouver told Governor Phillip that he had put on board the
Daedalus twelve cows and six bulls " with an equal number of male and
female sheep."   He sent a list of stores and provisions which he needed
(19) Captain George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery   .   .   .   , London,
1801, Vol. I, pp. 132 et seq.
(20) George Godwin, op. cit., p. 225;  also printed in Historical Records of
Australia, Series I, Vol. I, pp. 428-431.
(21) George Godwin, op. cit., p. 224. 1951 British Columbia and Australia 41
and asked Phillip to send these by the storeship to Nootka Sound. He
reported, further:—
The Daedalus, from accident and desertion, being short of complement, Sr.
Quadra has made a promise of using his efforts to prevail on some of the people
under his command to undertake this voyage in the Daedalus, on my promise that
they should be returned to Nootka by that vessel or such other as may be charged
with the before-mentioned stores and provisions for the use of his Majesty's vessels
under my command, to which condition I have acceded and taken the liberty of
asserting that your Excellency would cause the same to be put in execution. . . .22
In the published account of his voyage Vancouver noted that Quadra
and the Spanish authorities in California refused to submit an account
or to take any payment for the stock supplied for New South Wales or
for the corn and forage put on the Daedalus. The cattle were in high
condition when the ship sailed from Monterey on December 29, 1792.23
When the Daedalus sailed for Australia, she had on board also A. P.
Cranstoun, surgeon of the Discovery, who had been ill ever since leaving
Cape of Good Hope.24 Vancouver had also informed Governor Phillip
in a postscript to his dispatch that he was also sending Willan House,
boatswain on the Discovery, and three valuable seamen and one marine
to Australia for onward passage to England. He commended them to
the Governor's attention and parted with them only because of their
violent rheumatic complaints.25 In addition, " Mr. Philips carpenter in
the Discovery was sent home by the same conveyance under Arrest,"
according to Archibald Menzies, botanist-surgeon on the expedition.26
Lieutenant Hanson also had instructions to give a passage from Tahiti
to Sydney to twenty-one men of the crew of the whaler Matilda, which
had been lost on a shoal in 22° south latitude, 138° 30' west longitude,
while on a voyage from Port Jackson to the coast of Peru. These men,
one of whom was a stowaway convict, had reached Tahiti in their boats.27
Cranstoun and the three seamen—John Williams, John Willis, and
John Rhums—and the marine—George Bull—sailed from Port Jackson
for England in the Kitty,28 which reached Cork, Ireland, on February 5,
(22) Ibid., p. 227.   This dispatch is also to be found in Historical Records of
Australia, Series I, Vol. I, pp. 431-432.
(23) Captain George Vancouver, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 74.
(24) C. F. Newcombe (ed.), Menzies" Journal of Vancouver's Voyage, April to
October 1792 (Archives Memoir No. V), Victoria, 1923, p. 121.
(25) George Godwin, op. cit., p. 227.
(26) C. F. Newcombe, op. cit., p. 121.
(27) Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. I, part 2, pp. 681-683.
(28) Historical Records of Australia, Series I, Vol. I, p. 467. 42 Thomas Dunbabin Jan.-Apr.
1794. The boatswain, House, recovered and took command of the New
South Wales Government schooner Francis and served on the Australian
coast for many years. In 1805 he was appointed superintendent of boats
and harbour-master at Port Dalrymple, Tasmania. He was lost at sea
in 1807 when attempting to reach Sydney, 500 miles away, in an open
boat.29
Vancouver had requested Governor Phillip to complete the cargo of
the Daedalus with a year's provisions of all sorts, as would be necessary
for the Chatham and Discovery, and to send her to Nootka. Lieutenant
Hanson was given trade goods with which to buy hogs and fowls for New
South Wales. Governor Phillip had left for England by April 20, 1793,
when the Daedalus reached Port Jackson, and Major Francis Grose was
acting as Lieutenant-Governor. In his report to the Right Honourable
Henry Dundas, Grose stated that apart from the hogs only one calf and
four sheep had survived the passage. After stating that the Daedalus
had apparently been sent more for the purpose of asking than giving
assistance, Grose reported:—
I shall take care that the Daedalus returns at the time Captain Vancouver has
pointed out; and I am happy to add the service he is engaged in is not likely to be
interrupted for the want of supplies, being enabled from the state of my stores to
furnish him with almost everything he writes for.30
In addition, he mentioned that he was having the "charts and drawings
of Oyster Bay, King George the Third's Sound " that he had received by
the Daedalus copied and would forward then to London by the Kitty.
David Collins, in his Account of the English Colony in New South Wales,
stated than when Lieutenant Hanson reached Tahiti, he found that
fifteen of the Matilda's men had been taken off by an American vessel
and by Captain William Bligh, then on his second bread-fruit voyage.
This left six seamen and the runaway convict, and only one of the
seamen could be induced to leave Tahiti.31
The Daedalus left Port Jackson again on July 1, 1793.   Her supplies
for Vancouver included a quantity of arrack brought from India by
the ship Shah Hormuzear.    After missing Vancouver by a day at
Nootka, the Daedalus met the Discovery between San Francisco Bay and
(29) Historical Records of Australia, Series I, Vol. VI, pp. 157, 715.
(30) Historical Records of Australia, Series I, Vol. I, p. 428.
(31) David Collins, Account of the English Colony in New South Wales,
London, 1804, p. 283. 1951 British Columbia and Australia 43
Monterey on October 26, 1793. Of the supplies which she brought,
Vancouver wrote:—
Mr. Hanson brought a supply of provisions and such parts of the stores which I had
demanded as could be procured. From him I learned that Major Grose was very
solicitous that I should again attempt the introduction of the cattle of this country
into New South Wales.32
Hanson stated that he had landed seventy swine from Tahiti in Sydney.
However, under date of February 21, 1794, Vancouver, then at Karaka-.
kooa Bay, Sandwich Islands, noted that his stock of sails and riggings
" even with the supply we had received from Port Jackson, which was
very short of what I had requested, demanded the greatest economy and
care to make them last."33 There is no mention in the Australian records
of any Spanish seamen whom Quadra may have induced to help in sailing
the Daedalus to Sydney. Presumably they returned to America in that
vessel.
When the Daedalus sailed from Sydney, she shipped six convicts of
good character, who had completed their term of transportation, and two
seamen left behind by other ships. She also carried an aboriginal native
of New South Wales, whom Grose sent on the voyage that he might learn
English. This was a young man whose native names were Gnung-a
Gnung-a or Murremurgan, but he had taken the name of Collins, after
the Judge-Advocate and writer of the Account, David Collins. This
dark Collins returned safely in the Daedalus, having " conducted himself
with the greatest propriety during the voyage." David Collins stated:—
The king of Owhyhee earnestly wished to detain him on the island, making splendid
offers to Mr. Hanson of canoes, warlike instruments and other curiosities, to purchase him, but if Mr. Hanson had been willing to have left him Collins would not
have consented, being very anxious to return to New South Wales.34
On March 13, 1793, two Spanish exploring vessels, the Atrevida and
the Descubierta, under the command of Don Alejandro Malaspina, had
reached Port Jackson. Malaspina and those with him had left Cadiz on
July 30, 1789. Their explorations had included the Northwest Coast
of America,35 where a great glacier now bears the name of Malaspina.
They remained in Australia nearly a month, sailing on April 12.36
(32) Captain George Vancouver, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 305.
(33) Ibid., Vol. V, p. 85.
(34) David Collins, op. cit., p. 362.
(35) For details regarding this expedition's activity on the Northwest Coast
see H. R. Wagner, The Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America to the
year 1800, Berkeley 1937, Vol. I, pp. 225-229.
(36) Historical Records of Australia, Series I, Vol. I, p. 427. 44 Thomas Dunbabin Jan.-Apr.
Lieutenant-Governor Grose's anxiety for the speedy return of the
Daedalus to Port Jackson annoyed Vancouver. Under date of December
14, 1793, Vancouver stated that he would have followed the Californian
coast farther to the south, below 30° north, " had we not been pressed
for time in consequence of the very importunate manner in which Major
Grose had requested the return of the Daedalus to New South Wales."37
He therefore stood over to the Sandwich Islands. The Daedalus left
Karakakooa Bay for Sydney on February 8,1794. She carried no cattle,
but some bread-fruit plants were put on board so that Lieutenant Hanson
might introduce them at Norfolk Island if he visited that place on his
return to Port Jackson. On April 3, 1794, the ship reached Port Jackson
and shortly thereafter sailed for Norfolk Island with supplies and presumably took with her the bread-fruit plants Vancouver had supplied.
Finally, on December 18, 1794, the Daedalus sailed for England with
Grose and his family on board as passengers.38
As the Daedalus stood in for Sydney Heads on April 3, 1794, the
brig Arthur,39 Henry Barber master, sailed out, bound for the Northwest
Coast of America. She had come originally from Bengal. Captain
Barber took with him four convicts and the carpenter of the Boston brig
Fairy, who had been in hospital. Vancouver met the Arthur in Cross
Sound on the Alaskan coast on July 15, 1794. On her arrival he thought
it proper " to prohibit the purchase of furs by any of our people," presumably to leave the field clear to Barber.40 The Arthur sailed away on
July 23, but one of her crew, Charles Lee, a boy, deserted from her and
was mustered into the Discovery's company.
Australia's early official connection with the Northwest Coast of
America ended with the second return of the Daedalus. This time she
brought " three young gentlemen of the Discovery and Chatham's quarter
decks " seeking passage to England. One was Thomas Pitt, cousin once
removed of the great William Pitt the younger. On his arrival in Sydney
he learned that he had, by the death of his father, become Lord Camelford.   He sailed for England in the Indispensable and smuggled away,
(37) Captain George Vancouver, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 385.
(38) Historical Records of Australia, Series I, Vol. I, pp. 447, 479, 484, 487.
(39) Ibid., Series I, Vol. I, p. 469.
(40) Captain George Vancouver, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 441 ff. See also F. W.
Howay, "A List of Trading Vessels in Maritime Fur Trade, 1785-1794," Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Third Series, Vol. XXIV (1930), section ii,
pp. 131-132. 1951 British Columbia and Australia 45
as his servant, a convict named Richard Haynes.41 Deserters from the
Daedalus were handed over to Vancouver by the Spaniards at Monterey
on November 15, 1794. They and the deserters from the Chatham had
run up debts to the extent of $325 Mexican, which Vancouver declined
to pay but promised to bring to the attention of the Admiralty.
The first United States vessel bound for the Northwest Coast of
America to call at Port Jackson was the brig Fairy, Captain Rogers,
which arrived on October 29, 1793. The cargo consisted " wholly of
articles of barter for the Northwest Coast." When the Fairy sailed on
November 11, Rogers took with him three men and two women who had
leave to quit the colony. These women were the first to cross the Pacific
from Australia to America. John Crow, a convict, swam off to the
Fairy but was caught and brought ashore, and subsequently on December
10, 1793, he was hung for burglary.42 The brig Mercury from Providence, Rhode Island, William Barnet master, reached Sydney on October
17, 1794, and sailed for the Northwest Coast of America on December
7, taking five persons belonging to the colony. One of these, an ex-
convict named Hughes, deserted at Atooi in the Sandwich Islands, where
he was discovered in 1796 by Captain W. R. Broughton acting as adviser
to the chief Taava.43 The Otter of Boston, commanded by Ebenezer
Dorr, reached Port Jackson on January 24, 1796, and sailed on February
18 for the Northwest Coast.44 She carried away Thomas Muir,45 one of
the Scottish martyrs — five political prisoners transported in 1794 —
a woman convict named Jane Lambert, and a number of male convicts.
Subsequently, Muir landed at Monterey and, by way of Mexico, Cuba,
(41) "Report of Captain W. Wilkinson," Historical Records of New South
Wales, Vol. II, pp. 295-296.
(42) David Collins, op. cit., pp. 322-326. Judge Howay states that there is
no record of her having been on the Northwest Coast in 1794; see F. W. Howay,
op. cit., loc. cit., p. 132.
(43) Captain W. R. Broughton, Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific
Ocean . . . , London, 1804, Vol. I, p. 68. For further details see F. W. Howay,
"A List of Trading Vessels in the Maritime Fur Trade, 1795-1804," Transactions
of the Royal Society of Canada, Third Series, Vol. XXV (1931), section ii, p. 120.
(44) Ibid., p. 123. See also Historical Records of Australia, Series I, Vol. I,
p. 568.
(45) Marjorie Masson and J. F. Jameson, "The Odyssey of Thomas Muir,"
American Historical Review, XXIX (1923), pp. 49-72; John Hosie, "Thomas
Muir, Scottish Political Martyr and his Connection with Vancouver Island," First
Annual Report of the British Columbia Historical Association, Victoria, 1923,
pp. 28-32; The Life and Trial of Thomas Muir, Rutherglen, 1919. 46 Thomas Dunbabin
and Spain, went to France, where he died. The last United States vessel
bound for the " fur coast" of America to call at Sydney seems to have
been the William and Jane46 of New York, Captain Mellor, which entered
Port Jackson on February 23, 1817, and sailed on April 4. By that time
the great days of the sea-otter trade on the Northwest Coast of America
were over.
Thomas Dunbabin.
Ottawa, Ont.
(46) This vessel is not mentioned in F. W. Howay, "A List of Trading Vessels
in the Maritime Fur Trade, 1815-1819," Transactions of the Royal Society of
Canada, Third Series, Vol. XXVII (1933), section ii, pp. 132-144.  GEORGE MASON, PRIEST AND SCHOOLMASTER
Throughout the entire history of Christianity, devout men and
women have cheerfully abandoned wealth, social position, and material
comforts in old established communities and volunteered to carry the
Gospel into new and backward areas. During the nineteenth century,
graduates of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge were not slow
in demonstrating themselves eager and willing to continue this splendid
Christian tradition. Not the least of these was the Venerable George
Mason, M.A.(Oxon.), who gave up wealth, position, and convenience to
assist in the evangelization of Hawaii and British Columbia.
George Mason was born in Handley, Dorsetshire, in 1828 or 1829,1
son of Rev. Thomas Mason, a member of an aristocratic family, and his
wife Emma Louisa.2 He was matriculated as a commoner in Oriel
College, Oxford, November 6, 1846, and received the degree of Bachelor
of Arts from New Inn Hall in 1853 and that of Master of Arts in I860.3
As a student he " was noted for his poetical genius, his generous spirit,
and the courageous skill of his horsemanship." His first choice of a
profession was the law, but he was so influenced by a sermon of Edward
Hobhouse, later Bishop of Nelson, New Zealand,4 that he entered Wells
Theological College in 1852,5 and, after a year's preparation, was made
(1) Mason was 17 years old when he matriculated at Oxford and 64 when he
died. Consequently, he was born in 1828 or 1829. On the other hand, C. F.
Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the S.P.G. .... London, 1901, p. 912, shows
1830 as the date of Mason's birth.
(2) A manuscript note, supplied by Mrs. W. H. Britton, of Okehampton,
Devonshire, a granddaughter of Mason, purporting to be an extract from Burke's
Landed Gentry, shows four generations of the Mason family. The writer has
been unable to find the family in the recent volumes of Burke's at his disposal.
Thomas Mason, third son of Bryant Mason, of Bengal, was born about 1802;
he received the B.A. degree from Christ Church College, Oxford, in 1824; and he
died November 21, 1863, having been vicar of Shapwick cum Ashcott, 1850-1863.
Joseph Foster (ed.), Alumni Oxonienses . . . 1757-1886, London, 1888, vol.
iii, p. 925; tombstone, Ashcott, courtesy of Rev. Hector Morgan, vicar of Shapwick.   Mrs. Thomas Mason, aged 82, died February 18, 1888.
(3) Treasurer of Oriel College to Mrs. W. H. Britton, November 17, 1947.
(4) " George Mason, Priest, In Memoriam," Christ Church Magazine (St.
Leonard's on Sea), March, 1893. This obituary was probably written by Rev.
C. L. Vaughan.
(5) Rev. H. Bryant Salmon to the author, June 5, 1947.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 and 2.
47 48 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
deacon by Dr. Edward Denison, Bishop of Salisbury, in his cathedral on
May 22, 1853.6 For two years following he was curate at Burleston,
Dorsetshire, where he officiated at eleven baptisms and one burial, in
addition to the usual ministrations of a deacon.7 On June 3, 1855, he
was ordained priest by Dr. Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter,8 after
which he became curate of Ottery St. Mary, Devonshire, and minister of
St. James', Alfington, a chapel of ease. The registers of the mother
church contain entries made by him between August 23, 1855, and
October, 1856.9
On March 25, 1856, Father Mason was married to Ellen Mary
Jones in St. Peter's Church, Bournemouth.10 Miss Jones was the
daughter of Major-General William Daniel Jones, Royal Artillery, and
his wife, Elizabeth Smith. The Jones family was a distinguished military
one, for two of General Jones' brothers were also generals.11 To the
Masons were born three daughters—one in England and two in Hawaii.
Father Mason wished to go out as an army chaplain during the
Crimean War, but his youth prevented his appointment.12 In or shortly
after 1856 he became curate of St. Stephen's, Devonport. With the help
of his wife and his sister, Miss Emma Mason, he established a home for
fallen women. Soon it was overcrowded with penitents, and Mason
negotiated with Rev. George Rundle Prynne, vicar of St. Peter's, Plymouth, to establish a penitentiary for the Three Towns. The Honourable
and Reverend C. L. Courtenay suggested instead a penitentiary for the
whole of South Devon, and this was finally established at Bovey Tracey.
Nevertheless, the House of Mercy at Devonport continued under the
Masons' care until they left Devonport, when it was turned over to the
(6) Salisbury Diocesan Registrar to Rev. William B. Sharp, Major, U.S.A.,
October 10, 1947.
(7) Rev. Canon Arthur Helps, vicar of Puddletown, to the author, August 26,
1947.
(8) Church and State Gazette (London), XIV, p. 354 (June 8, 1855).
(9) Rev. Bernard C. Jackson, vicar of Ottery St. Mary, to the author, August
27, 1947. Ottery St. Mary was the seat of the Coleridge family, which, considering
the number of entries in the Dictionary of National Biography, is the most
distinguished family in modern England.
(10) Copy of marriage record from the register of St. Peter's, supplied by
Mrs. W. H. Britton.
(11) Bernard and Ashworth P. Burke (eds.), A Genealogical and Heraldic
History of the Peerage and Baronetage  .   .   .  , London, 1928, p. 1315.
(12) " George Mason, Priest, In Memoriam," loc. cit. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 49
sisters of the Society of the Most Holy Trinity.13 In 1860 it would
appear that Father Mason became curate of St. Peter's, Plymouth, and
for a while he was associated with Rev. Joseph Leycester Lyne, later
known as Father Ignatius of Jesus, O.S.B., who served a brief honorary
curacy at St. Peter's.14 On May 12, 1862, the corner-stone of St. Peter's
Mission Chapel, a chapel of ease to St. Peter's, was laid by Dr. Thomas
Nettleship Staley, the recently consecrated Bishop of Honolulu, who had
not yet set out for his diocese.15 The meeting of Father Mason with
Dr. Staley at this time, probably, was the beginning of the negotiations
which led Father Mason to enlist as a missionary to Hawaii.
With him to the Islands, Father Mason took his wife, his daughter,
and a governess, a Miss Roche.16 So hurriedly did he leave England
that he failed to pay a small balance owing to one of his domestics.17
A farewell service for the Hawaiian missionaries was celebrated in
Westminster Abbey on July 23, 1862,18 and the missionary party sailed
aboard the Tasmanian on August 18.19 Their route was direct to
Panama, overland across the isthmus, and by ship again to San Francisco,
which they reached on September 25 and left aboard the Comet on the
following day. Father Mason was a good sailor and did not get sea-sick
during the rough crossing of the Pacific.20 On October 10 the ship
sighted land, and on the following morning it sailed into Honolulu
Harbour. The pilot brought aboard sad news. The Prince of Hawaii,
whose baptism was to mark the formal initiation of the mission and for
whom Father Mason had been selected as tutor,21 had died shortly
(13) A. Clifton Kelway, George Rundle Prynne, a Chapter in the Early
History of the Catholic Revival, London, 1905, pp. 130-131.
(14) Ibid., p. 146. There is no mention of Mason in Baroness de Bertouch,
The Life of Father Ignatius, O.S.B., the Monk of Llanthony, New York, 1905.
(15) Kelway, op. cit., pp. 134-135.
(16) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal of the Bishop of Honolulu,
September to November, 1862, London, 1862, p. 28. Extracts from Mason's diary
appear on pages 28-35 of this work.
(17) George S. A. Godson to Bishop of Honolulu, Barnet, November 8, 1871,
in Letters Received, 1865-1874, Honolulu, No. 53, MS. in Archives of the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, London, England.
(18) Illustrated London News, July 26, 1862, Vol. XLI, p. 203.
(19) Ibid., August 23, 1862, p. 203.
(20) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal   .... pp. 1-2.
(21) Letter of Ellen Mary Mason in The Net, Cast in Many Waters (London),
February 1, 1866, p. 22. 50 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
before. " We were quite stunned," Father Mason reported. " It seemed
to take from us the chief hope of the mission."22
No time, however, was lost in setting to work. The missionary
bishopric was incorporated under the name of the Hawaiian Reformed
Catholic Church, Queen Emma baptized, and both the King and Queen
confirmed and admitted to their first communion.23 Dr. Staley correctly
judged his staff of three priests and, in consequence, generally assigned
Father Mason the more arduous and honorific tasks. It was he who
usually served as Dr. Staley's chaplain,24 and once during the Bishop's
absence he held his power of attorney.25 On November 28, 1862, Dr.
Staley appointed him examining chaplain.26 In this capacity he scrutinized the qualifications of three laymen Dr. Staley made deacons and
two deacons he ordained priests.27
Dr. Staley rented in Honolulu a chapel and a parsonage that had
been erected for a defunct Methodist congregation. Father Mason and
his family were installed in the parsonage,28 and he and Rev. Edmund
Ibbotson,29 who had come over in the same party, were put in charge
of both the English- and the Hawaiian-speaking congregations of the
temporary cathedral, while Rev. William Richard Scott, who soon
arrived, was sent to Lahaina, the second city of the kingdom. Like Dr.
Staley, Father Mason took lessons in Hawaiian from Colonel David
Kalakaua, who was later to reign as king.30 The missionaries taught the
doctrines of Anglo-Catholicism, and they introduced the ceremonial that
(22) A letter by Mason, ibid., p. 21.
(23) Church Registry of Baptisms, Marriages, Burials, etc., in Honolulu of
the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church, MS., in the office of St. Andrew's
Cathedral, Honolulu, p. 1. The charter is in the Interior Department, General
File, Box 38, MS., Archives of Hawaii, Honolulu. See also Viator to editor,
December 1, 1862, Honolulu Polynesian, December 6, 1862.
(24) Viator to editor, ibid.
(25) Records of Conveyances, XXV, pp. 215-216, MS., Bureau of Conveyances, Honolulu.
(26) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal  .   .   .  , p. 17.
(27) [Mildred Staley (ed.)] "Bishop Staley's Diary," Hawaiian Church
Chronicle, July, 1934, p. 8; W. Kalaeloa to editor, Sebakemapa 28, 1864, Honolulu Ka Nupepa Kuokoa, Okatoba 8, 1864; Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, March
20, 1867. See also Andrew Forest Muir, "Ordinations by the Bishops of Honolulu,
1862-1902," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, XX (1951),
pp. 328-331.
(28) Honolulu Polynesian, October 18, 1862.
(29) Andrew Forest Muir, "Edmund Ibbotson (1831-1914), S.P.G. Missionary to Hawaii, 1862-1866," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal
Church, September, 1950, XIX, pp. 214-241.
(30) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal   .   .   .   , p. 32. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 51
had thus far been regained. They wore white cambric mass vestments31
and celebrated every day.32 Dr. Staley, in addition, wore cope and
miter on pontifical occasions,33 the first Anglican bishop in the nineteenth
century to do so. For the entire period of Dr. Staley's episcopate, the
church was under criticism of the local Calvinist missionaries from New
England, who called themselves the American Church in distinction to
the English Church, as they referred to the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic
Church, and they were materially aided by Low-Churchmen both in
England and the United States, and soon by some partial converts from
dissent in Hawaii. Father Mason was probably the first to feel their
spite. Within a few weeks of his arrival, he was invited to join in a
prayer meeting at a Congregational chapel. He declined, on the ground
that by so doing he might leave the impression that he " did not Consider
episcopal ordination as necessary for a Christian minister,"34 and his
refusal was widely held up as a slur on the Calvinist missionaries.35 So
long as Kamehameha IV lived, criticism kept within modest channels,
but no sooner had he died, on November 30, 1863, than the Calvinists
set upon the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church with a hue and cry,
and so fertile were they in expediency that after seven years Dr. Staley,
worried by their unabated harassing, resigned his see.
Toward the end of Father Mason's cure at the temporary cathedral,
in January, 1864, he and Father Ibbotson reported that during the
previous year they had celebrated divine service almost a thousand times,
had baptized 174 persons, and had presented sixty-five for confirmation.
The communicants then numbered a hundred, and often there were as
many as 230 persons, probably the capacity of the building, present at
services.36
In the same month Father Mason was sent to take charge of the
mission at Lahaina. This transfer was made necessary by Father Scott's
having fallen into debt there and having lost the confidence of the natives.
Father Mason set to work with energy.   He found the building used for
(31) Dr. T. N. Staley to W. T. Bullock, Kensington, undated, in Letters
Received, 1865-1874, Honolulu, No. 17, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(32) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal   .   .   .   , p. 9.
(33) Viator to editor, Honolulu Polynesian, December 6, 1862.
(34) Mason to [S. C. Damon], November 4, 1862, in [T. N. Staley] A Pastoral
Address .   .   .   , Honolulu, 1865, pp. 41—42.
(35) Missionary Herald, February, 1863, LXIV, p. 36.
(36) Annual return, January 14, 1864, in E MSS., 1862-1863, Archives of
S.P.G. 52 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
divine service unattractive, except for a reredos that had been brought
over from England. He therefore brightened up the building, introduced
a choir, reassembled the congregation, and soon had a flourishing
mission.37 In November, 1864, the first Anglican sisters to set out into
the mission field located in Lahaina,38 and in February, 1865, Dr. Staley
appointed Father Mason Archdeacon of Maui.39
Despite Father Mason's activity, Lahaina was a dying town. The
Pacific whaling industry that had once been its main source of income
had declined as early as the late 1850's, and during the American Civil
War the Confederate cruiser Shenandoah had virtually destroyed the
remaining fleet. At the same time, sugar cultivation greatly expanded
on the Island of Maui, but the central valley offered greater expanses of
desirable land than the narrow strip between ocean and mountains, and
so the new town of Wailuku grew at Lahaina's expense. Natural calamities added to Father Mason's burdens. Fire destroyed a portion of his
mission premises in August, 1867,40 and a four-day northerly gale
completely demolished the chapel in December, 1869.41 Nevertheless,
Father Mason worked on until he was assigned elsewhere. The success
of his labours may be gauged by an address his parishioners presented
to him along with a silver urn:—
We are of one mind in acknowledging the zeal and fidelity with which you
have discharged the duties of your sacred calling, and we have also reason to
congratulate ourselves, that, in the ordinary intercourse of life, we have found
in our Pastor, the man of education and the gentleman.42
At the beginning of 1869 Dr. Staley returned from an unsuccessful
begging tour of England, only to find that during his absence the persistent Calvinist opposition had fomented a widening rift in the English-
speaking congregation in Honolulu. He immediately took energetic
steps to heal the dissension, and he was fairly successful, but in doing so
he alienated most of his clergy.   Among these was Father Mason.   The
(37) Report of the Lahaina Mission, October, 1864, in E 15, MS., Archives
of S.P.G.
(38) Thomas Jay Williams, Priscilla Lydia Sellon, the Restorer after Three
Centuries of the Religious Life in the English Church, London, 1950, p. 223.
(39) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, February 11, 1865.
(40) Letter by Mason, dated August 17, 1867, Honolulu Pacific Commercial
Advertiser, August 17, 1867.
(41) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, December 15, 1869; Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, December 11, 1869; Honolulu Punch Bowl, January, 1870, I,
p. 48.
(42) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, May 26, 1869. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 53
nub of the difficulty between them was whether Dr. Staley had resigned
his see or had simply requested permission of the Archbishop of Canterbury to resign. In any case, as early as New Year's Day, 1870, it was
announced that Dr. Staley was soon to leave Honolulu and that Father
Mason was to take charge of St. Andrew's Cathedral in Honolulu until
the arrival of Rev. Charles George Williamson, whom the English-
speaking congregation had requested as pastor.43 Father Mason moved
to Honolulu and assumed the cure,44 without, however, relinquishing
Lahaina. Dr. Staley remained until July, and during the interval he
recorded two refusals made by Father Mason. In May, Father Mason
declined to examine a layman whom Dr. Staley was to make deacon,45
and he declined also to invite the Bishop to confirm at Lahaina. The last
entry Dr. Staley made in the cathedral register recorded this refusal.46
Dr. Staley's final departure from the Islands no doubt was agreeable
to the English and American Low-Churchmen, who appear to have
placed themselves in the anomalous position of accepting episcopacy
without the episcopate, but it was alarming to loyal churchmen, both
Anglo-Saxons and Hawaiians. In August, Kamehameha V asked Father
Mason to journey to England and there to place before the public the
true state of affairs of the Hawaiian Church and to push the appointment
of a successor for Dr. Staley. Father Mason at first declined.47 The
King, nevertheless, wrote letters to England, probably to Dr. Wilberforce
and to Dr. Archibald C. Tait, Archbishop of Canterbury, requesting a
new bishop. In view of these letters, the Hawaiian Committee in England
wondered whether the synod in Hawaii united in the King's request.48
Before it could receive an answer, the King persuaded Father Mason to
undertake what Father Mason regarded as the " disagreeable work "49
of conducting negotiations in England. Bearing letters from both Kamehameha and Queen Emma, he left Honolulu on September 27.50 On the
same day, Queen Emma wrote Mrs. Mason:—
(43) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 1, 1870.
(44) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, January 12, 1870.
(45) T. N. Honolulu to [W. T.] Bullock, Waikiki, May 22 [1870], in Letters
Received, 1865-1874, Honolulu, No. 48, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(46) Church Registry, p. 355.
(47) Mason to [E. L. Cutts  (?)], Milton Abbas, November 30,  1870, in
Letters Received, 1865-1874, Honolulu, No. 55b, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(48) Manley Hopkins to [W. T. Bullock (?)], London, November 22, 1870,
ibid., No. 54.
(49) Mason to Bullock, Milton Abbas, November 30, 1870, ibid., No. 55a.
(50) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, September 28, 1870. 54 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
My sympathies are with you during this new trial of separation from your
husband. The Archdeacon sailed this morning at noon in the Moses Taylor for
England fortified with a strong letter from the King, justifying the object for which
he goes and that is the Continuance of the mission which the King wished heartily.
He says in the letter he has and will ever have the interest of the Church at heart.61
Father Mason's expenses during his absence from Hawaii were paid by
the King and Dr. F. W. Hutchinson, Minister of Interior, in their private
capacities.52
He arrived in England probably in October, and both the Hawaiian
Committee and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel appear to
have accused him of deserting his post.53 In England, Father Mason
had interviews with Dr. Wilberforce and Dr. Tait. The King had authorized him to request that Hawaii be placed under the episcopal supervision
of the Bishop of London, who traditionally had oversight of all Anglicans
not under the jurisdiction of any other bishop. After Father Mason
reached England, however, the King communicated directly with Dr.
Tait, informing him that the prosperity of the Church in Hawaii " must
depend on the personal care of a Diocesan " and requesting him to
consecrate a bishop for the see or to send out a bishop who had previously
been consecrated.54 The second alternative was the one accepted at the
moment. Rev. George Brayton Whipple had served at Wailuku, and
through this connection his brother, Dr. Henry Benjamin Whipple,
Bishop of Minnesota, had shown an interest in the Hawaiian Church.
At the same time, Dr. Whipple's health was so poor that his physician
advised a mild climate, and the Hawaiian was perfect. Dr. Wilberforce,
therefore, was authorized to tender the see of Honolulu to Dr. Whipple.
On his way back to Hawaii, Father Mason discussed the matter with
Dr. Horatio Potter, Bishop of New York.55   Father Mason arrived back
(51) Wm. F. Wilson's Polynesiana Collection, n.p., n.d., p. 47.
(52) Mason to [Cutts(?)], Milton Abbas, November 30, 1870; T. N. Staley
to Bullock, Kensington, March 14, 1871, in Letters Received, 1865-1874, Honolulu, No. 58, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(53) Mason to Bullock, November 30, 1870, and Mason to [Cutts (?)],
November 30, 1870, ibid.
(54) Kamehameha to Archbishop of Canterbury, Honolulu, January 28, 1871,
MS., Lambeth Palace, London, courtesy of His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury.
(55) H. Potter to the Bishop of Minnesota, New York, April 25, 1871, in
Henry Benjamin Whipple, Lights and Shadows of a Long Episcopate . . . , New
York, 1912, p. 340, reprinted in Honolulu Diocesan Magazine and Quarterly
Record of Church Work in the Diocese, April, 1901, IV, p. 316. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 55
in Honolulu on April 19, 1871.56 His mission had been successful.
Although Dr. Whipple declined the see, later in the year the English
friends of the Hawaiian Church selected Rev. Alfred Willis as bishop-
designate, and on February 2, 1872, the Archbishop of Canterbury
consecrated him second Bishop of Honolulu.
Upon his return to Hawaii, Father Mason took up residence in
Honolulu. Rev. Charles George Williamson, regarded as a Low-
Churchman by the English Low-Churchmen in Honolulu but one who
did not follow the Low Church party line upon his return to England in
the following year, was then in charge of the English-speaking congregation, and Rev. Alexander Mackintosh, a deacon, was in charge of the
Hawaiian congregation. At intervals, Williamson celebrated the Holy
Eucharist for the Hawaiians. When Father Mason took up residence
in Honolulu, Williamson's services were no longer required for the
Hawaiian congregation,57 apparently to his own relief and certainly to
the delight of the Hawaiians and the sisters at St. Andrew's Priory.58
At midnight on Christmas, a secular newspaper reported, " a mass was
sung by the Rev. Arch Deacon,"59 and no doubt both the terminology
and the ceremonial pleased the congregation.
Dr. Willis arrived in Honolulu in July, 1872, and was immediately
enthroned in his cathedral, at a service at which Father Mason read the
licence under which the Bishop had been consecrated. In the evening,
Father Mason preached a sermon on the establishment of the Church in
Jerusalem, which a secular editor, heretofore and later a severe critic,
described in glowing terms.
We take pleasure in recording the fact that there are few men now existing
in the whole world, much less in our present limited sphere, who could manipulate
the subject with such mental power and vitality as Mr. Mason. We could recognize
in him the polish and bouquet of Oxford, with the whole soul and poetic feeling
of the Christian gentleman. There appeared the vivid intensifying electricity of
" Peter the Hermit" toned by the grace and finish of a Wolsey.60
After ten years in the Islands, Father Mason had weathered and lived
down criticism. He continued in charge of the Hawaiian congregation
until the beginning of the following year.
(56) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, April 19, 1871; Honolulu St. Andrew's
Magazine, April, 1871, p. 25.
(57) Ibid., July, 1871, p. iv.
(58) Sister Albertina to "Rev Father," September 1, 1885, in Alfred Willis
Papers (MS. in private hands).
(59) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, December 30, 1871.
(60) Ibid., July 13, 1872. 56 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
Throughout his eleven-year residence in Hawaii, he was known, in
addition to being a faithful priest, as schoolmaster, preacher, writer,
lecturer, and poet, under which heads it might be well to examine his
activities.
Much of Father Mason's time in Hawaii was devoted to education,
which the mission rightly considered one of its principal functions. As
early as November 6, 1862, less than a month after their arrival, Dr.
Staley asked Father Mason to conduct a college for boys of the superior
classes. Apparently Father Mason saw before him difficulties, and at
the time he referred to one of these—lack of text-books.61 The sons
of both gentlemen—that is, professional men—and tradesmen were
expected to enrol.62 Father Mason busied himself immediately, for on
November 8 there appeared an advertisement of a collegiate grammar-
school for boys, in which Latin, Greek, Euclid, algebra, and the usual
branches of an English education were to be offered at a quarterly tuition
of $12. Dr. Staley was announced as visitor and Father Mason principal.63 The opening of the school was set for January 12, 1863.64
At first, apparently, the school was held in the parsonage behind the
temporary cathedral, in which the Masons lived, but a short while later
they purchased a property in Nuuanu Valley,65 where they seemed to
have erected a building at a cost of £.250. By the middle of the year
there were thirty-two students, of English, French, German, Hawaiian,
and half-white extraction, whose tuition totalled £250 per year.66 Of
these students, twenty were boarders. The school soon received the
name of St. Alban's College,67 and collections in the temporary cathedral
for its support netted £30.68
Upon the removal of the Masons to Lahaina, in January, 1864,
St. Alban's was left in other hands, and Father Mason proposed to begin
(61) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal   .   .   .   , p. 34.
(62) Letter of Ellen Mary Mason in The Net, February 1, 1866, p. 24.
(63) Honolulu Polynesian, November 8, 1862;   Honolulu Hoku o ka Pakipika,
Novemaba 13, 1862.
(64) Honolulu Polynesian, December 27, 1862.
(65) Henry Rhodes to Mason, May 30, 1863, Records of Conveyances, XX,
pp. 295-296, MS., Bureau of Conveyances, Honolulu.
(66) Letter of Dr. Staley, dated September 30, 1863, in Mission Field, 1864,
p. 14.
(67) Entry for September 9, 1863, in Mildred Staley (ed.), "Bishop Staley's
Journal," loc. cit., p. 6.
(68) Annual return, January 14, 1864, MS., Archives of S.P.G. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 57
another boys' school at his new station.69 He immediately leased the
building near the shore formerly used by the United States consul as a
hospital for American seamen and altered it to serve as a school building.70 So onerous were Father Mason's duties in Lahaina that he was
obliged to hire a teacher, G. W. Hart, to help him with the school.
Within a short time the two of them obtained creditable results. At a
public examination of December 22, 1864, all but nine of the fifty-six
students were present, and an observer wrote that the results indicated
the lads had received a superior education. At least one of them, Curtis
Piehu Iaukea, who had received a prize, was to grow up to great prominence as an official of the Kingdom of Hawaii. After the examination
there was light calisthenics, and then, with flags flying, drums beating,
and all singing "God Save the King," the lads marched to Father
Mason's lawn, where he had spread an abundant feast.71
By 1866 Father Mason had two boys' schools in Lahaina—one a
boarding-school, with twenty-five students, and the other a day-school
for Hawaiian boys exclusively, with sixty-five students.72 Hart was
principal of the latter in 1866,73 with his salary paid by the Board of
Education of the Kingdom,74 and in the following year Father Mason
was relieved of the former by Rev. Edward Warren, a deacon from the
diocese of California.75
During the summer of 1868, undoubtedly because of financial strain,
Dr. Staley decided to combine Father Mason's boarding-school with
St. Alban's in Pauoa Valley, Honolulu, which had moved to the former
girls' school, the combination to be effected on August 24, with Father
Mason as headmaster and Rev. Charles William Turner, a deacon, as
master.76 No sooner had the Masons moved their family and children
to Honolulu,77 when it was decided to remove St. Alban's to Lahaina.
Immediately before the date appointed for the opening of the combined
(69) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 21, 1864.
(70) Ibid., February 4, 1864.
(71) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, January 6, 1866, Vol. I, p. 236.
(72) Annual Report of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 1866,
pp. 179-180.
(73) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, January 13, 1866, Vol. I, p. 244.
(74) Annual Report of the S.P.G., 1867, pp. 145-146.
(75) Warren to Secretary, S.P.G., in Letters Received, 1865-74, Honolulu,
No. la, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(76) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, August 15, 1868.
(77) Mason to Bullock, February 11, 1870, in Letters Received, 1865-1874,
Honolulu, No. 46, MS., Archives of S.P.G. 58 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
schools in Lahaina, the Masons, Turner, and twenty-five pupils of
St. Alban's moved to Lahaina and combined St. Alban's with Father
Mason's school there.78 Apparently, for a while in Lahaina, Turner
was in charge of St. Alban's and Hart in charge of the day-school, with
Father Mason acting as superintendent of both.79 Very shortly, however, Turner returned to Honolulu, where he kept a day-school with
eighteen students.80
Father Mason found the schools a great pecuniary burden, for he had
difficulty collecting tuition from the parents of his lads. In addition,
a number of the boarding students were orphans who were entirely
dependent upon him for support. He deplored the lack of an endowment, which would have permitted him to keep the boys in school
longer, for he found their parents anxious to push them into the business
world in order to add to the family earnings. A number of the boys who
left the school, however, found remunerative employment—two were
compositors in the Government Printing Office in Honolulu, two assistants in stores, one clerk to the circuit Judge of Maui, and another second
mate on a whaling-ship.81 In 1870, it would seem, St. Alban's returned
to Honolulu. The boarding-school at Lahaina, with fifteen students, of
whom nine held scholarships granted by the Board of Education, was
then known as Lahainalalo College—that is, the college in Lower
Lahaina—and the day-school, with thirty-five students, was under H.
Higgins, whose salary was paid by the Board.82
When in England in 1870 Father Mason informed the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel that he was anxious to plead for funds for
the establishment of a college for Hawaiian youth, complete with a
theological department.83 The Society did not encourage him in this
hope, and obviously he did nothing about the matter. Upon his return
to Hawaii he established his residence in Honolulu,84 and there he
became connected with Iolani College, which appears to have been
(78) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, August 22, 1868.
(79) C. C. Bennett, Honolulu Directory, and Historical Sketch of the Hawaiian
or Sandwich Islands, Honolulu, 1869, p. 74.
(80) Ibid., p. 72; Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, July 3, 1869.
(81) Mason to Bullock, February 11, 1870, loc. cit.
(82) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, May 25, 1870.
(83) Mason to Secretary, S.P.G., St. Andrew's Day, 1870, in Letters Received,
1865-1874, Honolulu, No. 55b, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(84) Honolulu St. Andrew's Magazine, July, 1871, p. iv. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 59
Turner's day-school. His first connection with Iolani was as examiner,85
but shortly afterwards he assumed charge of the school. Always alert
to the necessity of keeping his schools before the attention of the public,
he held two entertainments in 1871-1872—one at Christmas-time86 and
the other at the beginning of summer, at which a visiting actor, George
Pauncefort, gave readings.87 Father Mason's connection with Iolani was
not entirely happy, for on September 8, 1872, one of the students died
at the school,88 possibly the lad was one of the orphans for whom he was
entirely responsible. During the five years 1868 to 1872 Father Mason
received for his schools $5,644.72 from the Board of Education.89
Mrs. Mason, likewise, devoted her attentions to education. Eleven
days after the arrival of the mission in Honolulu, Dr. Staley, together with
the Masons, discussed a family school for native girls with the King and
E. H. Allen, a member of the Board of Education.90 Queen Emma
viewed the proposal with enthusiasm, for she always interested herself
in every move designed for the elevation of her people, particularly the
women.91 The first seven students came to Mrs. Mason while she was
still living in the parsonage, but they soon removed to Nuuanu Valley,
while they awaited the construction of a school at the mouth of Pauoa
Valley.92 This building cost the King £800,93 and shortly after its
construction he undertook to build an attached chapel, in which were
said the daily offices94 and where Father Mason celebrated his first mass
of Easter, 1863.95    The school was advertised as offering an English
(85) Ibid., p. 25. The present Iolani School in Honolulu, which is named in
honour of Kamehameha IV (Iolani was the name he used when he wrote to his
relatives and old friends), is possibly a continuation of the Iolani College here
mentioned. There is no certainty that it is a continuation of St. Alban's, and
certainly not Iolani nor indeed was any other Anglican church school for boys in
Hawaii founded in 1862, as the present Iolani claims.
(86) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, February 3, 1872.
(87) Ibid., June 29, 1872; Mason to the editor, July 5, 1872, ibid., July 6,
1872.
(88) Ibid., September 14, 1872.
(89) Ibid., June 1, 1878.
(90) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal   .   .   .   , p. 12.
(91) Ibid., p. 34; see also letter of Ellen Mary Mason in The Net, February 1,
1866, p. 24.
(92) Letter of Mason in The Net, March 1, 1866, p. 42.
(93) Letter of Dr. Staley in Mission Field, 1864, p. 14.
(94) Entry for September 9, 1863, in Mildred Staley (ed.), "Bishop Staley's
Journal," loc. cit., p. 6.
(95) Honolulu Polynesian, April 4, 1863. 60 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
education and also domestic and industrial training.06 In addition to the
usual subjects, it offered French and German, calisthenics, music and
dancing, drawing, illuminating, plain needlework, embroidery, and
dressmaking. It was divided into two departments—the first for girls
over 12 years and the second for those under that age. The tuition was
$40 per quarter in the first department and $25 per quarter in the second.
At first Mrs. Mason had the entire burden of instruction,97 but two ladies
were brought out from England to assist her, one of them Father Mason's
sister and the other Father Ibbotson's sister.98 There were about two
dozen students, and Dr. Staley expected to draw others from the Royal
School.99 Most of the students were free exhibitioners of the King and
Queen.100 Upon the removal of the Masons to Lahaina, the school continued under the direction of the Misses Mason and Ibbotson101 until
1867, when St. Andrew's Priory was founded by Rev. Mother Lydia, of
the Society of the Most Holy Trinity, into which the students were
absorbed.
In Lahaina Mrs. Mason for a short time had a girls' school, which
probably had been initiated by Mrs. Scott. Three sisters of the Society
of the Most Holy Trinity arrived in the Islands in November, 1864, and
took over this school, which they named St. Cross.102 Although withdrawn from formal teaching, Mrs. Mason took into her home a number
of girls, varying from 7 to 12 years, whom, with the assistance of a Miss
Spurgin, she trained in domestic and industrial work,103 and she advertised for a companion to be educated along with one of her daughters.104
Three-quarters of a century after his departure from Hawaii, Father
Mason was still remembered in Honolulu as an eloquent preacher.105
(96) Ibid., November 8, 1862; Honolulu Hoku o ka Pakipika, Novemaba 13,
1862.
(97) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, April 2, 1863.
(98) Letter of Dr. Staley in Mission Field, 1864, p. 14.
(99) Ibid.; see also Annual Return, January 14, 1864, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(100) Entry for September 9, 1863, in Mildred Staley (ed.), "Bishop Staley's
Journal," loc. cit., p. 6.
(101) Annual Report of the S.P.G., 1866, pp. 179-180.
(102) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, November 12, 1864.
(103) Annual Report of the S.P.G., 1866, pp. 179-180; ibid., 1867, pp.
145-146; Dr. Staley to Secretary, S.P.G., November 17, 1867, in Letters Received,
1859-1867, Honolulu, No. 54, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(104) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, July 20, 1867.
(105) Conversation with Mrs. Florence Lawrence, of Honolulu, February 9,
1947. Mrs. Lawrence, daughter of George Morison Robertson, was born in
Honolulu, March 25, 1859. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 61
There is practically no information now available on his usual sermons,
but there are comments about his occasional ones. He certainly did not
read his sermons, for he was so near-sighted that he could not read
except at very short range.106 It was he who delivered the first sermon
after the arrival of the mission, in the temporary cathedral, on October
12, 1862.107 Within a month of his arrival in the Islands he preached
for the first time in Hawaiian, on the text " Go ye, teach all nations. "108
He described his preparation for a Hawaiian sermon in a letter written
to England:—
First I write a foul copy; then I get my volunteer tutor [David Kalakaua] to
correct it. Then I write a fair copy and learn it by heart; and finally, on the
Saturday, I speak it to my tutor, who corrects my pronunciation and emphasis.109
Father Mason preached a eulogy on Kamehameha IV, December 6,
1863, which, like many of his sermons, showed evidence of a deep devotion to the Blessed Sacrament. In speaking of the King, he said in
part:—
You may not all know how he loved communion with his Lord. You may not
all know how it was his delight in the early morn to enter the courts of the Lord's
house and partake of the bread of life, after due preparation and hearty contrition
for past sin. Truly to him it was the most comfortable sacrament of the body and
blood of Christ. He ever looked upon the Holy Communion service as a sacrifice
of thanksgiving, which it was his " bounden duty " to offer on all special occasions,
whether of sorrow or of joy. Thus, when but a few weeks ago God visited him
and his beloved Queen with a severe accident, his first thought was to send for his
Bishop to celebrate privately those holy mysteries as a mark of his gratitude, and
to express his consciousness of hourly dependence on the protecting hand of the
King of Kings.1"
Father Mason also preached at the ordination of William Hoapili Kaau-
wai to the diaconate in Lahaina, September 25, 1864;111 on the unity
of Christendom, July 2, 1865;112 at a mass of thanksgiving for the safe
return of Queen Emma from England, October 28, 1866;113 and a
eulogy on George Morison Robertson, March 17, 1867.114
(106) Letter of Mason in The Net, March 1, 1866, p. 42.
(107) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal  .   .   .   , p. 7.
(108) Ibid., p. 35.
(109) Letter of Mason in The Net, March 1, 1866, pp. 42-43.
(110) Quoted in Staley, A Pastoral Address, p. 66.    For comment on the
sermon see Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, December 10 and 17, 1863.
(111) Report of the Lahaina Mission, October, 1864, MS., Archives of S.P.G.
(112) Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, July 1, 1865, Vol. I, p. 21.
(113) Ibid., October 27, 1866.
(114) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, March 23 and April 6, 1867. 62 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
One of his Honolulu sermons was published. This was a judicious
and scholarly criticism of John William Colenso, Bishop of Natal, which
he delivered on July 12, 1863. Colenso had written that it was a " presumptuous and impious assumption " to claim that man was created in
God's image. Taking as his text, " Let us make man in our image, after
our likeness" (Genesis 1:26), Father Mason showed that he was
" disposed to side with all advances of science," however much they
appeared to contradict Scripture. He was dismayed, he said, not by
Colenso's regarding parts of the Mosaic narratives as legends, but by his
attacking the purpose of those legends: instruction on the origin of man,
his fall, and the scheme of his restoration. Father Mason's sermon was
built upon the doctrine of the Incarnation. The pre-existent Word was
identical, he affirmed, with the Incarnate Word, and the mediation of
Jesus Christ and the salvation of man depended on the reality of material
man, which was, in some manner, made in God's likeness. He ended his
sermon with a reaffirmation of the Blessed Sacrament, " the brightest
earthly mirror of God's love," as the extension of the Incarnation.115
A secular editor criticized the sermon, but Father Mason stuck to his
guns.116
Father Mason wrote two theological tracts—one a statement on
confirmation and the other on the validity of Anglican orders. The tract
on confirmation he prepared at the request of Dr. Staley, and so pleased
was the King with it that he translated it into Hawaiian.117 In this tract
he boldly stated the doctrines of the gift of the Holy Ghost in episcopal
confirmation and of the power of the keys. Both of these were distasteful
to the Calvinists, and they did not fail to seize the opportunity of attacking both Father Mason and the mission.118 The historical work on the
validity of Anglican orders was a more substantial one. In May, 1865,
the Roman mission in Honolulu issued a reprint of a small portion of
John Fletcher's Comparative View of the Grounds of the [Roman]
(115) George Mason, Colenso on the Book of Genesis, the Creation of Man
in the " Image " of God Vindicated from the Charge of Being a " Presumptuous
and Impious Assumption," a Sermon Preached in the Hawaiian Cathedral, Honolulu, on the 6th Sunday after Trinity, 12th July, 1863, Honolulu, 1863, 12 pp.
(116) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, August 27, September 3,
September 17, and October 1, 1863.
(117) Letter of Ellen Mary Mason in The Net, February 1, 1866, p. 23.
Unfortunately the author has been unsuccessful in locating a copy of this tract,
either in English or in Hawaiian.
(118) Missionary Herald, February, 1863, LXIV, pp. 35-36. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 63
Catholic and Protestant Churches (London, 1826), which it thought
would " prove interesting and instructive for our Hawaiian community
especially under the present circumstances." This was an artful statement in which Fletcher, while pretending not to deny the validity of
Anglican orders, presented the worn-out arguments that the consecration
of Matthew Parker, if it occurred at all, was uncanonical and illegal, that
the consecrators lacked commission, that the form was insufficient, and
that the consecration of Barlow was doubtful.119 This pamphlet was
eagerly seized upon by the Calvinist critics as a weapon to use against
Dr. Staley, although the same critics would have been the first to deny
the doctrine of apostolic succession.120 Father Mason wrote a reply to
the pamphlet, but, not wishing to engage in controversy, he abstained
from publishing it until Dr. Staley, who had discovered the pamphlet in
circulation among his flock, requested him to put it in print. Using
primarily Francois Pierre le Courayer's A Dissertation on the Validity of
the Ordinations of the English and of the Succession of the Bishops of the
Anglican Church (1723, new edition 1844) and Walter Farquhar
Hook's Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, he deftly demolished all
of Fletcher's arguments.121 The Hawaiian Gazette commented that the
pamphlet read " like the work of a thorough scholar and one well versed
in Church history,"122 while the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, to which
Father Mason did not send a copy, whined that " from the fair and
temperate manner in which Mr. Mason's productions have always been
received in this paper, we certainly had a right to expect that the usual
courtesy would be extended to us."123 Probably it was the " fair and
temperate manner " which Father Mason wished to avoid, having been
exposed to it on previous occasions. His pamphlet seems to have effectively ended the local Romanist and Calvinist criticism of Anglican
orders.
On several occasions, during his residence in Hawaii, Father Mason
gave public lectures and readings as a means of raising funds for civic
(119) [John] Fletcher, The Ordinations of the Church of England, Honolulu,
1865, 25 pp.
(120) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, May 20, 1865.
(121) [George] Mason, A Vindication of the Orders of the Ancient Catholic
Church of England, against the Objections of one Dr. Fletcher, with a Preface and
Notes, Honolulu, 1865, 35 pp. Publication of this tract was announced in the
Honolulu Hawaiian Gazette, July 22, 1865, Vol. I, p. 47.
(122) ibid., July 29, 1865, Vol. I, p. 52.
(123) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, August 5, 1865. 64 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
improvements. The first of these was on June 22, 1863, when, in aid
of the building fund of Queen's Hospital, he lectured on " The Genius
of Shakespeare Illustrated from the Tragedy of Hamlet." For an hour
and three-quarters he spoke extemporaneously, and, according to one
reporter, showed that he not only knew his subject, but also " possessed
himself literary powers of no ordinary capacity."124 It is not surprising
that he was harshly criticized by Congregationalists for elevating Shakespeare above Milton, for the Calvinist mind always regarded Milton as
the greatest of English poets.125 On April 17, 1868, he gave a reading
of Hamlet as a benefit for the Olympic Hall, a gymnastic association;
this reading was received with better grace than the lecture.126 Three
years later, on August 4, 1871, he lectured on " The Indirect Influence of
Popular Writers of Fiction on Social Institutions, as Exemplified by the
Writings of Charles Dickens," as a means of raising funds for building
a schoolroom. Although a heavy rain prevented a large audience, those
who braved the elements were amply rewarded. Father Mason spoke of
Dickens' influence in ameliorating poorhouses, workhouses, hospitals,
and schools.127 Again, on February 3, 1873, despite a cold, Father
Mason, " with a fine voice, good taste, and correct appreciation of all the
points of the subject," read selections from Shakespeare, Shelley, Poe,
Tennyson, Hood, Whittier, and the Ingoldsby Legends.128
In Hawaii, Father Mason wrote a number of occasional poems. His
first was a description of the arrival of the English missionaries, written
on shipboard before the pilot was taken up.129 In addition, he wrote an
elegy on the Prince of Hawaii,130 an ode to Kamehameha IV,131 one
celebrating the first observance of Kamehameha the First Day,132 and
one lauding King Lunalilo.133
(124) Ibid., June 18 and 25, 1863.
(125) Honolulu Friend, July 3, 1863, Vol. XX, pp. 49-50.
(126) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, April 18, 1868; Honolulu
Friend, May 1, 1868, Vol. XXV, p. 40.
(127) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, July 29, August 5 and 12, 1871,
(128) Ibid., February 1 and 8, 1873.
(129) Honolulu Polynesian, November 1, 1862. This poem was signed G. M.
A portion of it was reproduced and correctly assigned to Mason in Rufus Anderson,
The Hawaiian Islands; Their Progress and Condition under Missionary Labors,
Boston, 1864, p. 350.
(130) Honolulu Friend, November 1, 1862, Vol. XIX, p. 88.
(131) Honolulu Polynesian, December 20, 1862.
(132) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, July 6, 1872. This day is
still celebrated on June 11.
(133) Ibid., February 8, 1873. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 65
After almost eleven years' work in Hawaii, Father Mason, who
suffered from persistent eye-trouble, concluded that a cooler climate
would improve his health. In San Francisco there was a struggling
Anglo-Catholic parish, St. Alban's, which was undergoing all the vicissitudes that such parishes were subjected to in the nineteenth century.
Father Mason was apparently informed that a call from this organization
would be forthcoming if he were in California.134 On February 15,
1873, he obtained a letter dimissory from Dr. Willis, addressed to Dr.
William Ingraham Kip, Bishop of California,135 and three days later,
without his family, he sailed aboard the Moses Taylor for San Francisco.136 Upon arriving there he learned that, on February 9, St.
Alban's had placed itself under Trinity Church.137 The name had then
been changed to Trinity Chapel, and Father Mason was appointed to
minister to its congregation.138 Mrs. Mason and the children followed
aboard the Costa Rica on May 3.139 Apparently Father Mason's
arrangements with Trinity were not entirely satisfactory, for he looked
about for work elsewhere. Dr. Henry J. C. Harper, Bishop of Christ-
church, New Zealand, offered him a place in his diocese,140 and Dr.
George Hills, Bishop of British Columbia, did likewise.141 Accepting
the second offer, Father Mason moved to British Columbia in November.
A newspaper reported that Dr. Hills intended appointing him Archdeacon of Vancouver.142 This rumour was premature, for Father Mason
was not made archdeacon until 1880. Instead, he became pastor of
Holy Trinity Church, New Westminster. His geniality and tact made
him agreeable to everyone in the community, which appears to have
been composed of divergent national and sectarian groups. With dissent,
he was on the best of terms. For example, at an annual meeting of the
New Westminster Bible Society he gave an address, "The Incorrupt
(134) Hawaiian Church Monthly Messenger, April 1, 1873, p. 30.
(135) " The Acts of the Right Reverend Alfred Willis, D.D.," MS., in office of
Missionary District of Honolulu, Honolulu, p. 6.
(136) Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, February 22, 1873.
(137) Hawaiian Church Monthly Messenger, April 1, 1873, p. 30.
(138) Ibid., May 1, 1873, p. 38; Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser,
April 19, 1873.
(139) Ibid., May 10, 1873; Hawaiian Church Monthly Messenger, June 1,
1873, p. 47.
(140) Ibid., April 1, 1873, p. 30.
(141) Church Times, February 3, 1893, Vol. XXXI, p. 103, reprinted in
Victoria Colonist, February 26, 1893.
(142) Ibid., November 22, 1873. 66 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
Preservation of the Bible,"143 a subject on which he and they were no
doubt in complete agreement. His own congregation was heterogeneous
in churchmanship, but through the exercise of delicacy he was able to
avoid giving offence,144 yet, in light of his fervent Anglo-Catholicism,
one suspects that he surrendered no principle. He merited a local reputation as a sound and admirable preacher,145 and his reading of the services
was commended as impressive.146 Even the secular newspaper recommended a hearty response at the offering on Easter as a reward for the
pastor.147 As always, he took an interest in children. At a Christmas
party for the church school children, he distributed prizes donated by
Mrs. Hills,148 and a few weeks later he gave a treat at which he showed
magic-lantern slides and provided his little guests with tea and cakes.149
In March, 1874, Father Mason was appointed principal of the Collegiate School at Victoria.150 This was a work for which his experience
in Hawaii had eminently prepared him. In addition to the educational
work, he was licensed to minister to Cedar Hill and Lake districts near
Victoria.151 He held these positions for only five months. In August
he was appointed rector of St. Paul's Church, Nanaimo,152 to which he
moved in the following month, after the pupils of the Collegiate School
had presented him with a leather-bound album.153
He served at Nanaimo for four years, during which the congregation
of St. Paul's so increased in size that the parish built an enlargement to
the church.154 On November 9 his wife and he opened St. Paul's School,
in which they offered the ordinary English branches, together with
French and needlework if desired.155 In addition to his parochial work,
he took an interest in diocesan affairs.   When a synod was constituted
(143) New Westminster Mainland Guardian, February 21, 1873.
(144) Ibid., April 25, 1874, reprinted in Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, July 4, 1874.
(145) New Westminster Mainland Guardian, February 19, 1874.
(146) Ibid., March 7, 1874.
(147) Ibid., April 4, 1874.
(148) Ibid., December 25, 1873.
(149) Ibid., February 12, 1874.
(150) Victoria Colonist, March 24, 1874.
(151) Dr. Harold Eustace Sexton, Bishop of British Columbia, to the author,
February 17, 1947.
(152) Victoria Standard, August 18, 1874.
(153) Victoria Colonist, September 19, 1874.
(154) Nanaimo Free Press, June 12, 1878.
(155) Ibid., October 31, 1874. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 67
for the diocese in 1875, Father Mason preached at its opening and
became a member of its executive committee. In 1878 Dr. Hills went
to England, and for the period of his absence he appointed Father Mason
dean of Christ Church Cathedral in Victoria and one of his two local
commissaries.156 Upon Father Mason's departure from Nanaimo,
seventy-one members of St. Paul's congregation presented him with an
address testifying to his merits " as a man and Pastor " and to his
" valuable services as a Minister of the Gospel and a true and Christian
friend and monitor," and the church school children gave him a
memento.157
Father Mason was installed as dean on June 6, 1878,158 and served
for two years. Upon the ordinary's return to his diocese, he resumed his
functions as dean and rector of the cathedral. Father Mason then
became locum tenens charged with the pastoral oversight of the cathedral
congregation.159 On July 8,1880, Dr. Hills gave him the more pretentious title of assistant rector and, in addition, appointed him Archdeacon
of Vancouver, a position, like the bishopric, endowed by the Baroness
Burdett-Coutts.160 Father Mason did not devote all of his time in
Canada to education and his priestly duties. Mrs. Mason worked assiduously among the sick and needy in Victoria,161 and there is an unverified
statement that during their residence in British Columbia Father Mason
and his wife founded and operated a hospital.162
In British Columbia Father Mason continued to write verse. The
Mechanics' Literary Institute, of Victoria, in 1875, offered a prize of $20
for the best poem submitted in a contest sponsored by it. Father Mason
easily captured the prize by a poem Lo! the Poor Indian! which was
regarded as abounding in " fine sentiment and Christian thought."163
In the poem he contrasted the dignity of the Indian before the arrival of
the white man with his debasement following the introduction of whisky
and the plunder of his lands. The poem is remarkable for the recognition of the unity of man despite racial distinctions.   It contains some
(156) Bishop Sexton to the author.
(157) Nanaimo Free Press, June 15, 1878; Victoria Colonist, June 20, 1878.
See also Hawaiian Church Monthly Messenger, September 1, 1875, p. 66.
(158) Nanaimo Free Press, June 6, 1878.
(159) Victoria Colonist, January 10, 1880.
(160) Bishop Sexton to the author.
(161) Victoria Colonist, August 8, 1884.
(162) Church Times, February 3, 1893, Vol. XXXI, p. 103.
(163) Victoria Colonist, October 29, 1875. 68 Andrew Forest Muir Jan.-Apr.
notable lines, among them the description of the Indian at the time
Father Mason wrote:—
Lo! the poor Indian now! from street to street
In cast-off finery, with naked feet,
Listlessly strolling, object of contempt,—
His claims neglected and his lands pre-empt,—
Despoiled, uncared for, destitute he roams,
A homeless exile, 'mid his native homes!184
Not great poetry perhaps, but certainly evidence of decent and manly
commiseration for an exploited people.
A shortj while later he published a poem on the wreck of the steamship
Pacific, from which only two persons had escaped with their lives.165
This poem was sold for one bit a copy, and the proceeds were devoted to
the purchase of a carpet for St. Paul's Church, Nanaimo.166 Upon the
death of Sir James Douglas, long-time Governor of the former colony,
Father Mason prepared an elegy extolling his virtues.167 His pen was not,
however, devoted exclusively to the commemoration of public events, for
upon the tenth birthday of his youngest daughter he presented her with
an acrostic written in her honour.168
On July 30, 1881, Father Mason, together with his family, left
British Columbia for England.169 The exact reason for his departure
is hard to determine, for no statement of his own on the subject is
available. There were made by others, however, conflicting claims, on
the one hand, that he went on furlough170 and, on the other, that his
wife's health required a change of climate.171 Had he gone for the first
reason, and had there been no other issues involved, he probably would
(164) Prize Poem, Lo! the Poor Indian! Read before the Mechanics'Literary
Institute, Victoria, Thursday, October 28, 1875, Victoria, 1875, 8 pp.
(165) Ode on the Loss of the Steamship "Pacific," November 4th, 1875,
Nanaimo, 1875, 4 pp. This poem was reprinted in the Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, June 3, 1876.
(166) Nanaimo Free Press, December 1, 1875.
(167) " In Memory of Sir James Douglas, K.C.B.," Victoria Colonist, October
19, 1877.
(168) "Ethel's Birthday, Deer 5th 1878," MS. supplied by Mrs. W. H.
Britton. Etheldreda Eliza Finch Nalanieulai Mason was born at Lahaina, December
5, 1868, and was baptized on December 20, with Queen Emma as one of the
godmothers. Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser, December 19, 1868.
Printed baptismal certificate supplied by Mrs. W. H. Britton.
(169) Victoria Colonist, July 31, 1881.
(170) Church Times, February 3, 1893, Vol. XXXI, p. 103.
(171) Anglican to editor, August 8, 1884, in Victoria Colonist, August 9, 1884. 1951 George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster 69
have returned. Had he gone for the second reason, his return would
have been doubtful. As a matter of fact, he never returned to British
Columbia, but this does not prove the validity of the second assumption,
for there was, it would appear, another issue involved: Dr. Hills did not
wish his return.172 The truth of this is not substantiated, but it is
certain that adverse decisions of bishops often prevent the return of
missionaries from furloughs. For a year in England, Father Mason
worked for the welfare of the mission. He presented the merits of British
Columbia to congregations and collected £1,200 from them.173
Having resigned from the mission, Father Mason helped for a year
at Christ Church, St. Leonard's on Sea, where an old college friend,
C. L. Vaughan, was incumbent. There he was long remembered for
some notable addresses at a three hours' devotion on Good Friday.
Then he served a year at St. Michael's, Southsea.174 In the summer of
1884 Dr. Edward H. Browne, Bishop of Winchester, presented him to
the living of Long Cross, Virginia Water, near Windsor,175 where he
served for eight years. By quiet teaching and example he won his
parishioners to the acceptance of the full Catholic faith, and with his wife
he initiated a home for penitents where he ministered daily. In addition
to his work in Long Cross, he was often in demand as a preacher elsewhere. During Holy Week, 1891, while returning from an outside
engagement, he suffered a stroke of paralysis which permanently crippled
him.176
He resigned his living in the following year and retired to St. Leonard's. He last received the Blessed Sacrament on January 16, 1893, and
on the following day he suffered a cerebral haemorrhage, from which he
died on January 21.177 In a codicil to his will made the day before his
last attack, he had requested that his funeral be " conducted according
to the rites of the Catholic Church of England " and that it be " as simple
and inexpensive as possible."178 This wish was executed on January 24,
when the burial office was said and a requiem mass in the presence of the
body was sung by Father Vaughan, after which his body was buried in
(172) Ibid., August 8, 1884.
(173) Church Times, February 3, 1893, Vol. XXXI, p. 103.
(174) " George Mason, Priest, In Memoriam," loc. cit.
(175) Church Times, February 3, 1893, Vol. XXXI, p. 103.
(176) Ibid.; "George Mason, Priest, In Memoriam," loc. cit.
(177) Ibid.   See also Death Certificate, MS., Registry General, London.
(178) Codicil, January 16, 1893, to will, March 5, 1885, MS., in Principal
Probate Registry, London. 70 Andrew Forest Muir
the churchyard of St. Leonard's, Hollington.179   Upon his tombstone
were engraved the words, " I believe in the Communion of Saints."180
Andrew Forest Muir.
Daniel Baker College,
Brownwood, Texas.
(179) " George Mason, Priest, In Memoriam," loc. cit.; Burial Register of
St. Leonard's, Hollington, courtesy of Rev. J. C. Poole, vicar of Holy Trinity,
Hastings, and rural dean of Hastings.
(180) Mason's widow died January 6, 1900, aged 64 years, and her body is
buried with Father Mason.   Courtesy of Rev. J. C. Poole. BRITISH COLUMBIA AND CONFEDERATION*
During the almost eighty years that have elapsed since British
Columbia joined Canada the population of the Province has increased
from 36,247, including Indians and Chinese, to over 1,000,000.1 The
Pacific Province is now third in population, being surpassed only by
Ontario and Quebec. It may well be asked why the far-away British
colony on the Pacific Coast became a Canadian Province in 1871 on
terms of union that included the promise of a railway linking the Pacific
seaboard with the railway system of Eastern Canada. The story of how
British Columbia joined Canada has often been told, but as a rule British
Columbians have failed to realize exactly where this event fits into the
general picture of Canadian Confederation. It will be well, therefore,
first to sketch the progress of the federation movement in the Eastern
British North American Provinces, and then to fit within the framework
of confederation the entrance, first, of the Hudson's Bay territory that
became the Province of Manitoba and the Northwest Territories, and,
finally, the steps leading to the inauguration of our Province of British
Columbia.
The American Revolutionary War came to an end in 1783, when
the representatives of His Britannic Majesty George III and those of
the new United States of America signed a treaty of peace at Versailles,
France. Thirteen of the former British colonies had broken away from
the Empire and had been recognized as forming a new nation. During
the war for independence the revolting colonies had signed articles of
confederation that were finally ratified by all the new States in 1781.
But the confederation was not a close federal union, and it was found
* The substance of an address delivered before the Victoria Section of the
British Columbia Historical Association on the occasion of the unveiling of a
plaque erected by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada to commemorate the inauguration on July 20, 1871, of the Province of British Columbia.
The ceremony took place in the Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C., March 9,
1951.
(1) Canada Year Book, 1950, Ottawa, 1950, p. xvii, gives the estimated figure
for 1948 as 1,082,000. The 1941 Census gave the population as 817,861. The
white population of the Province at Confederation was under 10,000. J. T,
Marshall, Vital Statistics of British Columbia, Victoria, n.d., pp. 191-193. The
figure given for 1870 was 8,576.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 and 2.
71 72 Walter N. Sage Jan.-Apr.
necessary in May, 1787, to summon a constitutional convention to meet
in Philadelphia. This convention drafted the Constitution of the United
States that was accepted and signed by the delegates from twelve out of
the thirteen States—Rhode Island had refused to send delegates to the
convention—and then submitted to the various States for ratification.
The necessary nine out of thirteen States had recorded votes in favour
of ratification by June, 1788, and the Constitution of the United States
was formally proclaimed. The first presidential elections were held in
1789, and George Washington was declared elected as the first President
and John Adams as the first Vice-President of the United States of
America. The American Constitution established the first modern
federal union, and its influence has been profound. The " Fathers of
Confederation " in Canada were quite aware of the strength and weakness of the Constitution of the United States.
The British colonies that remained in North America could be
roughly divided into two groups—the northern and the British West
Indies. The latter group does not come into the picture at all and,
therefore, for our purpose must be omitted. The northern group in
1783 included Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, the " old Province
of Quebec," and Newfoundland. There was, in addition, the Hudson's
Bay territory or Rupert's Land, held by the Hudson's Bay Company
under its royal charter of May 2, 1670. Proposals for a union of the
Eastern British North American Provinces were brought forward by
Colonel Robert Morse, R.E., in 1784 and by William Smith, Chief
Justice of Quebec, in 1790.2 During the next half-century other similar
proposals were made, but nothing came of them.
Lord Durham in his celebrated Report discussed the possibility of a
federation of all the British North American Provinces, but in the end
rejected the idea in favour of the reunion of Upper and Lower Canada.
He recommended, however, that in the Act of Union provision be made
for the admission of " any or all of the other North American Colonies."3
His lordship's recommendation on this point, as on many others, was
disregarded, and the Act of Union of 1840 contained no such provision.
(2) See R. G. Trotter, Canadian Federation, Toronto, 1924, pp. 5, 6; and
A. Shortt and A. G. Doughty (eds.), Canada and Its Provinces, Edinburgh, 1914,
Vol. Ill, pp. 130, 131. Smith had proposed a federation of all the North American
Provinces before the outbreak of the American Revolution.
(3) Sir Charles Lucas (ed.), Lord Durham's Report, Oxford, 1912, Vol. II,
p. 323.   See also Vol. I, pp. 132, 133, 248-255, and Vol. II, pp. 304-323. 1951 British Columbia and Confederation 73
During most of the hectic decade of the 1840's the subject that
agitated the minds of British North Americans was the securing of
responsible government. Nova Scotia, under the inspiration and leadership of Joseph Howe, led the way in the Maritimes, and the battle
was won in 1848. The next year Lord Elgin signed the Rebellion Losses
Bill and thereby accepted the principle of responsible government in
the Province of Canada. In 1846 the British Parliament had abolished
the Corn Laws and thereby ended preference for Canadian grain in the
British market. The repeal of the Navigation Acts and the final victory
of free trade in 1849 led to hard times in Canada, especially in Montreal,
where leading merchants signed the Annexation Manifesto.4 The British
American League, meeting at Kingston on July 31, 1849, had already
adopted a platform favouring a union of all the British American
Provinces.5 Both movements, however, failed to arouse public opinion
to any marked extent or to achieve any permanent results.
In the 1850's the problem of closer union was canvassed both in the
Maritime colonies and in United Canada. J. W. Johnstone, leader of
the Conservative opposition in the Nova Scotia Assembly, raised the
issue in 1854, but his resolution failed to pass. In Canada the political
situation was becoming exceedingly complicated, and it was evident
that the Union of 1841 had failed to bring harmony between the two
races. The rapid increase in population in Upper Canada, or Canada
West, led to a movement headed by the " Clear Grits " and championed
by George Brown in the Toronto Globe in favour of representation by
population, or " Rep. by Pop." as it was popularly called. Proposals
were advanced for a federation of the two Canadas, and even for a
general federation of all the British Provinces. In 1858, when the
political situation was more confused than ever, Alexander Tilloch Gait,
member for Sherbrooke in the English-speaking Eastern Townships,
delivered a speech in the Canadian Parliament advocating a federal
union of British North America.    It is noteworthy that Gait stressed
(4) The text of this celebrated document is to be found in Sir Arthur G.
Doughty (ed.), The Elgin-Grey Papers, Ottawa, 1937, Vol. IV, pp. 1487-1494.
Among the signatories were J. J. C. Abbott, D. L. Macpherson, L. H. Holton,
John Rose, Q.C., and William McDougall, all of whom later supported the movement for Confederation.
(5) "Address of the ' British American League' to the inhabitants of Canada
—adopted 31st July, 1849, in General Convention at Kingston," in The Elgin-Grey
Papers, Vol. I, pp. 441-443.   See also R. G. Trotter, op. cit., p. 15. 74 Walter N. Sage Jan.-Apr.
the necessity of including the Northwest in the new federation. The
third section of his resolution read, in part, as follows: " That a general
Confederation of the provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island with Canada and the Western
territories is most desirable . . ."6 But Gait at the time received
little support from the leading Canadian parliamentarians. Nonetheless,
as O. D. Skelton has well said, " he brought the question once for all
into practical politics."7 Georges Etienne Cartier, however, the leader
of the Conservatives of French Canada, was attracted by the idea of
federation, and Gait, who had hitherto supported the Lower Canadian
opposition, in 1858 accepted office in the Cartier-Macdonald Cabinet
on condition that the Government should adopt a federation policy.
Cartier, Gait, and John Ross were sent to England to discuss not only
federation, but also the future of the Hudson's Bay territory and the
proposed Intercolonial Railway. The British Government was not
favourable, and Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton gave the project of federation
only lukewarm support in his dispatch to Sir Edmund Head, the
Governor-General of Canada. The road to Confederation was to be
long and hard.
Gait's proposals, however, aroused popular interest in Canada. A
young barrister in Montreal, Alexander Morris, who had attended the
British American League's Kingston convention in 1849, delivered a
brilliant lecture before the Mercantile Library Association of Montreal
on March 18, 1858, nearly three months before Gait had made his
historic speech in the Canadian Parliament. Morris took for his title
" Nova Britannia." In it he advocated the federal union of the Provinces and the taking-over of Rupert's Land. He went further and
included Vancouver Island in the new federation. In a second lecture
delivered during the winter of 1858 on the topic "The Hudson's Bay
and Pacific Territories," he carried his hearers up the Ottawa Valley
and onward by the old fur-traders' route to the head of the lakes and
to Rupert's Land. In his imagination he crossed the Rockies and
arrived in the new gold colony of British Columbia and on to Vancouver
Island. Returning from the coast he visited the Athabaska country and
then dealt with the Saskatchewan, Assiniboine, and Red River districts.
(6) The text of Gait's resolutions appears in O. D. Skelton, The Life and
Times of Sir Alexander Tilloch Gait, Toronto, 1920, pp. 219-221.
(7) Ibid., p. 217. 1951 British Columbia and Confederation 75
He favoured the construction of a Pacific railway and prophesied a
" new English speaking nation which will at one and no distant day
people all this Northern continent . . . with its face to the south
and its back to the pole, with its right and left resting on the Atlantic
and the Pacific, and with the telegraph and the iron road connecting the
two oceans."8
While Alexander Morris was dreaming dreams and seeing visions,
a hard-headed business-man, Sir Edward Watkin of the Grand Trunk
Railway, was working out plans for the building of the Intercolonial
Railway and projecting a railway to the Pacific Coast. Watkin had
first visited North America in 1851, and ten years later he returned to
the British Provinces. According to his account in Canada and the
States, a rambling autobiography which sheds much light on the period,
he was from 1861 to 1864 the unofficial agent of the Duke of Newcastle,
Secretary of State for the Colonies. Watkin in 1863 was commissioned
by the reorganized Hudson's Bay Company to visit the Red River
Settlement and to discuss with Governor A. G. Dallas " the state and
condition of this Settlement, the condition of the adjoining territory,
the prospect of settlement therein, and the possibility of commencing
operations for an electric telegraph line across the southern district of
Rupert's Land."9
Since 1847 the Hudson's Bay Company had been under fire. In
that year Alexander K. Isbister, a native of Rupert's Land, son of a
Hudson's Bay Company official, who had served as a clerk in the
Mackenzie River district, had sent to Lord Grey, Secretary of State for
the Colonies, a series of communications charging the Hudson's Bay
Company with " obstructionism " toward all colonizing activity within
its territory, of interference with the attempts of the settlers in Red River
to trade with the Americans to the south, and, above all, of its neglect
of the Indians and half-bloods and the sacrifice of their welfare to the
production of dividends for the shareholders. The Company, of course,
refuted these charges as best it could, but public interest had been
aroused. In 1857 the House of Commons appointed a select committee
to investigate the affairs of the Hudson's Bay Company. Chief Justice
W. H. Draper attended on behalf of the Canadian Government.   Canada
(8) Alexander Morris, Nova Britannia:   or Our New Canadian Dominion
Foreshadowed, Toronto, 1884, p. 89.
(9) Sir Edward Watkin, Canada and the States, London [1887], pp. 152, 153. 76 Walter N. Sage Jan.-Apr.
was already taking a great interest in the future of the Hudson's Bay
territory. George Brown in the Toronto Globe and William McDougall
in the North American advocated the taking-over of the West and
challenged the monopoly rights of the Hudson's Bay Company. The
investigation of 1857 let in a great flood of light on the conduct and
trade of the Company and the " Committee's report heralded the end
of the fur-trading monopoly in the ' fertile belt.' "10
As events were to prove, the fate of the Hudson's Bay territory and
of Vancouver Island and British Columbia was to depend on the solution of the problem of British North American federation. Canada was
not prepared to take action on her own, in spite of the promptings of
the Colonial Office in London. Nonetheless, the Canadian Government
sent out an exploring party in 1857 headed by George Gladman, a
native of the Hudson's Bay territory, accompanied by Henry Y. Hind
as geologist, W. E. Napier as engineer, and S. J. Dawson as surveyor,
to investigate " the possibilities of improving the portages and extending
the navigable reaches between Lake Superior and Rainy Lake " and
"also to study the desirability of building a road for part of the
distance from Lake Superior and also for a distance eastward from
Red River."11 In 1858 Hind made a topographical and geological
survey west of Lake Winnipeg, and Dawson in the same year continued
his exploration of the route between Lake Superior and Red River.
The Palliser expedition, sent out by the British Government, between
1857 and 1860 traversed the southern prairies, discovered the Kicking
Horse Pass, and penetrated into British Columbia.12 The great Fraser
River gold-rush of 1858 and the establishment of the Crown Colony
(10) John S. Galbraith, "The Hudson's Bay Company under Fire, 1847-62,"
Canadian Historical Review, Vol. XXX (1949), p. 329. The Report of the Select
Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company as printed by order of the House of
Commons is a mine of information. A. K. Isbister, former Governor Richard
Blanshard, and James Cooper, of Vancouver Island, and others testified against the
Company. Sir George Simpson did his best to defend the interests of the great
corporation, but even he failed on occasion. The committee favoured the transfer
to Canada of the Red River and Saskatchewan districts and recommended the termination of the Hudson's Bay Company's connection with Vancouver Island.
See R. G. Trotter, op. cit., pp. 241-243. At this time annexationist sentiment was
powerful in the United States, and especially in Minnesota.
(11) Ibid., p. 250.
(12) J. J. Denholm, The Palliser Survey, 1857-1860, M.A. thesis at the University of British Columbia, in the library of that institution. 1951 British Columbia and Confederation 77
of British Columbia called attention to the Pacific Coast and the possibilities of a British North American federation which would extend
from sea to sea.   But the time was not yet.
In the early 1860's four outstanding events hastened the coming of
confederation. The first was the election of Abraham Lincoln as
President of the United States and the subsequent secession of the
South to form the Confederate States of America. The Civil War,
1861-65, profoundly affected the British North American Provinces.
On the whole the British Provincials favoured the North, although some
Southern sympathizers who came to Canada caused trouble. The Trent
affair of 1861, when two Southern envoys were removed from a British
vessel by U.S.S. San Jacinto, brought Great Britain and the United
States to the verge of war. The defenceless state of British North.
America became only too evident. Canada, however, was not prepared
to take on the burden of her own defence and, because of party strife,
the Militia Bill of 1862 failed to pass the Canadian Parliament. As the
Civil War dragged on, British North America prospered, largely on
account of the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, which allowed certain raw
material and other products to enter the United States free of customs
duty. The American Government was not too anxious to renew the
Reciprocity Treaty, and hard times would almost certainly result.
The second of the important events of the early '60's was the
movement for Maritime Union. In 1860 Dr. Charles Tupper delivered
a lecture at the opening of the Mechanics' Institute in Saint John, N.B.,
on " The Political Condition of British North America," in the course
of which he discussed the possibility of a union of the Maritime Provinces as a step toward a broader federal union of all of British North
America.13 This theme he elaborated in a second address given at
Portland, N.B., opposite Saint John. Next year, in the Nova Scotia
Legislature, Joseph Howe moved, seconded by Tupper, a resolution in
favour of " the union of the North American Provinces, or of the Maritime Provinces of British America," but nothing came of it. In 1864
Dr. Tupper, as Premier of Nova Scotia, "introduced and carried a
resolution in favour of a legislative union of the Maritime Provinces,"
explaining that he regarded it as a step in the direction of a wider union
(13) Sir Charles Tupper, Recollections of Sixty Years, London, 1914, pp.
14-38. G. E. M. Saunders (ed.), The Life and Letters of Sir Charles Tupper,
Bart., K.C.M.G., London, 1916, Vol. I, p. 80. 78 Walter N. Sage Jan.-Apr.
in the way of which insuperable difficulties then existed.14 As a result
of this motion, the Charlottetown Conference met on September 1,
1864, with representation from the three Maritime Provinces. This
Conference passed a resolution in general terms favouring Maritime
Union. The arrival of the Canadian delegates, however, broadened the
scope of the Conference, and the more limited legislative union gave
way to Confederation.
The third important event was the completion of the Grand Trunk
Railway in 1860, connecting Sarnia on Lake Huron with Portland,
Maine, and also its extension from Richmond, P.Q., to Levis and on
to Riviere du Loup. It had been hoped that an Intercolonial Railway
could be constructed from Riviere du Loup by way of the north shore
of New Brunswick to Halifax, N.S., but this was not to come about until
after Confederation.
Last on the list, but by no means least in importance, was the political deadlock in Canada that led in 1864 to the creation of a coalition
government charged with the task of securing the federation of the
British North American Provinces. Goldwin Smith stated that the
parent of Confederation was deadlock, and the phrase has often been
quoted. It was, at best, only a partial truth. Deadlock did play a part
in the coming of federation, but its importance has often been overemphasized. In the decade between 1854 and 1864 there were no less
than nine ministeries in Canada. Of them, six were Liberal-Conservative and three were " radical," composed for the most part of " Clear
Grits" from Canada West (formerly Upper Canada) and " Rouges "
from Canada East (formerly Lower Canada). The Liberal-Conservatives were led by John A. Macdonald of Canada West and Georges
Etienne Cartier of Canada East. They were composed of the moderate
men from both sections of the Province. The political balance between
the parties was so fine that no administration could remain long in
office. This was especially the case because of the " double majority "
rule that demanded that a ministry should have a majority in each
section of the Province.
By June, 1864, when the Tache-Macdonald ministry fell, it was
obvious that not only had the Act of Union failed, but that responsible
government was in jeopardy in Canada. For several years there had
been proposals for a federation of Canada West and Canada East, but
(14) Tupper, Recollections, p. 39. 1951 British Columbia and Confederation 79
there were many counter-proposals, especially those of Alexander
Tilloch Gait in 1858 and of Thomas D'Arcy McGee in 1859, in favour
of federation of all the British Provinces. When a solution seemed
impossible, George Brown of the Toronto Globe, the leader of the
" Clear Grits," took his political life in his hands and approached the
Liberal-Conservatives with a view to forming a coalition. After a week
of negotiation a new government was formed, with Brown and two of
his colleagues from Canada West, Oliver Mowat and William McDougall,
as members of the Executive Council.
At this juncture a deputation from Canada headed by John A.
Macdonald, George Brown, and Georges Cartier, and including A. T.
Gait, Hector Langevin, William McDougall, and Thomas D'Arcy
McGee, set out for the Maritime Provinces to attend the Charlottetown
Conference. The project of Maritime Union was being wrecked because
the Prince Edward Island delegates were unwilling to consider any
scheme that did not place the capital at Charlottetown, and the larger
scheme of federation was accepted. The Maritime and Canadian delegates agreed that the Conference should adjourn to meet in Quebec,
and after the adjournment the Canadian delegates visited Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick and won golden opinions by their able and tactful
presentation of the Confederation scheme.15
The delegates reassembled at Quebec on October 10, 1864, and
were joined by the representatives from Newfoundland. John A. Macdonald proposed a legislative union, but opinion was practically unanimous in favour of a federation. After nearly three weeks of debate
the delegates accepted the Quebec Resolutions, made up of seventy-two
sections. This was, in fact, the first draft of the British North America
Act. The matter was then referred to the British Government, and
delegates were sent to London to work out the final terms of the Bill
establishing the federation, but nearly three years were to elapse before
the British North America Act became law.
All was not plain sailing. Opinion in Canada was strongly in favour
of Confederation, but minorities in Canada East and Canada West were
(15) The proceedings of the Charlottetown Conference have never been published, but much information on the subject and reports of the speeches of the
Canadians may be found in Edward Whalen, The Union of the British Provinces,
reprinted with an introduction by D. C. Harvey, Gardenvale and Toronto, 1927,
pp. v-xix and 1-61. 80 Walter N. Sage Jan. Apr.
very doubtful.16 In New Brunswick the administration of the Honourable Leonard Tilley suffered defeat on the Confederation issue. In Nova
Scotia, Joseph Howe led the anti-Confederation forces, and it was only
with difficulty that Dr. Tupper avoided a general election. Eventually
New Brunswick accepted Confederation, but Prince Edward Island and
Newfoundland rejected the scheme. In 1867 the British Parliament
passed the British North America Act, and on July 1 Canada, Nova
Scotia, and New Brunswick officially became a federation under the
British Crown.17
By the terms of the British North America Act, United Canada was
divided into two Provinces—Ontario and Quebec—and the machinery
of government, both Federal and Provincial, was set out in detail.
Provision was made in section 146 for the admission of the " Colonies
or Provinces of Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island and British
Columbia " and of " Rupert's Land and the North-western Territory."
In the first three cases the consent of the Parliament of Canada and of
the respective legislatures was necessary, but the Parliament of Canada
alone could apply to Her Majesty to admit Rupert's Land and the
Northwest. Prince Edward Island joined the federation in 1873 and
Newfoundland in 1949. The story of the entrance of Rupert's Land,
the Northwest Territories, and British Columbia will now briefly be set
forth.
On December 4, 1867, the Honourable William McDougall, Minister of Public Works in Sir John A. Macdonald's administration, the
first Federal Cabinet of Canada, introduced a series of resolutions in
the House of Commons " upon which an address to the Queen was
subsequently based, praying Her Majesty to unite Rupert's Land and
(16) An excellent study of Canadian opinion may be found in Peter B. Waite,
Ideas regarding federalism in the Province of Canada, 1864-1867, M.A. thesis at
the University of British Columbia, in the library of that institution.
(17) The British North America Act, 1867, 30 Victoria, chapter 3, has a subtitle "An Act for the Union of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, and the
Government thereof; and for Purposes connected therewith." The preamble reads,
in part, as follows: "Whereas the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick have expressed their Desire to be federally united into One Dominion
under the Crown of Great Britain and Ireland, with a Constitution similar in
Principle to that of the United Kingdom. . . ." The term Dominion of Canada
is not officially used in this Act. 1951 British Columbia and Confederation 81
the North-Western Territory with Canada."18 The British Government
refused to proceed with the scheme until the claims of the Hudson's Bay
Company had been considered and a satisfactory arrangement had been
made. Cartier and McDougall were sent to London to negotiate. In
April, 1869, an agreement was reached whereby the Hudson's Bay
Company surrendered its rights to the British Crown but retained one-
twentieth of its lands in the so-called " fertile belt" and 45,000 acres
adjacent to its trading-posts. The Crown then transferred the territory
to Canada, and Canada paid £300,000 to the Hudson's Bay Company.
The Canadian Parliament ratified the terms agreed upon in London and
passed an "Act for the Temporary Government of Rupert's Land."
William McDougall was appointed Lieutenant-Governor, and the date
for the transfer was set for December 1, 1869.
Unfortunately, the inhabitants of the Red River Settlement had not
been consulted and the " New Nation," le Metis, led by Louis Riel, was
unwilling to accept the terms. The Red River insurrection occurred
and Thomas Scott was done to death.19 The Manitoba Act, 1870,
was passed by the Canadian Parliament, and an expedition under Sir
Garnet Wolseley was sent west to the scene of the disturbance. The
Provisional Government, headed by Riel, collapsed, and several of its
leaders, including Riel, fled to the United States. Manitoba became
the fifth Canadian Province and the Northwest Territories were created.
The western boundary of the Canadian federation had now reached the
summits of the Rocky Mountains, but it was a long time before the ill
effects of the Red River rising had worn off.
The securing of the old Hudson's Bay territory paved the way for
the entrance of British Columbia to federation. Until this was accomplished there was little chance that the British colony on the Pacific
Coast could effectively join hands with Canada. As is well known, the
Colony of Vancouver Island had come into being in 1849 and the
Crown Colony of British Columbia in 1858. There is no need here
to retell the story of the development of these two colonies under the
(18) Sir Joseph Pope, Memoirs of the Rt. Hon. Sir John A. Macdonald,
Toronto, 1930, p. 400.   See also R. G. Trotter, op. cit., p. 289.
(19) The most complete modern account of the Red River difficulties is to be
found in G. F. G. Stanley, The Birth of Western Canada, London, 1936, pp.
19-106. Other useful sources are E. E. Kreuzweiser, The Red River Insurrection,
Gardenvale, n.d., and A. S. Morton, A History of the Canadian West to 1870-71,
Toronto, n.d., pp. 870-909. 82 Walter N. Sage Jan.-Apr.
administration of James Douglas and the brief period from 1864 to
1866 when the colonies were under separate governors. Suffice it to
say that in 1866 the two colonies were united at the fiat of the British
Colonial Office. Governor Arthur Edward Kennedy of Vancouver
Island was transferred to another colonial appointment, and Frederick
Seymour became governor of the united colonies.
The years 1866 to 1871 have been termed " the critical period of
British Columbia history." By 1865 the golden stream from Cariboo
had begun to dry up, and hard times had come to Vancouver Island and
British Columbia. The union of 1866 did not provide a satisfactory
solution to the financial problems. Three courses lay open to British
Columbia. She might remain an isolated British colony, she might join
the United States, or she might enter the newly formed Canadian federation. The first course led nowhere. The second was attractive, but
annexation was not to be the solution.20 The annexationists were never
more than a vocal minority, chiefly centred in Victoria. The purchase
of Alaska in 1867 by the United States placed British Columbia, so to
speak, "in the nut-crackers," but even then British Columbians were
not prepared to desert the Union Jack. The only practical solution for
British Columbia was federation with Canada, but the difficulties to be
overcome were very great.
The greatest of these difficulties was the lack of communication with
Eastern Canada. Until a railway, or at least a wagon-road, could be
constructed, connecting British Columbia with Red River and with the
Eastern Provinces, there could be no reality in union with Canada.
The second problem was the anti-Confederationist attitude of Governor
Seymour and the Legislative Council of British Columbia. Canadians
and other Eastern British North Americans were none too popular in
British Columbia; they were often referred to as "North American
Chinamen " who sent their money home and did not spend it lavishly
in the colony, as was the habit of the Americans.
Nonetheless, there was a strong movement for Confederation led
by Amor de Cosmos, John Robson, John Foster McCreight, Robert
(20) On the subject of annexation see W. N. Sage, " The Annexationist Movement in British Columbia, 1866-1871," Transactions of the Royal Society of
Canada, Third Series, 1927, pp. 97-110; Willard E. Ireland, "The Annexation
Petition of 1869," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, TV (1940), pp. 267-287;
and F. W. Howay, W. N. Sage, and H. F. Angus, British Columbia and the United
States, Toronto, 1942, pp. 196-201. 1951 British Columbia and Confederation 83
Beaven, George A. Walkem, Alfred Waddington, and J. Spencer Thompson. In March, 1867, Amor de Cosmos introduced into the Legislative
Council a motion favouring Confederation which passed unanimously
on March 17. Governor Seymour delayed action as long as possible.21
The Confederationists, unable to secure the support of the Governor
and the Legislative Council, appealed to the people. A Confederation
League was formed in Victoria on May 21, 1868, under the presidency
of James Trimble, Mayor of Victoria. Branches of the League were
formed on the Mainland. Cariboo was strong for federation. In an
open-air picnic held at Barkerville on July 1,1868, Dr. R. W. W. Carrall
and J. S. Thompson spoke in favour of union with Canada. In September, 1868, the Confederationists held a convention at Yale that
suggested terms of union. Although it was an entirely unofficial meeting,
the Yale Convention was, in a sense, the British Columbia counterpart
of the Quebec Conference.
Governor Seymour and the majority in the Legislative Council
remained adamant. In 1869 the Council passed a resolution opposing
union with Canada, but in June of that year the hand of death removed
Governor Seymour. By this time both the British and the Canadian
Governments were anxious for British Columbia to join Canada. Sir
John A. Macdonald suggested that Governor Anthony Musgrave of
Newfoundland, who had first lost the battle for federation in that colony,
be transferred to British Columbia. Musgrave was given the necessary
authority to expedite the union of British Columbia with Canada.
In March, 1870, there occurred the memorable Confederation debate
in the Legislative Council of the colony. The anti-Confederationists
were ably led by Dr. John S. Helmcken, but now the majority among
the officials and magistrates was also with the Confederationists. Terms
of union were drafted. Governor Musgrave selected a delegation of
three—the Honourable Joseph W. Trutch, Chief Commissioner of Lands
and Works; Dr. R. W. W. Carrall, a leading federationist from Cariboo;
and Dr. J. S. Helmcken—to go to Ottawa to work out the final terms
of union. With them travelled H. E. Seelye, a newspaper-man. The
mission was successful. Terms of union were arranged, and in 1871
the enlarged Legislative Council accepted them and forwarded the necessary address asking for union with Canada.   The Imperial Order in
(21) F. W. Howay, "The Attitude of Governor Seymour towards Confederation," Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Third Series, 1920, pp. 31-49.
7 84 Walter N. Sage
Council was issued when requested by British Columbia and Canada.
On July 20, 1871, the union was proclaimed, and British Columbia
became the sixth Canadian Province.
Walter N. Sage.
University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, B.C. FIRST IMPRESSIONS:   LETTER OF
COLONEL RICHARD CLEMENT MOODY, R.E., TO
ARTHUR BLACKWOOD, FEBRUARY 1,  1859
The Royal Engineers have for long occupied a prominent place in
the annals of the Mainland colony of British Columbia. It has, however,
always been a matter of regret that so little material was available from
the pen of their gallant leader, Colonel Richard Clement Moody, other
than the official correspondence in his capacity of Chief Commissioner
of Lands and Works. Presumably he must have submitted reports to the
War Office in London, but these have never come to light. Whether or
not he kept a diary during his sojourn of nearly five years in the colony
is not known, but no such document nor even any volume of personal
correspondence is to be found in the Archives of British Columbia.
Late in 1950, however, a packet of material concerning Moody was
presented to the Archives by Major Richard C. Lowndes, Boar's Hill,
Oxford, England. These papers had been in the possession of his aunt,
Miss Grace Moody, last surviving daughter, and upon her demise were
made available. Of particular interest in the collection is the copy of the
letter that is now being published.
Richard Clement Moody,1 the second son of Colonel Thomas Moody
of the Royal Engineers, was born on February 13, 1813, in St. Ann's
Garrison, Barbados, British West Indies. At the age of 14, after education by a tutor at home and at private schools, he entered the Royal
Military Academy at Woolwich, where he remained until December,
1829, when he was attached to the ordnance survey.   On November 5,
1830, he was gazetted second lieutenant in the Royal Engineers and
posted to Ireland. Early in 1833 he became ill and on his recovery spent
a few months in England before being sent out to St. Vincent in the West
Indies. There he remained until September, 1837, when, as a result of
an attack of yellow fever, he was invalided home.   During his sick-leave
(1) For biographical details see Sidney Lee (ed.), Dictionary of National
Biography, London, 1894, xxxviii, 332-333; Madge Wolfenden, "Pathfinders and
Road-builders: Richard Clement Moody, R.E.," British Columbia Public Works,
April, 1938, pp. 3-4.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 and 2.
85 86 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
he was given permission to accompany Sir Charles Felix Smith2 on a tour
in the United States. Upon his return, in 1838 he became professor of
fortification at the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. That he was
possessed of unusual capabilities is evidenced by the fact that in 1841,
when only 28 years of age, he was selected to become the first Governor
of the Falkland Islands. This colony was in a most disturbed state, and
Moody was given exceptionally wide powers, which he used with moderation yet great effect. At the time of his return to England in February,
1849, he had risen to the rank of first captain. He served in various
capacities in England, principally as commanding Royal Engineer at
Newcastle-on-Tyne until 1854, when he was sent out to Malta, and there
on January 13, 1855, he was promoted to lieutenant-colonel. Unfortunately, he contracted Malta fever and was invalided home later that
year, and after a leave spent in Germany he was appointed commanding
Royal Engineer in North Britain.3 While in Scotland, Moody was promoted to brevet-colonel on April 28, 1858, and it was from this post that
he was appointed to the new colony of British Columbia as Lieutenant-
Governor and Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works.
The reasons for the establishment of a Crown Colony on the Mainland in the region adjacent to the Fraser River goldfields and the decision
to provide it with a corps of the Royal Engineers are well known. The
fact that as experienced and qualified a commander as Moody was
selected is ample indication of the importance with which the venture
was looked upon by the Colonial Office, then presided over by Sir
Edward Bulwer Lytton.4 The detachment of Royal Engineers came out
to British Columbia in three sections, and Colonel Moody and his family
travelled out independently by the Panama route, leaving England on
October 30, 1858.   On December 21 they sailed from San Francisco in
(2) Charles Felix Smith, 1786-1858, was then a colonel in the Royal Engineers
and had just completed fourteen years of service as commanding Royal Engineer
in the West Indies with headquarters at Barbados. Dictionary of National
Biography, liii, 21-24.
(3) It is interesting to note that Moody was himself a skilled draughtsman and
while in Scotland prepared plans for the restoration of Edinburgh Castle which so
impressed the Secretary of State for War that Moody was ordered to submit them
personally to Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort.
(4) Speeches of Edward Lord Lytton . . . with some of his political
writings . . . and a prefatory memoir by his son, London, 1874, vol. ii, pp.
76-96; The Life of Edward Bulwer, first Lord Lytton, by his grandson, London,
1913, 2 vols., passim. 1951 First Impressions 87
the steamer Panama and arrived at Esquimalt on Christmas Day. After
a short respite Colonel Moody assumed his official duties, for he was
sworn in on January 4, 1859.
Col. R. C. Moody was sworn in as Lt. Governor of the Colony of British Columbia
and Commissioner of Lands and Public Works in the same by Chief Justice
Cameron, on Tuesday afternoon last, at 1 o'clock. Immediately upon the close
of the ceremonies, a salute was fired from the guns of the Fort, in honor of the
occasion.5
The letter, now published for the first time, is of unusual interest on
a number of grounds. For one thing it gives a fairly detailed account of
Moody's first hectic month in his new position, written at a time when the
events were still fresh in his mind. The letter was written to Arthur
Blackwood, a senior official in the Colonial Office. Blackwood had
entered the Civil Service in 1824, and since 1848 had been head of the
North American Department within the Colonial Office. Doubtless, he
had come to know Moody during his term of office as Governor of the
Falkland Islands, and it is of no little interest to realize that Moody had
such direct access to the Colonial Office, an advantage not shared by
Governor Douglas. Moreover, there is every reason to believe that
Moody was known personally by the then Colonial Secretary, Sir Edward
Bulwer Lytton, for the latter, when addressing the Royal Engineers just
prior to their departure from England, referred to Moody as " my distinguished friend, your commanding officer."6
Moody's official correspondence, as one might expect of a military
man, was always direct and to the point. In consequence, it has always
been difficult to recreate an impression of the man that lay behind the
officer. This letter goes a long way in providing an insight into the
character and personality of Colonel Moody. He reveals himself as a
man sensitive to the beauties of nature and capable of expressing his
sentiments in beautifully descriptive prose. There are evidences that he
had a fine sense of humour, and that he was a man of devout religious
conviction cannot be gainsaid. The letter sheds some additional light on
the largely unsolved problem of the relations between Governor Douglas
and his Lieutenant-Governor, for in the privacy of a letter to a friend
personal opinions and comment are not withheld. It is, perhaps, a little
startling to find him an advocate of " a Federal Union of the N. American
(5) Victoria Gazette, January 6, 1859.
(6) The Life of Edward Bulwer, first Lord Lytton   .   .   .   , vol. ii, p. 293. 88 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
Colonies " at so early a date, particularly when it was generally known
that such an opinion was not concurred in by the Colonial Secretary.7
Of even greater significance, however, is the fact that this letter offers
a fresh, on-the-spot account of the infamous " Ned McGowan War."
Heretofore, the reports of this incident as written by Judge Matthew
Baillie Begbie8 have been accepted as the official version, for Governor
Douglas was not an active participant in the event. The contemporary
newspaper accounts tended to be inaccurate and contradictory, and the
only other printed version from a participant appeared in Four Years in
British Columbia and Vancouver Island,9 by R. C. Mayne. For the first
time we now have access to a narrative of events as recorded by the
principal investigator of that rather remarkable occurrence.
It is not necessary here to outline in detail the incident of which
Moody writes at length.10 At that time P. B. Whannell was the resident
Magistrate at Yale, and George Perrier held the similar position at Hill's
Bar, about 2 miles below Yale. On Christmas Day a negro named Dixon
was assaulted at Yale by two Americans from Hill's Bar, Burns and
Farrell by name. Dixon complained to Whannell, and the latter issued
warrants for the arrest of Burns and Farrell, and in the meantime committed Dixon to close custody in Yale. On Whannell's warrants Burns
and Farrell were apprehended and taken before Magistrate Perrier at
Hill's Bar. Perrier wished to secure additional information from the
prosecutor and sent his constable to Yale to bring Dixon back. Whannell
refused to release him and contended that Burns and Farrell should be
brought to Yale for trial; this the constable refused to do, and Whannell,
aroused by alleged insolence, threw the constable into jail. Perrier,
incensed by this action, then issued a warrant for the arrest of Whannell
and the transfer of Dixon, but now being without a constable swore in
Edward McGowan and a compatriot as special constables. In company
with an armed " posse " of twelve or fourteen men they proceeded to
Yale, where they seized Whannell and his gaoler and brought them back
(7) R. G. Trotter, Canadian Federation, London and Toronto, 1924, p. 30.
(8) These reports and a great amount of related material are to be found in
F. W. Howay, The Early History of the Fraser River Mines (Archives Memoir No.
VI), Victoria, 1926, pp. 20-41, 54-59.
(9) R. C. Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouver Island,
London, 1862, pp. 58-71.
(10) See E. O. S. Scholefield & F. W. Howay, British Columbia, Vancouver,
1914, vol. ii, pp. 61-65; F. W. Howay, The Work of the Royal Engineers in British
Columbia, 1858 to 1863, Victoria, 1910, pp. 4-5. 1951 First Impressions 89
to Hill's Bar.   There they were tried by Perrier, Whannell being fined
£25 for " contempt of court."   Whannell promptly reported the incident
to Governor Douglas, and the investigation was ordered, as from the
Magistrate's account it appeared that American renegades were taking
the law into their own hands.    In this letter is to be found Moody's
version of the incident, the end result of which has been humorously
described as follows:—
The testy magistrates both lost their commissions; the Royal Engineers had an
outing; the colony paid the expenses—and heavy expenses they were; and Ned
McGowan's war, as the incident was named, went on record as being even more
bloodless than the ordinary South American revolution or the celebrated Battle of
the Spurs."
This letter is of such interest that one cannot refrain from speculating
as to the contents of the others that must have followed it. Had they
survived, what a commentary they would provide on an important period
in the development of the colony of British Columbia. By midsummer
of 1863 it became known that the detachment of Royal Engineers was
to be disbanded. Most of the sappers elected to remain in the colony,
but on November 11, 1863, the officers and some fifteen of the men left
New Westminster on the beginning of their journey home. Colonel
Moody and his family sailed in the steamer Enterprise, taking with them
the good wishes of the sturdy little town that had been brought into being
at Moody's insistence.12 After a short sojourn in Victoria the party
continued on its way to England.13 In March, 1864, Moody, now a
regimental colonel, was appointed commanding Royal Engineer of the
Chatham district, and on January 25, 1866, he was promoted major-
general and retired from the service on full pay. He continued to live
quietly at Lyme Regis until his death on March 31,1887, which occurred
unexpectedly while he was on a visit to Bournemouth.
To-day Moody's name is commemorated in the city of Port Moody,
at the head of Burrard Inlet, the original Pacific terminus of the Canadian
Pacific Railway. But his lasting memorial is to be found in the conception and execution of a scheme of public works that united the Interior
(11) Ibid., p. 5.
(12) New Westminster British Columbian, November 11, 1863.
(13) An editorial in the Victoria Colonist, November 16, 1863, suggests that
the party was to leave within a few days. 90 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
goldfields of Cariboo with the coastal seaport of New Westminster, thus
giving a practical foundation to a colony born in the urgency of a gold-
rush.
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives,
Victoria, B.C. Colonel Richard Clement Moody, R.E.  1951 First Impressions 91
[Copy.]
Victoria.    1st Febry 1859.
My dear Friend
I have just retd fr a Winter's Journey into the interior, whither it was
necessary for me to go at a moment's notice to put down what at one
time looked like a very troublesome sort of rebellion on a small scale.
I [the] day after I was sworn into my office I started for Frazer River.14
The passage across the Gulf of Georgia was extremely captivating, a clear
cold bright winter day, the sea calm, the Islands about which the Americans
& English are at loggerheads (& w[hic]h I hope we sh[ould] hold on to
firmly) all sunny in their sparkling, light & shade & every object reflected
in the water. A glorious belt of Mountains in the distance, dazzling in their
whiteness. It is quite impossible to exaggerate the beauty of the country at
all events. We anchored at night in a small harbour at one of the Islands.
The following day was equally splendid in sunshine. There does not exist
any difficulty whatever in entering the Frazer. The channel is quite straight
& of depth sufficient for any ordinary Merchant man & for most small class
Men of War. There is rarely any sea on. It has no "fetch" across the
Gulf. There is no room for any sea of consequence to get up and there are
anchorages not far distant to run into. The channel of the River across
the sands however tho' deep & straight is rarely (I believe never) with any
sea of consequence on, is narrow 4 miles long, & there is no room to " beat"
in with a sailing vessel. " With a wind " any vessel c[oul]d go in. Steam
engs will be common thing for sailing Vessels just as at N. Castle on-Tyne.15
By the way, the Tugs & their crews on the system of the " lay " (a sort of
company) the practice at N. Castle w[oul]d be the very thing for this place
& the Frazer. They wd make a great deal of money, and be an immense
boon to the community. At present our American Friends run away with
everything,16 small blame to them, if the English won't come. All Steamers
of any class can get into the Frazer at all times in any weather. For sailing
vessels also there are some troublesome places among the Islands (races &
tide-rips) It is probable therefore that for some time to come all but
coasters will demand in their charter party to be towed across fr Esquimalt to
Frazer River. It is not really necessary, but they will be nervous about it
until well acquainted with the Gulf. To be towed across will also save time,
a great maker in commercial matters. The above opinions are the result
of much enquiry & information gained fr Richards17 H.M. Surveying Vessel
(14) Moody used this spelling for Fraser river, as did many others at the time.
The specific date of Moody's departure for the Mainland would appear to be in
doubt. According to the Victoria Gazette, January 6, 1859, he was sworn in on
January 4, and this would make his departure fall on the 5th, but the Victoria
Colonist, January 8, 1859, implies that he did not leave until the 6th.
(15) Moody had served as commanding Royal Engineer at Newcastle-upon-
Tyne and was consequently fully conversant with its harbour problems.
(16) See Norman Hacking, "'Steamboat 'Round the Bend': American
Steamers on the Fraser River in 1858," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VIII
(1944), pp. 255-280 passim.
(17) Captain George Henry Richards, 1820-1900, in 1856 commissioned the
steam-sloop Plumper for survey work in the Pacific Northwest.    He arrived at 92 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
Plumper,18 who conveyed me about, also fr Captn Prevost19 of the Satellite,20
& fr numerous Skippers of large & small craft English & American. For
some years to come Esquimalt will therefore be the Chief port in the British
possessions here. Most probably it will also remain so. It is greatly to be
regretted that any town at all has been laid out at Victoria. I will not enter
into all the reasons that led to it & to which I cannot shut my eyes. It is not
necessary now, the deed is done & a great deal of Capital has been embarked
in it. By & bye Esquimalt will be encouraged & folks in Victoria will
murmur. I do not understand this Colonial Policy. It is not the one I am
inclined to pursue. All newcomers shd go at once to Esquimalt, but alas
for them the land has been bought up at £1.0.0 per acre in large blocks!!!
There will be a good deal of irritation at this bye & by. Indeed it has
begun. Off the landheads at the entrance of the Channel of the Frazer shd
be placed a floating light as soon as possible. It shd be among the first
works in the Colony. The Pilots cd live on board. The entrance to the
Frazer is very striking—Extending miles to the right & left are low marsh
lands (apparently of very rich qualities) & yet fr the Background of Superb
Mountains—Swiss in outline, dark in woods, grandly towering into the
Clouds there is a sublimity that deeply impresses you. Everything is large
and magnificent worthy of the entrance to the Queen of England's dominions
on the Pacific Mainland. I scarcely ever enjoyed a scene so much in my
life. My imagination converted the silent marshes into Cuyp-like21 pictures
of horses & cattle lazily fattening in rich meadows in a glowing sunset.
One cannot write prosaically of such scenes as these, so pray make allowances
when I get into rhapsodies at any time about this most beautiful country.
The water of the deep clear Frazer (such a name! the proper one is
" Tatouche ") was of a glassy stillness, not a ripple before us, except when
a fish rose to the surface or broods of wild ducks fluttered away. Soon we
reached the woodland district. The contrast with the treeless meadows
just past was very striking. All delightful to look at, but those half
drowned woods promise hard work for the settler and possibly fever & ague
in the autumn.    The ground began to rise on the right hand, & shortly on
Esquimalt on November 9, 1857, and remained until 1863, when he took H.M.S.
Hecate back to England. See Captain John T. Walbran, British Columbia Coast
Names, 1592-1906, Ottawa, 1909, pp. 421-422.
(18) This auxiliary steam-sloop, 484 tons, was barque-rigged and had been
launched at Portsmouth in 1848. Her speed under steam was about 6 knots. She
left England on March 26, 1857, and arrived at Esquimalt on November 9, 1857.
She was relieved by H.M.S. Hecate on January 28, 1861.   Walbran, op. cit., p. 384.
(19) Captain James Charles Prevost, 1810-1891, held the rank of commander
on this station in H.M.S. Portland, the flagship of Rear-Admiral Fairfax Moresby,
in the early 1850's. He received his captaincy in 1854 and two years later was
appointed to command H.M.S. Satellite. When the San Juan Island boundary
crisis arose, he was appointed first Br.tih Commissioner and was at this time
engaged in work in this connection.
(20) This screw corvette, 21 guns, 1,462 tons, was built at Devonport, 1855-56,
and commissioned by Captain J. C. Prevost on September 30, 1856.    She left'
England on December 23, 1856, and arrived at Jisquimalt on June 13, 1857, where
she remained until July 30, 1860.   Victoria Colonist, March 26, 1861.
(21) Presumably Albert Cuyp, 1620-1691, the most famous of a Dutch family
that produced two generations of painters. 1951 First Impressions 93
/
the left.    In steaming up one fine reach at a spot 20 miles fr the entrance
of the Channel (side-above^ to the Frazer, my attention was at once
arrested to it's [atej fitness, in all probability, for the site of the first, if not
the Chief Town in the Country. Further study of that ground as well as
other sites has now convinced me that it is the right place in all respects.
Commercially for the good of the whole community, politically for imperial
interests & military for the protection of & to hold the country against our
neighbours at some future day, also for all purposes of convenience to the"
local Government in connection with Vancouver's Island at the same time
as with the back country. It is a most important spot. It is positively
marvellous how singularly it is formed for the site of a large town (not a
small one) to be defended against any foreign aggression. It is not adapted
for a small military position, such as wd be required for a mere military or
naval post or depot. The features are too extensive for that. It is a case
of detached Earth-works and intrenched Camps. A Military Man wd
delight in it. And all these military arrangements cd be made quickly at
any time and not in the very slightest degree interfere with commercial &
private interests. The uninitiated wd scarcely know any works were there
"A ditch here & a bank there " Is this what Colonel Moody calls a strong
place? In " war costume " how different! woods felled points outwards—
Marshes inundated—muzzles of a few guns staring you in the face just
where you thought yourself most secure—I have written the Governor a
strong letter on the subject,22 wh he promises to send to the Colonial Office.
I hope both these observations & that letter may be shown to Sir John
Burgoyne23 as soon as possible. It must needs be some time before the
explanatory surveys can accompany any Military Report & in the meanwhile
no time shd be lost in adopting the site. In a few months it may be too late.
The site is not only convenient in every respect but it is agreeable & striking
in aspect. Viewed fr the Gulf of Georgia across the meadows on entering
the Frazer, the far distant giant mountains forming a dark background—
the City wd appear throned Queen-like & shining in the glory of the midday
sun. The comparison is so obvious that afterwards all hands on board the
Plumper, & indeed everyone joins in thinking the appropriate name wd be
" Queenborough "24 We all thought for a time, of "Alexandrina," Victoria
being already engaged for the Capital of Vancouver's Island, (paltry place
in comparison) but it sounds so long. / don't dislike it however, & think it
wd answer well, with a little practice it tips off the tongue quickly
Al'exan'dri'na! Try— The Governor very properly however says, it is
his intention to take instructions from Home about the Name & hopes her
(22) Moody's letter to Governor Douglas regarding the site of the capital of
British Columbia is dated January 28, 1859, and was written from H.M.S. Plumper.
It appears in Papers relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part II, London,
1859 [Cmd. 2578], pp. 60-61.
(23) Sir John Burgoyne, 1782-1871, was one of the most distinguished of the
Royal Engineers. From 1845 until 1868 he was Inspector-General of Fortifications.   Dictionary of National Biographv, Vol. VII (1886), pp. 342-344.
(24) Douglas always used the name Queeruborough and Moody, Queenborough;
a disagreement that continued until the new name was officially proclaimed. 94 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
Majesty may be induced to name it.25 I trust it will be some Royal word,
stamping the country as our beloved Queen's own land. A standard for
her loving subjects in this distant corner of the earth. A mark to our
neighbours over the frontier that the Queen's sceptre extends here. God
bless her. Americans flood us & give names in all directions. It will
require much perseverence and determination on our parts to prevent
" Lytton " becoming fixed at " Lyttonville " or " Lytton City "2<> The latter
is not bad, if it was not so intensely American. The Govr has given the
name to a town wh will become very important at the junction of the
Thompson & the Frazer. The first large bold mountain to wh it will apply
well I sh call " Mount Bulwer ".27 Bulwer is a good sounding name for a
Mountain Lytton wd be appropriate to a River, the Lytton—I sh do all
I can to persuade the Gov1 to consent to the Thompson River being called
the Lytton & give Mr Thompson something else.28 It is not too late.
The whole of the grand valley of the Frazer between Fort Hope & Fort Yale
I propose to call " Glen Albert "29—It sounds well, & it is impossible to
describe how gloriously beautiful it is, and some Mountain, with summit
always in sunshine I sh call "Albert"—There is no lack of choice of fine
Mountains for all the distinguished men of the day. To return again fr the
above digression. I warn you my letters will be often written in a rambling
way. If I have to study what I say the charm, to me, will be gone. Better
write an official letter at once. We reached the new Town of Langley in
the evens & Captn Grant 30 at once put into my hands some letters he had
recd fr the Magistrate at Fort Yale31 so alarming and so urgent in their
(25) The Queen's decision was announced to Douglas by the Colonial Secretary, the Earl of Carnarvon, in a dispatch dated May 5, 1859. Papers relative to
the Affairs of British Columbia, Part II, p. 86. The proclamation giving effect to
this decision was issued on July 20, 1859, and read, in part ". . . the town heretofore called and known as Queensborough, and sometimes as Queenborough . . .
shall from henceforth be called and known as New Westminster."
(26) Douglas gave the Colonial Secretary's name to the town at the junction of
the Fraser and Thompson Rivers. "As a merited compliment and mark of respect,
I have taken the liberty of naming the Town of ' Lytton ' after him." Douglas to
Carnarvon, November 11, 1858, private, MS., Archives of B.C.
(27) This name was never perpetuated in this way.
(28) Admittedly David Thompson never saw the river that bears his name in
British Columbia. His name was assigned by Simon Fraser while on his famous
descent of the river in 1808. " These Forks, the Indians call Cumchin, and are
formed by a large river, which is the same spoken of so often by our friend the Old
Chief. From an idea that our friends of the Fort des Prairies department are
established upon the source of it, among the mountains, we gave it the name of
Thompson River." Simon Fraser, " Journal of a Voyage from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Coast, 1808," in L. R. Masson, Les Bourgeois de la compagnie
du Nord-Oeust, Quebec, 1889, premiere serie, p. 183.
(29) This name was never perpetuated in this way.
(30) Captain J. M. Grant led the second section of the Royal Engineer detachment to British Columbia. These men were mainly carpenters. They arrived at
Victoria on November 8, 1858, on the steamer Cortez [Victoria Gazette, November
9, 1858] and a week later went on to Fort Langley [ibid., November 16, 1858].
They were thus the first of the detachment to reach British Columbia and were
present at the inauguration of the colony on November 19th.
(31) P. B. Whannell had been appointed Justice of the Peace at Yale to assist
Richard Hicks, the resident Assistant Crown Commissioner, and arrived there on 1951 First Impressions 95
nature that I had no option but instantly to go there & to take the detachment of R.E.'s with me. The Magistrate implored Military assistance.
Judge Begbie32 most fortunately was with me, & entirely coincided in the
necessity. The notorious Ned McGowan,33 of Californian celebrity at the
head of a band of Yankee Rowdies defying the law! Every peaceable citizen
frightened out of his wits!—Summons & warrants laughed to scorn!
A Magistrate seized while on the Bench, & brought to the Rebel's camp,
tried, condemned, & heavily fined! A man shot dead shortly before!34
Such a tale to welcome me at the close of a day of g[rea]t enjoym*. (Winter
& hard frost tho' it was) We quickly made our arrangements, hired passages in the only River Steamer,35 embarked that night & long before daylight we were steaming away up the River. The Men (22 in number) of
course delighted, looking up the locks of their Rifles & Revolvers—The
Judge & myself grave & thoughtful, but the Judge the most pugnacious of
the two. I seriously believe I was the most peaceable man on board—
Old Soldiers don't play at Soldiering—The weather was exceedingly severe,
& finally we were all frozen in at a point fr whence we cd get neither up
or down the River. Various were the plans discussed. At last a very fine
fellow of the H.B. Company who knew the country well, & tough & hardy
by practice as a piece of whipcord or a Mountain Ash, volunteered to push
on with 2 Indians & bring intelligence—I availed myself of his services—
He is an Ogilvy36 by descent, a gentleman, and a worthy scion of the " House
November 17, 1858. Douglas evidently knew little of his previous career, for he
was an adventurer par excellence. His claim to having been a captain in the
Victoria Yeomanry Cavalry in Australia was denied by the commanding officer of
that unit, who stated further " that a person of the name of Whannell, who for some
time held a situation in the Customs Department here, absconded from this Colony
in the month of November, 1856, accompanied by the wife of a resident in Melbourne whose name I have not learned, leaving his own wife and family behind
totally unprovided for." James H. Ross to C. Standish, May 9, 1859, in F. W.
Howay, The Early History of the Fraser River Mines, p. 58. He came to British
Columbia after a sojourn in California, where, according to Hicks, he had kept
" a low liquor-shop at Shaw's Flat, California." Hicks to Douglas, June 3, 1859,
ibid., p. 22.
(32) For details of the career of Matthew Baillie Begbie see Sydney G. Pettit,
"' Dear Sir Matthew': A Glimpse of Judge Begbie," and " Judge Begbie in
Action," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XI (1947), pp. 1-14, 113-148
passim.
(33) For an autobiographical sketch see Narrative of Edward McGowan . . . ,
San Francisco, 1917, a reprint of the original 1857 edition. A short sketch of
McGowan's career is to be found in Howay, The Early History of the Fraser
River Mines, pp. xiv-xvi.   McGowan remained in the colony until March, 1859.
(34) On December 24, 1858, Bernard Rice was shot and killed in a saloon by
a man named Foster. A garbled version of this incident is to be found in Victoria
Gazette, January 8, 1859.
(35) The steamer Enterprise, owned by Captain Thomas Wright, had been
built in 1855 for the Willamette River trade and brought to the Fraser in July,
1858. She was 115 feet long, 22 feet wide, and carried 80 tons of freight. Captain
Wright took her off the river in the fall of 1859. For further details see Norman
Hacking, op. cit., loc. cit., pp. 272-273, 279.
(36) John Drummond Buchanan Ogilvy was then in charge of Fort Hope for
the Hudson's Bay Company.   Subsequently he joined the colonial service and was 96 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
of Airlie " A splendid fellow for an irregular Cavalry Corps formed fr
among the Rocky Mountain Prairie Indians who are all mounted. He has
lived some time among them & knows them well—His manner has unconsciously become chieftain-like & it is quite a sight to see him tell his tales of
Flood & Field—He stands erect in a superb attitude, his voice is measured &
sonorous and his words are most telling. His clear grey eye is steady in
its gaze & full of manly truth—His moustache & peaked beard are " a
la cavalier." His reputation for judgment and discretion combined with
steady firmness has gained him a position of trust as the H.B. Agent at
Fort Hope. I hope to get him made a J.P. With scarcely an exception
the H.B. Men are fine fellows. Fr among their young men especially I shd
always look for sub-agents. Our young Cavalier returned in a few days
& brought me intelligence that matters had come to a pause, and that in
his opinion it had been greatly exaggerated, but still fr the character of Capt"
Whannel, it was very probable an outbreak of a very serious nature might
take place at any moment. In fact we had reason to believe that the
turning of a straw might lead to his being " lynched " He is a man overboiling with zeal, without the slightest personal fear, & raging under a sense
of outraged dignity. Ogilvy, in the dead of the night, walked thro' &
among what may be termed the rebel's camp, looked in at the windows of the
huts, saw them gambling round the fires, heard their conversations, & was
never questioned—The dogs bothered him most—They suspected him—
The very night he came back to us a thaw began wh enabled us to push on
to Fort Hope. I there left the soldiers, determining to go alone up the
River to the scene of disturbance, & to quell it all quietly, if it were possible—I had great confidence in myself & always consider Soldiers as the
very last dire necessity—Their presence also often exasperates. Intelligence
reached me at Fort Hope that the Govr had sent on the Plumper & some
Marines to Fort Langley below in case I might want a reinforcement. I had
written to him about it.37 (I forgot to mention above that Fort Langley
was also in a disturbed state38—many riotous Americans, fr across the
Frontier—2 men found recently shot in the neighbourhood & no possibility
of enforcing the Law)    The intelligence was brought to me by L' Mayne,39
customs officer at Bella Coola, where he was murdered April 11, 1865.   Victoria
Colonist, May 24, 1865.
(37) "I received your note of the 6th on the evening of the 7th Instant, and
immediately made requisition on Captain Prevost as Senior Naval Officer present
for an Expeditionary Force of 50 Marines and Seamen, commanded by one or
more Officers to be forwarded by Her Majesty's Ship Plumper to Fort Langley
from whence they will proceed to join you at Fort Hope or elsewhere subject to
your further orders."   Douglas to Moody, January 10, 1859, MS., Archives of B.C.
(38) " Several outrages had been perpetrated at Fort Langley by parties of bad
characters upon residents of the town, and the newly appointed magistrate for that
district was anxiously expected, in order to regulate affairs." Victoria Gazette,
January 15, 1859.
(39) Lieutenant Richard Charles Mayne, second son of Sir Richard Mayne,
the Chief Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police of London, was born in 1835.
He entered the Royal Navy in 1847 and came out to this coast as a lieutenant in
H.M.S. Plumper in 1857. Promoted to commander in August, 1861, he returned
to England.   In 1879 he retired as rear-admiral and died in 1892.   In 1862 he 1951 First Impressions 97
R.N. Son of Sir Richd Mayne, in London. I detained him with me, &
attached him as an Aide de Camp & Confidential Officer. The Judge, of
course, went up with me. We stopped at some of the Mining Bars, I conversed in a friendly way with all, asked about their prospects, wished them
well & so on, scarcely alluded to the disturbances above & in fact acted
in a manner to subdue all excitement & to allow information to go forward
that I was coming up in this quiet peaceable way. Ned McGowan, I discovered afterwards has his scouts out and exact intelligence of all my
movements fr the very first—fThe scenery was very grand all the way, & as
" Bar " succeeded " Bar " with Miners all at their work at their " Rockers rf
& Sluices gathering in the Gold dust, it had a very lively cheerful look.
The blue smoke f their log Cabins curled up among the trees, & fr the brink
of the River when Fires were on the Bank. The trees being chiefly Cedar
and Black Spruce contrasted with the dazzling Snow. The River was
alternately " Rapids " & " Still-water" reflecting every thing—Reflecting
cottages, blue smoke, trees, mountains, & moving figures. A scene full of
life. The sun shone splendidly over all—In Summer it must be enchanting—
It was the Tyrol all over in scenery—This magnificent Valley I call " Glen
Albert"—It extends fr a few miles below Fort Hope to the defiles above
Fort Yale, a distance of about 20 miles. It was impossible not to be deeply
struck with the circumstances that our conversations all the way up were
with Englishmen (stanch Royalists) Americans (Republicans) Frenchmen,
very numerous, Germans in abundance, Italians, several Hungarians, Poles,
Danes, Swedes, Spaniards, Mexicans, & Chinese, As I sat in the boat the
flood of thought that passed thro my brain is not to be described. I was
deeply moved that it pleased the Almighty Ruler of the Universe to bring
these various nations together under the protection of our Queen, & you
will readily believe that I prayed very earnestly to Him to endow me, for
Jesus' sake with wisdom & prudence & to guide me in the matter before me.
I prayed for His blessing on all our ways & for peace. My heart was overflowing with earnest love for all these manly energetic fellows-^On arriving
at Fort Yale in the evens, the River Bank was crowded, & McGowan was
in the crowd, & the Hill's Bar (the rebels) men were nearly all there (this
I learnt there) They gave me a Salute, firing off their loaded Revolvers
over my head—Pleasant—Balls whistling over one's head! as a compliment!
Suppose a hand had dropped by accident! If it was to try my nerves they
must have forgotten my profession. I stood up, & raised my cap & thanked
them in the Queen's name for their loyal reception of me—It struck the right
cord, & I was answered by 3 long loud cheers—I passed down their ranks,
saying something friendly right & left4—As I lay down at night I thought
my work was over & that I had but little to do of any real consequence.
But it was not to be so easily settled—The Govr had written me a despatch
to dismiss Mr Perrier40 the J.P. at Hill's Bar & to post up notices at Hill's
published Four Years in British Columbia and Vancouver Island, which dealt with
his experiences while on this coast.
(40) George Perrier was appointed Justice of the Peace at Hill's Bar in June,
1858. [Douglas to Lord Stanley, July 26, 1858, MS., Archives of B.C.] Prior to
his arrival in the colony he had been a sailor.   His selection is an indication of 98 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
Bar & Fort Yale publicly announcing the fact. This was to be in addition
to the legal investigations that were to take place—I talked it over with
Judge Begbie—It appeared to both of us rather a sharp proceeding, & I felt
very much inclined to take on myself to postpone it until further enquiry.
But when I reflected he really was not fit for his post any more than Captn
Whannel I thought I had better do it at once & meet the storm. I did so
immediately & the " hubbub " began, & I felt I had to sit my micklesome
steed warily—To rule a fierce democracy is no joke at any time be their
numbers small or great—Ned McGowan in great excitement struck a ruler
of the opposite party in the face—many persons were in evident terror, &
one gentleman who desired to bring me information sent me word that he
was besieged in his house. I knew that no indignity wd be offered to either
Judge Begbie or myself—but fr the intelligence we recd fr all quarters it was
very evident that to go on with the legal proceedings in a way to ensure
the Peace not being broken it was necessary to bring up the detachment of
R.E.'s fr Fort Hope, & I was most anxious that not even a spark shd get
alight, that all shd be at once crushed, and an example be shown at [sic]
to what we cd do. I ordered up to Fort Hope the Marines (30) fr Langley
& some Seamen with 2 Field Pieces—Remember Hill's Bar is naturally a very
strong place easily defended—Their numbers were considerable, among
them Military men who had served under General Scott41 in the Mexican
Wars, all armed & knowing how to use their arms. When Whannel was
captured & carried off to Hill's Bar the rioters threw out skirmishers under
a Major Dolan42 (a real Major) & lined the high opposite bank of the river
fr whence they commanded the passage of the river. It must have been
beautifully done, & showed Will (I have ordered the trees that gave them
cover to be cut down) The language of the Town was violent & these
excitable fellows were getting their blood up—I despatched L' Mayne R.N.
with 2 Indians in a light canoe—They started in the dark & pulled hard—
The R.E.'s had gone to bed when he arrived—In an hour they were up &
on the water under Captn Grant—By Mayne I had sent very careful
written instructions to Grant as to his movements—in obedience to my
orders he brought with him also a few picked Cornish Miners on whom
the difficulty Governor Douglas faced in securing suitable British subjects as his
administrative officials. As a result of his acts which resulted in the incident being
described, Perrier was dismissed. " Mr. Justice Perrier appears to have acted most
indiscreetly in taking proceedings against a brother Magistrate and I have therefore
suspended him from office and written off his name from the list of Justices of the
Peace for the time being." Douglas to Newcastle, January 10, 1859, MS.,
Archives of B.C.
(41) General Winfield Scott was born in 1786 and had a long and honourable
career in the United States Army. In 1846 he took over command in the Mexican
War and pushed it to a successful conclusion. His political enemies for a time
damaged his reputation, but he was subsequently reinstated in public esteem. In
1852 he ran for President of the United States and was defeated by Franklin Pearce.
At the age of 73 he was sent out to the Pacific Northwest in connection with the
San Juan Island boundary dispute in 1859.
(42) Major Thomas Dolan was originally a faro-dealer at Fort Yale who later
turned to mining. He left the river with Ned McGowan in the spring of 1859 and
went to New Orleans, where he enlisted with General William Walker in the
famous forays into Nicaragua. Victoria Colonist, October 18, 1860, and May 30,
1861. 1951 First Impressions 99
I knew I cd depend. These few were selected fr among 200 Volunteers—
I sent orders that Ogilvy, in a small Canoe, was to precede the party, just
keeping ahead reconnoitring in case of ambuscade fr the banks. To a
military advance, if opposed, Glen Albert is full of danger. The night was
intensely cold, but a clear moonlight—To have marched thro' the woods
in the deep snow & thro' the thick underbrush wd have been impracticable,
the boats therefore were exposed while the woody banks were deep in shade.
It was only " sound " & occasionally landing at suspicious places if necessary
that wd guide Ogilvy & his party of 2 Indians. (I must not forget a fine
fellow named Macdonald43 who accompanied him) Their senses are
habitually kept alive to sound & sight. You may imagine how much
I thought of Ogilvy, to give him the post of honour, viz. the post of danger.
The Hill's Bar Men had stopped the Canoes going down when they seized
Whannel, & they well knew the strength of their ground. Just at the Bar
is a rapid difficult current to struggle up & the only channel is close to the
Bar. I had thought of this, & by my orders Grant landed below on the
opposite side—At Break of day the Hill's Bar Men saw the detachment
filing past between the trees on the opposite bank & they ran down shouting
& firing off their rifles. It might have been & probably was only a bravado.
Grant says he heard no bullets, but he told me nothing cd be finer than the
conduct of the Civilians one & all. The Cornish Men did not even turn
their heads or utter a syllable, they just marched steadily on but with a look
of a very determined character, while on the opposite side of the River all
was shouting & excitement. I walked down to meet them after their
bitterly cold night's march, Ogilvy & Macdonald in the advance & quite in
their element, you saw " enjoyment" on their faces—With respect to my
own good fellows I have only to say they are " Royal Engineers " that is
surely enough. They were the same men Sir Edward so kindly addressed
off Cowes when they embarked under Parsons in La Plata Steamer.44
Please tell him this. He will know what I mean. They are not likely
ever to forget his address—Of course hot Coffee & breakfast were soon
ready for them—Heaps of Rowdies were present when I inspected them &
dismissed them to Barracks a temporary accom[m]odation, sleeping on the
floor in the Court House—F1 the moment of their arrival everything began
to change & to brighten up. Alarm vanished & Hill's Bar Men were full of
assurances to everybody that they were & always had been loyal men, &
that to say otherwise was to libel them.    However odd it may appear,
(43) Possibly one of the sons of Archibald McDonald, and, indeed, it may even
have been Ranald MacDonald.
(44) In the course of this address, Lytton had said: " The enterprise before
you is indeed glorious. Ages hence industry and commerce will crowd the roads
that you will have made; travellers from all nations will halt on the bridges you
will have first flung over solitary rivers, and gaze on gardens and cornfields that you
will have first carved from the wilderness; Christian races will dwell in the cities of
which you will map the sites and lay the foundations. You go not as the enemies,
but as the benefactors of the land you visit, and children unborn will, I believe,
bless the hour when Queen Victoria sent you forth her sappers and miners to found
a second England on the shores of the Pacific." The Life of Edward Bulwer, first
Lord Lytton, by his grandson, London, 1913, vol. ii, p. 293. 100 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
I have no doubt whatever they thought they were. It requires to live
among these people to understand them well—Their notion of what is loyal
& our notion is rather different, & personal acts of violence even to murder
are only called and only considered " difficulties " That is the word. When
one man coolly [sic] shoots another in broad daylight, waylaying him for
that purpose, & then finds it convenient to absent himself for a short time.
The world says (I mean their world, their public society) " so & so " has
gone, he has had a " difficulty " with " so & so." Ned McGowan himself
told me afterwards in general conversation that when on the point of leaving
California to come here " a gentleman "! stepped up to him & said " I have
a personal difficulty with you Sir " & fired at him when standing close to him.
The Ball passed through his clothes close to his side! Ned McGowan was
a Judge in California & barely escaped by precipitate flight fr being hung
for his alledged misdeeds by the Vigilance Committee. Well! they all saw
I took a totally different view of their conduct to what they did. They had
a meeting & respectfully & earnestly invited me to be present as they wished
to address me. After telling them I shd make no reply to their address, &
that the Law shd have it's [sic] course & their declaring that all who had
offended the law wd be present to stand their trial at the hour at wh they
had been summoned before Judge Begbie (after the Sappers came one
constable was quite sufficient to execute the summons anywhere, not I believe
fr fear exactly, but because their eyes were opened for the first time to see
that in the Queen's dominions an infringement of the Law was really a
serious matter, & not a sort of half joke as in California) (my good friends
the Miners are new to this sort of thing, they are learners & have to be
taught) After declaring the above I went to the Meeting accompanied by
Judge Begbie, nothing cd be more respectful than our reception. It began
with 3 cheers for the Queen, 3 for Governor Douglas, & 3 for myself. They
then began their address, & after proceeding very well for some time the
address began to comment on Whannel the J.P. of the district. I instantly
rose & stopped it, saying I wd not allow any comments of that kind on any
individual in my presence, especially on a Magistrate. They were a little
taken aback (again you see they had to learn) apologized, retired for an
hour, amended their address, & in addition one man in a red shirt, formerly
an Alderman of San Francisco45 made me an admirable speech, extremely
clever & in the best possible taste & feeling—They all cultivate the art of
speaking, & some speak very well—The address was a long defence, explanation and apology, nothing particularly clever in it—The next day the trial
came off in the Court House—it was very crowded—the miners armed to
the teeth—McGowan armed—the only unarmed men were the Judge &
myself—I wd not even have my " Orderly " & the Sappers were removed
to the further end of the Town. Ned McGowan pleaded guilty, & made
an exquisitely beautiful speech, so neat, such few words, all to the point,
nothing discursive, no " bunkism," no nonsense of any kind, admirable for
(45) Judge Begbie in his report to Governor Douglas dated February 3, 1859,
which gives his version of the whole incident, gives this man's name as Wilson.
The report is reprinted in F. W. Howay, The Early History of the Fraser River
Mines, p. 38. 1951 First Impressions 101
what he left out as well as for what he said—It was in fact a very clever &
very gentlemanly speech—dignified and yet respectful—Begbie inflicted the
greatest fine he cd & caused him to enter into recognizances to keep the
peace—He also delivered a very manly address what you might expect fr
an Englishman who has a high courage—He gave it to McGowan very
heavily, & stripped bare all their false definitions of right & wrong. The fine
was paid down at once & recognizances entered into, and all was at an end.
Then came a series of investigations by Begbie & myself. It wd take up
far too much space to tell you the particulars. We have done so to the
Govr however. There can be no doubt fr the gross corruption & pusilanimous
conduct of a Mr Hicks,46 a Gold Commissioner & Magistrate, a miserable
creature. The bold, insane, reckless zeal, & utter ignorance of Capt"
Whannel who is incorruptible, full of courage, and despotic as a Czar—
the total want of an effective police—the organization of a Vigilance Committee of California, for their self-defence (as Gov1 had not sufficient Police
& force at hand) against the Hill's Bar Men & having among them numbers
of the Vigilance Committee of California who hunted after McGowan to
hang him—the presence of McGowan (Hill's Bar is only 1% miles distant
fr Yale) ruling a band of determined men who positively seem to idolize him.47
There can be no doubt to the above combination of circumstances is to be
attributed the past disturbances & I look upon it as a most merciful interposition of Divine Providence that I came among them at the time I did
and that His Grace was upon me enabling me to act as I did, guiding me in
His goodness, & causing these poor fellows to look upon me as a friend.
By this influence I was able to turn their attention to a proper respect for
and obedience to the Law. I shd mention to you also, my dear Friend,
that the day after my arrival at Fort Yale was a Sunday & I sent round to
invite everybody to meet me at Divine Service in the Court House—It was
the 1st time in B. Columbia that the Liturgy of our Church was read.48
The first time that we know of that people had assembled together for Public
Prayer of any kind in the Colony49—To me God in His mercy granted this
(46) Richard Hicks was appointed Assistant Commissioner for Crown Lands
at Yale at the same time as Perrier became the Justice of the Peace at Hill's Bar.
[Douglas to Lord Stanley, July 26, 1858, MS., Archives of B.C.] His correspondence at this time is published in F. W. Howay, The Early History of the Fraser
River Mines, pp. 1-22. Judge Begbie referred to him as " a weak and corrupt
magistrate."   Ibid., p. 39.
(47) Judge Begbie's analysis of the situation was as follows: "As to the origin
of the outrages, it appeared that Yale and its vicinity are chiefly inhabited by
citizens of the United States of N.A. more or less connected wth California; and,
like other Californians, deeply imbued with party spirit; and, like all United States
citizens, very fond of political excitement and meetings, particularly when they
conceive that some legal right has been infringed. Yale is chiefly inhabited by
partisans of the ' Vigilance Committee'; Hill's Bar by partisans of the ' law and
order' party in San Francisco." Ibid., p. 38. For details of the San Francisco
situation see F. M. Smith (ed.), San Francisco Vigilantes Committee of 1856, San
Francisco, 1883; and James O'Meara, The Vigilantes Committee of 1856, San
Francisco, 1887.
(48) Moody himself read the service according to Begbie's report.
(49) Moody's claim may be correct. Rev. William Burton Crickmer came out
to British Columbia at the same time as Moody [Victoria Colonist, January 1, 102 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
privilege. The room was crowded full of Hill's Bar men as well as others,
old grey bearded men, young eager eyed men, stern middle aged men, of
all nations knelt with me before the throne of Grace. My heart was in
the utterance I gave to the beautiful prayers of our Liturgy. When it was
concluded, I gave them a few words in wh I must have expressed my
affection for them, & I prayed God to bless them & to prosper them in all
their labours. Can any one say how much this solemn meeting may have
influenced their better conduct at the close of affairs. Let us hope it did!
I have since heard that at one of the Bars a Log Hut is now building as a
Church, being built by the Miners themselves, no Clergymen is there among
them! Oh! for some of England's Gentlemen, young & ardent as Ministers
of God's words. How many Curates there are of ample private means, to
whom pay wd be nothing, I mean Cadets of good families, warmhearted,
generous, noble as well as pious, full of faith & real humanity in Christ, who
burn to serve their Master's Cause. Let a few such men come here, & take
post against the enemy of those Miner's Souls. Take post at intervals along
the lovely Banks of the glorious River of Gold. Such fine fellows as these
Miners wd win their best affections. They are emphatically Men, and they
are Men without a friend at hand. If it please God I sh visit them as often
as I possibly can but they need someone to dwell among them as a Clergyman, & the Missionaries to send among them must be men of a particular
stamp. The day after the trial I told the Hill's Bar Men I wd now come &
see them & go over their works & make their acquaintance, on the distinct
understanding there shd be no demonstration of any kind whatsoever (I now
feared their excess of loyalty they are so impulsive) But my health
unfortunately broke down the following morning—The excessive cold the
daily wet feet, cold up to my knees in snow & sludge, sleeping on all manner
of things. All the time I was at Yale, I slept on three boxes in a passage!
(My Orderly & the Judge side by side on the floor) very bad indigestible
food &c. &c. and not a little pressure of thought on my brain, all combined
upset me at the last—The whole party Judge & Soldiers had had cholic &
diarrhea more or less fr the continued exposure, bad living with constant
cold & wet & I had escaped hitherto. I suppose " Mind " had kept my
body going but when all was quiet I broke down—Almost fainted & became
vulgarly sick, our medical man, one lent from a Man of War, immediately
insisted on my lying on a bed made up. Begbie, Mayne (who had retd to
me) and Brue50 [sic] who had also come up the country went to Hill's Bar
1859], and he may have spent some time in Victoria before going to Fort Langley,
where he performed Divine service in the newly constructed church for the first
time in April [Victoria Gazette, April 26, 1859]. The date of his arrival at Fort
Langley is not known, nor is there any proof that service was conducted in any
other building prior to the event described by Moody. There is every reason to
believe that Rev. R. J. Staines may have performed Divine service when he visited
Fort Langley from Fort Victoria, but this was before the establishment of the
colony.
(50) Chartres Brew reached Victoria after a most exciting series of adventures
on November 8, 1858, in the same ship that brought Captain Grant and the second
section of the Royal Engineers. He came out as Inspector of Police and had a long
and honourable career in the colonial service until his death May 31, 1870. See
Margaret A. Ormsby, " Some Irish Figures in Colonial Days," British Columbia
Historical Quarterly, XIV (1950), pp. 64-71. 1951 First Impressions 103
& were very well recd. So much disappointment was expressed at not
seeing me that I determined to call on my return down the River. I now
ordered the Marines up to relieve the R.Es, & sent the latter down to
Langley to their work. The Marines I thought it prudent to leave for a
short time, f The following day in dropping down the River I called at
Hill's Bar and was very properly recd everywhere. The men all busy at
work. Ned McGowan pressed me to enter his Hut gave me an excellent
Glass of Champagne! The best I have almost ever tasted, & with me drank
her Majesty's health! He gave me a very great deal of useful information &
I seriously entertain the hope I may convert him into a valuable subject of
the Crown eventually, but he needs watching. He assured me the difficulties
wd always be fr acts of violence arising fr personal quarrels only, never fr
any opposition to the Gov1 except what might arise on the spur of the
moment & which some judgment on the part of the Magistrate might generally if not nearly always, avoid. He urged me to put down the excessive
gambling that exists—He stated that it is a regular business, certain professed gamblers who do nothing else, go fr place to place among the Miners
& fasten to them like Blood-suckers and are the source of all the mischief.
That they had some at Hill's Bar that were beyond his controul [sic] but
that our conduct had frightened them off now. The day after the trial they
all decamped up the River & he assured me I wd have to follow them up in
the Spring. How odd all this must appear to you in England. Our
journey down the River was far more charming than our journey up.
At Fort Hope I picked up the Seamen & we all went down the River
together & went on board the " Plumper " off Langley—I retd with an
immense amount of valuable information, knowledge of the people, the
river, & the prospects of the country. As you may suppose my enquiries on
every subject were incessant. Be assure[d] that among all her Majesty's
Colonies there is not a finer one or one with more valuable resources than
this, and as a dwelling place for Englishmen few in any way can compare
with it. The Gold is in extraordinary abundance, River mining is scarcely
thought of now. The workings go on a mile back fr the River, & up to
the farthest north we hear daily of fresh discoveries. It seems to us
incredible that people fr home do not come out & this is attributed to the
influence of the American Press who do all they can to run it down, while
Americans at the same time are literally streaming into it. It will be an
American Country before long, if not neutralized by the presence of many
Englishmen coming out at once—Now for a few words about the new
Town of Langley—I dare scarcely enter on the subject with the freedom
I wd wish, I wd have to say so many severe things. I will try & put it into
a few facts & leave you to draw your own deductions. First, I will mention
my own Officer Captn Grant, earnestly protested against it & urged I wd
soon be on the spot. His advice was set aside, the Town was laid out, & the
lots sold. I know money was sorely needed & this sale brought grist to the
Mill. No public announcement of any kind was made that this was to be
the chief town, but public Officers bought Lots, among them Captn Grant 104 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
himself, who firmly believes it is to be the chief town.51 A Court House ,&
Jail was promised besides a Church & Parsonage and these are being built
or about to be built at this moment.52 The prevailing opinion is that it is
to be the Chief Town. It is on the Frontier side of the River, a level
country easily crossed, a sort of road now exists. American Soldiers come
up to ours & try to fraternize smuggling of every kind goes on—The Town
may be said to be an American Town with it's [sic] port at Semiamoo in
American territory & if the Chief Town of the Country is to be at that spot,
Semiamoo,53 American, cannot fail to be the Chief port of the district,
Americans will be, I believe they now are the chief holders of lots. There
are no Military features towards the frontier of wh to take advantage to cover
& protect the Town in time of War. At any moment the Americans cd &
wd have their grip on the very throat of B Columbia; the site itself, in itself,
is not bad for a Town & that is it's [sic] sole recommendation. By not at
present selling any more lots, nor any rural lots between it & the Frontier
it's [sic] progress wd be at once arrested & for ever, for all commercial interests wd centre too strongly at the better place for British interests namely
Queenborough, & Semiamoo wd die. The new town of Langley abuts close
on in fact adjoins the 10 mile claim of the H.B. Company—You have
instructed the Govr to deal liberally with the H.B. claims & Sir Edward in so
(51) The first notice regarding the sale of lots at the Langley townsite was
issued under the signature of J. D. Pemberton, Surveyor-General for Vancouver
Island, on October 1, 1858 [enclosed in Douglas to Lytton, October 12, 1858,
Papers relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part II, p. 2]. Douglas' report
of the sale was sent to the Colonial Office in a dispatch dated November 29, 1858.
" The first operation disposing of public lands in British Columbia took place here
[Victoria] on the 25th instant. . . . The spot selected for sale was the site of
a former establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company, known as ' Old Fort Langley.' ... On the whole it is a place to which public attention was strongly
directed as being a very advantageous site for a commercial town. I therefore
directed that it should be surveyed, and laid out into convenient lots for sale. . . .
The highest price obtained for single lots was $725, and about 187 lots were sold
on the first day's sale, and 155 lots on the second day, the whole yielding a sum of
about 13,000 1., on which a deposit of 10 per cent, was paid down, and the remainder is to be paid in the course of a month, or the lots will be resold."   Ibid., p. 37.
(52) " I propose building a small church and parsonage, a court-house, and
gaol immediately at Langley, and to defray the expense out of the proceeds arising
from the sale of town lands there." Douglas to Lytton, December 14, 1858,
Ibid., p. 45.
(53) The following description of the American settlement at Semiahmoo is
taken from the Victoria Gazette, August 13, 1858: " Just off Point Roberts, to the
East, is the Bay of Semiahmoo, around the shores of which two towns of the same
name have recently been laid off. One is on a ' spit,' or narrow tongue of land,
which projects into the Bay, about one mile and a half long, and from a quarter of
a mile to a few yards in width. . . . The ' town ' on the spit . . . consists of
six frame houses and about a dozen tents. All the frames are used as stores and
eating and drinking houses. . . . Directly opposite, and about a mile and a half
distant across the water, is the town of Semiahmoo No. 2. . . . There are three
or four frame houses finished, and two or three others in the course of construction,
and some few tents. . . . The projected trail or wagon road, to connect the
town with Fort Langley, is to start immediately from the rear, and it is said that an
excellent wagon road can be cut for less than $10,000, passable at all seasons. The
distance is about twenty miles." 1951 First Impressions 105
doing acts both wisely & justly—They deserve every consideration I freely
confess, I came out somewhat prejudiced agst them, I now think the Gov'
of England are much indebted to them, & their Servants are worthy enter-
prizing men, keen at making a bargain, & occupied in accumulating wealth.
That is their business, & they persue [sic] it with Will, prudence, forethought
& energy & if they get to windward of the Gov1 it may perhaps be thought
a laudable victory. I do not grudge them in the least all the gain they may
get by the juxtaposition to Langley of their rich claim—By all means do
not withhold it—That does not influence me—My objections are strong
" Imperial Interest" objections to the locality—I have urged the matter very
earnestly on the Govr in a military point of view & he has promised to send
my letter home—He admits all my facts, so does Judge Begbie, approves of
my policy, and we have drawn up a proclamation in wh it is stated that a
town is to be laid out (at my " site ") wh is to be the port of Entry &
Capital of B. Columbia & that lots may be exchanged. But the proclamation
is not made public yet, & day after day passes.54 If it is stated to Colonial
Office that the matter has gone too far, it will be an error. Scarcely any
buildings of consequence are up, except a building intended to receive some
of my men, built I presume by the Govr's orders, certainly with his sanction.
I trust a " cry " will not be raised that it is not too far gone to change the
site. A " cry " is easily got up. At present the public only wish to know
wh is to be site. They are ready for either. Why the announcement is
postponed I know not, every day increases the evil. I am sorry, very sorry
for- it—The people pester me, & comment on the Gov1. Suspicions of the
most odious kind are rife. Now, observe, unless a very decided order
comes fr Sir Ed, Langley will be adopted. Among other extreme inconveniences by the delay will be extra cost when the " Thames City "55
arrives. I ought now to be preparing for their reception & I don't know
what to do. If Queenborough is to be the place then the site for the
Barracks & Engineer Stores must be in the neighbourhood. If at Langley
they must be in that neighbourhood. If built at Queenborough now they
wd never answer for Langley, & vice versa, & then by any change money
wd be thrown away. It is very perplexing—If I feel this on Gov1 account,
what must others feel on their private accts? I hope Sir Ed's orders will
come by return of post. In the mean while B. Columbian interests pine &
Vancouver with Victoria flourishes. Fr Langley I went in the Plumper to
Burrard's Inlet & afterwards to Semiamoo to notice the Boundary Line &
to Point Roberts. The loss of the latter is a serious thorn in our side—
A smuggling town is being built on the American portion & by & bye there
will be a Citadel of the 1st Class. Depend on it the Military considerations
affecting the Capital or principal Town at the entrance of-the Frazer is of
the very greatest weight & shd take the lead.    It is in vain to hope to get
(54) The Proclamation embodying these provisions was finally issued by
Governor Douglas on February 14, 1859. Douglas to Lytton, February 19, 1859,
Papers relative to the Affairs of British Columbia, Part II, pp. 65-66.
(55) The Thames City, 557 tons, commanded by Captain Glover, brought the
main body of the Royal Engineers to British Columbia with Captain H. R. Luard
in charge. She sailed from Gravesend on October 10, 1858, and reached Esquimalt
on April 12, 1859. 106 Willard E. Ireland Jan.-Apr.
P* Roberts fr the Americans I fear. This loss makes it more important
than ever that we shd not yield in the matter of the Water boundary between
the Islands—I have, of course, heard all that is to be said on the subject, &
I confess the matter seems to me to be very simple as a matter of fairness
& equity. First we have no right whatever to Pl Roberts, that is a clear
case—Secondly, the terms of the treaty are very general as to the " line going
down the middle of the Channel" " between the Mainland & Vancouver's
Island "—The Channel may very fairly (taking a broad view) be taken to
mean the whole width between & having within it sundry Islands. We show
that the Channel " proper "—the Channel that all sailing Vessels wd naturally take—is between the Islands & the Mainland—This wd give us all the
Islands—The Americans declare that the Channel wh separates Vancouver's
Island fr the Main[land] is the Channel next to Vancouver's Islands & that
the other islands properly belong to the Mainland!! This wd give the
Americans all the Islands! It appears to me neither of these definitions cd
have been in the mind of the Framers of the Treaty nor do they represent
a just reading of the treaty. If the middle of the whole space between
Vancouver's Island & the Mainland be taken as the proper boundary it will
cut across Orcas Island, a fine large Island—I wd propose to give up our
share of Orcas for P' Roberts—I feel perfectly certain fr what I know of
America & Americans & I know them now for the 2nd time in my life, &
I have noted the growing & changing phases of their national Character,
I am quite certain if we hold on with determination to the middle boundary
we sh get our own way & perhaps by throwing some sop to them we shd
get the whole of the Islands. There are very few of them who do not
believe they will eventually get the whole country, & it wd not be worth a
war to stand out for a portion now. I trust & believe they will be mistaken as
to their getting the whole country—I hope it may be united some day fr
Canada as a great nation forming in some federal manner an integral portion
of the whole Empire of wh it is now a Colony—Say what we may & explain
away as we please politically Colonies do not feel as if they were integral
portions of the empire. I have lived a great portion of my life among
Colonies & know the feeling w*1 (perhaps insensibly) moves them at that
disagreeable phrase to them " Dependency"—Colonists are sensitive
people—I don't despair after a Federal Union of the N. American Colonies
shd have been brought to pass, to see a very satisfactory sort of Federal union
of all the British Empire. It may appear to be only a name, but names &
words are things of tremendous force at times, dissolving or uniting
Policies with extraordinary power—Sometimes slowly, sometimes explosively—I studied the Military features of the country very carefully while
at Semiamoo—As soon as I got back again, the Govr, Begbie & I set to
work to lay the foundations of the Colony of B. C. & we work together very
satisfactorily—Poor Gosset56 is, on the whole, behaving very well towards
(56) Captain William Driscoll Gosset, R.E., held the appointment as Colonial
Treasurer and Postmaster of the Colony of British Columbia. He had formerly
served as Colonial Surveyor in Ceylon and arrived at Victoria in the same ship
that brought Colonel Moody. Gosset and Douglas were in disagreement over
almost every issue that arose, and the latter's opinion of his official was extremely ScrZt>^jy/?<#?-~eS(
^^^o
Steamer Enterprise.  1951 First Impressions 107
me. He has fallen foul however of the Govr and got a sharp reproof—
He has managed to offend everybody already—We all really think his illness
in Ceylon must have been a very serious matter. He is quite impracticable,
I fear, altogether mistaking his position. Poor fellow, he is beginning at
last to look upon me as his best friend. By & bye I trust to turn that feeling
to good ace*, for the service but he is so uncertain that one can never
reckon on his being in the same frame of mind for 2 days together. If I was
bona fide Govr of any Colony I wd not mind having him as my treasurer,
he wd then recognize me as his Master as I know all the twists of his Mind
and all his good & valuable points & I feel sure I cd manage him if he was
fairly under my orders. Still I cannot wonder at everybody being irritated
with him. You remember 1 promised to spin you a long yarn, I have done
so I hope it will not be voted a bore. Some evens read it when quiet at
home & you have nothing particular on his [your] mind. You will see by
all the blunders that I have felt quite at home in writing to you. It is
verily a letter written amidst 10,000 distractions, & snatched at the intervals
of business Never do I believe did a man "work" under greater disadvantages than I am now doing—No Office, no Clerks, a very tiny house
full of my dear Children but whose shouts sometimes " fun" sometimes
" wailings " do not tend to compose the thoughts. I hope sincerely it may
soon cease, & that I may receive orders as to our future location fr the
Gov£^
/Remember me most affect*1? to your dear Son, oh! what wd I not have
given to have had him with me, but God has willed it otherwise for some
wise & good purpose to both of us—I am sure he will not forget me any more
than I sh ever forget him. Remember me most kindly to yr dear Wife, I am
sure she will be interested in my rambling story. Finally remember me
most kindly (were it not for the wide difference in our positions, I wd say
affect*1*) to my Chief—Sir Edward Lytton—& believe me my dear Friend
to be
Your's [sic] faithfully
(signed) R. C. Moody—
Arthur Blackwood Esqre
Colonial Office.
low; " My experience of Captain Gosset, has not been happy. Except as a mere
Treasury Clerk, he has been of no use to me. As a financial officer he was valueless. I have invariably found him defective in judgment. His temper is capricious,
and I cannot recall a single instance of any useful suggestion made by him. I could
never rely on his cordial co-operation in combined measures, and I am moreover
persuaded that he encouraged disaffection, and wilfully misrepresented my government, through the public Press, both in this Country and abroad. In short, I believe
him to be politically faithless and unprincipled." Quoted in R. L. Reid, The Assay
Office and the Proposed Mint at New Westminster (Archives Memoir No. VII),
Victoria, 1926, p. 96.   A summary of his career is to be found in ibid., pp. 92-96. NOTES AND COMMENTS
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
The annual meeting of the Association was held in the Hotel Grosvenor, Vancouver, B.C., on Friday, January 19. In the absence of the President, the chair
was taken by Mr. D. A. McGregor, Second Vice-President. Captain C. W. Cates,
Chairman of the Vancouver Section, welcomed the members to the annual meeting
and in particular the three representatives from the Victoria Section. The greetings of this latter section were expressed by its Chairman, Mr. H. C. Gilliland.
The President's report was read by the Secretary, Miss Helen R. Boutilier, at
the conclusion of which a resolution of appreciation to Mr. Campbell for his
services as President and an expression of regret that his recent illness had made it
impossible for him to be in attendance was unanimously adopted.
The Secretary's report made particular mention of the special meetings held
in both Victoria and Vancouver to mark the centenary of the establishment of
British government on the Pacific Coast. Although membership had declined
throughout the year, nevertheless both sections had had active programmes. The
Treasurer's report indicated a bank balance of $335.30, but a marked decline in
membership had to be recorded—383 as compared with 466. Of these, 122 were
affiliated with the Victoria Section, 138 with the Vancouver Section, and 123 were
members-at-large. The delay in the publication of the Quarterly was felt by many
to be a major contributing factor to the decline in membership, and the Editor in
his report expressed the hope that regular publication would soon be achieved
again.    Total circulation for the Quarterly is in excess of 450.
The forms prepared for distribution by the special Anthropological Committee
were presented and approved for circulation. A resolution urging the formation
of a Provincial Historic Sites and Monuments Board was presented from the
Vancouver Section and unanimously endorsed. The many years of service of
Miss Inez Mitchell, of the staff of the Provincial Archives, who has been
responsible for the preparation of the index to the Quarterly, was recognized in
a resolution conferring an honorary membership.
The presidential address, entitled The Kootenay Mail: Revelstoke's Second
Newspaper, was read for Mr. Campbell by Dr. Margaret A. Ormsby. By virtue
of his long association with this newspaper, Mr. Campbell was able to give many
interesting facts relating to earlier events in the Revelstoke district. The text of
the address is printed in this Quarterly.
The report of the scrutineers was then presented.    A total of 103 valid ballots
was returned to the Honorary Secretary.   The new Council met immediately after
the adjournment of the annual meeting, when the following officers were elected:—
Honorary President   -       -       -       -   Hon. W. T. Straith, K.C.
President      -----        Major H. Cuthbert Holmes.
First Vice-President   -       -       -       -   Mr. D. A. McGregor.
Second Vice-President   -       -       -        Mrs. R. B. White.
Honorary Secretary   - Miss Madge Wolfenden.
Honorary Treasurer       - Mr. H. C. Gilliland.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 and 2.
109 110 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr.
Members of the Council—
Mr. E. G. Baynes. Mr. J. K. Nesbitt.
Miss Helen R. Boutilier. Dr. Margaret A. Ormsby.
Rev. John Goodfellow. Dr. W. N. Sage.
Councillors ex officio—
Mr. Burt R. Campbell, Past President.
Mr. H. C. Gilliland, Chairman, Victoria Section.
Captain C. W. Cates, Chairman, Vancouver Section.
Mr. Willard E. Ireland, Editor, Quarterly.
Victoria Section
A regular meeting of the Victoria Section was held in the Provincial Library on
Thursday evening, November 16, with the Vice-Chairman, Mr. H. C. Gilliland,
presiding. The speaker on that occasion was Mr. Wilson Duff, Provincial Anthropologist, who had chosen as his subject Fraser Valley Indians at Work. This
description of the old life of the Indians indicated that it was a busy one, characterized by a close integration of his work with his art, his religion, and his social-
life. The fishing carried on by the Indians on the Lower Fraser in the 5-mile
stretch above Yale was used as an illustration of their aboriginal work. Fishing
was not just a means of livelihood, but an exciting experience involving a seasonal
migration and social contact with old friends and new. The continued seasonal
fishing carried on at this spot to this day and the yearly migration to the hop-fields
of the Fraser Valley and across the Border into Washington are indications of the
lasting appeal of this form of life. Mr. Duff also showed two delightful coloured
films taken by himself of the Indians fishing in the Lower Fraser Canyon and of
hop-picking in the valley. Dr. D. L. McLaurin moved a most hearty vote of thanks
to the speaker.
The annual meeting of the Victoria Section was held in the Provincial Library
on Tuesday evening, December 12. Owing to the unavoidable absence of the
Chairman, Mr. H. C. Gilliland, Vice-Chairman, presided and opened the meeting
by expressing the thanks of the Section to the Provincial Government for the use
of the reading-room of the Provincial Library as a meeting-place. The annual
report of the Secretary, Mr. F. Henry Johnson, was read and approved, and Miss
Madge Wolfenden presented the Treasurer's report, which showed the financial
standing of the Section to be creditable. The report of the scrutineers of the
ballots for the election of the Council was accepted. The speaker of the evening
was Mr. James K. Nesbitt, popular Victoria journalist, who spoke on The Life and
Work of Emily Carr. This was not the usual biographical study, but a delightful
tribute to a great artist, illustrated with anecdotes typical of the many facets of her
character and of the wide variety of experience encompassed by her life. Major
H. Cuthbert Holmes expressed the appreciation of the audience.
The new Council met immediately following the adjournment of the annual
meeting, at which time the following officers were elected:— 1951 Notes and Comments 111
Chairman Mr. H. C. Gilliland.
Vice-Chairman -----        Mr. F. Henry Johnson.
Honorary Secretary       ....   Mr. R. E. Potter.
Honorary Treasurer   -       -       -       -        Miss Madge Wolfenden.
Members of the Council—
Miss Kathleen Agnew. Dr. D. L. McLaurin.
Mr. R. P. Bishop. Major H. T. Nation.
Mr. A. F. Flucke. Miss Hazel Sargent.
Mrs. Kenneth Drury (co-opt.).     Miss K. Graham (co-opt.).
Mr. Wilson Duff (co-opt.). Mr. Willard E. Ireland (ex officio).
The first regular meeting of the new year was held in the Provincial Library
on Tuesday evening, January 16, when, despite inclement weather, a large audience
was in attendance to honour the speaker on that occasion, Mr. B. A. McKelvie.
A veteran journalist and prolific writer on the legend, lore, and history of this
Province, Mr. McKelvie chose as his subject Ways and Wars of Colonial Times.
While Indian troubles in the early days were not as spectacular in British Columbia
as they were south of the Border, the reason is not solely because our native people
were milder or less warlike. Rather, the reason is to be found in the wise policy
of the Hudson's Bay Company, with its insistence on respect for law and equal
justice for the Indians. Governor Douglas was a master in the enforcement of
this policy. Mr. McKelvie's primary interest was in recounting the story of the
Victoria Voltigeurs—the first local defence force on Vancouver Island. The group
was formed by Chief Factor Douglas in the first instance to satisfy Governor
Blanshard's desire to have some military force at his disposal. Made up of
French-Canadians, one-time servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, this force
was really a sort of rural police. They were established as an outpost village on
the shores of Selkirk Water in Victoria harbour. Their subsequent use by
Governor Douglas in connection with Indian outbreaks was also brought out.
Mr. McKelvie was at his best in depicting the colour, the anxiety, the bravery, and
the humour of the various clashes with the Indians on Vancouver Island, through
all of which emerges the wise and understanding nature of James Douglas. Mr,
B. C. Bracewell fittingly expressed the thanks of the meeting.
A regular meeting of the Section was held on Thursday evening, February 15,
in the Provincial Library, at which time Mr. Willard E. Ireland read portions of
an article written for this Quarterly by Mr. G. Hollis Slater entitled The Career of
Rev. Robert John Staines: Pioneer Priest, Pedagogue, and Political Agitator.
During the past few years much additional information has come to light on this
the first clergyman of the Church of England to reside on Vancouver Island.
The results of Mr. Slater's researches in this connection have already appeared in
this Quarterly. The appreciation of the meeting was expressed by Mr. B. A.
McKelvie and transmitted by letter to Mr. Slater, who unfortunately was unable
to be present for the reading of his paper.
The meeting of the Section in March was preceded by the unveiling of a plaque
commemorative of the entry of British Columbia into Canadian Confederation.
This ceremony took place on Friday evening, March 9, in the rotunda in front of
the Legislative Chamber in the Parliament Buildings, after which the members 112 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr.
moved into the Provincial Library, where Dr. W. N. Sage, British Columbia and
Yukon representative on the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada,
read a paper entitled British Columbia and Confederation, which is published in
this issue of the Quarterly. Mrs. Kenneth Drury moved the vote of thanks to the
speaker on this occasion.
The Chairman presided at the regular meeting of the Section on Thursday
evening, April 26, in the Provincial Library, when Mr. Cecil Clark, formerly
Deputy Commissioner of the British Columbia Provincial Police, spoke on The
History of the British Columbia Police. Mr. Clark joined this force in 1916 and
was with it until its disbandment in 1950, so was eminently qualified fo speak of
the long and honourable career of this force. It had its origin in the gold-rush
days, when in 1858 Chartres Brew of the Royal Irish Constabulary arrived in the
colony to organize a similar force for British Columbia. On November 19, 1858,
he became the Chief Inspector of Police, a title which he retained until 1866, when
it was changed to Superintendent of Police. The efficiency of the force is attested
by the excellent state of order that prevailed under most difficult conditions in
a new country in the throes of a gold-rush, with thousands of new-comers from
all parts of the world. J. H. Sullivan succeeded Brew in 1872 and was Superintendent until 1875, when he lost his life in the sinking of the steamship Pacific.
His successor was Charles Tod, the last to do battle with Indians in the Saanich
area. H. B. Roycroft was the next Superintendent. Each succeeding Superintendent seemed to encounter peculiar difficulties in his tenure of office. Superintendent Roycroft had to face the Oriental riots and excitement of Canadian Pacific
Railway construction days, whereas his successor, Frederick Hussey, found stagecoach robberies and train robberies were his particular problem. The next Superintendent was Colin Campbell, for whom labour troubles, emphasized by the
Nanaimo coal strike, were the chief worry. W. G. McMynn followed; he was on
the force for thirty-eight years and, like all other Superintendents, had worked
his way up from the ranks, a practice which contributed in large measure to the
esprit de corps of the force. J. H. McMullen was the next Superintendent, and
he was responsible for the introduction of scientific police work, the use of shortwave radio communication, and many other new features. Thomas Parsons, John
Shirras, and Roger Peachey were the last three Superintendents. The British
Columbia Provincial Police was the oldest territorial force in North America and
had the highest physical requirements of any force in Canada. Mr. Clark, as well
as outlining the history of the force, recounted several of the major cases they had
solved, which gave ample evidence of the skill and efficiency of the organization.
Miss J. E. M. Bruce thanked Mr. Clark for a most informative and interesting
address.
Vancouver Section
The regular meeting of the Vancouver Section was held on Tuesday evening,
November 14, in the Hotel Grosvenor, with Mr. George Green presiding. The
speaker on that occasion was Dr. W. N. Sage, head of the Department of History
at the University of British Columbia, who had chosen as his subject Canada at
the Mid-century. Sir Wilfrid Laurier had claimed that the twentieth century
belonged to Canada, and the first fifty years have been a period of amazing 1951 Notes and Comments 113
development and achievement in which, in effect, British colonials have grown
up to become full Canadians, despite the fact that the outward trappings of
nationalism in the way of a national flag and anthem are lacking. The speaker
was able to present several contrasting aspects of Canada of 1900 and Canada of
1950. In the intervening years two world wars, in which Canada had played a significant role, had produced a complete change in outlook. At the beginning of
the century Canada, with the tradition of peaceful relations with her neighbours
well established and basking in the security of the Pax Britannica, stood almost
apart from the international scene. The mid-century, however, found her right
in the midst of world affairs, playing an important part, not only as a member of
the British Commonwealth of Nations, but as a full member in the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization as well as the United Nations. Canada's position had
changed in many other respects, for she had become one of the great trading
nations of the world, with greatly increased resources, wealth, and population.
The passing of fifty years has seen a slow but steady growth of national unity,
albeit a unity in diversity. The appreciation of the meeting was tendered to Dr.
Sage by Dr. G. H. Raley and Mr. Noel Robinson.
The annual meeting of the Section was held in the Grosvenor Hotel on Tuesday
evening, December 12, with Mr. George Green in the chair. In an interesting
oral report, Mr. Green outlined the activities during his term of office and took
the opportunity to thank Mr. E. G. Baynes for his continued generosity in providing a convenient and comfortable meeting-place. The Secretary and Treasurer
also presented their reports. The report of the nominating committee was received
and adopted, as follows:—
Honorary Chairman   -----   Mr. E. G. Baynes.
Chairman      ------        Captain C. W. Cates.
Vice-Chairman   ------   Mr. J. E. Gibbard.
Honorary Secretary        - Mr. Don. Buchanan.
Honorary Treasurer   -----   Rev. F. G. St. Denis.
Members of the Council—
Mr. D. H. Elliott. Miss K. H. McQueen.
Rev. G. Forbes. Miss Eleanor Mercer.
Mr. D. W. McGregor. Dr. W. N. Sage.
The speaker on this occasion was Erna C. von Engel-Baiersdorff, F.R.A.I.,
curator of the Anthropological and Palaeontological Departments of the Vancouver Museum and formerly associated with the Vienna Natural History Museum.
Her address, Prehistoric Anthropoids and Prehistoric Man, was originally delivered
in Pecs, Austria, before the International Federation of University Women, and
to it had been added accounts of later discoveries down to the present. The
speaker, a pupil of the famous anthropologist, Sir Arthur Keith, was eminently
competent for the task she had undertaken, which dealt with anthropological discoveries through the ages. The earliest discovery in Egypt was the lower jaw-bone
of an anthropoid ape, estimated to be 35,000,000 years old, and from this slim
evidence the picture of a full-grown ape little larger than a new-born human child
was pieced together. The story of other fossil-ape discoveries was told, which
hint at man's origin culminating in the discovery of a few skull fragments in 114 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr.
England, suggesting the existence of primitive man living there 500,000 to 1,000,000
years ago. The shape of modern man became more clear as of 30,000 years ago,
as established by the more complete fossils, tools, and even works of art discovered
in the Cro-Magnon caves in France. Madame Engel-Baiersdorff stressed that apes
were kin to man only and not ancestors, tracing the story told by bone fragments
to the better documented times a few thousand years ago.
" Over fifty years of liquid history," sometimes turbulent, generally salty,
always entertaining, were covered by Captain F. W. Pamphlet in his talk S.S.
"Beaver," given to the Vancouver Section at its meeting held in the Grosvenor
Hotel on Tuesday, February 20. His narrative was essentially a personal one,
relating to his own adventures and those of his family, going back to 1830, when
they had first become established at Fort Vancouver. Captain Pamphlet's mother
was born at Fort McLoughlin on Milbank Sound in 1836—the year incidentally
which witnessed the arrival of the Beaver on this coast. Subsequently the
Pamphlet family moved north from Oregon Territory to Fort Victoria with the
transfer of the Hudson's Bay Companys' headquarters to Vancouver Island.
Captain Pamphlet's father, Captain Tom Pamphlet, first saw Burrard Inlet in
1854 in the S.S. Otter while in search of Cowichan Indians involved in murders
the previous year. In 1856 he sailed the inlet in S.S. Beaver, and in 1860 became
her skipper, carrying mail between Victoria and Nanaimo. The Beaver was sold
by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1874 to a group of Victoria merchants, Stafford,
Saunders & Morton Company, and engaged as a coastwise freighter and tug under
various owners until her destruction "for the last time" off Prospect Point in
1888. She was first sunk in 1883 in the Narrows while towing for the Moodyville Mills, beached with the aid of floats and taken to Cook's Ways, Victoria,
where she lay for two years before being again placed in service. Her last
skipper, 1878-1888, was Captain George Marchant. Of Captain F. W. Pamphlet's
numerous anecdotes, the most significant for Vancouver residents might be
entitled " Captain Tom and the Holdin' Bottom." Joseph Stamp, of Alberni
lumber fame, in 1863 decided that Brockton Point in Stanley Park would be an
ideal site for a lumber mill. The machinery was brought in on scows, the rafts
for pile-driving assembled, and everything prepared for the founding of an industrial empire over the heated protests of Captain Tom Pamphlet, who claimed
there was " no holdin' bottom." Came the following day and the seat of empire
had vanished with the tide. Captain Tom grabbed a rowboat and after two
hours of "town planning" proposed the site of Hastings Mills at the foot of
Dunlevy Street, where it remained for many years.
Captain Pamphlet emphatically denied that the " walking beam " in Stanley
Park is a relic from the Beaver. Only four steamers on the coast had " walking
beams"—S.S. Enterprise, S.S. Olympia, S.S. Amelia, and S.S. Yosemite. The
Beaver was a " side lever engine " built by Bolton & Watt and had one of the first
steam-engines in history. Efforts were made to salvage her after she ran aground
off Prospect Point. Americans offered to buy the wreck to place her on view in
Tacoma. Captain C. W. Cates' father offered to raise her for $600, but no financial settlement could be reached with the owners, and by 1892 the Beaver had 1951 Notes and Comments 115
broken up. The appreciation of the meeting was tendered to Captain Pamphlet
by Mr. D. A. McGregor.
Captain C. W. Cates was the speaker at the meeting of the Section held in the
Grosvenor Hotel on Tuesday evening, March 27, on which occasion the Vice-
Chairman, Mr. John E. Gibbard, presided. In addition to being a recognized
authority on Indian lore, Captain Cates is a member of the Provincial Advisory
Committee on Indian Affairs and is much interested in the social and economic
problems of the Indians of this Province to-day. Captain Cates first became
interested in Indian mythology while working with the Indians in his father's
stevedoring business, and much of the information in his address The Legendary
History of the B.C. Coast Indians was gathered at first hand. In common with
many cultures, that of the coastal Indians includes stories of a great flood inflicted
on their ancestors as a punishment for evil living. There are certainly numerous
evidences on the North Shore of calamity in recent geological times. Twice,
according to Captain Cates, glaciers covered the Lower Mainland and extended as
far south as Oregon. Benches on the North Shore are in reality old beaches,
probably depressed by the ice. Stumps have also been found there in alluvial
gravel 200 feet below the surface. Apparently the area witnessed vast floods when
glacial lakes, left by the retreating ice, broke through their retaining barriers and
covered the landscape with huge deposits. Many may have already been established on the Coast when these tremendous events transpired. According to
legends, the gods visited pestilence and drought on the Salish Indians in the interests of spiritual salubrity, but no one could take the hint, so a great flood descended
upon the Lower Mainland. Only two canoes weathered the rising water: one
containing an uncle and his nephew was tethered on Mount Garibaldi and the
other found refuge on Mount Baker. There are also stories of a decline in civilization and a great hero from Point Grey named Hi, who with supernatural powers
strove to arrest this decline.   Stories of this hero are common along the Coast.
The Indians had a very rigid caste system. Their ruling members or royalty
were either descendants of the hero or his deputies. The senior member of each
royal family had a " talking staff," which at meetings was the symbol of lineage
and authority. Captain Cates displayed at the meeting a replica of a " talking
staff " made from yellow cedar. Potlatches were held by the chief to choose his
successor and to refer his choice to the tribal council for approval. The size of
the party and the number of gifts bestowed on the guests were the index of royalty
—the more royal the party, the more royal the host. All Indians respected the
dignity of royalty, although apparently at a considerable degree of sharp personal
discomfort for a royal personage if he were captured in war. He was not forced
to live the degraded life of a captive but was dispatched on the spot, his head
being an honoured trophy. Potlatches, in addition to their dynastic function, also
had their literary aspects. They were a time for story-telling. Many of these
stories concerned animals. The mink, for instance, had a very bad character from
coast to coast. According to legend, as told by Chief Scow to Captain Cates, the
mink was originally a man whose father was the sun and whose mother was a
woman. He used to visit his father on condition that he must not disturb the
clouds. This he did in defiance of his father's orders and was thrown out of heaven
10 116 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr.
as a mink. The Indian was an easy-going fellow, dependent on bountiful nature
and ruled by an aloof aristocracy which lost power when the white people came.
One of his favourite pastimes, particularly among the Haidas, was wife-hunting.
These captive wives handed on to their offspring the old legends of their parent
clan, and thus a common mythology grew up along the Coast in spite of the
barrier of tongue and the absence of writing. Mr. A. P. Woolacott moved a hearty
vote of thanks to Captain Cates.
YUKON HISTORICAL SOCIETY
During the past ten years several perfunctory efforts have been made to form
an Historical Society in Whitehorse, but with little success. In the early winter of
1950 Mr. F. R. Arnot, Canadian Immigration Inspector, called a meeting to discuss
the formation of a society, and the decision was reached to proceed with the
organization of the Yukon Historical Society. Its objects were: " The collection
and preservation of all items and historical documents of cultural and educational
value pertaining to the Yukon Territory and eventually to display same in a
museum for the information of the general public." George Black, P.C, K.C,
a member of the executive, assumed responsibility for securing the necessary papers
for incorporation. There are twenty charter members, and the following are its
first officers:—
President   -------   Mr. A. F. Arnot.
Vice-President Mrs. W. S. Copland.
Secretary-Treasurer Mr. W. D. MacBride.
Several committees have been formed and already a fair amount of material
has temporarily been stored away in anticipation of the time when a museum
building will have been acquired.
KOOTENAY HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Late in the fall of 1950 the decision was reached by a group of interested
citizens in the Nelson region to organize a Kootenay Historical Society, and to
that end a provisional committee for the Nelson Branch was set up, as follows:—
Chairman       -------   Mr. Ross Fleming.
Secretary   -------        Mrs. B. Miller.
Treasurer Mr. R. R. Brown.
Members—
Mr. Boyd C. Affleck. Mrs. Vincent Fink.
Mr. John Applewhaite. Mrs. C. H. Hamilton.
Mr. G. Benwell. Mrs. James McGregor.
Mrs. R. H. Dill. Mrs. W. J. Sturgeon.
Mr. Howard Thurman.
When the general membership has reached a satisfactory number, permanent
officers and a Board of Directors will be elected. In the meantime active steps
are being taken to collect historical material relating to the Kootenay country,
and an excellent exhibit was arranged for display at the time of the fall exhibition.
The Nelson City Council has granted the Society use of a building for head- 1951 Notes and Comments 117
quarters, and it is anticipated that soon a flourishing organization will be under
way.
THE MONTANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY
This Quarterly is happy to welcome still another local history publication in
the Pacific Northwest with the appearance of Volume I, No. 1, of The Montana
Magazine of History for January, 1951. Published by the Historical Society of
Montana, which was founded in 1865, its editor is Albert J. Partoll, and the subscription rate is $3 per year. Judging by the calibre of the articles in the first
issue and the excellence of its format, Montanans may well be proud of this
periodical.
PLAQUE COMMEMORATING BRITISH COLUMBIA BECOMING
A PROVINCE OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA
An interesting ceremony took place on Friday evening, March 9, in the rotunda
in front of the Legislative Chamber in the Parliament Buildings, Victoria, on the
occasion of the unveiling of a bronze plaque commemorating British Columbia's
entry into Canadian Confederation. Major H. Cuthbert Holmes, President of the
Association, was in charge of proceedings and called upon Dr. W. N. Sage, British
Columbia and Yukon representative on the Historic Sites and Monuments Board
of Canada, to make the formal presentation of the plaque. Dr. Sage, in a few
well-chosen words, described the purpose of the Board and read the inscription.
British Columbia Becomes
a Province of Canada, 1871.
To this land of mountains, lakes, rivers, islands and inlets came
explorers, fur traders, gold seekers and settlers. During the middle
years of the nineteenth century the Colonies of Vancouver Island
and British Columbia were founded and the Stikine Territory was
organized. These colonies were united in 1866 as British Columbia
which became the sixth Province of the Dominion on 20th July,
1871. Hon. Joseph William Trutch was the first Lieutenant-Governor
and Hon. John Foster McCreight the first Premier.
The Honourable W. T. Straith, K.C, Provincial Secretary and Minister of
Education, accepted the plaque on behalf of the Government of British Columbia
and unveiled it. At the conclusion of the ceremony those present proceeded to
the reading-room of the Provincial Library, where an address was delivered by
Dr. Sage.
A NOTE ON " COAL-SEEKERS ON PEACE RIVER, 1903 "
The following additional information on several points mentioned in the diary
of J. S. Leitch, as edited by Dr. W. N. Sage and published in the British Columbia
Historical Quarterly, XIV (1950), pp. 83-108, has been provided by Mr. A. F.
Buckham, Nanaimo, B.C.:—
" In this article, J. S. Leitch says that the chief of the party of coal-seekers was
a civil engineer named Davies, who had been in the area before 1896 as a member
of ' what was probably the first Dominion Government geological survey in that 118 Notes and Comments Jan.-Apr.
part of B.C.' (p. 83).   A trail encountered by the coal-seekers is referred to as the
'Du Pont trail of 1896' (p. 101).
" The Government expedition with which F. de C Davies was connected was
one sent out by the Department of Railways and Canals with which department he
was apparently still connected in 1903. During the rush to the Klondike gold-
fields an agitation was started for the construction of a railway from a point on an
existing Canadian railway (the nearest point was Edmonton), and also one from
a Canadian port on the Pacific, both to reach the Yukon via Canadian territory
solely. In response to this agitation, the department sent out parties to survey
such routes in 1898, 1899 and 1900. The parties were headed by John S. O'Dwyer,
engineer-in-charge, and also V. H. Dupont and C F. K. Dibblee. During the
season of 1898, Dupont proceeded from Edmonton to the junction of the Finlay
and the Parsnip, the commencement of Peace River proper, thence returning he
located a route for a railroad along the south bank of the Peace easterly for about
200 miles to the eastern boundary of British Columbia. This was the party of
which Dupont was a member.
" The parties did do some geological work, for they took notes on and collected
specimens of the rocks encountered on behalf of the Geological Survey of Canada.
Indeed, the next year, 1899, Dupont made the first recorded discovery of coal in
the Groundhog coalfield, northwest of Hazelton. G. M. Dawson, Director of the
Geological Survey, from Dupont's 1899 work, added a large area of Cretaceous
rocks to the geological map of Canada and predicted that large and important
coalfields would be found in the Groundhog area.
" The official publications concerning these surveys are in the following annual
reports of the department, which were also published in the Sessional Papers of
the Parliament of the Dominion of Canada:—
"Annual Report, Department of Railways and Canals, for the fiscal year
from July 1, 1898, to June 30, 1899, Ottawa, Queen's Printer, 1900.
"Annual Report, Department of Railways and Canals, for the fiscal year
from July I, 1899, to June 30, 1900, Ottawa, Queen's Printer, 1901.
"Annual Report, Department of Railways and Canals, for the fiscal year
from July 1, 1900, to June 30, 1901, Ottawa, King's Printer, 1902."
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Burt R. Campbell, Past President of the British Columbia Historical Association, has been associated with the printing trade and newspaper publishing in this
Province for well over half a century. Now a resident of Kamloops, B.C., he is
active in the affairs of the Kamloops Museum Association, as well as being associated with the Okanagan Historical Society.
Thomas Dunbabin, now a resident of Ottawa, Canada, served for several years
as Press Attache to the office of the High Commissioner for the Commonwealth of
Australia in Ottawa.
Andrew Forest Muir, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor of History at Daniel Baker
College, Brownwood, Texas. As a graduate student in American History of Rice
Institute, Houston, Texas, he spent some time as an educator in the Hawaiian
Islands, later returning to the University of Texas, where he obtained his doctorate. 1951 Notes and Comments 119
He has contributed several articles to the Historical Magazine of the Protestant
Episcopal Church.
Walter N. Sage, Ph.D., is head of the Department of History at the University
of British Columbia and the British Columbia and Yukon representative on the
Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada.
F. H. Soward is a professor in the Department of History of the University of
British Columbia and Director of International Studies at that institution.
Wilson Duff is anthropologist of the Provincial Museum at Victoria, B.C. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF
Copy-book of Letters Outward &c begins 29th May, 1680 ends 5 July, 1687.
Edited by E. E. Rich, with an introduction by E. G. R. Taylor. Toronto: The
Champlain Society; and London:  The Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1948.
Pp. xli, 415, xv.
James Isham's Observations on Hudson's Bay, 1743, and Notes and Observations
on a Book Entitled "A Voyage to Hudson's Bay in the Dobbs Galley," 1749.
Edited with an introduction by E. E. Rich, assisted by A. M. Johnston. With
a joint letter from the Chairman of the Champlain Society and the Chairman
of the Hudson's Bay Record Society. Toronto: The Champlain Society; and
London: The Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1949.   Pp. cv, 352, xv.
The appearance of James Isham's Observations brings to an end the collaboration between the Champlain Society and the Hudson's Bay Record Society that has
produced twelve excellent volumes from the treasure-house of Canadian history to
be found in the Archives of the Hudson's Bay Company in London, England. That
this has been a mutually profitable and advantageous association cannot be gainsaid, and it is equally gratifying to realize that the publication programme of the
Hudson's Bay Record Society will in no way be impaired by the cessation of the
joint publication plan.
Considering the vast amount of material pertinent to Canadian history in the
London Archives of the Company, in terms of the long range of years as well as of
the large territory involved, it was only to be expected that all volumes would not
be of equal interest to all regions. The Pacific Northwest, however, has fared particularly well in this respect, although neither of the two volumes under review is
of any great local significance.
The volume of Letters Outward, despite the terminal dates specified in the copybook itself, actually contains letters from 1679 to 1694. Consequently, it constitutes an excellent supplement to the three volumes of minutes already published,
which in effect gave only the bare bones of Company procedures, plans, and techniques. The letters provide much of the details of administration, thus making
more intelligible many of the decisions recorded as minutes. The period under
review was one of the most critical that the Hudson's Bay Company had to face.
Not only was it meeting all of the problems inherent in the founding of a grand
commercial undertaking that was being operated by remote control from London,
but it was hampered internally by disloyalty, if not dishonesty, on the part of some
of its employees, and externally by the active and frequently all too successful
competition from New France. This series of letters ends at probably the darkest
moment in the Company's history—the Bay posts of Albany, Rupert, and Moose
had been seized by the French and the surviving personnel transported by the
rigorous overland route to New France.
The selection of Dr. Eva Taylor, Professor Emeritus of Geography of the
University of London, to write the introduction to this volume was a most happy
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 and 2.
121 122 The Northwest Bookshelf Jan.-Apr.
one, for any analysis or examination of Company affairs at this juncture necessarily implies cartographical research. While this volume deals primarily with a
series of disasters, there was at least one glimmer of hope, for Henry Kelsey's
penetration north of Churchill and in the Nelson River area was undertaken between 1689 and 1692. These were important undertakings that promised well for
the future, but unfortunately nothing of any consequence appears in the Letters
Outward concerning them, and one can only hope that subsequent volumes will
prove to be more informative. As usual, the material has been ably edited. The
concise biographical sketches that are so extremely useful have been continued
and, in addition, there is an excellent dictionary of posts.
The two items from the pen of James Isham that comprise the twelfth volume
of the publications of the Hudson's Bay Record Society give ample evidence not
only of the wealth of material deposited in the Company's archives but also of the
wisdom of making these resources more easily accessible. Indeed, it probably
would have been greatly to the benefit of the Company in the mid-eighteenth century had their own officials, to say nothing of the general public, been aware of
the existence of these two manuscripts, for at that time not only was authentic
information concerning the Hudson Bay region lacking, but misinformation was
all too freely available, thanks largely to the activities of Arthur Dobbs and
Henry Ellis.
The introduction, in this instance, has been contributed by E. E. Rich, who, as
general editor of the series for the Hudson's Bay Record Society, has been amazingly self-effacing hitherto. It is admirable in every respect. Not only does it
provide a careful summary of the governorship of Sir Bibye Lake during the
critical year 1742-43 and the necessary detail concerning James Isham's career
in the Bay region, but it is particularly valuable for the clear and concise sketch
of the events leading up to Arthur Dobb's attack upon the Hudson's Bay Company
that culminated in the Parliamentary Inquiry of 1749.
Neither the Observations nor the Notes are lengthy documents, but they are
at times surprisingly detailed and also, incidentally, quite self-revealing. While
they do contain considerable information of interest to historians, as for example
Isham's advocacy of the establishment of posts in the interior country contrary
to the Company's policy of clinging to the shores of Hudson Bay, by and large
the students of natural history have gained the most. Isham was a pioneer in
the description of the flora and fauna of this portion of North America and,
indeed, as the editor has pointed out, " Isham made a genuine and original contribution to knowledge " in his descriptions of birds. Anthropologists have not
fared quite so well. There are many interesting passages descriptive of Indians and
Indian life and useful illustrative sketches, but frequently they are disappointing
largely because of Isham's lack of appreciation, if not of understanding, of that
which he was observing. He was in the employ of a company engaged in trading
furs, and that necessarily was his first consideration. Nowhere is this more clearly
illustrated than in the vocabulary of English and Indian words and sample conversations that he included. Useful and all as they are—and certainly unintentionally revealing of Company practices—as an aid to linguistic studies they
cannot but be a disappointment because of the very narrowness of their coverage.
Of more than passing interest is the anthropological material extracted from 1951 The Northwest Bookshelf 123
Andrew Graham's "Observations on Hudson's Bay," written in 1775, included
in an appendix.
Five years elapsed between the writing of the Observations and the Notes, and
while in so far as subject-matter is concerned they are complementary, one distinction should be borne in mind—the former were a voluntary effort whereas the
latter were produced at the Company's request to refute statements published in
Henry Ellis' A Voyage to Hudsons Bay. For that reason the decision to include
still another Isham document was a wise one. Appendix A contains Isham's
journal of occurrences at York Factory during the period that the Dobbs Galley
and the California were in the Bay. This is more than a diary, for it includes
letters that passed between Isham and the captains of the two ships, William
Moor and Francis Smith.
As is to be expected, the editorial work for both of these volumes is of a high
order and the same fine standard of book-making is in evidence.
Willard E. Ireland.
Victoria, B.C.
Arthur Currie, the Biography of a Great Canadian. By Hugh M. Urquhart,
with a foreword by Field Marshal Jan Christian Smuts. Toronto: J. M.
Dent and Sons (Canada) Ltd., 1950.   Pp. xix, 363.   Maps and ills.   $5.
This painstaking and revealing biography was a labour of love for its author.
Begun in 1934 shortly after Currie's death, delayed by the dismaying gaps in the
records which Colonel Urquhart managed to fill in in large part by personal
interviews, laid aside for five years by the pressure of military duties in the Second
World War, completed under the strain of increasing ill-health which resulted in
the author's death before his book appeared in print, it stands as a fitting memorial
to Canada's greatest soldier, who deserved better treatment than he received at
the hands of his countrymen.
That Currie was a really great soldier was known and recognized before this
biography appeared. Smuts, who was in a position to know, wrote in his discerning foreword, " He may not have had the flair of a Foch, but I do not see
why he could not have adequately filled the role of any of the other leaders on
our side, if he had been given the authority." Three of his superiors, Generals
Alderson, Byng, and Haig, were warm in their praise of his leadership and supported his rise in rank. Three future field marshals of the British Army who
served on his staff were equally warm in their appraisal of Currie as they knew
him. Colonel Urquhart gives ample evidence for Currie's qualities as a leader,
and himself sums it up as being based upon " common sense and a balanced
outlook." The man never lost his head in a crisis, even as nasty a one as the
second battle of Ypres, and never accepted unthinkingly the policies of his
superiors, as he showed at Passchendaele. As Sir Arthur once said, " Things that
some people might call genius I would call common sense, and many things we
were ordered to do I would call foolishness." It was this independence of judgment which made possible Sir Robert Borden's indictment of the policies of Sir
Henry Wilson, C.I.G.S., at a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet in June, 1918.
The voice was Borden's but the views were Currie's, supplied at the Prime Minister's 124 The Northwest Bookshelf Jan.-Apr.
request, and they had a marked effect upon Lloyd George, who later even thought
of making Currie commander-in-chief, with Sir John Monash, of the Australian
Army, as his chief of staff.
That Currie had defects of personality, whch kept him from being idolized
by his soldiers, was known by every " old sweat" who served in France. Here
again Colonel Urquhart is equally frank and fair in his judgment and gives chapter
and verse in support of the criticism. Had Sir Arthur possessed the temperament
of a Robert E. Lee, or, in his own command, of a Cy Peck, he might have been
spared in later days the sharp criticisms which he received from angry veterans
that were utilized by others for baser reasons. He might also have been given
by the Government and the people of Canada a warmer welcome home than the
coldly official one received.
What was not known in detail before this biography appeared was the extent
of the intrigues which developed against Currie during the war. Even before it he
had tangled with the Minister of Militia, Sam Hughes, but had managed to hold
his ground and win that ebullient politician's confidence. To that was due his first
war-time appointment as commander of the Second Brigade, an appointment which
released him from a civilian career that had ended in a humiliating financial crash.
But Currie's firm refusal to promote the Minister's son beyond the rank he believed
him capable of filling, and his determination to keep politics out of his brigade,
his division, or his corps, made Sam Hughes an implacable enemy and caused
him endless worry. The cabal which formed in London, and which found an ally
on occasion in Lord Beaverbrook, used every possible weapon against Currie, from
his legacy of debts of civilian life to his alleged wastefulness of his troops' lives.
His enemies failed in their purpose, but the story of their efforts makes painful
and disgraceful reading.
In a sense Currie's life after his return to civilian life was an anticlimax. He
laboured diligently as Principal of McGill University, and his biographer works
equally hard to make a satisfactory assessment of his efforts but with the same
lack of complete success. He was deeply respected by the officers who had served
under him—some of whom sponsored this volume—but he had to launch a libel
suit almost ten years after the war to defend his military reputation. His death
in 1933 was overshadowed by the clouds of difficulties that the depression had
caused. With the passage of time, more and more of his countrymen will agree
with Colonel Urquhart that Currie was a great Canadian.
F. H. Soward.
University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, B.C.
Petroglyphs of Central Washington. By H. Thomas Cain. Seattle: University
of Washington Press, 1950. Map and ills. $1.
This attractive little paper-bound volume assembles most of the recoverable
data on the Indian rock pictures of Central Washington, extending northward to
the Canadian Border the area covered by such systematic surveys. Its title is
somewhat misleading, largely because it reflects the present confusion of terminology on this subject. A petroglyph is generally accepted to be any figure
" carved, incised, pecked, or abraded into the rock surface " (p. 4); a pictograph 1951 The Northwest Bookshelf 125
" any figure developed by the use of color " (p. 4); but no general term embracing
both has yet gained general acceptance. Cain suggests petrography as the inclusive
term, but balks at using it in the title because of its geological connotation.
Neither does he use it often in the text, preferring pictography—e.g., " the two
basic types of pictography" (p. 4). Considering this confusion of terminology
and the fact that his survey includes 257 pictographs and only 152 petroglyphs, it
is difficult to see why Cain used the title he does.
The survey covers forty sites through the centre of Washington from the
Canadian Border, along the Columbia River and its tributaries, almost to Oregon;
and the description of these sites takes up the largest single section of the book.
Forty-six text figures based on field sketches show the rock pictures, and the
location and character of the sites are described. This reviewer would have liked
to see a rather fuller description of each site, specifically notes on the size of the
figures and a list of the names which Cain applied to each element for purposes of
analysis. A second large section discusses the distribution of fifty of the most
common design elements. Here the subjective element looms rather large, as the
writer has grouped under admittedly arbitrary names—e.g., " spoked wheel,"
" sunburst"—design elements which are seldom identical in detail, and has
analysed the distribution of each group. Thirty of the elements are plotted on
small maps, the other twenty are briefly noted, and a chart at the end of the
book analyses the distribution of these fifty elements over the forty sites. The
remaining quarter of the book is given over to a discussion of pictographic art,
general considerations, and conclusions.
Rock paintings can be studied from the view-point of the motivations that
produced them or from the view-point of art and the diffusion of art styles. In
one case it is the reason they were done that is of primary interest; in the other
it is the picture per se. Similar designs may not always carry the same cultural
implications. Ethnographic accounts indicate that in local areas such as the
Interior of British Columbia at least pictographs were used to record powerful
supernatural experiences and other events of importance in an individual's life.
However, there is no assurance that they were so motivated elsewhere. Failing
further ethnographic information, Cain's study and others like it can throw some
light on this matter of the motivations behind rock pictures. Their wide " continuity of motifs and methods of execution " show them not to be mere doodling.
Pains were taken to place the work in " an attractive and conspicuous spot" (p.
5). In this observation Cain seems to ignore cases like Site 3, where it had been
"necessary for the artist to work lying flat on his back" (p. 8). Rock pictures
were placed at definite types of places, usually near habitation sites. Pictographs
and petroglyphs were made at the same type of sites and employed the same
design elements. It is interesting to note that these last two conclusions are the
opposite to what J. H. Steward reported in Petroglyphs of California and Adjoining States.
The analysis of the design elements and their distribution fails to bring to light
any design areas or local art styles. Cain does distinguish three petrographic
areas in Washington, but these are based on the medium employed rather than the
design elements themselves. The first of these is the north central part of the
State, where the sites are exclusively pictographic; the second and third are the 126 The Northwest Bookshelf Jan.-Apr.
geographic centre of the State along the Columbia River, where exclusive petro-
glyphic and combined pictographic and petroglyphic sites respectively are found.
This situation, he admits, might be largely due to the type of rock present in these
areas.
Certain of the design elements link the art style of this area with other areas
to the south and the west. Cain finds the style here " merely an extension of
the lower Columbia petroglyphic art" (p. 49) and adds that " the forms in this
whole area show a striking similarity to the petrography of Oregon, which has
been shown to be related to the appearances in the Great Basin to the South "
(p. 54). He deplores the lack of published information on the known wealth
of rock pictures in the Interior of British Columbia, which precludes any comparisons in that direction. As for a comparison of his area with the pictographs
of the British Columbia Coast, Cain states with a certainty, which this reviewer,
for one, does not share, " In no case is it possible to show the slightest connection
between the two " (p. 49).
Further and more detailed conclusions, which will carry profound implications
of culture contact and diffusion, will have to await further detailed surveys in such
areas as the Interior of British Columbia. This little volume is a step in that
direction.
Wilson Duff.
Provincial Museum,
Victoria, B.C.
Canada.   Edited by George W. Brown.   Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
of California Press, 1950.   Pp. xviii, 621.   $6.50.
At the time of the creation of the United Nations in San Francisco the
University of California hit upon the happy idea of publishing a series of volumes
upon its member nations which would make clearer their backgrounds, policies,
and purposes. This volume, the tenth in the United Nations Series, is a credit
to Professor George W. Brown, of the University of Toronto, who was its editor,
and his twenty-five contributors. Co-operative book-making is no easy art, and
it says much for Mr. Brown's patience and tenacity that he has succeeded in
assembling the most balanced account of Canada that has yet appeared.
The editor divided the volume into six sections, dealing respectively with the
Setting, Historical Background, Economy, Political and Constitutional Scene,
Social and Cultural Institutions, and External Relations. By this arrangement
the reader is able to get a broad survey of Canadian development which
covers topics not often adequately described, such as Local Government, the
Social Services, the Cultural Pattern, and Religion and Religious Institutions, the
latter coming rather unexpectedly from Professor A. R. M. Lower. To read
R. M. Dawson on the constitution, D. G. Creighton on the genesis and integration
of the Dominion, J. B. Brebner on the North Atlantic Triangle, and H. A. Innis
on fundamental and historic elements in the Canadian economy, is to obtain from
the acknowledged authority in the field a concise exposition which often represents the distillation of his work in several previous books. In addition to his
editorial duties, Mr. Brown contributed a thoughtful introduction in which he 1951 The Northwest Bookshelf 127
summarizes Canada's problem as having to meet simultaneously " the baffling
difficulties of geography and sectionalism, the necessity of developing and harmonizing two types of culture, and the problem of reaching political maturity
within a complex and rapidly changing network of external relations." In his
judgment, Canada has been most successful in her material and institutional
development, but there are hopeful signs in recent times of " a maturing cultural
development."
The volume includes maps, illustrations, a select bibliography, and an index.
Regrettably, but in keeping with the publishing trend, the foot-notes are at
the back.
F. H. Soward.
University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, B.C.
victoria, B.C.
Printed by Don McDiarmid, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty
1952
650-951-8701 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Organized October 31st, 1922
PATRON
His Honour Clarence Wallace, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia.
OFFICERS, 1951
Hon. W. T. Straith Honorary President.
Major H. Cuthbert Holmes  -       -       -     President.
Burt R. Campbell Past President.
D. A. McGregor    -       -       -       -       -     1st Vice-President.
Mrs. R. B. White 2nd Vice-President.
Miss Madge Wolfenden         ...     Honorary Secretary.
H. C. Gilliland Honorary Treasurer.
MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL
E. G. Baynes. Miss Helen R. Boutilier. Rev. John Goodfellow.
J. K. Nesbitt. Dr. Margaret A. Ormsby. Dr. W. N. Sage.
Willard E. Ireland H. C. Gilliland Captain C. W. Cates
(Editor, Quarterly). (Victoria Section). (Vancouver Section).
OBJECTS
To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history; to
promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural
features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to publish historical
sketches, studies, and documents.
MEMBERSHIP
Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year
commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing receive the
British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge.
Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.

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