British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly Jul 1, 1940

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JULY, 1940 Be
Published by the Archives of British Columbia
in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
W. Kaye Lamb.
C. Goodfellow, Princeton. F. W. How ; er.
Robie L. Rbid, Vancouver. T. A. Rickard, V
W. X. Sage, Vancoui
Editorial communicat M be addressed to the Editor, Provincial
Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.
Subscriptions  should  be sent to the Provincial  Archives, Parliament
Buildings, Victoria, B.C.    Price, 50c. the copy, or $2 ti Members
of the Br> « the
■rly without further charge.
Provincial Archr h  Columbia  Historical
Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors
to the magazine. We
" Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. IV. Victoria, B.C., July, 1940. No. 3
Articles : Page.
The Later Life of John R. Jewitt
By Edmond S. Meany, Jr  143
The Construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway in British
By J. A. Lower  163
John Carmichael Haynes:  Pioneer of the Okanagan and Kootenay.
By Hester E. White  183
Documents :
John Robson versus J. K. Suter.
An exchange of articles regarding Robson's early career, originally printed in 1882  203
Notes and Comments:
British Columbia Historical Association  217
Contributors to this Issue.    219 John R. Jewitt.
From a pen-and-ink portrait furnished by his great-grrandson,
Frank R. Jewitt, of Cleveland Heights, Ohio. THE LATER LIFE OF JOHN R. JEWITT.*
The captivity of John R. Jewitt among the Indians of Nootka
Sound may have been hardly more spectacular than a number of
similar adventures in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Yet there are few tales of Indian captivities which
enjoyed so extensive an audience, for by a combination of timely
chance and Jewitt's own restless showmanship his story obtained
widespread currency along the eastern seaboard of the United
States upon his return to civilization.
The early 1800's was an era when the glamour of trade with
the Northwest Coast was a motivating factor in commercial
circles. Inquisitive explorers and traders were pushing overland toward the western sea, and Americans generally were
turning from European associations toward opportunities on
their own continent. Culturally, the time was ripe for recognition of things American, and native themes began to enrich the
product of authors in the quickening nation. Into this new
atmosphere Jewitt brought the story of his captivity, and it is not
surprising that through continual advertisement during his personal wanderings, the man, his tale, and something of the customs
and inhabitants on distant Vancouver Island became familiar to
a great many persons far removed from the scene of action. It
is therefore of interest to recall that two of the country's most
prominent men of letters laboured to perpetuate the Jewitt tale,
* The author wishes to express his gratitude to the following: Mr. Norman L. Dodge, of Goodspeed's Book Shop, Boston, for copies of the Jewitt
letters; Mr. Julian P. Boyd, until recently the librarian of The Historical
Society of Pennsylvania, for permission to reproduce the play-bill; the
Curator of the Rare Book Collection of the Library of Congress for information concerning copyrights; the Chief of the Division of Music of the
Library of Congress, the Chief of the Music Division of the New York Public
Library, and Miss Joanna C. Colcord for information about the songs; the
late Mr. Frank C. Deering for the photograph of the sole known copy of the
broadside song; and two great-grandchildren of Jewitt, Mrs. Elwood Street, of
Richmond, Virginia, and Mr. Frank R. Jewitt, of Cleveland Heights, Ohio,
who searched for family letters and kindly furnished the pen-and-ink
British Columbia Historical Quarterly. Vol. IV., No. 3.
143 144 Edmond S. Meany, Jr. July
and that he himself enjoyed a short theatrical career on the
sophisticated stage of Philadelphia.
The outline of Jewitt's biography through the period of his
captivity is well known and briefly recounted. He was born in
1783 in Boston, England, of humble parentage, but his blacksmith father destined his boy for a life more exalted than his
own. However, the boy's entreaties led his father to teach him
his trade, and a second ambition of the lad was gratified when he
was permitted to sail as armourer in the ship Boston, of Boston,
Massachusetts, under command of Captain John Salter. The
vessel left England in September, 1802, and arrived in Nootka
Sound on March 12, 1803.
Ten days after the ship's arrival the Indian chief, Maquinna,
avenged what he considered an insult of the captain by seizing
the vessel and murdering the officers and crew. Only Jewitt and
John Thompson, sail-maker and gunner, of Philadelphia, were
spared. Thenceforward these two were the servants of the
chief, fashioning his weapons and performing his menial chores
under conditions which at times approached starvation and exhaustion. Through the months of slavery Jewitt managed by
deception to continue a journal, using berry-juices for ink. This
journal he carried with him when the two white men were
rescued by Captain Hill, of the brig Lydia, in July, 1805. The
Lydia remained on the Coast another year, departing for China
in August, 1806, and arriving there in December. She left China
in February, 1807, and sailed into her home port of Boston,
Massachusetts, 114 days later.
Before the year was out, Jewitt saw to it that the above facts
and the details of the captivity were preserved for posterity by
publishing A Journal Kept at Nootka Sound by John R. Jewitt,1
purporting to be the exact account which he had kept with such
pains during his slavery. Yet almost nothing is known of
Jewitt's life for the next few years beyond the fact that on
(1) Extant copies of the Journal are rare. To remedy this situation,
Goodspeed's Book Shop, Boston, Massachusetts, in 1931 issued a limited
edition of A Journal Kept at Nootka Sound by John R. Jewitt, One of the
Survivors of the Crew of the Ship Boston During a Captivity Among the
Indians from March, 1803, to July, 1805. Reprinted from the Original
Edition, Boston, 1807—With an Introduction and a Check List of Later
Accounts of Jewitt's Captivity, by Norman L. Dodge. 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 145
Christmas Day, 1809, he married,2 this time according to the
customs of his own people. His first wife was an Indian girl
whom he alleged he had been forced to wed during his captivity.
Thenceforward he probably spent at least a portion of his time
relating his adventures, and perhaps for a livelihood peddled
copies of his Journal from town to town, as it is known he did
with his later publications.3
About 1815, however, Jewitt attracted the attention of
Richard Alsop, Hartford merchant, and one of the renowned
group of American authors of the time known as the Connecticut
Wits. He was recognized as perhaps the cleverest of the clan
next to John Trumbull. Alsop was one of the few millionaires of
his day, and his great means permitted him the leisure to indulge
in wide reading and in the polemic literary efforts of the local
Federalist party.4 According to his nephew, Theodore Dwight,
writing in 1860, Alsop " had a peculiar taste of adventures," and
drew from Jewitt the details of his captivity among the Nootkans.
Repeated interviews were necessary to obtain the story, Dwight
later remembered, and his uncle encountered difficulties from
Jewitt's " small capacity as a narrator," and felt the task would'
have been much easier had the story-teller been a Yankee.
Dwight was present at his uncle's house on at least one occasion
when Jewitt was there and heard him sing Indian songs learned
on the Northwest Coast.5
Alsop is recognized as a literary amateur and an " incorrigible
imitator of late eighteenth century English modes,"6 and his
adaptation of Jewitt's tale is no exception to this rule. For his
model in this instance he chose Defoe's Robinson Crusoe.1   That
(2) Jewitt was married in Boston, Massachusetts, to Hester Jones, who
had migrated to America at the age of 17 with an older brother, Lewis
Jones. Mr. Dodge obtained this information from Mr. Frank R„ Jewitt in
a letter of March 9, 1931.
(3) Journal, Goodspeed edition, introduction, pp. xvi.-xvii.
(4) Vernon Louis Parrington, The Connecticut Wits, New York, 1926,
pp. xxvi., xxxii.; S. T. Williams and J. A. Pollard on Alsop in Dictionary of
American Biography.
(5) The Historical Magazine, April, 1860, quoted in Goodspeed edition
of the Journal, p. xx.
(6) Parrington, p. xxxii.
(7) Theodore Dwight in The Historical Magazine, op. cit 146 Edmond S. Meany, Jr. July
he succeeded in following his pattern is evident from the comments of a Philadelphia reviewer who remarked:—8
Our Connecticut Redacteur has . . . made a book which, while it may
communicate a good deal of entertainment and information to all classes of
readers, is peculiarly fitted for the perusal of the young; it forms, in fact,
a very appropriate companion to Robinson Crusoe. It is, to be sure, not so
entertaining: that was an advantage not to be obtained without bold deviation from real facts; but it is written in the same unaffected, perspicuous,
and pleasing style, and though the writer never indulges in reflections or'
general remarks, a serious air of piety and morality reigns through the
The book which Alsop wrote is, of course, A Narrative of The
Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt . . . , the first
edition of which was printed at Middletown, Connecticut, in the
spring of 1815, by Loomis & Richards. The records of the Clerk
of the Court for the District of Connecticut show that Jewitt
made application for copyright of the Narrative on March 8,
It is not generally known, however, that on the same day
Jewitt staked his personal claim to another production. Henry W.
Edwards, the Clerk, recorded:—
Be it Remembered:  That on the eighth day of March in the thirty ninth
year of the independence of the United States of America, John R. Jewitt
of the said District hath deposited in this office, the title of a Print, the right
whereof he claims as Proprietor, in the words following to wit
" The Poor Armourer Boy, A Song."
The song was printed as a broadside, on a long sheet of paper,
with a cut at the top depicting " The Ship Boston taken by the
Savages at Nootka Sound March 22*—1803." The cut is identical with the frontispiece in the March, 1815, edition of the Narrative, and at the bottom of the page is the copyright notice and
the name of the printing firm, Loomis & Richards. The song
itself is ornately " boxed " and is preceded by the explanation,
" Imitated from the Poor Cabin Boy, of Dibdin, and adapted to
the case of John R. Jewitt, a native of Boston, in Great-Britain,
(8) Analectic Magazine, June, 1815, vol. 5, pp. 493—496.    Philadelphia,
" Published and Sold by Moses Thomas, No. 52 Chestnut-Street."
(9) The record of copyright was obtained through the courtesy of the
Curator of the Rare Book Collection, The Library of Congress. 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 147
the only survivor of the crew of the ship Boston, of Boston in
New England, who with the captain and officers were cruelly
massacred by the savages on the North-West coast of America."
The song itself is as follows:—10
NO thrush that e'er pip'd its sweet note from the thorn
Was so gladsome and lively as me,
'Till lur'd by false colours, in life's blooming morn
I tempted my fortune at sea.
My father he wept as his blessing he gave,
When I left him " my time to employ "
In climates remote on the rude ocean wave,
Being but a poor Armourer Boy.
Whilst amidst each new scene these " maxims of old "
Upheld me when grief did oppress;
That a fair reputation is better than gold,
And courage will conquer distress:
" So contented I brav'd the rude storm, dry or wet,
Buoy'd up with hopes " light painted toy,
In thinking that Fortune would certainly yet
Deign to smile on the Armourer Boy.
With our ship, on return, with riches full fraught,
We hop'd soon for Boston to steer,
My heart it with exstacy leap'd at the thought,
" My eyes dropp'd through pleasure a tear."
" But, alas!  adverse fate so hard " and untrue
" Did all these gay prospects destroy,"
For burn'd was our ship and murder'd our crew,
And wounded the Armourer Boy.
For a long time in pain and sickness I pin'd,
With no one to feel for my woe,
No mother, my wounds, as she sooth'd me, to bind,
No sister her aid to bestow!
By savages fierce for years held a slave,
Did affliction my poor heart annoy,
Till Hope dropp'd her anchor at last on the grave
As the birth of the Armourer Boy.
(10) Mr. Dodge, editor of the Goodspeed edition of the Journal, described
the song and quoted a portion of the first stanza on pp. 90-91. Mr. Dodge
obtained his information from the late Mr. Frank C. Deering. As far as is
known, the Deering copy is unique; letter of Mr. R. W. G. Vail, American
Antiquarian Society, January 4, 1940. 148 Edmond S. Meany, Jr. July
From slav'ry escap'd, I, joyful, once more
Hail'd a civiliz'd land, but alone
And a stranger was I on a far-distant shore
From that which my childhood had known.
" If such be life's fate, with emotion I cried,"
Of sorrow so great the alloy;
" Heaven grant that sole blessing that ne'er is denied,"
To the friendless Poor Armourer Boy!
The authorship of Jewitt's song is unknown. As to the
original from which it was imitated, investigation reveals little.
The Englishmen, Charles Dibdin and his son Thomas, were prolific writers of sea songs of the parlour type, which were sung
widely in the theatres of the period and had a great following
among English-speaking people. Jewitt himself was no doubt
familiar with them, and it may be that he mimicked in crude
verse a well-known song, hoping to obtain a popularity reflected
from the Dibdin name.11 Jewitt, however, made no definite
statement of his authorship upon the broadside itself, and
the song seems too good to be the work of the unskilled adventurer. It is possible, moreover, that Alsop, with whom Jewitt
had been recently conferring, was prevailed upon to dash off the
ditty as a supplement to the Narrative which he had just written.
The verse hardly reaches the standard of Alsop's poetry, yet it
differs in metre and rhyme from the style of Dibdin, and such
alterations would require some ability with the tools of the trade.
Furthermore, many phrases of the song are enclosed with quotation marks characteristic of the imitative tendency of Alsop.12
(11) Each Dibdin is credited with a song entitled The Cabin Boy,
although neither caption contains the adjective " poor." Thomas's song
bears the closer resemblance to Jewitt's, and concludes with the stanza:—
My purse soon fill'd with Frenchmen's gold,
I hasten'd back with joy,
When, wreck'd in sight of port, behold
The hapless Cabin Boy!
This song is found in Songs, Naval and National, of the Late Charles Dibdin,
with a Memoir and Addenda, Collected and Arranged by Thomas Dibdin,
London, 1841, p. 252. See also The Songs of Charles Dibdin, Chronologically
Arranged, with Notes, Historical, Biographical, and Critical . . . ,
London, 1848, II., p. 385; Dictionary of National Biography; and Edward
Bliss Reed, editor, Songs from the British Drama, New Haven, 1925, pp.
(12) Cf., Parrington, op. cit, pp. 423-426. 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 149
Some substantiation for the claim that Alsop or some other
person wrote the song likewise might be derived from Jewitt's
use of the word " proprietor " rather than " author " in application for the copyright of the song as well as the Narrative.™
Jewitt's most important years in the purveyance of his tale
seem to have been 1815 through 1817. It is not certain whether
his publications of 1815, the Narrative and the song, were distributed through established book-dealers. It is recorded, however, that he himself set out in a wagon with copies of the book,
to peddle them from town to town. Alsop is said to have
regretted his part in the transaction, feeling that Jewitt thereafter " became unsettled in his habits by his wandering life in
selling the book."14 Just how far his journeyings took him is
unknown, but he was seen dispensing his book from a one-horse
wagon in Philadelphia. Another observer recalled seeing Jewitt
with a wheelbarrow of books near the Capitol in Albany, the
adventurer being readily identified by the large head-scar resulting from his wound during the capture of the ship at Nootka.15
The few extant letters which Jewitt wrote to his family16 indicate
that he travelled at least as far north as Portland, Maine, as far
south as Baltimore, Maryland, and even to Nantucket Island. It
may be that from his stock he could offer two kinds of merchandise to suit the purses of his customers, the more expensive
book and the cheaper broadside souvenir of The Poor Armourer
(13) It is perhaps presumptuous to suppose that the Clerk of the Court
exercised a discriminating use of the terms in recording applications for
copyright. Yet on the same day that Jewitt was twice listed as proprietor,
another applicant appears as author. Furthermore, among the ten entries
preceding and the ten following Jewitt's name, ranging in time between
August, 1814, and September, 1815, there are recorded ten authors, one
authoress, and nine proprietors. These facts were ascertained by Mr. David
C. Mearns, of the Library of Congress, January 31, 1940.
(14) Theodore Dwight, Historical Magazine, op. cit.
■(15) Inquiry concerning Jewitt in Historical Magazine, March, 1859,
and reply in the same publication for April, both quoted in Goodspeed edition
of the Journal, pp. xvii.-xviii.
(16) Jewitt's mother, Ann, writing from London in 1822, without knowledge of his death, requested two or three copies of the Narrative. She had
heard of it, but could obtain no copies there. Copies of these letters, the
originals of which are now in the possession of Jewitt's descendants, were
kindly furnished by Mr. Dodge. 150 Edmond S. Meany, Jr. July
Regardless of the manner in which his productions were distributed, it is evident that Jewitt's Narrative attracted some
attention. A reviewer in the Analectic Magazine of June, 1815,
thought rather highly of the book, and took opportunity after the
manner of the time to reflect upon the effect which atrocities
against the savages by white captains had upon aborigines everywhere.    Continuing he stated:—
We do not wish to give a disproportionate importance to this unassuming
little volume, and shall therefore abstain from extract or analysis. It is
proper, however, to state, that there is scarce any relation of savage
manners which can lay higher claim to authenticity, than this simple narration. The facts are undoubted, and the book was prepared for the press by
a literary gentleman of Connecticut, who has scrupulously abstained from
all digression or embellishment of style, and restricted himself to a plain
relation of the story in simple and correct language.
The form and size of the volume afford pretty strong proof that arts of
literary manufacture are yet in their infancy among us. If by any chance
these materials had fallen into the hands of one of the regularly-bred
literary artisans of London, the lean narrative would have been larded and
stuffed out with sonnets, sentiments, and philosophy, with digressions and
disquisitions political, commercial, and economical, until at length, ' Jewitt's
Voyages and Travels' were fit to be ushered to the world in full pomp of
quarto typography.
The reviewer then points out, no doubt with tongue in cheek,
some of the comparisons which might be made between the native
Nootkan hierarchy and British politics, and between the Indian
ceremonials and songs and the English theatricals and literature
of the time.    As a whole, the Analectic writer seems pleased
that simplicity rather than wordy elaboration pervaded Alsop's
treatment of the tale.
The fact that the same magazine, in February, 1817, saw fit
to review an 1816 edition of the Narrative further attests the
book's popularity.17    This account begins with a straightforward
summary of the volume.   In his subsequent criticism, however,
the author is less impressed with the quality of the book than was
the first reviewer.   He reports that since the magazine noted the
first edition,
(17) Analectic Magazine, IX., pp. 141-165. The last sentence of the
review states that Thompson died at " Havannah " not long after the Lydia's
arrival, " and Jewitt is now distributing his Narrative through the United
States." 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 151
it has been twice more put to press;—and it would at first sight appear
somewhat singular that a book which is very badly written, and a great deal
worse arranged, should have already circulated in the Northern States alone
to the number (we are told) of about nine thousand copies. It is not recommended by those interior and exterior decorations which ordinarily get off
a book of travels; for instead of an equilateral quarto, as " dick as all dis
chees," accompanied by all manner of maps and plates and annotations,—we
have here only a thin parallelogram of a duodecimo, " embellished " (the
author thinks) with a single effort at an engraving, and blotted on the outside with two daubings, which are intended to represent the king of the
Nootkians, first, in his visiting costume, and, secondly, in the act of harpooning a whale. All the interest of the volume is, therefore, derived solely
from the nature of the facts which it contains. Of these we have already
expressed our opinion; and have only to add, that although Jewitt has not.
been had up two or three times a day for a fortnight and crossexamined by
the imposing Members of the Royal Society of London . . . , we know
from the simplicity and good faith which appears in the narrative itself, and
from the consistency which the author has preserved in telling ourselves the
story at different times, that what he has given to the world is a faithful
record of the facts.
In all, eighteen editions of the book have appeared in print.
Two of these were issued in the British Isles. Of the two latest
editions, one was published in 1896 by Clement Wilson, of
London, with notes by Robert Brown, and the other is a German
edition of 1928.18 Peter Parley, astute editor and publisher for
successive generations of young people, placed the story on the
market in his series of Miscellanies under the title The Captive
of Nootka, as a companion to such well-known works as the
stories of La Perouse and Alexander Selkirk.19 This extensive
and long record of publication is adequate testimony of the
popularity of the Narrative.
(18) See Appendix B. This location list brings up to date the information in the Goodspeed edition of the Journal and the account of F. W. Howay
in "An Early Account of the Loss of the Boston in 1803," Washington
Historical Quarterly, XVII., October, 1926, pp. 287-288, and the editorial
note, ibid., p. 311.
(19) See Appendix B. Earlier authorities, quoting Parley, whose true
name was Samuel Griswold Goodrich, give the first publication date as 1832.
Evert A. Duyckinck and George L. Duyckinck, Cyclopedia of American
Literature, New York, 1855, II., pp. 311-313; and S. Austin Allibone,
A Critical Dictionary of English Literature and British and American
Authors, Philadelphia, 1872, I., p. 701. 152 Edmond S. Meany, Jr. July
The attention aroused by early editions of the Narrative no
doubt accounts for the interest of the second great literary personage to be attracted by the inherent possibilities of the adventurer's tale. About the time Philadelphia intellectuals were
reading the 1817 Analectic review, Jewitt was in conference concerning a new venture, the dramatization of his Nootkan experience, and in this undertaking it was his good fortune to enlist the
services of James Nelson Barker.
Barker enjoyed a varied career. Not only was he a noted
biographer and playwright but, in addition, he served as a soldier
in the War of 1812 and held office in both the Philadelphia and
Federal governments. Many of Barker's plays were performed
in the theatres managed by William Burke Wood and William
Warren in Washington, Alexandria, Baltimore, and Philadelphia.
Historians of the theatre differ as to who took the initiative in
proposing to Barker that he exploit the Jewitt theme. One
authority contends that Wood and Warren " had the journalistic
enterprise to commission Barker "; another investigator believes
Jewitt took the lead.20
As early as March 10 advance notice was given of the Barker
play in an advertisement of the Philadelphia Theatre: " In preparation, a Melo Drama, founded on the interesting narrative of
Mr. John Jewitt, called the Armourer's Escape, or Three Years
at Nootka, with new scenery, dresses, &c. &c.   ..."    Similar
(20) Actually, there seems to be no direct evidence as to which party
took the initiative. Paul H. Musser, James Nelson Barker, 1784-1858,
Philadelphia, 1929, especially pp. 72-74; Reese D. James, Old Drury of
Philadelphia; A History of the Philadelphia Stage, 1800-1885; Including
the Diary or Daily Account Book of William Burke Wood, Co-Manager with
William Warren of the Chestnut Street Theatre, familiarly known as Old
Drury, Philadelphia, 1932, p. 27.
Musser believes that the dispute with England over the settlement of the
Oregon question provided a timely interest in any one who had visited that
region under such exciting circumstances as Jewitt. There is no notice in
the Philadelphia newspapers of early 1817 concerning the Oregon controversy, however, and Musser's contention seems to be unfounded. Perhaps
he took his cue in this matter from his mentor and predecessor in the history
of the theatre, Arthur Hobson Quinn, A History of the American Drama
from the Beginning to the Civil War, New York, 1923, p. 144. 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 153
announcements appeared in the newspapers in later editions.21
On March 20 the advertisements became more detailed, stating
that the new play would open the next evening, Friday, the 21st.22
It was to be preceded by a tried and favourite comedy, The Busy
Body, in accordance with the custom of billing two offerings an
evening. The prices were the standard tariffs of the theatre,
" Box, 1 dollar—Pit, 75 cents—Gallery, 50 cents." Doors were
to be opened at 5.30 and the curtain was to " rise precisely at
half after 6 o'clock." Notice was called to the play-bills for
further details; but particular attention was directed to the concluding feature of the programme, the rendition of The Song of
the Armourer Boy, to be sung by Mr. Jewitt himself. There
were to be three performances—an unusual occurrence, inasmuch
as a play was seldom repeated on successive evenings. On Saturday the accompanying piece was to be " the celebrated Play of
Abaellino, The Great Bandit"; on Monday, the comedy The
Stranger. Monday was also to be the occasion of Mr. Jewitt's
No copy of the play has been discovered, as the only manuscript was taken by Jewitt and has disappeared.23 Description
of the performance itself must then depend in part upon the
advertisements already cited, but more upon the "bill,"24 a broadside sheet delineating the play in such detail as to be, in the words
of one author, a veritable scenario.26 Therefore little comment
upon the contents of the melodrama is necessary. It will be
noted that efforts were made to sketch the narrative accurately,
(21) Philadelphia Aurora. Musser gives the 14th as the first date of
preliminary notice; pp. 72-74. In addition to the Aurora, the following
papers contained notices: Political and Commercial Register, Poulsen's
American Daily Advertiser, Democratic Press, and United States Gazette.
(22) E.g., the Aurora.
(23) Letter of J. N. Barker to William Dunlap, June 10,1832, in William
Dunlap, A History of the American Theatre, New York, 1832, pp. 379-380.
Barker mistakenly recalled that the first performance took place March 24.
(24) See Appendix A for the text of the play-bill. The only known copy
is in the collection of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The substance
of the play-bill appears in Charles Durang, History of the Philadelphia
Stage, between the Years 17U9 and 1855, arranged and illustrated by Thompson Westcott, 1868, I., 1749-1818, p. 114. This consists of a series of scrap-
books in the library of the University of Pennsylvania.
(25) A. H. Quinn, op. cit, p. 144. 154 Edmond S. Meany, Jr. July
even to the point of a faithful recording of the " costume,
manners, ceremonies and superstitions of these extraordinary
people," the savages of Nootka Sound. To this end, Jewitt aided
in directing the dancers, and, what is more important still, the
adventurer was to take the part of the Armourer. The other
principal performers were regular members of the company's
troupe, among whom were some of the most prominent actors
and actresses of the period, including members of the famous
Jefferson family.
It is interesting to speculate upon the manner in which the
various and complicated scenes were staged. In particular one
wonders about the fourth and fifth scenes of Act I., showing the
interior of Maquinna's house, and the Nootkan village during the
eclipse of the moon, and the procession and ceremonials of the
Indians in Act II. How the audience was able to differentiate
between the many tribes represented, and to what degree the
showmanship of the day simplified for Philadelphia playgoers the
elaborate " Ceremonies of the Bear" and the Nootkan War
Dance, are questions open to conjecture. That Jewitt held the
centre of the stage as much as possible, and revelled in it, we can
be reasonably sure. While he had been actually among the
savages the rigours of his captivity had been somewhat lightened
by his cheery disposition and his willingness to recite and sing
in his own tongue for the amusement of his captors.26 Now, on
the stage, he entertained the more sophisticated Philadelphians
in the language of the Nootkans, for near the end of the play he
sang the Indian war song.27 The final curtain fell as Jewitt concluded singing his Song of the Armourer Boy.
What the audience in the Philadelphia or Chestnut Street
Theatre thought of the play is not known. William B. Wood, one
of the managers, reported that " much curiosity and some interest were excited by so unique an exhibition."28 Some measure of
the popularity of Jewitt's appearances may be derived from the
(26) Journal, Goodspeed edition, pp. xiii.-xiv.
(27) All editions of the Narrative contain the " War-song of the Nootka
Tribe," with the instructions that it is to be " Repeated over and over with
gestures and brandishing of weapons."
(28) William B. Wood, Personal Recollections of the Stage; Embracing
Notices of Actors, Authors, and Auditors, during a Period of Forty Years,
Philadelphia, 1855, p. 206. see _:-""::.:::::::
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The Poor Armourer Boy
broadside, 1815.
Reproduced by permission from the copy in
the collection of the late Frank C. Deering,
which is believed to be unique. }
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Play-bill advertising ?7te Armourer's
Escape, 1817.
Reproduced by kind permission of the His-
tori-_J Society of Pennsylvania, whose collection
includes the only known copy. 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 155
record of receipts for the three evenings—$721.50, $339.75, and
$301.50 respectively.29 These comprise $1,362.75 out of the
week's total of $2,202.75. The smallest sum was from Jewitt's
benefit, and while the low receipts may partly reflect upon his
performance it is well to note that the weather may have had considerable effect upon the size of the house. Manager Wood's
diary records " fine " weather for the first night, " very mild "
for the second, and " rain " for the final evening.30 Even so, the
average receipts for the three showings—$454.25—was considerably below that of the whole season, which was $596 a night.31
Thus the play could not be considered an exceptional success, but
neither could it be called a dismal failure, breaking precedent as
it did by running three consecutive nights, and with the handicap
of poor weather on one of these.
The brief theatrical career of John R. Jewitt had its beginning and its climax in The Armourer's Escape at the Philadelphia
Theatre, but he was to have one more gala appearance before his
curious public. There was, in the outskirts of Philadelphia, a
summer amusement resort called Vauxhall Garden after its
London model. Established in 1813 by John Scotti, Italian perfumer and hairdresser, the park or " circus " had enjoyed several
successful seasons before opening again in the summer of 1817.
The attractions were equestrian performances, fireworks, songs
and speeches by famous celebrities, in addition to refreshments
and relief in the cool of the suburbs from the heat of the city.
Here we find Jewitt listed among Scotti's offerings. Nothing is
recorded of his performance except the simple fact that he " sung
songs dressed in Nootka costume."32
Later in the summer Jewitt was ill for eight weeks. " I have
had," he wrote, " a complaint in my head attended with a fever
which brought me verry low."    But by October 12, when he
(29) R. D. James, Old Drury, p. 217.    Cf. Wood, Recollections, p. 206.
(30) R. D. James, Old Drury, p. 217.
(31) Ibid., pp. 27 and 217. By contrast with these receipts, one night in
the previous week, because of snow, brought only $160. Further, the next
performance following Jewitt's benefit was a benefit for the famous Jefferson, bringing $1,337.50!
(32) Durang, op. cit, p. 115. See also Joseph Jackson, " Vauxhall
Garden," in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, October,
1933, pp. 289-298. 156 Edmond S. Meany, Jr. July
signed the above letter to his wife, he had recovered his health
sufficiently to journey to New York. Apparently the correspondence with Mrs. Jewitt had been enlivened by reference to his
experiences with the drama. She had stated that she would
rather learn he was a corpse than hear of his " being at the
theatre," and he commented with feeling, " That is all nonsence
and the State of Connecticut selfconceite, but no more of that I
expect to heare enough about it. . . . "ss Perhaps, before he
was done with life, he did " heare enough about it," for Jewitt
had essayed a venture on the stage in an era when many people
considered a theatrical career far from respectable.
From this time forward, Jewitt's recorded life is less colourful. He probably continued his itinerant existence, sending back
to his wife and children in Middletown occasional remittances and
bountiful expressions of hope and pious wishes.34 At long last
he returned to Connecticut and permanent rest from his wanderings.    He died at Hartford, January 7, 1821.35
If Jewitt was not widely mourned at the time of his death, at
least his story kept his memory alive for succeeding generations.
One of the two editions of his Journal and twelve of the eighteen
various editions of the popular Narrative were published after
1821. Moreover, looking backward from the vantage point of
great distance, we see Jewitt as one of the more picturesque characters of his day. Armourer, adventurer, author, peddler, and
showman—these were the pursuits of his lifetime. To two men
more skilled in letters than himself he provided inspiration for
literary achievement of some merit and considerable interest.
To countless persons along the eastern seaboard of the United
States he brought knowledge of a far country, a land of savage
(33) This letter is cited in the Goodspeed edition of the Journal, p. xix.
Mr. Dodge drew the natural conclusion that " at the theatre " meant " playgoer," but with the knowledge that Jewitt had experience on the bright side
of the footlights it is possible to assume that this reference was to his acting.
(34) E.g., Jewitt to his wife, from Boston, May 24, 1816. " I have enclosed to you fifteen dollars which I hope you will lay out to the best advantage you know Dear Hester what to do best and I am satisfied. I think it
would be well to buy a few shad but you must do my dear as you think
best. ..." His letters are filled with solicitations for his children and
sorrow at his failure to be as provident and accessible a parent as he should.
(35) Journal, Goodspeed edition, pp. xvii.-xviii. 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 157
make-believe. Jewitt's life and achievements thus served as
links between the Northwest Coast and the awakening nation
across the continent of America.
Edmond S. Meany, Jr.
The Hill School,
Pottstown, Pa. 158
Edmond S. Meany, Jr.
appendix a.
Text of the play-bill advertising The Armourer's Escape, 1817.
Philadelphia Theatre, Illuminated with Gas.
Friday Evening, March 21, 1817,
Will be presented a favourite Comedy, called the
Sir George Airy,
Sir Francis Gripe,
Marplot, (with the
Sir Jealous Traffic,
Mr. Barrett.
Mr. Burke.
Mr. Wood.
Mr. Abercrombie.
Mr. Francis.
Mr. T. Jefferson.
Servant to Sir Francis,
Servant to Sir Jealous,
Mr. Hathwell.
[MS. torn.]
[MS. torn.]
Mrs. Entwisle.
Mrs. Jefferson.
Mrs. Francis.
Mrs. Jackson.
Or, three years at Nootka Sound.
[Founded on the interesting narrative of John R. Jewitt, armourer of the
ship Boston, captured by the Savages at Nootka.    In this little Drama, is
attempted an accurate sketch of this unfortunate circumstance; the sufferings and perils of Jewitt and his companions, and their providential
escape.    At the same time pains have been taken to represent faithfully
the costume, manners, ceremonies and superstitions of these extraordinary
people, by as rigid an adherence to the narrative as the stage will permit.]
The Music compiled and arranged by Mr. Lefolle.
The New Scenes and Decorations by Messrs. Warren and Reinagle,
and the Dresses by Mr. Harbaugh and assistants.
Correctly got up by Mr. Francis under the direction of Mr. Jewitt.
The part of the Armourer will be performed by J. R. Jewitt.
Mr. HathweU.
Mr. Barrett.
Master J. Jefferson.
Mr. Willis.
Mr. Steward.
Mr. T. Jefferson.
Captain of the Boston,
Mr. Robertson.
The Mate,
Mr. Jackson.
Sailors, &c
Mr. Jefferson.
Maquina,  (king: of the Nootkians,) ______
Tyee, (the prince, his son,) ---------
Yealth Lower,  (brother to the king:.)       ------
Tootooch, (a chief warrior,) --------
Machee Utilla,  (king of the Klizzarts,) ------
Kinneclimmets, (the king's buffoon,) --------   Mr. Abercrombie.
Indian Chiefs, - [MS. torn.]
Arcomah,     -------------       Mrs. Jefferson.
Yuqua,   (her sister, a Wick inn ish princess,)        ----- Mrs. Harris.
Indian Women, Children, &c, &c. 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 159
A Bay near the Village of Nootka.
The ship Boston is seen lying at anchor,
Close to shore, and moored to a tree.
In this scene is exhibited the treachery of Maquina and his people;  the
destruction of the crew, except John R. Jewitt, and Thompson.
View of Part of the Village of Nootka.
The artifice by which Jewitt attempts to preserve Thompson's life is
Scene 3d, A WOOD.
The part of the crew which had landed for provisions, surprized &
slaughtered by the savages.
Interior of Maquina's House.
The king, his chiefs, and women assembled.
In this scene will be attempted an accurate representation of the Singular
Customs, and Ceremonies of the Nootkians.
Funeral Ceremonies over the Body of a Chief.
The Village of Nootka.
The Moon in Eclipse—the consternation of the natives, &c.    During the
scene the ship is discovered at a distance, ON fire, and is wholly consumed.
An attempt to attack the Nootkians,
By the Aycharts (a neighbouring tribe,) who are discovered and defeated;
their mode of approach accurately represented, &c.
Act Second, Scene First, The Nootkians, during this scene, enter fantastically dressed, in the habits of the murdered crew, and part of the goods
belonging to the ship, armed awkwardly with guns, pistols, &c.
A Procession of the Klaizzarts,
A more civilized nation, headed by Machee Utilla their king,   (by whose
friendship Jewitt was enabled to communicate to his deliverers his situation,)  followed by some of the Wykinnish, Esquates, Attizarts,
Cayuquits, and other tribes, armed with clubs, bows, and arrows.
The Ludicrous Ceremonies of the Bear.
A War Dance by the Nootkians.
jewitt, the armourer,
Sings the Nootkian War Song.
The Armourer is compelled to select a Wife, and chooses the
Princess Yuqua. 160 Edmond S. Meany, Jr. July
Dance of young Nootkian girls.
Chiefs enter, masked with heads of animals, to carry them off—the girls are
rescued, and a general Dance succeeds.
Last scene, THE SHORE,
Maquina is seized by the Captain, as a hostage for the safety of the
Armourer & Thompson, Who are at length released, and
• Maquina restored.
End of the Melo-Drama the Song of the Armourer Boy,
Box One Dollar—Pit 75 Cents—Gallery 50 Cents.    The doors will be opened
at half past 5, and the curtain rise at half past 6 o'clock. 1940 The Later Life of John R. Jewitt. 161
appendix B.
Location list of editions of Jewitt's Journal and Narrative.
The numbers assigned to the various editions in the following list are the
same as those used in the check list on pages 87-91 of the Goodspeed edition
of the Journal. The various abbreviations used are for the most part self-
explanatory. Journal means an edition of A Journal Kept at Nootka Sound
by John R. Jewitt; Narrative, an edition of A Narrative of the Adventures
and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt, the original issue of which was adapted by
Richard Alsop; Captive, an edition of The Captive of Nootka, the free
adaptation of the Narrative compiled by " Peter Parley " (S. G. Goodrich).
It is believed that the three largest collections of Jewitt are in the library
of His Honour Judge Howay, New Westminster, B.C.; in the Provincial
Library, Victoria, B.C.; and in the Newberry Library, Chicago. These
libraries are indicated in the location list by the symbols " H," " PL," and
" N," respectively. It will be noted that Judge Howay possesses fifteen of
the twenty items, the Provincial Library twelve, and the Newberry Library
nine. Copies of three of the four editions lacking from all three collections
have been located through the Union Catalogue of the Rare Book Collection
of the Library of Congress. No copy of the 1837 edition of The Captive of
Nootka has been found.
Of the twenty items listed, only the original 1807 edition of the Journal
is believed to be very rare. The Goodspeed check list states that copies
are in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society, the Boston
Athenseum, the Boston Public Library, the British Museum, Harvard College
Library, the Huntington Library, the Peabody Museum, the Provincial
Library of British Columbia, and Mr. Frank C. Deering. To this list should
now be added the name of Judge Howay.
1. Journal, Boston, 1807.
2. Narrative, Middletown, March, 1815.
3. Narrative, Middletown, July, 1815.
4. Narrative, New York [?1815].
5. Narrative, New York, 1816.
6. Narrative, London, 1816.
7. Narrative, Wakefield, 1820.
8. Narrative, Edinburgh, 1824.
9. Captive, New York, 1835.
10. Captive, Philadelphia, 1837.
11. Narrative, Ithaca, 1840.
12. Captive, Philadelphia, 1841.
13. Narrative, Ithaca, 1849.
14. Narrative, Ithaca, 1851.
15. Captive, Philadelphia, 1854.
16. Captive, Philadelphia, 1861.
17. Captive, Philadelphia, 1869.
18. Narrative, London, 1896.
19. Makwinnas gefangener . . .  [Narra
tive, in German], Leipzig, 1928.
20. Journal, Boston, 1931.
Boston Public Library.
copy located.
New York Public Library.
Library of Congress.
No single factor had a greater influence upon the opening-up
and development of Central British Columbia than the Grand
Trunk Pacific Railway. In 1900, before its construction, this
vast area could be reached only by way of the Cariboo Road, from
Ashcroft. This led to Quesnel and Fort George (now Prince
George), from which points local roads and trails extended into
the surrounding hills and valleys. Except in the immediate
vicinity of these two towns, travel conditions had changed little
since the days of the fur trade. But within fifteen years this
section of British Columbia was to be traversed from east to west
by a first-class railroad, communication was to be opened to the
south by means of regular coastal steamship service from Prince
Rupert, as well as by railways from Quesnel and Tete Jaune
Cache, settlement was to be greatly increased, hitherto undiscovered resources were to be developed, and Central British
Columbia was to enter upon a boom period.
Although in 1900 there was no east-to-west communication
system through Central British Columbia, there was, as Sand-
ford Fleming had pointed out thirty years before in his Canadian
Pacific Railway exploration surveys, a natural route for the construction of a railway. At the eastern boundary an excellent
pass, the Yellowhead, opens a way through the Rocky Mountains
to the headwaters of the Fraser River, which flows north-west
through a region of plateaux, low mountains, and river-valleys.
From Prince George, where the Fraser River turns southward,
this railway route follows its tributaries, the Nechako and En-
dako rivers, which flow from the north-west. From Decker Lake,
near the source of the Endako River, it is possible to cross the
Bulkley Mountains by a short pass to the headwaters of the
Bulkley River. This river flows north-west until it empties into
the Skeena River, which flows south-west through the Coast
Range into the Pacific Ocean.    This is the route followed by the
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IV., No. 3.
163 164 J. A. Lower. July
Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. Along it lies the chief belt of
settlement in Central British Columbia.
The construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway was a
natural outcome of conditions in Canada at the beginning of this
century. Whereas the decade before 1896 had been one of depression, the years 1896-1913 were years of unprecedented prosperity. Capital, both from Great Britain and other countries,
was ample and credit was cheap. Of even more significance was
the spectacular increase in immigration to Canada, both from the
United States and from Europe. This great influx may be
attributed to the strong Imperialistic sentiment in Great Britain
at that time, to the aggressive propaganda of Clifford Sifton, and
to the shortage of free land in the United States which resulted
from the end of the " frontier " movement. Whereas the number
of immigrants to Canada in 1898 was only 31,900, in 1903 it had
reached 128,364 and the following years were to show still larger
Thus boom times, cheap money, and unprecedented immigration resulted in a veritable flood of newcomers to the Canadian
prairies, and with their coming there arose an increasing need
for more railway facilities to the West. A new railway t6 serve
the prairies north of the Canadian Pacific main line was a necessity; but, unfortunately, this expansion was carried beyond all
rational limits and, probably as a result of the blind optimism of
the times, not one, but two, new transcontinental railways were
concurrently constructed through this section.
In 1902 the railways west of the Great Lakes proved inadequate to handle the greatly increased grain trade. At that time
Western Canada was served by two railways of importance—the
Canadian Pacific, extending to the Pacific, and the youthful Canadian Northern, which in 1902 had 1,200 scattered miles of line
extending between Port Arthur, Ontario, and Erwood, near the
eastern boundary of Saskatchewan. But early in that year two
more transcontinentals were planned. The Canadian Northern
announced its intention of building from coast to coast, and in
Quebec a group of promoters were planning a railway to pass
through the northern latitudes and to be called the Trans-Canada
Railway. This latter line was actually begun and 16 miles were
constructed in Quebec province.    It died a sudden death when 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 165
the Grand Trunk Railway made its unexpected announcement
that it planned to support another transcontinental line to the
Pacific Coast.
This line was first conceived by the officials of the Grand
Trunk as an independent railway, to be called the Grand Trunk
Pacific, which was to be a subsidiary of the older company and
was to serve as an extension into the West. The project undoubtedly sprang from the vigorous mind of Charles M. Hays,
who had served as General Manager of the Grand Trunk in
1896-1900 and had just returned to the road after a single year
with the Southern Pacific. Hays realized that the financial difficulties of the Grand Trunk were caused not only by its inefficient
methods but also by the fact that it was not gaining the amount
of new business from the West that it should. The increased
settlement on the prairies had resulted in an enormous increase in
the export of wheat, but this traffic was controlled by the Canadian Pacific Railway. The Grand Trunk, traditionally concentrating on Ontario, was in the humiliating and unprofitable position of depending upon its rival for any of this trade which it
might handle. Furthermore, the Canadian Pacific threatened
not only to encircle the Grand Trunk lines with its track across
Northern Ontario, but it was actually building branch lines into
the south and destroying the monopoly which the other railway
had consistently sought to maintain. In Hays's opinion the solution of these difficulties was the building of a feeder-line to the
prairies which would be subsidiary to the Grand Trunk. Such
a railway was first planned as a projection of the line through
Chicago to Winnipeg and the west, but Hays realized that the
Canadian Government would not approve this route, both for
political reasons and because of tariff difficulties. The Grand
Trunk therefore proposed to build the extension westward from
North Bay, the existing terminus of its lines in Northern Ontario.
Hays's first steps in the development of this new railway were
a general survey of the territory and the submission of a proposal to the Canadian Government on November 2, 1902, for the
building of a line from North Bay to Port Simpson, on the Pacific
Coast. The terms suggested implied a subsidy of $6,400 and
5,000 acres of land per mile of line, as well as certain other concessions with regard to mail subsidies, free importation of con- 166
J. A. Lower.
July 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 167
struction material, and taxation exemptions. The Government
turned the proposition down.
In spite of this, on November 24, 1902, Hays made a bare
announcement that a transcontinental railway would be built
which would be entirely independent of the Grand Trunk Railway, but which would have exclusive traffic arrangements with it.
Meanwhile the Government was trying to bring the Grand
Trunk and Canadian Northern railways together in an attempt
to have each build lines which would be complementary, rather
than opposed, to each other. After several meetings the two
lines could not agree, and for some reason the Government did
not exert the pressure which it could have used to force such an
agreement. Instead it permitted them to plan separate trans-
continentals which at times paralleled each other at a distance of
less than 30 miles. Probable reasons for the failure of the two
companies to come to an agreement were the excessive demands
of the Canadian Northern and the belief of the Grand Trunk that
it could easily crush its younger rival.
Early in 1903 the officials of the Grand Trunk and the Government discussed possibilities of construction and terms. Judging
from the fact that Mr. Blair, the Minister of Railways, resigned
from his position on July 10 it must be supposed that these talks
were mainly between the railway officials and the Prime Minister,
Wilfrid Laurier, who was becoming very enthusiastic over the
plan. As a result of his attitude it is only right to accept the
Grand Trunk Pacific Railway as a Liberal project, just as the
Canadian Pacific Railway has been accepted as the work of the
Conservatives under Sir John A. Macdonald. The chief result
of these discussions was that, for political reasons, the project
was extended still farther and the railway was planned as a
transcontinental, stretching all the way from Moncton, New
Brunswick, to the Pacific Ocean.
On June 4,1903, the Bill providing for its construction passed
the Railway Committee, after being discussed for seven days.
On July 9 it was accepted by the Liberal caucus. This was followed immediately by the resignation of Mr. Blair. On July 29
Laurier signed an agreement with the company, and on the following day personally presented the Bill to the House. 168 J. A. Lower. July
The Acts1 which ultimately resulted in the construction of the
Grand Trunk Pacific Railway provided for a transcontinental
line which was to be built in two divisions. The first of these, to
be known as the National Transcontinental, extending from
Winnipeg to Moncton, was to be constructed by the Government.
The other, to be built by the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway, was to
extend from Winnipeg to Port Simpson " or some other port on
the Pacific Coast." When the National Transcontinental was
completed it was to be leased to the Grand Trunk Pacific for fifty
years, with the privilege of renewing the option at the end of the
period. By way of rental the Grand Trunk Pacific was to meet
" working expenditures " during the first seven years and to pay
3 per cent, of the " cost of construction " for the remaining time.
As it turned out, the National Transcontinental was not taken
over by the Grand Trunk Pacific as agreed, and ultimately the
line became part of the Canadian National Railways.
The Grand Trunk Pacific was an independent company with
a capital of $45,000,000, consisting of $20,000,000 in preferred
stock and $25,000,000 in common stock. Except for 1,000 shares
held by the directors, the Grand Trunk Railway held alj the
common stock. The new railway was to be divided into two sections—the prairie section, extending from Winnipeg to Wolf
Creek, Alberta, and the mountain section, from Wolf Creek to the
Pacific.2 fhe Dominion Government guaranteed principal and,
interest on the bonds issued by the company up to 75 per cent, of
the cost of construction in each division, but it was stipulated at
first that the principal so guaranteed was not to exceed $13,000
per mile on the prairies and $30,000 per mile in the mountains.
In 1904 this restriction was removed from the mountain section
and no definite limit was set.    The company was to pay interest
(1) Statutes of Canada, 1903, c. 71 (National Transcontinental Railway
Act) and c. 122 (An Act to Incorporate the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway
Company); 1904, c. 24 ( amending the National Transcontinental Railway
Act), and c. 80 (An Act respecting the Grand 'trunk Pacific Railway Company).
(2) The total mileage, Winnipeg to the Pacific, was 1,757 miles. The
prairie section was 917 miles; the mountain section 840 miles. Edmonton
to Wolf Creek is about 120 miles, and the distance from Wolf Creek to the
boundary of British Columbia 130 miles. Thus there were about 710 miles
within British Columbia. 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 169
on the bonds for the prairie section from the date of issue and the
Government was to pay the interest on the bonds of the mountain section for seven years, at not over 3 per cent. This meant
that the company was to have the use of 75 per cent, of the
capital expended on the mountain section free for seven years.
The remaining 25 per cent, of the bonds on both sections was to
be guaranteed by the Grand Trunk Railway.
The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway had two motives for building through British Columbia. In the first place it aimed to be
a colonization road, which would open new land to settlement,
exploitation, and the discovery of new natural resources. More
important, the line in British Columbia would form a link between the prairie and eastern lines, which were expected to pay,
and a Pacific port. Through traffic from the Coast to points
across the continent had proven highly lucrative to the Canadian
Pacific Railway, and the Grand Trunk Pacific clearly wished to
reach the Pacific and secure a share of the Oriental traffic.
Because its route was 200 miles shorter, the Grand Trunk Pacific
expected to have a very definite advantage over the other trans-
continentals in competing for this trade.
Reconnaissance surveys for the new railway began soon after
the Bills passed the House of Commons. The first sod was.turned
at Sand Hill, Manitoba, on August 28, 1906. By July, 1909, the
line had been built from Winnipeg to Edmonton, and in the following year the prairie section was completed to Wolf Creek.
Of the 840 miles in the so-called mountain section, approximately 710 were in British Columbia. Building of this section
began from both the eastern and western ends. When the
prairie section was completed from Winnipeg to Wolf Creek,
construction continued progressively westward into the mountain section until it met the tracks from the west, which had been
begun at Prince Rupert. The contractors for the entire section
were Foley, Welch & Stewart, but the work was almost entirely
sublet to contractors in sections which were usually shorter than
5 miles each.8
(3) The sub-contractors included: R. Ross and C. A. Carlson; A. L.
McHugh; Craig Brothers; John E. Bostrom; Angus Stuart; Neil Keith;
M. Sheedy; McDonald and McAllister; Smith Brothers; Stano and Har-
stone; Prince Rupert Construction Company; Dan Stewart; Fred Peterson;   Norman McLeod;   Dan Horrigan;   Washstock and Company;   D. A. 170 J. A. Lower. July
Edmonton was the base of operations for the construction
gangs building from Wolf Creek westward. Supplies were
carried from there to the different bases either by construction
train or by wagon. The construction train was able to run over
the tracks as soon as they were laid, and, because it could not
average over 8 miles per hour, was nicknamed the "flier."
Wagons were used to carry supplies to those camps which were
beyond the " end of steel." The customary price for hauling was
5 cents a pound, regardless of distance. There were about six
hundred teams working along the line through the Rocky Mountains, about two-thirds of which were privately owned.
Another common method of obtaining supplies after steel had
crossed the Yellowhead Pass and reached the Fraser River was
by steamer from Soda Creek, up the river to the " end of steel."
F. W. Stewart, of the Foley, Welch & Stewart Construction Company, had two steamers in operation, the Operator and the Conveyor. Each had a capacity of 175 tons and was powerful
enough to push a scow carrying a 90-ton load against the current.
Steamboats were not as satisfactory as teams, however, as they
could only be operated when the water was high. In 1912,
because of the light snowfall, they were only used for three
One of the most interesting phenomena of railroad building is
the " end of steel" village. One writer has described that of the
Grand Trunk Pacific as follows:—
The " end of steel" village was built around the " Pioneer," the mechanical track-layer—an ungainly overgrown box car with weird semi-human
arms. The village is always three miles from the end of steel. That is
positively the only restraint it knows; for within that distance of the end
of steel the contractor has complete legal control on unsettled districts. And
knowing the hell that lives in those shacks he pushes them to the extreme of
his authority.
Rankin; Freberg and Stone; Boie Brothers and Stone; Joe Amantea; Kerr
and Company; Backus and Company; P. Salvus; John Moran; John Albi;
Mike Sheady; A. L. McHugh; J. Stanio; Duncan Ross; McDougall and
Rankin; Moran and Chiene; Bostrom and Kullander; Sheedy and Paget;
Lund, Rogers and Company; B. A. Rankin; A. E. Griffin; Carlton and
Griffin; Burns and Jordan; John Bostick; Hugh McLeod; M. Sheedy;
Bates, Rogers Construction Company; Siems, Carey and Company; Hogan
Construction Company; Ross and McCaull; Johnston, Carey and Helmers;
and Magoffin and Berg. 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 171
An " end of steel " village is made up of booze, billiards, and belles. It is
the home of the illicit liquor traffic of construction, the location of enough
pool tables to stock a large city, and the residence of women who never elsewhere enjoyed so much freedom. Three-quarters of the shacks are restaurants in front—for about six feet. The restaurant is merely an outward
plausible excuse for the existence of the shack.
Back of the little counter is the pool room . . . and then through a
small doorway, up a short flight of stairs that breathe exclusiveness and
privacy is the real object of existence—the card room.
Free bunk houses are the provision of the contractors for the disabled,
helpless bohunk who has spent the evening and everything else in the other
At Mile 50 B.C. there was even a bath house, but it failed ignominiously
but not expectedly.
At Fitzhugh, which is within the province of Alberta, the lid was kept
closed a little by the mounted police, but their jurisdiction ended at the
border of British Columbia, and there at the summit, right on the boundary,
the doors were opened wide, and down through the miles 17, 29, and 50 they
remained that way. Mile 29 had a reputation of which its inhabitants
refused to be proud.    .    .   .
A special collection of shacks grew up at the western end of the pass, on
the site of the Tete Jaune Cache Indian Village. . . . An old negress
ran the town. . . . An " end of steel" village is a disgrace, but Tete
Jaune was indescribable.4
The summit of the Rocky Mountains, which marks the British
Columbia boundary, was reached by steel about November 15,
1911.5 From this point the road followed the Tete Jaune gorge
for about 10 miles to the headwaters of the Fraser, at Yellowhead Lake. Steel reached Moose Lake, 20 miles farther, in
March, 1912,6 and a tri-weekly service from Moose Lake to Edmonton was inaugurated in August. From this point construction was much easier, as supplies could be obtained by the river-
boats and the country was much less rugged than in the Rockies.
(4) Fort George Herald, September 20, 1913, quoting W. Lacey May in
Railroad and Current Mechanics.
(5) Prince Rupert Daily News, November 15, 1911. Most of the dates
of construction which follow in the narrative have been taken from contemporary newspapers. It should be noted, however, that the exact meaning of the dates given is often none too clear, and that they may indicate
the date of clearing, laying of steel, or arrival of the first train. An effort
has been made, as nearly as possible, to give the date when steel was laid
to each point.
(6) Fort George Herald, March 30, 1912. 172 J. A. Lower. July
The greatest problem in this section was the " gumbo," or clayey
mud, which is the common terrain.
In April, 1913, steel reached the Raushuswap River, where a
bridge 850 feet long was built.7 Two months later trains were
running from that point to Tete Jaune Cache. Late in November the railroad crossed the Fraser for the third time near the
present site of Hansard,8 and by the end of the year the line was
at Willow River,9 less than 20 miles east of Prince George. By
January 12, 1914, steel had reached the Fraser River opposite
Prince George, and on January 27 the track-layer crossed on a
temporary bridge which was destroyed by ice the same day.
Fortunately, construction of the permanent steel bridge required
at this point had been begun on August 31, 1912, and the structure was completed on March 7, 1914. The laying of tracks
across this bridge linked Prince George to the east by rail.
Progress from that time was rapid. By the end of March, 1914,
the present site of Finmoore, which is 50 miles west of Prince
George, was reached,10 and on April 5, 1914, the rails met those
from the west at a point 2 miles west of Nechako Crossing, just
east of Fraser Lake.11 The meeting-place is a solitary spot
to-day, being marked only by a sign which states that the Grand
Trunk Pacific was completed there.
The Pacific Coast end of the railway presented many difficulties. The first of these was the problem of a suitable terminus. The original contract had mentioned Port Simpson,
which is located on the Tsimpsean Peninsula, about 20 miles
north of the mouth of the Skeena River, but it was understood at
the time that this would not necessarily be used if a better place
could be found. Surveys showed that the best location would be
on Kaien Island, which was in a small inlet known as Tuck's
Inlet. An old Admiralty chart showed a rock in the harbour
which would be a serious obstruction to navigation, but a new
survey failed to locate this impediment and, as a result, the island
(7) Ibid., April 12, 1913.    This river is now called the Raush River.
(8) Ibid., November 26, 1913.
(9) Ibid., December 31, 1913.
(10) Prince Rupert Daily News, March 15, 1914.
(11) At this point the Nechako River flows from the south, but the
Grand Trunk Pacific continued westward along the shore of Fraser Lake
and the Endako River. 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 173
was selected as the western terminus of the Grand Trunk Pacific.
The name Prince Rupert was given to it as a result of a competition sponsored by the railway. Five thousand answers were
received, the winner being Miss Eleanor MacDonald, of Winnipeg, who received a prize of $250.
On May 4, 1904, by an Order in Council, the Government of
British Columbia entered into an agreement with E. V. Bodwell,
who was acting for an American financier, Peter Larsen, to dispose of 10,000 acres of land on and near Kaien Island, provided
that the latter sold it to no one but the Grand Trunk Pacific, and
provided further that the terminus of the road was placed upon
it. Larsen duly sold this land to the Grand Trunk Pacific, at no
profit, and Bodwell became the representative of the railway on
the Pacific Coast. For some unrevealed reason this agreement
was not made public for two years, and the result was a crop of
unproved charges of graft which gave rise to the notorious Kaien
Island investigation. This inquiry was conducted by a Select
Committee of the Legislative Assembly and completely exonerated the Government from any charges of improper practice.12
On July 12, 1904, Charles M. Hays, President of the Grand
Trunk Pacific, had stated: " So soon as the progress of the surveys in British Columbia will permit, construction will be commenced from the Pacific coast to the end of the road and be
carried on continuously in an easterly direction until the road is
completed."18 However, much to the dismay of British Columbia, it was discovered that there was no clause in the contract
which forced the railway to build from the western end. The
Grand Trunk Pacific sought to use this fact to force concessions
from the Government in the form of either a cash subsidy or a
land grant. In 1905, while the Legislature was in session, F. W.
Morse, Vice-President of the Company, spent five weeks in Victoria. Apparently his demand was a land grant of 20,000 acres
per mile to abut on the railway, which the company agreed to sell
at prices set by the Government. As it was estimated at that
time that there would be about 400 miles of line built in British
(12) The complete report and proceedings of the investigation will be
found in the Journals of the Legislative Assembly, 1906, appendix, pp.
(13) E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia, Vancouver, 1914, II., p. 548. 174 J. A. Lower. July
Columbia, the grant under these terms would be over 8,000,000
acres. The Government, evidently considering that, in view of
Hays's earlier statement, such a demand was a breach of faith,
told Morse definitely that he would receive no subsidy. Morse
thereupon left British Columbia, determined not to build from
the west.14
Premier McBride now found himself in a difficult position.
Apparently he had saved the land grant, but had lost the agreement of the railway to build from Kaien Island eastward. However, a weapon soon appeared by which he was able to force the
railway to build from the Pacific end. It was trying to obtain
possession of certain Indian reserves, particularly those near
Kaien Island, but to do this it was essential to have the consent
of the Provincial Government. McBride used this lever, not only
to withstand the pressure of the Liberal Government at Ottawa
but also to force several concessions from the railway. Not the
least of these stated that construction was to be begun at Prince
Rupert by June 1, 1908, and was to continue steadily eastward.16
The first sod on the western end was turned at Prince Rupert
on May 7, 1908, a month after the first sub-contracts were let.
Construction began at Copper River,16 on the Skeena River, about
100 miles east of Prince Rupert. The beginning of the work is
described as follows in the Prince Rupert Empire of August 24,
(14) " I am only sorry that the people of British Columbia have not
signified a desire to co-operate with us. . . ." (Vancouver World, February 24, 1905.) See also a thinly disguised statement by Morse in the
Winnipeg Free Press of March 27, 1905.
(15) See Canadian Annual Review, 1908, p. 528. The correspondence
between McBride and Ottawa will be found in Correspondence between the
Government of Canada and the Government of British Columbia relating to
the application of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Company to acquire a
portion of the Metlakatla Indian Reserve. Victoria, King's Printer, 1908.
Note particularly the statement by McBride in a letter of March 3, 1907:
" I beg to state that the action of the Federal government in connection with
the Indian reservations in B.C. has been so unsatisfactory of late that . . .
this government does not intend to enter into any further arrangements with
the Indian authorities."
(16) This was at first called Newtown, and is now called Copper City. 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 175
Construction work has been started on the Kitimat branch17 of the Grand
Trunk Pacific at the mouth of Copper River . . . the Kitimat branch
is being built under a charter granted by the provincial legislature several
years ago. . . . The company that obtained this charter also received
a promise of a cash subsidy of $5,000 a mile provided $100,000 in construction work was expended before a specified date this year. The Grand Trunk
Pacific purchased the charter in 1905, and in order to get the cash subsidy
have let a contract to " Jack " Stewart and his associates. Ninety men with
horses and supplies were unloaded at Port Essington on August 13, and
went by the steamer Northwest up the Skeena to Copper River mouth.
One of the serious problems which faced the railway surveyors was the selection of the best route between Aldermere,
near the present town of Telkwa, and Copper River. Two alternatives were carefully considered. One of these was via the
Telkwa and Zymoetz rivers to the Skeena River; the other followed the Bulkley River to its junction with the Skeena at Hazel-
ton. The former route was about 80 miles shorter and was
favoured by the engineer in charge of the district, but pressure
from the Provincial Government resulted in the latter being
chosen. It was shown that this route would serve both the agricultural district near Hazelton and the northern mines, especially
those in the Babine Range; would afford an outlet to the Babine
and Kispiox valleys, and, finally, would afford a satisfactory
junction-point for a railroad to Dawson, in the Yukon. Such a
railroad, which was contemplated in the original Grand Trunk
Pacific plans, would find a natural route to the north through the
Kispiox and Nass River valleys.
The 180 miles from Hazelton to Prince Rupert offered the
most difficult engineering problems in the entire railroad. In
120 miles the Skeena River drops 1,000 feet, which makes this
one of the most rapidly running waterways on the Coast.18    The
(17) This apparently refers to the Pacific, Northern & Omineca Railway,
whose charter was apparently purchased by the Grand Trunk Pacific. Its
route is described as " from a point on Kitimat Inlet ... by the most
convenient and feasible route to a point at or near Hazelton, on the Skeena
River." (Statutes, British Columbia, 1900, c. 50.) Kitimat Inlet is the
first one south of the mouth of the Skeena River. A railroad such as
described would meet the Skeena River near Copper River.
(18) The difficulty of this problem was accentuated by Hays's attempt
to have a maximum grade of one-quarter of 1 per cent. The railway was
built with a maximum of four-tenths of 1 per cent, except for 19 miles
near Tete Jaune Cache, where the grade is 1 per cent. 176 J. A. Lower. July
last 60 miles are tidal, which further complicated the problems of
construction. The railway follows the banks of the river through
almost solid rock for these 60 miles. Moreover, on these mountains avalanches and snowslides were so frequent that a tunnel
almost 1,600 feet long had to be driven near Kwinitsa in an
attempt to reduce the hazards of operation. Farther up the
river is Kitselas Canyon, where great rock barriers made three
tunnels measuring some 400, 700, and 1,100 feet respectively
necessary. In the first 211 miles of railway there were no less
than thirteen tunnels, totalling 8,886 feet, or well over a mile and
a half, in length. When the railway crossed the Skeena, at
Skeena Crossing, about 13 miles west of Hazelton, a bridge of
six spans, with a total length of 930 feet, was needed. One cut
in this section of the road was 6,600 feet long and took almost
twenty-six months to complete. So difficult was the route that
over 12,000 miles of trial lines and surveys had to be run in order
to locate 186 miles of track.
Construction of the first two sections—the first of 100 miles
to Copper River and the second of 140 miles to Aldermere—was
carried on simultaneously in many places. The arrival of steel
was delayed by the Zanardi Rapids, which lie between Kaien
Island and the mainland.19 The problem of bridging them was
accentuated by the tide, which not only runs at a speed of from
12 to 14 miles an hour but rises at times as high as 26 feet. The
bridge across this channel was not completed until July, 1910,
and consisted of six spans totalling 645 feet.
This delayed the completion of the line from Prince Rupert
eastward, and materials for construction were therefore carried
to the camps up the Skeena River by means of shallow-draught,
stern-wheeled steamers. There were five of these, the Henrietta,
Port Simpson, Distributor, Omineca, and Conveyor, all owned by
Foley, Welch & Stewart. They were used in the summer but
were of little use in winter. Their speed was estimated at 15
miles per hour. Because of the strong current in the river, in
actual operation this speed varied greatly, and whereas it took
five to eight days to travel up-stream to Hazelton the return
journey could be made in fourteen hours.   Sometimes the cur-
(19)  Charles Zenardi was inspector of the wharf at Prince Rupert.   The
name of the rapids has been changed to Zanardi. 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 177
rent was so strong that it was necessary to haul the boats through
the canyons by cables attached to donkey-engines.
By March 31, 1910, grading and culverts were completed for
almost 100 miles east of Prince Rupert and the wharf had been
completed in that city, but only about 7 miles of track had been
laid and no stations or buildings of any kind had been built along
the road.
On July 31, 1910, the first construction train from Prince
Rupert crossed the newly completed Zanardi Rapids bridge,20
and from this time the trains greatly assisted the work. By
September, steel was laid for 70 miles and C. C. Van Arsdoll, the
chief engineer of the mountain section, had moved his headquarters to New Hazelton. At the same time lots were offered
for sale in Ellison,21 the first townsite to be sold east of Prince
Rupert. Steel went little farther that year because of Kitselas
Canyon, where the tunnels were not completed until January 20,
By March, 1912, the rails had reached Skeena Crossing,22
where they were again forced to wait for the building of a bridge.
Meanwhile, trains were run from Prince Rupert to this point and
passengers took a boat across the Skeena to the remainder of the
track. In September, 1911, arrangements had been made with
the Hudson's Bay Company by Foley, Welch & Stewart by which
boats met the trains and made it possible to buy a through ticket
to Hazelton.
In the spring of 1912 track-laying was pushed ahead rapidly
and, in spite of the fact that there was snow on the ground, 30
miles were laid in six weeks. On March 31 the Skeena bridge
was completed. In August the tracks reached Sealy,28 where a
huge gulch necessitated the building of one of the longest bridges
on the line, measuring 900 feet.
(20) Prince Rupert Optimist, August 1, 1910.
(21) Ellison was also called Sealy. It was 3 miles west of New Hazelton. The land thereabouts lacked a sufficiently level grade, and later the
station was built a short distance to the east, at South Hazelton. Price
Ellison was Minister of Lands in 1910. J. C. K. Sealy was proprietor of the
Omineca Hotel, in Hazelton.
(22) Prince Rupert Daily News, March 13, 1912.
(23) Omineca Herald, August 9, 1912. 178 J. A. Lower. July
The choice of Sealy (or Ellison) as the temporary terminus
of the railway for some months was the result of an attempt by
the railway to exploit its route. Hazelton, which is on the north
bank of the Bulkley River, could not be made a station, since the
railway ran along the southern bank. It was therefore planned
to build a station on the opposite side of the river to the town, in
the section known as New Hazelton. But the land adjoining this
site was owned by the Northern Interior Land Company, which
was determined not to agree to the terms offered by the railway.
Finding itself unable to exploit more than a small section of New
Hazelton, the Grand Trunk Pacific attempted to erect its station
first at Sealy and later at South Hazelton.24 An appeal to the
Railway Commission resulted in a decision that the station must
be built at New Hazelton. Thus balked, the railway for some
time unloaded its passengers at Sealy, ran empty trains to the
" Y " at New Hazelton, and returned empty. This practice continued for almost a year before a station was built at the latter
From this time the work progressed steadily. On February
28, 1913, trains were running to Porphyry Creek, about 18 miles
east of New Hazelton and near the site of the present station of
Beament.26 On May 23 steel reached the Telkwa River; in September it was at Decker Lake; and by the end of the year it was
at Burns Lake, 316 miles east of Prince Rupert and 136 miles
from New Hazelton. By March 15, 1914, steel was laid to
Fraser Lake, and on April 5 it met the rails from the east. The
last spike was driven by H. B. Kelliher, the chief engineer, and
although no official ceremony was held at the time a crowd of
1,500 persons was present.
The first train from the east reached Prince Rupert on April
8, 1914, but it was not until September 6 that regular passenger
service was inaugurated from Prince Rupert to Winnipeg.
With the beginning of regular train service the actual construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway may be said to
have been completed, although there was still much to be done,
such as the improvement of the road-bed, the construction of
sidings, and the replacement of temporary bridges.    When this
(24) See note 21, supra.
(25) Omineca Herald, February 28, 1913. 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 179
was finished the Grand Trunk Pacific was recognized as one of
the best built of the colonizing lines in North America. The
vision of Charles M. Hays had become a fact.
Closely connected with the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway were
a number of subsidiary companies. One of the most interesting
of these was the Grand Trunk Pacific Branch Lines Company,
which was incorporated on June 30, 1906. By the end of 1909
this company had chartered twenty-two branch lines, five in the
eastern division and seventeen in the western.26 Only two of
these were in British Columbia—one to Dawson, in the Yukon,
from the main line (probably near Hazelton), and one to Vancouver. Neither of these was built, but the latter project undoubtedly gave rise to the Pacific Great Eastern Railway. Construction on this line began in 1912, but because of financial
difficulties the Provincial Government was forced to take control
of it in 1918. Construction finally ceased in 1922. By that time
it extended from Squamish, at the head of Howe Sound, to Quesnel, about 80 miles south of Prince George and the Grand Trunk
Pacific Railway. It is interesting to speculate as to whether this
line, if completed, would in effect have diverted the main line to
Vancouver and relegated the track to Prince Rupert to the position of a secondary road.
Another important and valuable subsidiary was the Grand
Trunk Pacific Town and Development Company, Limited, which
was incorporated on August 2, 1906. In January, 1910, it
changed its name to the Grand Trunk Pacific Development Company. The purpose of this company was to acquire land and lay
out townsites, promote mining, operate tramways, and to develop
other related projects. It was very active in Central British
Columbia, particularly in the opening of Prince Rupert, New
Hazelton, Fort Fraser, and Prince George.
As noted above, one of the fundamental reasons for the construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway through British
Columbia had been the development of trade with the Orient.
In connection with this the promoters of the company hoped to
establish a trans-Pacific steamship service. The British Columbia Coast Service was expected to be the beginning of this great
(26) Debates, House of Commons, Canada, December 13,1909, p. 1366. 180 J. A. Lower. July
steamship system, for in 1909 Captain C. H. Nicholson was
appointed manager and organizer of the Pacific fleet, and its
extension to China and Japan.
The Grand Trunk Pacific Coast Steamship Company operated
a regular coast service for many years. The Prince Albert was
the first of its fleet to reach the Coast, and arrived off William
Head, near Victoria, from England, on May 30, 1910. From
there she went to Seattle for docking before entering service.
She was an old steamer, built as the Bruno in 1892, and was
refitted for the new trade. Her length was 232 feet and her
gross tonnage 1,015. On November 12, 1909, an agreement had
been made with the Dominion Government for a steamer service
to the Queen Charlotte Islands from Prince Rupert, for which the
Government agreed to pay a subsidy of $200 a trip. The Prince
Albert was intended for this run. The service was to be weekly
in summer and fortnightly in winter.
Two fine new steamers, the Prince Rupert and Prince George,
arrived at Esquimalt on June 4 and July 12, 1910, respectively,
from England, where they had been built by Swan, Hunter &
Wigham Richardson, at Newcastle. Their principal dimensions
were: Gross tonnage, 3,379 tons; length, 306 feet; beam, 42
feet; speed, 18 knots. They were oil-burners and attracted
much attention because they were the first merchant ships with
cruiser sterns. Each was fitted to carry 220 first-class passengers and 32 in the second class. The Prince Rupert sailed on
her first voyage from Seattle on June 12 and from Victoria and
Vancouver on June 13, 1910. She reached Prince Rupert on
June 16. The Prince George joined her on the run late in July.
Each steamer made a round trip each week from Seattle, Victoria, and Vancouver to Prince Rupert and Stewart. In 1916,
1917, and 1918 a summer service was operated to Skagway. For
many years they maintained the fastest service to the northern
In 1911 a fourth vessel, the Prince John, was added to the
fleet. She had been built in 1910 as the Amethyst and was completely rebuilt before coming to the Coast. She was the smallest
of the Grand Trunk steamers, having a length of 185 feet and a
gross tonnage of 905. She was the last ship to be added to the
Grand Trunk Pacific Steamship Company's fleet.    When the rail- 1940 The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. 181
way became a part of the Canadian National Railways system
the steamship service on the Pacific Coast was maintained.
Two other subsidiaries are of particular interest to British
Columbia. The Grand Trunk Pacific British Columbia Coal
Company controlled twelve sections of land alongside the railway
about 16 miles east of Hazelton. Here it drilled three tunnels,
from which it supplied coal to the British Columbia section of the
railway. The Grand Trunk Pacific Telegraph Company inaugurated a service between Winnipeg and Prince Rupert on November 21,1914.
The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Company and its subsidi-.
aries were organized in times of prosperity and peace. Their
founders expected them to do great things for Canada. But
their vision, probably blinded by optimism of the times, was too
hopeful and did not foresee the factors which were finally to
cause the collapse of the railway. The general prosperity and
boom had definitely declined by 1913. This decline had been
accentuated by the Balkan Wars of 1912-13, which had restricted
the British money market. The outbreak of the World War in
1914, during which immigration practically ceased, gave the final
blow. The railway struggled along for a few years with the
assistance of Government loans, but was finally forced into receivership in 1919.
Nevertheless, the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway did two
things for British Columbia which earn it a permanent place in
the history of the Province. It opened the area between Prince
Rupert and the Yellowhead Pass, supplying it with transportation and telegraph facilities. Furthermore, it afforded an outlet
from this section to the remainder of Canada, so that the agricultural lands, mines, and fisheries of Central British Columbia
could be developed. Whatever condemnations may be heaped
upon this great project, the indubitable fact remains that the
•years which saw its construction were clearly one of the vital
periods in the development of British Columbia.
J. A. Lower.
Pioneer of the Okanagan and Kootenay.
Though more than fifty years have passed since his death,
the name of Judge Haynes, who pioneered in the Okanagan and
in Kootenay, remains familiar to many. The mention of Osoyoos
to old-timers still conjures up memories of the Haynes Ranch
and of the hospitality which made it a mecca for hunters, weary
travellers, missionaries, lonely settlers, and puzzled, inquiring
John Carmichael Haynes, eldest son of Jonas Haynes and
Hester Carmichael, was born at Landscape, County Cork, Ireland,
on July 6, 1831. When he was 27, tales of the gold mines and
adventure to be found in the new Colony of British Columbia
came drifting back in letters from friends who had gone to seek
their fortunes there. Finally the lure became too great and
young John turned for assistance to his influential uncle, James
Carmichael, of Hyndford. Carmichael was a personal friend of
Chartres Brew, an officer in the Irish Constabulary, who had
recently been appointed Inspector of Police for British Columbia.
Haynes was able to secure what Brew himself described as a
" strong testimonial" from the Mayor and Magistrates of Cork,
and letters from two gentlemen known personally to Brew who
were Magistrates for the County and City.1
Armed with these, John Haynes set sail for Victoria, having
bade farewell to a heart-broken mother and a sad father whom
he was never to see again. Travelling by way of San Francisco,
he reached his destination on Christmas Day, 1858. He lost no
time in presenting his recommendations to Chartres Brew, who
in turn introduced him immediately to Governor Douglas.
Haynes asked for an appointment in the new British Columbia
Police. His application was accepted, but the exact date upon
which he was enrolled as a constable is not known. It must
have been within a few days, for he left for the Mainland with
Chartres Brew early in January, 1859.
(1)  Chartres Brew to James Douglas, December 29, 1858.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IV., No. 3.
183 184 Hester E. White. July
Haynes arrived at a dramatic moment, just in time to have a
share in the episode known to history as the Ned McGowan War.
In actual fact this consisted of nothing more than disorders
amongst the miners near Yale, but for a time much exaggerated
reports which reached Victoria had the authorities seriously
alarmed. Colonel Moody was hastily dispatched up the Fraser
with twenty-five of his newly-arrived Royal Engineers. A hundred marines and bluejackets from H.M.S. Satellite were hurried
to Fort Langley. In the midst of this excitement Chartres Brew
proceeded to the Mainland. Two of the four constables who
went with him remained at Fort Langley, while the other two,
John Haynes and Thomas Elwyn, accompanied him up the river
to Fort Yale. There they were joined in a few days by another
constable, W. G. Cox, whom Haynes was to know very well in
later years.
The Ned McGowan disturbances soon came to an end, but
Brew and his officers remained at Yale. This was to be expected,
for the district was at the time the chief centre both of mining
and population in the Colony. Moreover, Brew was Chief Gold
Commissioner as well as Superintendent of Police. Both Haynes
and Elwyn soon won his firm regard, as is shown by the fact that
early in March, 1859, he proposed to send one of them to act as
Chief Constable for the Lytton District. " These gentlemen
while with me have afforded me great satisfaction," Brew wrote,
" and I am persuaded that either of them will exert himself to the
best of his ability to perform the duties of any office he may hold
with zeal and fidelity."2 In the end both men remained at Yale,
as the proposed appointment proved unnecessary.
Later in March, Haynes and W. G. Cox were assigned the
difficult task of collecting licence fees from the miners at work
between Yale and Hope. Their efforts met with little success,
for they collected only $80, in spite of the fact that they " visited
every bar between the two places."3 A more ambitious expedition up-river to Lytton fared no better, for the revenue secured
did not even cover travelling expenses. This failure did not
shake Brew's confidence in his officers, and in reporting the
matter to Victoria he was careful to state that he was " satisfied
(2) Chartres Brew to Colonel Moody, March 2, 1869.
(3) Chartres Brew to W. A. G. Young, March 19, 1859. 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 185
that the want of success " could not be " attributed to any want
of sufficient exertions on the part of Mr. Cox and Mr. Haynes."4
Viewed in retrospect, indeed, the fault seems to have been his
rather than theirs, for he had sent them forth to collect a highly
unpopular tax armed with little more than their powers of persuasion. More drastic action was required, and a marginal comment added to Brew's report by Governor Douglas shows that the
latter perceived this quite clearly. If a miner would not pay,
Douglas wrote, he should be evicted, and his claim made over to
any one who would pay the tax.
In April, E. H. Sanders became Assistant Gold Commissioner
at Yale and Brew turned over to him his local duties in the district. A decline in activity had set in, and by the early summer,
when the freshet was interfering with placer operations on the
bars, Sanders's reports were far from encouraging. " Mining
operations have almost entirely ceased for this season," he wrote
on June 3, 1859. " To the best of my judgment there are not
more than two hundred men in the District, below Yale, and even
that number is gradually diminishing. Boats heavily freighted
with men leave this place every day. The panic is general but
unaccountable, for I have never met a miner yet, who denied the
existence of gold in remunerative quantities."6 Within a month,
however, the tide was at the point of turning. Sanders was able
to report " that the news from the Upper Country continues most
cheering. Trade is reviving, mule trains leave constantly for the
Forks, laden with provisions. The river is rapidly subsiding and
mining will soon be resumed."6 As it turned out, this was the
start of the determined up-river trek by miners which was to end
in the discovery of the golden riches of Cariboo.
These conditions are worth noting because they illustrate
vividly the constant ebb and flow of mining, population, and prosperity, which affected the careers of most of the pioneer officials
of the Colony, including that of John Carmichael Haynes. In
January, 1859, it had been necessary to engage many special constables at Yale. By the end of May, Sanders was drastically
reducing even his small regular staff.    Haynes was one of the
(4) Ibid., April 9, 1859.
(5) E. H. Sanders to Chartres Brew, June 3, 1859.
(6) E. H. Sanders to W. A. G. Young, July 2, 1859. 186 Hester E. White. July
very few officers retained, however, and when we hear of him
next, in November, he has become Chief Constable at Yale.7
Though he retained this position for a considerable time,
events were already in preparation which were to lead to his
transfer to a new post. In the autumn of 1859 gold discoveries
had been made both on the Similkameen River and on Rock
Creek, not far from the international boundary, and the inevitable influx of miners followed in the spring of 1860. Early in
the summer Governor Douglas travelled to Hope to consider the
problems of communication and government to which this influx
gave rise, and in September he visited Rock Creek itself. The
problem which he discovered there was twofold. First, it was
necessary to make provision for the maintenance of law and
order and the collection of the various mining and trading licences. Secondly, provision had to be made for the collection of
customs duties upon the horses, cattle, and supplies which were
pouring into the country from the American side. Previous to
this, as practically every one who entered the Colony was bound
for a mine or settlement on the Fraser River, only one port of
entry—New Westminster—had seemed necessary.
The first step taken by Douglas was to place W. G. Cox in
charge of the whole Rock Creek-Similkameen area, as Justice of
the Peace and Gold Commissioner. Next, while at Hope on his
way back to the Coast, he wrote to Cox telling him that he was
sending J. C. Haynes to the Rock Creek district to assist him in
his duties. " Mr. Haynes," Douglas added, " has been nearly
two years in the Service, and bears an excellent character for
steadiness and efficiency, and I have no doubt will prove exceeding useful in the department to which he is now appointed."8
It transpired subsequently that the " department" to which
the Governor referred was the Customs service, with which
Haynes was to be associated all the rest of his life. Though
many and varied duties were to come his way in his new district,
officially his position was that of Deputy Collector of Customs.
The appointment, which dated from September 23, 1860, provided for a salary of £250 per annum.
(7) J. C. Haynes to Chartres Brew, November 16, 1859.
(8) James Douglas to W. G. Cox, October 3, 1860. 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 187
After his return to Victoria, Douglas completed his arrangements by the proclamation of the Southern Boundary Act, in
December. New Westminster remained the sole port of entry,
but the Act permitted the importation of " goods, wares, animals,
or merchandize " at other points provided " the duties, tolls, and
fines hereinafter specified shall have been first paid to some duly
qualified officer of customs, and such officer shall have first
granted to the importer a permit on behalf of such goods." The
advantage of this plan was its flexibility. No one could tell
where gold might next be found; and the Act made it possible
for a Customs officer to cope promptly with any new influx of
miners, since it authorized him to levy duties and tolls anywhere
along the international boundary without any further formality.
Haynes reported to Cox at Rock Creek on October 15, 1860.
He was to be stationed at Similkameen (or Shimilkameen, as it
was then usually spelled), but did not proceed thither until late
in November, as the Customs station there took longer to build
than was expected. His jurisdiction was confined at first to the
one post, but in April, 1861, it was extended to include the trails
to the interior which bordered Okanagan Lake, upon which two
constables were stationed.9 Even so his work cannot have been
onerous, for over the period January 1-October 19, 1861, duties
were collected on only 356 horses, 92 mules, and 625 cattle.10 The
reason is not far to seek. The riches of Cariboo had been uncovered and the rush northward was depopulating the Rock
Creek-Similkameen area. In November, as the season ended,
Cox was transferred elsewhere and Haynes was placed in charge
of the whole district.
Some reorganization was obviously needed, and Haynes's first
action was to arrange for the transfer of his district headquarters to a new and more central location on Sooyoos (now
Osoyoos) Lake. This move is of special interest, since it marks
his arrival in the neighbourhood which was to become his permanent home. As Rock Creek was completely deserted in the
spring of 1862, Haynes closed the station there, and proceeded,
just as Sanders had done at Yale in 1859, to reduce his staff. In
March it consisted of four constables.    In April it was cut to
(9) J. C Haynes to Colonial Secretary, April 28, 1861.
(10) Ibid., October 19, 1861. 188 Hester E. White. July
three and a further reduction to two was in prospect. As the
revenue collected in the first four months of the year had totalled
only £65, these cuts were well justified.
Sooyoos was indeed in the doldrums; but a revival was close
at hand. Cariboo had almost robbed it of life by drawing away
its miners; its position on a route to Cariboo which now became
popular was to make it again a prosperous revenue station. The
change came suddenly in the month of May, 1862, when 963
horses, 203 mules, and 681 cattle were imported and revenue
jumped to nearly £600. During the whole year tolls and duties
were paid on over 9,285 horses, cattle, and sheep, and revenue
exceeded £2,200.u Traffic was again heavy during the summer
season of 1863 and was still considerable in the spring of 1864.
A few matters of local interest which occurred in the district
during these years deserve notice. For a time mining in the
area seems practically to have ceased. Rock Creek, as already
noted, was completely deserted in April, 1862. In September,
however, Haynes reported that seventeen miners were at work
once more. By July, 1863, the number had risen to thirty-three,
fifteen of whom were Chinese. In July, 1865, a small rush had
arisen and 200 miners were at Rock Creek. One is tempted to
remark that old mining camps, like old soldiers, never die.
Practically the only crime mentioned in the letters written
by Haynes during his early years at Osoyoos was an assault by a
drunken Indian upon the Hudson's Bay Company's storekeeper
at Keremeos, in 1863. The injuries suffered were not serious.
The Company had carried on farming operations there for several years, and in 1861 Haynes forwarded samples of the wheat
and oats grown at Keremeos to Victoria, where the first Agricultural Exhibition was being held.
Throughout this period Haynes seems to have given complete
satisfaction to his superiors, except in one small particular.
Governor Douglas welcomed elaborate reports, and marginal
notes in his handwriting on a number of Haynes's letters show
that he did not consider them sufficiently detailed. It was a
defect which Haynes apparently found it difficult to correct, as
few of his letters are of any considerable length.
(11)  Complete details are given in Haynes's annual report, dated December 31, 1862. 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 189
As early as November, 1863, Haynes passed on for the information of the Governor a report that gold had been discovered
in Kootenay. By the spring of 1864 it was known that a rush
was taking place to Wild Horse Creek. From the point of view
of the Government, this rush simply duplicated the problems
created by the Rock Creek excitement of 1860, with the additional complication that Wild Horse Creek was both farther away
and more difficult of access. The presence of an able and experienced official in the new camp was obviously essential, and on
July 9, 1864, the Colonial Secretary wrote to Haynes and instructed him to proceed to Wild Horse with as little delay as
Haynes acted promptly upon these instructions, and was able
to leave Osoyoos on July 20. He was accompanied by William
Young, who had served under him for some time as a constable,
and an Indian. Fort Colville was reached on the third day.
Haynes was anxious, if possible, to travel the rest of the way
north of the boundary, in British territory; but inquiries indicated that the going would be too hazardous for his horses and he
therefore continued his journey by way of Spokane. He crossed
the frontier on August 6 and arrived at Wild Horse Creek on
the 10th.12
" There were about one thousand men here including miners,
shopkeepers, and laborers," Haynes reported to Victoria a few
weeks later. " The mines so far discovered on this creek extend
for about four miles and a half and are divided into five hundred
claims of one hundred feet each including creek and Bar." He
went on to give a detailed account of ten outstanding claims, employing a total of one hundred and fourteen men, which of late
had been producing, on the average, no less than $4,308 in gold
per day.
But the most interesting and significant thing about his
report was the simple statement that he had collected duties " on
all merchandize and animals found in the District on my arrival "
and had " made proper arrangements for the collection of
Revenue in future."13 The unpopularity of the licence fees and
customs duties which Haynes set out to collect can be imagined,
(12) J. C. Haynes to the Colonial Secretary, August 30, 1864.
(13) Ibid., September 6, 1864. 190 Hester E. White. July
and the successful manner in which he enforced the law in a turbulent and remote community is proof both of his own sense of
duty and his ability to handle men.
That ability had been further tested by the aftermath of a
shooting affray that had occurred just before his arrival at Wild
Horse. An interesting account of this affair is given by Daniel
Drumheller, who reached Wild Horse in June, 1864, in a letter
addressed to the late R. L. T. Galbraith, of Fort Steele, some
years ago. It will be noted that Drumheller's recollection of the
exact date of the shooting is incorrect, but there would seem to be
no reason to doubt the essential accuracy of his story. It reads
as follows:—
I shook hands with Judge Haynes before he dismounted from his horse when
he arrived at Wild Horse. This was about the 1st of July [sic] and the
next day [sic] after the free-for-all fight in which Tommy Walker was killed
and several wounded. Within less than two hours after the judge arrived
he came into my little store to discuss the intolerable conditions then existing in the camp. We went into my little sleeping-tent where we spent more
■than one hour discussing the situation. I told the judge the camp was full
of outlaws and gun-men. The judge asked what percent of the population
I really thought was bad. I told him about 20 pr. ct. He said he was
horrified to think of such a thing happening in Her Majesty's Domain. He
asked me how many men there were in camp he could depend upon. I told
him hundreds of them and gave him the names of many which he dotted
down. I told him furthermore that at least 75% of the population would
willingly aid him in enforcing the laws. The Judge thanked me and said he
had come to me because I was, perhaps, the only man [in Wild Horse whom]
he had ever met before. The Judge asked me what I knew [about] the
scrap the night before. I told him it was caused by a feud existing between
two certain elements and that the aggressors had been worsted and there
had been so many men engaged in the fracas I doubted if convictions could
be had against any of them. A few days afterwards Overland Bob East
Powder Bill and Neil Dougherty were tried before Judge Haynes, acquitted
and peace for ever afterward in the camp prevailed.14
That law and order did prevail is evident from the fact that
Haynes collected substantial sums in cash and gold and that these
funds were never molested, although it was common knowledge
that no safe was available in which to deposit them. At the end
of September the Colonial Secretary, Arthur N. Birch, reached
Wild Horse on a tour of inspection, and his report contains the.
following amusing and enlightening entry:—
(14)  D. M. Drumheller to R. L. T. Galbraith, August 22, 1922. 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 191
Mr. Haynes had collected a large amount of Revenue, considering the
short time that he had been resident in the district. I found his " Treasury "
to consist of an old Portmanteau, which he zealously guarded by night and
day, in the log hut in which he is at present living.
At the urgent request of Mr. Haynes I relieved him of a portion of his
responsibility, by taking over some 75 lbs. weight of gold. This I brought
down with me, and have safely deposited in the hands of the Treasurer.
It is an interesting incident for Mr. Evans, Mr. Bushby, and myself to
remember that we were the first Gold Escort direct from the Rocky Mountains to the seaboard of the Colony, w
Haynes's own accounts show that he collected over $16,000
between August 10 and September 30, over $9,000 of which was
in customs duties, so that the 75 lb. of gold is well accounted for.
An experienced administrator, such as Birch, was well qualified to appraise Haynes's activities at Wild Horse. It is of
interest therefore to find that the report which he submitted to
the Governor upon his return to New Westminster concluded
with the following very generous tribute:—
I cannot conclude this letter without expressing my sense of the admirable manner in which Mr. Haynes has carried out his duties under most
difficulty circumstances; arriving as he did with only one constable to assist
him, among a body of 1500 Miners from the adjoining territories, many of
whom were known as utterly regardless of law and order; he found them
banded together making their own laws and meting out their own ideas of
justice; each man, as many have owned to me, carrying his life in his hands.
In fact so insecure had life and property become in the eyes of many of the
miners that Mr. Dore, one of the original discoverers of the Creek and a few
others had formed themselves into a committee, and drawn up a code of laws
which they intended enforcing on the community had not a Government
'Officer arrived at the moment. Copies of these laws were handed to me by
Mr. Dore, and I enclose them as interesting documents. I would add that
the gentlemen forming this Committee have cheerfully rendered Mr. Haynes
every assistance in their power in maintaining law and order.
I arrived, within 6 weeks of Mr. Haynes' residence in the District, to
find the Mining Laws of the Colony in full force; all Customs Duties paid;
no pistols to be seen, and everything as quiet and orderly as it could possibly
be in the most civilized district of the Colony, much to the surprise and
admiration of many who remembered the early days of the neighbouring
State of California.16
Shortly after he submitted his report, Birch was able to write
to Haynes and inform him that the Governor had been pleased to
appoint him a Member of the Legislative Council of British Co-
(15) Government Gazette, British Columbia, November 5, 1864, p. 4.
(16) Ibid. 192 Hester E. White. July
lumbia.17 Haynes accordingly left for the Coast soon after
Birch's letter was received, in order to attend the forthcoming
session of the Council, which opened at New Westminster in
December, 1864, and continued until April, 1865.
While at New Westminster Haynes received a number of
reports upon affairs at Wild Horse Creek from Constable William
Young. The first of these brought news of the beginning of the
rush to the Big Bend country. "A great excitement is at present
raging in this camp relative to reported fresh gold discoveries on
several creeks emptying into the Columbia River," Young wrote
on December 1, 1864. " Numbers of men have been leaving the
town every day for the last week. . . . There are not more
than three hundred men remaining in this camp."18 Later Young
reported that snow-covered trails and severe weather had prevented most of the gold-seekers from progressing far and that
practically all of them had returned to Wild Horse. " Christmas
week," he added, " passed cheerfully and quietly. I do not think
a more orderly community than this of three or four hundred
men principally idle, is to be found on the coast."19
For some reason Haynes never liked the Kootenay country,
and to his delight he was able to hand over Wild Horse Creek to
Peter O'Reilly in the spring of 1865. His district still included
Fort Shepherd, which he visited personally twice later in the
year, but his home and chief interests were once again at Sooyoos.
Upon his return, his first action was to arrange for the removal
of the Government station from the northern end of Sooyoos
Lake to a new and more strategic location farther south at the
" narrows," where headlands almost cut the lake in two. The
building was enlarged when rebuilt, and converted into a combination customs house, official residence, and jail. Two bids
were received for the work, one from James Sanders for $800
and the other from S. T. Marshall for $750. Marshall's tender
was accepted on May 14, 1865.20 The new site was on a hill
about a quarter of a mile from the lake and commanded a good
view of the roads on both sides of the water.    The work of mov-
(17) A. N. Birch to J. C. Haynes, October 29, 1864.
(18) Enclosure in J. C. Haynes to the Colonial Secretary, February 7,
(19) Enclosure in J. C. Haynes to the Colonial Secretary, April 7, 1865.
(20) The original specifications and bids are in the Provincial Archives. 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 193
ing and rebuilding commenced late in June and was completed in
Many and varied duties came Haynes's way, for, in addition
to being an Assistant Gold Commissioner and a Deputy Collector
of Customs, he was responsible for law and order and acted as
the general agent for the Government throughout his enormous
district. He was expected to keep an eye on all roads and trails
in the area, and road repairs and extensions were usually carried
out only upon his recommendation. His jurisdiction even extended to the Indians. Thus in 1865, when it was found that the
reserves which had been marked off by W. G. Cox some years
before in the Okanagan were far too large, it was Haynes who
arranged with the Indians to have them reduced to reasonable
Haynes had been appointed a Magistrate when he was ordered
to Wild Horse Creek in 1864. Two years later, in July, 1866, he
received his commission as a County Court Judge.21 Most of the
cases which came before him were of a routine nature, but occasionally he was confronted with serious crime or its consequences.
One day in 1867 three men turned up at Sooyoos with an Indian
murderer who had escaped from custody at Quesnel. Haynes
took him in charge and paid the men, who had apprehended him
in Spokane, the promised regard of $500 for his capture.22
Upon another occasion Haynes's life was threatened by Nor-ma-
cheen, an Indian on trial at Similkameen. The prisoner was
standing before the table at which the Judge was sitting, when
he suddenly seized a large inkstand and hurled it at the Judge's
head. Only a quick move saved him. This Indian gave much
trouble until it was considered expedient to make him a chief,
after which he reformed his ways!
In the sixties Sooyoos was the junction of a number of important travel routes. Trails from the south bordered both sides
of the lake and led northward to roads or trails on both shores
of Okanagan Lake, which in turn led to the Kamloops country
and Cariboo. The famous Dewdney Trail, which extended all
the way from Hope, on the Fraser River, to Kootenay, followed
the  Similkameen  Valley  and then  swung eastward  through
(21) J. C. Haynes to the Colonial Secretary, August 4, 1866.
(22) J. C. Haynes to the Colonial Secretary, April 8, 1867. 194 Hester E. White. July
Sooyoos, where it crossed the lake at the " narrows " already
mentioned. The first bridge there was built with Indian labour
by John Utz and Ben McDonald, son of Angus McDonald, Chief
Trader for the Hudson's Bay Company at Colville. It was not
more than 5 feet wide. Loose split rails formed the covering,
and careful riders dismounted and led their horses across. In
high water the rails were removed and travellers walked the
stringers, letting the horses swim.    No toll was charged.
Fort Shepherd, which it will be recalled was still in Haynes's
district, occupied a somewhat similar position farther east. It
was situated on the Columbia River, just north of the boundary,
on one of the busiest travel routes from the American side to the
mines of Kootenay.
In 1866 Haynes was again a Member of the Legislative
Council of British Columbia. The session opened in New Westminster on January 18, but, owing to the depth of snow lying in
the mountain passes, he was not able to take his seat until Feb-
bruary 26. The Council prorogued early in April, and on the
15th Haynes started for home. He was able to spend only six
days at Sooyoos, however, as the gold-rush to the Big Bend was
in full swing and he was compelled to travel on to Fort Shepherd,
where he arrived on May 1. The winter had been unusually long
and severe and many of the trails were still rendered impassable
by snow, but miners were hurrying up the Columbia in spite of
this. Moreover, Fort Shepherd had seen its first steamboat—the
little steamer Forty Nine—which left on her second trip up-river
the day of Haynes's arrival. She carried 87 men and some 25
tons of freight.23 Later Haynes himself was to follow her up the
Columbia, as he was ordered to proceed to French Creek and
assume charge of the country thereabouts. By the late summer,
however, the Big Bend rush had collapsed completely, and in
(23) Haynes gives a number of details regarding the Forty Nine in a
letter dated Fort Shepherd, May 3, 1866. She passed up-stream on her
first trip, carrying 73 men, on April 16. On the return journey she " came
down from Death Rapids to this place in 48 hours." On her second trip
northbound she arrived from the south on April 30, and left the next
morning. A postscript in Haynes's letter states that she arrived back on
May 7. The Forty Nine was the first steamer to ply the waters of the
Columbia River in British Columbia. 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 195
September, as Haynes's services were no longer required there,
he was able to leave for home, where he arrived on October 2.
Sooyoos, meaning " where two lakes come together," and " a
shallow crossing," with its natural ford, good fishing, and large
flat race-ground on the east side, had been a favourite meeting-
place and playground for the Okanagan Indians. Trails converged here from the north and south, the east and west. An
occasional battle had been fought thereabouts with the Shush-
waps, from the north, but otherwise Sooyoos had been a peaceful
Riding down the mountain on the east side toward Sooyoos
one evening, at the end of the long journey from Kootenay, the
beauty of the lake, with its shadows and reflections, so appealed
to Judge Haynes that he decided to acquire land and make it his
home. The grove of ash-trees, in which flocks of noisy crows
gathered, brought memories of Hyndford and his youth in Ireland ; so, bit by bit, he purchased land until his holdings covered
22,000 acres. They stretched northward from the international
boundary, where an obelisk stood near the southern fence, and
included Haynes Meadows, as they were later called, at the head
of Sooyoos Lake.
Haynes's partner in the ownership of these lands was W. H.
Lowe, who had served under him as a constable at Similkameen
and whom he had left in charge at Sooyoos when he left for Wild
Horse Creek in 1864. It will be remembered that horses and
cattle frequently passed by the Government station at Sooyoos,
and Haynes was able to purchase stock which formed the nucleus
of the large bands he owned eventually. The cattle were owned
by the partners, but Haynes retained sole title to the horses. He
imported a number of thoroughbred stallions, which were turned
loose on the open range and which greatly improved both his own
stock and that of the Indians, whose horses roamed at will.
Haynes sold numerous lots of horses at the Coast and at Calgary,
but he continually lost money on them, and later only those
needed for the operation of the ranch were kept.
Judge Haynes was an expert horseman, and to him a good
mount was one of the necessities of life. During nearly thirty
years of duty in the Similkameen, Okanagan, and Kootenay dis- 196 Hester E. White. July
tricts he invariably rode the finest horses he could buy. He
judged a horse and loved it, as only one can who has been brought
up to follow the hounds, to enter the steeplechase, and later to
ride many hundreds of miles over mountain trails to hold Court,
to wa-wa with the Indians, to visit mines, and to keep law and
order in every part of a vast district.
On horseback he invariably appeared as if " riding in the
Row," with his Irish tweed coat, riding breeches, and English
riding boots. An army helmet was part of the picture in summer; a felt hat at other seasons—never a Stetson or " cow-boy."
His horse was well groomed, its tail docked, and its bridle and bit
polished and shining.
In the spring of 1865 Thomas Ellis arrived in the Okanagan,
and after examining the valley in company with Haynes and
Andrew McFarlyn, who later became his partner, settled at Penticton. In the spring of 1866 the Hudson's Bay Company built a
log house and opened a store at Sooyoos. Roderick Finlayson
was in charge for a time, but he was soon succeeded by Theodore
Kruger. Previous to this the only store in the district was that
owned by Hiram F. Smith, better known as Okanagan Smith,
who had moved from Rock Creek, when mining declined there,
some years before.
There was thus a community of sorts, albeit a widely scattered and lonely one, to which Judge Haynes could bring his
bride when he married in 1868. The ceremony was performed
by the Rev. W. E. Hayman, at Hope, on September 26. The
bride was Charlotte, youngest daughter of William Moresby,
solicitor, late of London. He was a younger brother of Sir Fairfax Moresby, Admiral of the Fleet, and the uncle of Admiral John
Moresby, who in his book entitled Two Admirals records much of
interest about his experiences while on the Pacific Station.
Mrs. Haynes was a fine horsewoman, and the couple rode over
the Hope Trail and thence to her new home at Sooyoos, where she
was the first, and for some years the only, White woman.
In the summer of 1870, Haynes was instructed once again to
proceed to Wild Horse Creek and take charge of the Kootenay
district. It was an assignment which he disliked heartily, and
the salary offered, though higher than that paid to him at
Sooyoos, was not in his opinion adequate.    As he remarked in a 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 197
private note to P. J. Hankin, the new Colonial Secretary, he was
being " obliged at great personal inconvenience to do duty in the
most out-of-the-way and unpleasant station in the Colony at a
lower rate of pay than any other magistrate receives."24 Nevertheless, he stated that he would leave for Wild Horse as soon as a
suitable companion for Mrs. Haynes could be secured—which, he
added, was a problem " of no small difficulty in this part of the
country where there is but one white woman besides my wife
within a circle of nearly 100 miles."26 After much searching, he
Was able to get Miss Annie Ellen Mackin, who had come to
British Columbia with an uncle and aunt in 1869. As the party
had stopped at Sooyoos on their way into the valley at that time,
she was not a stranger.
Wild Horse Creek proved to be quite as uninteresting as
Haynes had anticipated. " The place is nearly as dull as Rock
Creek," he wrote on October 16, " and I do not think there will
be 50 white men in the district after another month. Unless I
receive very strict orders to the contrary I will leave for Sooyoos
about the beginning of next month. . . . There is scarcely
any thing to do in the office and only one County Court case has
been entered since my arrival."26 A week later he expressed the
fervent hope that he would be able to " leave this confounded
place " as planned.27
In 1871 and again in 1872 Haynes received the unwelcome
instruction to return to the Kootenay. In 1871 it was a return
with a difference, however, as he was accompanied by Mrs.
Haynes. They passed through Colville in July,28 and Walter
Moberly, in his Rocks and Rivers of British Columbia, recalls a
visit with them at Wild Horse Creek in September. Mrs.
Haynes's ride from Kootenay to the Coast, at the end of the
season, was a performance of which any horsewoman might well
be proud.
(24) J. C Haynes to P. J. Hankin, September 2, 1870 (private).
(25) J. C. Haynes to the Colonial Secretary, September 2, 1870 (official
(26) J. C. Haynes to Mrs. Haynes, October 16, 1870.    (Letter in the
possession of the writer.)
(27) Ibid., October 24, 1870.
(28) Victoria Colonist, July 12, 1871. 198 Hester E. White. July
Part of the winter was usually spent at New Westminster,
whpre Haynes had purchased Ince Cottage, the former residence
of Judge Crease. There he left Mrs. Haynes when he returned
to Kootenay, and there his son, Fairfax Moresby Haynes, was
born on February 10, 1872. Unhappily, this event cost Mrs.
Haynes her life, for she passed away on May 5, having very
foolishly insisted upon riding, and thereby exposing herself to
cold. Judge Haynes knew nothing of his loss until a traveller
arrived at Wild Horse Creek and handed him a newspaper, in
which he discovered the notice of his wife's death.
Meanwhile Sooyoos and the surrounding district was growing
slowly. In 1872 Mrs. Thomas Ellis arrived at Penticton. In
1873 Theodore Kruger was married in Victoria and brought back
his bride to Sooyoos itself, where, the same year, he purchased
the store originally owned by the Hudson's Bay Company.29 To
this number there should have been added Mrs. W. H. Lowe,
whom Lowe went to Ontario to marry in 1872. Just before the
wedding, however, Lowe lost both arms in a railway accident.
His fiancee insisted on marrying him in spite of this, but it prevented their coming to Sooyoos as planned. Instead, Lowe was
appointed Collector of Customs at New Westminster in 1873, a
position he retained until he moved to Keremeos in 1880, where
he died in 1882.
At the home of Mr. and Mrs. Lowe, Judge Haynes was
married in January, 1875, to Emily Josephine Pittendrigh,
daughter of Captain and Mrs. Pittendrigh, who had come to the
Province by way of Cape Horn and San Francisco in 1872. The
new Mrs. Haynes was pretty, petite, and charming; she could
play and sing and generally amuse those around her. In addition she was an accomplished cook, and a hostess whose dinners
and hospitality few could forget.
On December 21, 1875, Valentine Carmichael Haynes was
born. Sooyoos was growing, but it was still necessary for the
midwife, Mrs. McDougall, a French half-breed, 75 years of age,
to come all the way from Colville. Following the happy event
the weather turned cold, and the snow was so deep that Mrs.
(29) See Mrs. Chrestenza Kruger, " Early Days at Osoyoos," in Sixth
Report of the Okanagan Historical Society, 1936, p. 76. 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 199
McDougall was obliged to return to Colville on snow-shoes.
Valentine Haynes was the first white child born at Sooyoos, but
Dora Kruger was born only twelve days later.
On April 25, 1877, a daughter, Hester Emily, was born, and
before she was a year old the old Government station, which was
still Judge Haynes's home, was burned to the ground. Relatively
little furniture was rescued, but, oddly enough, the articles saved
included a celebrated safe, which is said to have weighed 1,200 lb.
This safe had been brought in for the use of the Government
officials by W. G. Cox in 1860, when he was stationed at Rock
Creek, and was moved to Sooyoos when the Rock Creek office was
closed. In spite of its weight, the safe was tumbled end-over-end
and moved to safety by Theodore Kruger, who, needless to say,
was a man of prodigious strength.
For a time the Haynes family lived with the Krugers. Then
the Sooyoos Court-house was made habitable and there they lived
for nearly four years, until a new and permanent home was completed on the east side of Sooyoos Lake. Lumber was difficult to
procure, and that required for the new house was brought from
the mill operated by Postill Brothers. David Lloyd-Jones recalls
that it " was hauled to the shore of the lake [i.e., Okanagan
Lake] at Okanagan Centre and there made into a raft which had
a mast and a sail and two sweeps."30 From there it was floated
down the lake to Penticton, and thence down the Okanagan River
to Okanagan Falls, portaged around the falls, and finally rafted
once more down to Sooyoos. The house was built of tamarack
logs, shiplapped outside and lined and papered inside. There
were six rooms downstairs and four upstairs.
This house was Haynes's home for the rest of his life, and he
exerted himself to make it the most attractive and well kept in
the district. He took special pride in his garden, in which he
had a few peach-trees he had grown from seed, and also some
apple-trees. Wonderful muskmelons and watermelons were
grown in round beds, which were watered from the lake by an
Indian, night and morning.
The house was open to all—and, not least, to the Indians.
They came to Sooyoos for advice when puzzled, and especially
(30) David Lloyd-Jones, " Over the Hope Trail," Sixth Report of the
Okanagan Historical Society, 1936, p. 293. 200 Hester E. White. July
when sick. Mrs. Haynes ministered to them all. At Christmastime Chief Gregior would come and receive beef, flour, sugar,
tea, cakes, fat, and tobacco as a cultus potlatch. But life was
not without formality; and the famous Father Pat, arriving at
Sooyoos in 1885, was astonished, when he knocked on the door and
was shown in, to find Judge Haynes sitting in the large dining-
room, dressed for dinner. It was as if he had stepped into an
old home in the old land.
Missionaries, pioneers, and travellers of all descriptions came
to Sooyoos and enjoyed its hospitality. Occasionally a famous
personage passed by, such as General Sherman, who arrived on
August 13, 1883. Of this visit the official narrative of the
General's travels has this to say:—
About 2 miles beyond this noted line [the international boundary] we
came to the residence of Judge J. C Hayne[s] the British collector of
customs. Unlike the custom-house on the other side of the line, this is a
neat, comfortable frame building with brick chimneys and broad piazzas.
It occupies a beautiful site on the shore of the lake, which is here a clean
sandy beach. Judge Hayne[s] received us most hospitably; his wife and
family were absent at Westminster. At this point is a narrow place in the
lake, making, in fact, two lakes. Over this neck is a rude bridge built and
kept by Mr. Kreuger, a German, living on the opposite
It may be added that Mrs. Haynes was at New Westminster
in expectation of the birth of a child. A son was born on September 3, and in view of the General's visit he was christened
John Sherman Haynes. When informed of this, the General was
so pleased at having a " little Britisher " named after him that he
sent the baby a copy of his memoirs, elaborately bound.
John Sherman was Mrs. Haynes's fifth child. William Barrington had been born in April, 1879, and Irene Margaret in
October, 1880. A sixth child, another daughter, died at birth in
1885, while Susan Jane was born in November, 1886.
These were happy and prosperous years for the Judge and his
family. His time was fully but pleasantly occupied by the affairs
of the ranch, his trips to hold Court, the business of the Customs
office, cattle drives to the Coast and Calgary, and other journeys
here and there on business and pleasure.
It was in 1888, while homeward-bound from Victoria, where
he had gone on business, that Judge Haynes was suddenly
(31)  Annual Report of the Secretary of War, for the year 1883, Washington, 1883, vol. I., p. 236. 1940 John Carmichael Haynes. 201
stricken with a fatal illness. He was returning by way of the
Hope Trail, accompanied by his sons Fairfax and Valentine and
Miss Mabel Pittendrigh, when he was taken ill at the Allison
home. Mr. and Mrs. Allison did their best with such remedies
as were at hand, but the Judge died on July 6—his fifty-seventh
birthday—before the nearest physician, Dr. Chipp, could arrive
from Nicola.
A coffin was made and a canoe purchased, and the body was
taken down to Similkameen, the spot where Haynes had commenced his official service in the Interior, nearly twenty-eight
years before. From there it was taken by wagon to Sooyoos.
Henry Nicholson read the burial service, and hundreds of Indians
passed by the grave, chanting as they each threw a bit of clay on
the coffin as a token of esteem and respect. Surrounded by many
friends, the sorrowing family saw a much-loved husband and
father laid to rest.
Mrs. Haynes survived her husband for twenty years, and died
in Spokane, in 1908. Through an unhappy chain of circumstances which need not be detailed here, Judge Haynes's estate
passed out of the hands of the family within a few years, and the
great Haynes Ranch is no more. In spite of this his memory
lives on; first, in the recollection of the pioneers who remember
him as " the Squire," " the Baron," or " the Cattle King," and,
secondly, in the records which relate to his long and honourable
career in the public service.
Hester E. White.
Three articles on Robson's early career.
The early history of journalism in British Columbia is enlivened by two outstanding feuds. One of these flourished for
many years in Victoria, between Amor de Cosmos, founder of the
Colonist, and D. W. Higgins. The other was between John Robson and J. K. Suter, both of whom lived for a considerable time
in New Westminster. The articles which follow are typical of
many exchanged by Robson and Suter. Two of them are from
the columns of the British Columbian, of which Robson was
owner and editor; the third is from Suter's Mainland Guardian.
All three appeared during the provincial election of 1882, when
Robson returned to public life and successfully contested one of
the two seats for New Westminster District.
The reader will notice that the articles give a good deal of
biographical information about Robson. Some of this is not to
be found elsewhere. For this reason it seems worth while to
reprint them, particularly as time has dealt severely with the
early files of papers published in New Westminster, and, so far
as is known, only two copies of the original articles are now in
existence. The Provincial Library is so fortunate as to possess
both newspapers for 1882, while the second copies of the British
Columbian and Mainland Guardian for that year are to be found
in the library of His Honour Judge Howay and the Carnegie
Library at New Westminster respectively.
The articles make mention of three of the many interesting
incidents in John Robson's eventful career. The first of these is
his imprisonment for contempt of Court, in 1862. Judge Howay
has summarized the circumstances as follows:—
The British Columbian, edited by that fearless champion of the people's
rights, the late Hon. John Robson, had in its issue of November 22, 1862,
published a letter signed " A " (the writer of which is now known to have
been the Rev. Arthur Browning), in which it was suggested that Judge
Begbie had accepted a gift of twenty acres of land at Cottonwood from Dud
Moreland and later reversed the magistrate's order and directed a certificate
of improvements to be issued to Moreland for the whole quarter section.
When the assizes opened, the judge summoned Mr. Robson and after explaining the whole transaction called upon him to show why he should not
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IV., No. 3.
203 204 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. July
be committed to prison for contempt of court. Mr. Robson stated that he
was not aware of the facts and his informant was not then accessible and
if the implied charge were untrue he regretted having published it. The
judge thought that the use of the word " if " suggested a doubt as to the correctness of the explanation he had already given and stated that the editor
was thereby merely aggravating the offence. Mr. Robson having answered
that in view of his imperfect knowledge he could only offer a conditional and
qualified apology, was placed in custody for contempt. A public meeting
was at once held at which resolutions supporting the editor and condemning
the judge were passed, and the Hon. Malcolm Cameron was asked to demand
from the Imperial authorities an investigation into the land and other speculations of the public functionaries of British Columbia. On breaking up,
the meeting paraded to the gaol and gave cheers for the editor and groans
for the judge. From his cell, Mr. Robson poured out his " Voice from the
Dungeon." On December 5th, after being imprisoned for five days, having
made one of those casuistical apologies, so frequent in libel actions, he was
released. The gist of his apology was that the judge having stated that he
had paid ten shillings an acre for the twenty acres, the newspaper was in
error in saying he had obtained the land as a gift and hence he apologized
therefor. Later developments, including a letter from Dud Moreland himself, left considerable doubt as to the real nature of the transaction.1
Mention is also made of the mysterious fire which destroyed
the office of the British Columbian early on the morning of September 29, 1866. There seemed little doubt that the blaze was
incendiary, and the police offered a reward of $500 for the apprehension of the person or persons responsible. The building and
printing plant were valued at between $4,000 and $5,000. No
insurance was carried. A public subscription to assist Robson
was opened immediately, and the generous response of the people
of New Westminster enabled him to acquire the plant and
premises of the defunct North Pacific Times. Matters were
arranged so quickly that the Columbian, which was then published twice weekly, only missed a single issue.
As noted below, Suter's remark about the punishment received by Robson " for his coarse abuse " can only be interpreted
as a reference to an episode which occurred in the spring of 1868.
The vote in the Legislative Council on the removal of the capital
from New Westminster to Victoria had taken place on April 2,
and on the 20th of the same month Robson was assaulted and
painfully injured by a fellow member of the Council, the Hon.
R. T. Smith.    According to the late W. H. Ladner, the motive
(1)   Scholefield and Howay, British Columbia, II., 1914, pp. 663-664. 1940 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. 205
was revenge for an effort made by Robson to prevent Smith, who
favoured the removal of the capital to Victoria, from voting, on
the ground that he (Smith) was a bankrupt and should therefore
forfeit his seat in the Council. Ladner was in a position to know
the facts, as he and Smith had been partners in business. Their
firm had invested heavily in supplies and provisions at the time
of the Big Bend excitement in 1865-66, and when the rush to
the Columbia River diggings collapsed, trade collapsed with it.
Apparently no proceedings in bankruptcy were taken for the
moment, but Robson was evidently aware of Smith's financial
distress and endeavoured to turn it to account when the crucial
vote on the removal of the capital approached. In this he was
not successful, but it is interesting to note that a petition for
adjudication of bankruptcy was filed against Ladner himself on
April 3, the day after the vote was taken.
Following the assault, Smith was hailed into Court, but was
let off with a fine of £5. This leniency was naturally resented by
Robson, who denounced the sentence as " a mere mockery of
justice " in a long and stormy editorial in the British Columbian.
A brief outline of Robson's career as a journalist may be of
interest and value. In September, 1860, the office and press of
the New Westminster Times, which had commenced publication
in 1859 in Victoria, were moved to the Royal City, and it is said
that Robson, who had been disabled earlier in the year by an
accident to his foot, joined the staff of the paper. In any event,
early in 1861 it was arranged that the Times should move back to
Victoria, and so leave the Mainland field clear for a new journal
to be owned and edited by Robson. This paper, the British Columbian, first appeared on February 13, 1861.
All went well until 1868, when the capital of the United
Colony was transferred to Victoria. The fortunes of New Westminster then fell to such a low ebb that it was unable to support
a newspaper, and in March, 1869, Robson and the British Columbian moved to Victoria. At the same time the paper, which had
been issued tri-weekly, became a daily, in order to compete with
the Victoria Colonist. It quickly became evident, however, that
there was insufficient business in the city for two papers. D. W.
Higgins, proprietor of the Colonist, solved the problem by purchasing the Columbian, which ceased publication on July 25.   At 206 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. July
the same time Robson was appointed editor of the Colonist, a
position he held until early in 1875.
For the next four years Robson was Paymaster and Purveyor
•for the Canadian Pacific Railway Surveys. When this office was
abolished in 1879, he returned to New Westminster. In the
interval since the demise of the British Columbian, J. C. Brown
had started a new paper on the Mainland, the Dominion Pacific
Herald. In October, 1880, Brown was appointed postmaster at
New Westminster, and immediately sold the Herald to Robson.
The first issue to appear under his editorship was dated October
16. In August, 1881, Robson was joined by his brother, David,
who was also a journalist, and who had sold the Collingwood
Bulletin in order to come to British Columbia.
Although the Dominion Pacific Herald was firmly established,
John Robson evidently preferred the title of his old paper, for on
January 4, 1882, the Herald gave way to a new British Columbian. As things turned out, Robson's personal association with
it was to be relatively brief. He was elected to the Legislature
in July, 1882, and early in 1883 was appointed Provincial Secretary and Minister of Finance in the Smithe Government. This
necessitated his residence in Victoria, and in February the
Columbian was turned over to David Robson & Company. Later
it was taken over by the British Columbian Printing Company,
Limited, of which David Robson was manager, and in 1888 was
sold to Kennedy Brothers.
A word about J. K. Suter may be added in conclusion. He
was a native of Scotland, and came to British Columbia in the
early sixties. After spending some time in the upper country,
he settled in Victoria, where he joined the staff of the Colonist.
He subsequently moved to New Westminster and there founded
the Mainland Guardian in August, 1869. It ceased publication
in 1889. Suter died in New Westminster on December 18, 1899,
aged 76. w_ ___ ^ 1940 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. 207
1. From the British Columbian, July 8, 1882.
For some time past the local organ [the Mainland Guardianl of a
demoralized administration [the Beaven Government] has been devoting its whole energy and most of its editorial space to the interesting
work of heaping personal abuse upon Mr. Robson—endeavouring to
make him out a failure, a " dead-beat" both as a public journalist and
a politician, one who never did and never will exert the slightest influence in public affairs. Perhaps Mr. Robson ought really to feel grateful for the opportunities thus afforded of making personal explanations
and statements which, under other circumstances, he might experience
some delicacy in presenting to the public. At any rate these coarse
and venomous personal attacks must plead our excuse for offering the
following historical jottings—chiefly designed for such of the Electors
in New Westminster District as may have come here since these occurrences took place. Many of the old settlers will bear witness to the
accuracy of most of these statements, every one of which is susceptible
of proof.
In the year 1860 Mr. Robson, laying down the axe and shovel, took
up the pen and commenced the publication of the British Columbian
newspaper,2 a paper which soon became an acknowledged power in the
Six years later he was elected Mayor of this City [New Westminster] (a position at that period accounted honorable) and soon afterwards Member for the City and District in the Legislative Council.
His parliamentary duties were discharged with so much acceptance
that he was the recipient of a very flattering address, accompanied by
a purse containing $600 in gold coin. He was re-elected by acclamation for a second term, during which he discharged his duties with
equal satisfaction to his constituents.
The seat of government having been removed from New Westminster in 1808 [sic, 1868], the city dwindled down to a very low ebb, and
ceased to be an important political centre, and Mr. Robson, with the
fullest concurrence of his friends, removed temporarily to Victoria,
where the important public questions of the period—particularly the
questions of Confederation and Responsible Government—had to be
fought out.
In the summer of 1869 Mr. Robson was induced by some of the most
influential men of that time to accept the position of responsible editor
of the Colonist at a monthly salary of $250, and in dping so he was the
innocent cause of displacing a person by the name of J. K. Suter, who
was at that time employed on the editorial staff of that journal at a
salary of $55 a month.    Whether or not that little circumstance may
(2) Publication of the British Columbian did not commence until February, 1861, but the Columbian was the successor to the Mainland edition of
the New Westminster Times, the staff of which Robson seems to have joined
in 1860. 208 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. July
have contributed towards the rancorous hate and jealous spite ever
since exhibited by that person towards Mr. Robson we leave to the
public to judge.
During the five years and a half that Mr. Robson held the position
it was universally admitted that he did much towards securing for the
Colonist a leading position in the country, and it is certain that he
changed its tone to one of uniform friendliness to this part of the
During the early part of 1870, the last session in which Mr. Robson
sat for New Westminster, the Terms of Union of Canada were discussed and framed, a work in which it is scarcely necessary to say he
took a very prominent part—as, indeed, he had done in advocating
Confederation and Responsible Government for years before. He had
the satisfaction of being instrumental in obtaining several concessions,
the most important of which was Responsible Government.
The following extracts from the official report of the debates which
took place on the Terms of Union will help to show in what estimation
Mr. Robson was held. Responsible Government being the immediate
subject of discussion,
HON. MR. TRUTCH (having disposed of Mr. Humphrey's speech)
said:—"But, sir, the argument of the Hon. Member for New Westminster
[John Robson] is of a very different character. I congratulate him and I
congratulate the House on the manner in which the matter was treated by
. . . The Hon. Member for New Westminster, in his powerful oration,
has not only allured us with the prospects of popularity under Responsible
Government, but he has, I will not say threatened, but warned us of the
results of opposing him in this matter."
Replying more particularly to Mr. Robson's contention that the people of
British Columbia were fit for self-government and that there were many
working men in the country well qualified to take seats round the Legislative table,
HON. MR. WALKEM said:—" The main speech, for the Hon. Member
for Victoria District (Mr. DeCosmos) did not deign to express his views,
has been that of the Hon. Member for New Westminster. As I listened to
that speech, sir, one of the best ever uttered in this House, I almost felt that
for five long years I had been wrong. He almost made a convert of me.
. . . I coincide with the Hon. Member for New Westminster as to what
he says about callous hands. I believe there are men with tattered garments in the country quite capable of giving a sensible vote upon all questions likely to come before a Council in this Colony. . . . Those gentlemen
with the patched garments and callous hands have the same opportunity
that the Member for New Westminster has had of coming into this House.
He has told us with pride of his hard work as a pioneer on the Fraser river,
and to-day we hear him advocating with most eloquent language his views
upon the great question. His voice has had much to do with shaping the
councils of this House, and I ask, are these doors shut to any man in the
Colony of equal talent with the honorable gentlemen who can be found
willing to devote their time to the service of their country? " 1940 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. 209
It will be observed that the above quoted acknowledgements came
from opponents—gentlemen with whom Mr. Robson was contending in
a hand-to-hand struggle for the political rights of the people.
At the close of that session Mr. Robson was sent for by Governor
Musgrave and invited to go to Ottawa as one of the Delegates to
arrange with the Canadian Government for the admission of British
Columbia upon the Terms passed by the Legislature or upon such
modified terms as might be mutually agreed upon—an invitation which
Mr. Robson, for business reasons, hesitated to accept, and other arrangements were made.
In 1871 Mr. Robson, in response to a pressing invitation, consented
to become a candidate for the representation of the important District
of Nanaimo in the new Legislature. He was elected, and represented
that constituency with complete satisfaction until, in April, 1875, he
accepted service under the Dominion Government, as Paymaster and
Purveyor of the C.P.R.S. [Canadian Pacific Railway Surveys] in
British Columbia, at a salary of $6,000. It was while representing
Nanaimo that Mr. Robson was offered and refused a seat in the McCreight Ministry.
For four years (less two months) Mr. Robson continued to hold the
important and very responsible Dominion appointment, during which
period considerably over a million of dollars was disbursed by him and
the whole business of that vast service managed to the entire satisfaction of the Department at Ottawa.
During the period he held that appointment, as well as subsequently,
Mr. Robson employed every legitimate means in his power for the purpose of having the railway brought down the valley of the Fraser, and
he had the satisfaction of being invited to Ottawa in the spring of 1878
in connection with that question; and he had the still greater satisfaction of knowing that he was enabled to render important service in that
Since then Mr. Robson has dared to renew the publication of the
British Columbian,3 and once more lift up his Italics against bad government and in defence of the rights of the people; and he has succeeded in a few months in building up a first-class newspaper business
—a business which makes his local contemporary green with envy.
Worse still, Mr. Robson has had the astounding presumption to
aspire once more to represent in the Legislature the place of his first
choice, the scene of his pioneer struggles, the District in which his
large property interests are situated!
These simple and unvarnished facts may suffice for the present as
an answer to the vituperation constantly flowing through the columns
of the Guardian. They may aid such of the Electors as have not had
an opportunity of becoming acquainted with Mr. Robson and his antecedents to come to a correct conclusion respecting his fitness to do them
good service in the most important crisis of our country's history.
(3) It will be remembered that Robson had been publishing the Dominion
Pacific Herald in New Westminster since October, 1880, though its name had
been changed to British Columbian only in January, 1882. 210 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. July
2. From the Mainland Guardian, July 12, 1882.
We have evidently effected " a raw " through the ponderous hide of
honest John. His shameless attempt to brazen out and glaze over his
own personal record, is about the best illustration of the man that
could be produced. He is so weak as to think that gross falsehood and
impudence are likely to impose on the electors of this district. But,
happily, there are too many of the old residents still with us, who
know the fellow intimately, and can remember his career to their cost,
with great distinctness. In 1860, as this man states, he left the axe
and the shovel for the pen—a great misfortune for the people of this
Province. A number of persons here, from mistaken kindness, or
those of his own set, from a desire to satisfy personal spite on the
respectable portion of the inhabitants by whom they were treated with
contempt, subscribed for a small press and plant. Honest John, unprincipled and untrammeled with the feelings of a gentleman, immediately began to serve the ill-conditioned portion of his subscribers, and
was not long before he was sent to gaol for insulting the Judges.4 He
was afterwards punished on several occasions for his coarse abuse,6
until at last those identified with him as having furnished with the
means of printing a scurrilous paper, were glad to get rid of him with
a memorial and a purse,6 by this means hoping to lay the evil spirit
they had raised. Honest John is peculiarly cut out for a hack politician; he has a lot of stereotyped language like a penny showman, a
shameless countenance, and the facility, in a very humble way, of a
penny-a-liner. His office here was burned in a very mysterious way.7
It must be remembered his plant was a small one, and useless in any
other place. After the fire he made a piteous appeal to the people of
this city and district, and they, with characteristic liberality, furnished
him with a considerable sum of money in order to provide him with a
new plant. No sooner had he secured the new plant than he took it
down to Victoria, and there started a paper which had a short and
weakly existence.8 But the proprietor of the Colonist, in order to prevent the plant getting into hands that might turn to more account
against the Colonist than honest John was capable of, agreed to give
him a stipulated sum per month, H.J. to give his own services in the
Colonist to boot. The writer, at that time, occupied the editorial chair
at the Colonist, and that paper was then, at least, respectably conducted.   We may note, in passing, that honest John, with an evident
(4) Refers to Robson's imprisonment for contempt of Court in 1862.
See introduction.
(5) The only possible reference would appear to be to the assault by
Smith in 1868.    See Introduction.
(6) The memorial is quoted by Robson, infra.
(7) On September 29, 1866.   See Introduction.
(8) Robson moved the British Columbian to Victoria in March, 1869,
where it ceased publication in July. 1940 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. 211
object, tells a direct falsehood about the writer's salary. The proprietor of the Colonist tried to retain the writer in his services, but the
latter declined to act as co-adjutor to a man of honest John's stamp.
The Colonist then began the career for which it has since been noted,
and, in consequence, has fallen from the pinnacle on which it had been
placed by the original proprietor. It will then, be seen, that H. J.
made a handsome profit out of the charity bestowed on him by the
people of this city and district: he afterwards sold the plant. In the
vain hope of securing the Government patronage, honest John once
more effected his entrance into the local Parliament as member for
Nanaimo, but his previous career was so well known that, prepared as
he was to stoop to any mean action, no party would have anything to
do with him. There was probably no man in Victoria at the time, pretending to respectability, who was so generally disliked by all classes.
In due course Mr. Edgar9 came to this country, anxious to appease the
Victorians, and, by some odd circumstance, he was led to suppose that
the Colonist was such an influential paper, and honest John such a
talented man, that the administration of " Balm " to these worthies
would allay the irritation so prevalent in Victoria. It is stated that
the Colonist was very handsomely treated, and honest John, for his
share, received the paymastership for the railway survey. How completely poor Edgar was hoodwinked, is now a matter of history, and the
futility of the Colonist help is equally well known. The proprietor of
the Colonist, doubtless was made happy, and so was honest John, who
continued for a time to make the best of his position; but there was
a term put to his felicity. There was an enquiry at Ottawa, and honest
John was discharged. Let us draw the curtain here. It is sufficient
to say that his name " honest" John was conferred upon him about
this time. We have given a very brief sketch of H.J.'s career. Our
object is simply to reply to an article intended to be self lauditory, in
the last issue of his paper. He gives some phrases from the speeches
of Mr. Trutch and Mr. Walkem, long ago, in relation to himself; he
should have given the speeches entire, and the circumstances under
which they were spoken, and it would then have been clearly apparent
that the seeming praise was merely sarcasm. As proof of this, we
append an extract from a Victoria paper of the time:—
A STINGING REPLY.—The Hon. member for Nanaimo, got a well
merited reply in the Local Legislature the other day. The circumstances of
the narrative are as follows:—Mr. Robson in his whining manner, so
familiar and so detestable to every member of the House, had just advocated
his Bill to give Nanaimo an additional representative and also to procure
for Cassiar the privilege of one representative. All went well until the
Hon. member discovered that the Bill would be rejected, when he " got up
on his hind legs " and accused the Government of attempting to kill him
(9) J. D. (later Sir James) Edgar, who was sent to British Columbia by
the Mackenzie Government in February, 1874, to confer with the Walkem
Government in an effort to smooth out the railway difficulties between the
Province and the Dominion. 212 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. July
politically, no matter how good the cause he pleaded for. He also supplemented his remark by saying that it was only too evident members of the
Government were " afraid " of him. Finally the hon. gentleman sat down,
and Mr. Walkem the Hon. Attorney General " rose to explain." He said
" Mr. Speaker, I reject [sic, regret] that the Hon. member for Nanaimo
has accused me as leader of the Government of attempting to kill him:—
why, Sir, such a thing is actually out of the question, for it is well known
that it is utterly impossible to kill a Corpse, and such to all intents and purposes is the Hon. member for Nanaimo politically. As for being afraid of
him—why? Simply because we cannot trust him, and he knows it." It is
needless to add that this stinging answer was well merited and elicited
applause from all parts of the house. Robson has since ordered his coffin
for his political corpse.!*1
3. From the British Columbian, July 15, 1882.
The conduct of the Government organ in this city during the
present provincial contest is a most conspicuous exhibition of personal
vindictiveness and moral depravity. So soon as it became known that
Mr. John Robson would be a candidate for the representation of this
district, the Guardian opened the flood-gates of its billingsgate and
resorted to the most cowardly stratagems with the object, if possible,
of accomplishing his defeat. The organ had a legitimate right to
oppose Mr. Robson's election, if it saw fit, and to discuss fully his
political opinions and personal fitness for the position he sought. But
no journal has a right, either in law or justice, to manufacture slanders
and keep on repeating the most contemptible and groundless insinuations merely for political effect. A man's character is his sacred trust.
If it be dishonorable, he must suffer the shame of his own acts: if it
be upright, the enemy who assails it with suspicious surmises of possible crimes which he is too cowardly to name is not less to be dreaded
than the midnight assassin.
In a late issue of the Columbian there appeared a brief statement
of facts setting forth a sketch of Mr. Robson's public career in British
Columbia. There was no assertion in that statement which is not
abundantly capable of proof, and which is not well known to hundreds
who are still resident in this province. But the organ of a defeated
party could not pass by the opportunity for attempting the moral and
political assassination of one whose influence he evidently dreads. In
his last issue appeared an article which, for meanness and criminal
falsehood, has seldom been equalled by any public journalist. There
are doubtless many in this district who know nothing of these matters,
and some who may possibly allow themselves to be influenced in their
votes by the gross libels of the organ.    To prevent such a result we
(10) This quotation has not been found either in the Colonist or the
Standard, which were the papers published in Victoria at the time in question. It would appear to be based in part upon the much shorter account
of the incident in the Standard for March 16, 1875. 1940 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. 213
propose briefly to notice a few of the organ's slanders. Most of the
statements, it may be promised [premised?], are so utterly inconsistent with ordinary probability, and with themselves, that every
intelligent elector will at once dismiss them as slanderous and absurd.
The organ suggests that Mr. Robson had a small printing plant
which would have been useless anywhere else; that he burned it so as
to get a better one; that he then made a " piteous appeal" to the
people of this city and district who, with great liberality, presented
him with a much better plant, which he immediately took to Victoria.
Now, the facts (and they may be proved in a court of justice when the
contest is over) are simply these: In the fall of 1866 the Columbian
plant and buildings were burned, and it was very generally believed at
the time that the fire was kindled by a political enemy. The printing
plant was not a small one, but large and complete—amply sufficient
for the publication of a tri-weekly paper which was then issued. The
loss in plant and buildings could not have been less than double the cost
of the plant so promptly supplied by a generous and indignant people.
Mr. Robson made no appeal, piteous or otherwise, for the purchase and
presentation of the new plant were arranged entirely without his
knowledge, and were completed before the fire in the smouldering ruins
had been extinguished! The new plant was not taken to Victoria immediately, for the British Columbian continued to be published for
nearly three years after the fire, and in its columns was fought the
great battle of the removal of the capital. When it and Mr. Robson
removed to Victoria in 1879 [sic, 1869] it was with the fullest concurrence of those who had contributed towards its purchase. On that
occasion every man in the community (except two who had not contributed towards the plant) joined in the following address:
" TO THE HON. JOHN ROBSON.—SIR:—We, the undersigned inhabitants of the city and district of New Westminster, wish to express to you
the regret we feel at your departure from amongst us. We believe it would
be unjust to you, not alone as a journalist of eight years standing in this
community, but also as our representative in the Legislative Council, if we
were to allow you to leave us without some expression of our sentiments on
the occasion. We would, therefore, now assure you that although we deeply
regret your departure, we are at the same time fully impressed with its
necessity, and that, in leaving us, you are in no way forfeiting the confidence
which we have hitherto reposed in you. We would also, though some of us
differ with you on political questions, take the opportunity of expressing our
sense of the ability and zeal with which you have advocated any measures
which you have felt would be beneficial to the public or to your constituents,
and the attention which you have given to any matters entrusted to your
care which you felt at liberty to advocate. Trusting that your removal will
be the means of increasing your sphere of usefulness, and wishing you every
success and prosperity in your new undertaking, we remain, yours, &s.,
and upwards of 150 others.    So much for this slander. 214 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. July
The Dominion Government office held for four years by Mr. Robson,
it may be mentioned, was created by the administration from whom he
received his appointment, and abolished by their successors.11 The
change of Government took place in the fall of 1878, and on the 11th of
February, 1879, Mr. Robson received the following telegram from
" The office of Paymaster and Purveyor having been abolished, your
services are no longer required. You will, therefore, please hand over to
Mr. Creighton the books and Government property under your charge.
F. BRAUN, Secy."
The organ says " there was an enquiry at Ottawa, and Honest John
was discharged! " There was no enquiry at Ottawa or anywhere else,
and no Government official ever even suggested the suspicion that the
affairs of the department had not been honestly and efficiently managed
by Mr. Robson. On the contrary, in the spring of 1879, when Mr.
Dewdney mentioned the matter to Sir Charles Tupper he received the
following reply: " I abolished the office to save expense, because Mr.
Fleming (chief engineer) reported to me that it was unnecessary." It
may also be mentioned that the office of paymaster and purveyor on the
Thunder Bay section of the C.P.R. was abolished at the same time and
the services of the officer dispensed with. There is nothing in the
whole transaction over which the organ, with its contemptible hypocrisy, need " draw the curtain." He may investigate as much as he
pleases and bring to light every transaction connected with that service, and Mr. Robson will thank him for the publication of his discoveries. So far from suspecting crookedness, Sir Charles Tupper
even conceded Mr. Robson his salary for the unexpired portion of
February and a month's salary as gratuity, making $375 more than
could have been claimed by law. But there was an enquiry at Ottawa.
The Railway Commission appointed by the present Government12 sat
there for months enquiring into every department of the railway administration during the existence of the Mackenzie Government, but
even they found nothing crooked in the accounts of the British Columbia purveyor's office. Any man who was influenced in the least by honest
purpose would certainly consider it a credit to Mr. Robson that he had
been able to fill so responsible an office for four years and leave a record
against which the breath of suspicion has never been raised except by
the unprincipled slanderer of the Guardian. During these four years,
as already intimated, he disbursed about $1,000,000, and had occasion
more than once to draw from the bank, on his own cheque, lump sums
of $20,000, but every dollar of the whole expenditure was accounted for
to the complete satisfaction of the department at Ottawa.
It is scarcely necessary to add one word to the above statement of
facts.    The irresponsible hireling who does the local Government's
(11) The Mackenzie Government, and the Macdonald Government, respectively.
(12) The Macdonald Government. 1940 John Robson versus J. K. Suter. 215
dirty work in this city knows perfectly that his venomous insinuations
respecting Mr. Robson's official acts are absolutely without foundation.
He knows that these insinuations are thrown out for a political purpose,
and that they are intended to deceive those electors who have recently
arrived in this province and know no better. The trick is such as no
man would resort to except a coward and a moral assassin—and the
editor of the Guardian is both. NOTES AND COMMENTS.
Victoria Section.
The association of the name of Moresby with British Columbia was the
title of the most interesting address delivered before the Section on May 27
by Mr. William Moresby, K.C, of Victoria. The name itself was apparently of Danish origin, and the family tree could be traced back to Sir
Christopher Moresby, a Yorkshire gentleman, who was knighted in 1471.
In the 17th century the family moved to Cumberland, where, in the small
village of Moresby, Moresby Hall and Manor House still stand. The first
member of the family to visit what is now British Columbia was Admiral
Sir Fairfax Moresby, who was born in Calcutta in 1787 and entered the
Royal Navy in 1799. In 1849 he was appointed Rear-Admiral and from
1850 to 1853 was commander-in-chief on the Pacific Station. In the course
of his long and active career he had surveyed Algoa Bay, in South Africa,
and spent several energetic years suppressing the slave trade. While on
this coast he cruised and surveyed as far north as the Queen Charlotte
Islands. Moresby Island and Moresby Passage, in Haro Strait, were named
after him, and it will be recalled that the southern main island of the Queen
Charlotte group is also named Moresby. Sir Fairfax became an Admiral in
1862, an Admiral of the Fleet in 1870, and died in 1877, at the ripe old age
of 90 years.
His elder son, Fairfax Moresby, was flag lieutenant on H.M.S. Portland,
which was the flagship of Sir Fairfax when he was on the Pacific Station.
He was drowned in 1858, when in command of H.M.S. Sappho, when the
vessel was lost with all hands in Bass Strait. A younger son, John Moresby,
was gunnery lieutenant in H.M.S. Thetis, Captain Kuper, when that vessel
arrived in the Strait of Juan de Fuca in 1852. The Thetis was based on
Esquimalt for eight months, and for a part of the time young Moresby was
in charge of the construction of the Old Esquimalt Road. Later he sat as a
judge in the first trial ever held in the Colony of Vancouver Island. A
settler had been murdered by two Indians, who fled to Nanaimo, and
Governor Douglas, accompanied by officers and marines from the Thetis
proceeded thither in the famous old steamer Beaver to apprehend them.
They were finally captured and tried on January 17, 1853, condemned to
death, and duly executed on the shore at the spot now known as Gallows
Point, near Nanaimo. After a long and distinguished career, John Moresby
was promoted to the rank of Admiral, and in later years he wrote a book
entitled Two Admirals, which described his own and his father's experiences.
Admiral John Moresby's daughter, the late Mrs. L. Adams Beck, resided for
some years in Victoria. She was a very well-known writer, both under her
own name and her pseudonym, E. Barrington.
The speaker dealt next with the career of his grandfather, William
Moresby, who was a younger brother of Admiral Sir Fairfax Moresby.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IV., No. 3.
217 218 Notes and Comments. July
William was a barrister of the Inner Temple, and he and his family spent
a few years in China in the fifties, after which they returned to England.
In 1861 he came to Victoria and opened a law office. His wife and family
followed him the same year, and arrived safely after a tedious passage
which had lasted no less than six months and twenty days. William
Moresby, junior, father of the speaker, was articled to a barrister at a very
early age, soon after the family reached Victoria, but presently he caught
the gold fever and spent several years in the Cariboo. In 1868 he entered
the police service and became assistant jailer at New Westminster. Ten
years later, in 1878, he was appointed Governor of the New Westminster
prison, a post he retained until 1895. He then left the service of the Provincial Government to become warden of the penitentiary at New Westminster. He died in November, 1896. Many and varied duties came the
way of a jailer and prison governor in earlier days, and Mr. Moresby outlined some of the interesting and extraordinary cases in which his father
played a prominent and frequently a courageous part.
One of William Moresby's sisters married John Carmichael Haynes,
whose career, by a coincidence, is dealt with elsewhere in this issue of the
Quarterly. Another sister married E. H. (later Judge) Sanders, who
started his career as Gold Commissioner at Yale, in 1859.
Mr. Moresby's maternal grandfather was William Edwards, a member
of the company of Royal Engineers who arrived in the Thames City, in 1859.
He was accompanied by his wife and also by his small daughter, who was
then only a few months old. William Edwards had a share in the work of
building the Cariboo Road, and was one of the contingent sent to Bentinck
Arm following the massacre of the Waddington party, in 1864. Following
his early death, Mrs. Edwards opened what is believed to have been the first
school in New Westminster. The pupils were chiefly children of the Royal
It should also be noted that Ellen Moresby, daughter of Admiral Sir
Fairfax Moresby, married Captain J. C. Prevost, who, in 1856, was appointed to the command of H.M.S. Satellite. In 1858 the Satellite was
stationed in the mouth of the Fraser River to collect licences and duties
from the miners who were flocking up-stream to the gold diggings near
Hope and Yale. On February 18, 1859, Captain Prevost wrote to William
Moresby, senior, from H.M.S. Satellite, describing the gold-rush and expressing the opinion that the number of persons involved reached a total of
30,000. This letter, along with a number of other documents of great historic interest, was presented to the Provincial Archives by Mr. Moresby at
the conclusion of his address.
Vancouver Section.
Mr. J. R. V. Dunlop presided at the fourth annual dinner meeting of the
Section, which was held in the Aztec Room, Hotel Georgia, on Friday, April
19. It was one of the largest annual gatherings of the Section, and from
the standpoint of historical interest probably the most outstanding.
Sir James Douglas, the Father of British Columbia, was the topic which
the speaker of the evening, Dr. W. N. Sage, head of the Department of 1940 Notes and Comments. 219
History at the University of British Columbia, had chosen, and there was in
his audience a man who had known Douglas personally. James William
Sinclair, the grandson of Dr. John McLoughlin, and Douglas's " white-
haired boy," told of his conversations with the Governor, whom he used to
meet each morning on his way to school, and of the circumstances under
which he secured the autographed picture of Sir James which he showed to
the members.
Dr. Sage outlined the activities of Sir James Douglas as fur-trader and
governor, and showed the way in which his contribution differed from that
of other men whose names are connected with the early history of the Province. Of particular interest was his description and discussion of the circumstances of Douglas's retirement, upon which various documents unearthed in recent years have thrown new light. In moving a vote of thanks
to the speaker, Mr. E. S. Robinson referred not only to Dr. Sage's interesting address but also to his work among graduates and students of the
Greetings from the Provincial Council and from the Victoria Section
were brought by Dr. T. A. Rickard, who, with Mrs. Rickard, was the guest
of the Vancouver Section. Mr. E. N. Cotton, President of the New Westminster and Fraser Valley Section, spoke as a representative of that group,
many of whom were present. Dr. W. Kaye Lamb gave a brief report on
publications, and referred to his forthcoming move from the Provincial
Archives to the University Library.
A group of most enjoyable musical numbers was contributed by the Blue
Jackets Quartette, composed of Gordon Blythe, Lome Daly, Horace E.
Chapman, and Archie Runcie, accompanied by R. A. Douglas. [Helen R.
Boutilier, Secretary.]
Edmond S. Meany, jr., Ph.D., is a graduate of the University of Washington. He received his doctor's degree from Harvard University in 1936,
for which he submitted a thesis on The History of the Lumber Industry of
the Pacific Northwest to 1917. He was a Research Fellow at the Brookings
Institution, Washington, in 1935-36, and Assistant Archivist in the Division
of Classification of the United States National Archives in 1936-37. Since
1937 he has been Instructor in History at the Hill School, Pottstown, Pennsylvania. Dr. Meany is the author of A Survey of Research in Forest Land
Ownership (1939), and is now making a further study of the history of the
lumber industry in the Northwest.
J. A. Lower, M.A., is a member of the staff of the University Hill School,
Vancouver. His article in this issue is based upon a thesis on the history of
the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway which he submitted for the degree of
Master of Arts at the University of British Columbia.
Mrs. Hester E. White is a daughter of the late John Carmichael Haynes,
a sketch of whose career appears elsewhere. She has long taken an active
interest both in the history of the Okanagan and in the Indians of the
district. VICTORIA,  B.C. :
Printed by Chablbs F. Bjnfield, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
Organized October 31st, 1922.
His Honour Eric W. Hamber, /.
OFFICERS, 1939-40.
Hon. G. M. Weir
T. A. Rickard
Kenneth A. Wa: -a-Presidc
B. A. McKelvie   -
G. H. Harman Honorary Treasv
itiEL R. Cree Honorary Secretary.
Robie L. Reih
F. W. Howay J. W H. T
J. C. Goodfellow ii. Boutilier
B. A. McKelvie (\
E. .
To encourage historical public im istory;
ral features, and other
publish historical sketches, studies, and doc
Or year
the B
All cor >uld be addressed in car
Provii buildings, B.C.


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