British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly Nov 1, 1938

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 THE
BRITISH
COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
*y_*
OCTOBER, 1938 We
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Published by the A C British Columbia
in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
EDITOR.
W. Kaye Lamb.
ADVISORY BOARD.
J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. F. W. Howay, New Westminster.
Robib L. Reid, Vanco: T. A. Rickard, Victoria.
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor, P
Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.
Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, GOc. the copy, or $2 the year. Members of the
British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the
Quarterly without further charge.
Neither the Provincial Archiv n  Columbia  i
m assumes any responsibility ments made by contributors
he magazine. We
BRITISH COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
" Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
■ ~—
Vol. II. Victoria, B.C., October, 1938. No. 4
CONTENTS.
Articles : Page.
Captain Evans of Cariboo.
By Robie L. Reid  233
Education before the Gold Rush.
By D. L. MacLaurin 247
Documents:
The Journal of Jacinto Caamano.   Part II.
Edited with an introduction and notes by Henry R. Wagner
and W. A. Newcombe 265
Notes and Comments:
Contributors 303
British Columbia Historical Association 303
Similkameen Historical Association 303
The Great Fraser Midden 304
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Wickersham:  Old Yukon.
By T. A. Rickard  305
Curtin:   Yukon Voyage.
By W. Kaye Lamb  307
Index 309
231 CAPTAIN EVANS OF CARIBOO.*
No one of British Columbia's forgotten men is more worthy
of remembrance than Captain John Evans, who led a band of
adventurers from Wales to Cariboo in the early days of our
history. His title of " Captain " was one of courtesy, for he was
never in the army and never did he command a ship. " Captain " he was to the men he led to the Pacific, because he was
their chief, and " Captain " he was thereafter to the good people
of Cariboo, who had a great affection for him, and gave him the
highest position in their power to bestow, electing him and reelecting him as their representative in the Legislature of the
Province.
His early life and experiences in no way fitted him to be a
pioneer in a rough Western mining camp. He was born in the
village of Machynlleth, Montgomeryshire, in North Wales, on
January 15, 1816, * and grew up to manhood there. In his early
life he was in the employ of a firm of cotton manufacturers in
Manchester. His close associate in the business, and particular
friend, was Henry Beecroft Jackson. When the original partners in the business wished to retire they offered it to the two
young men at a comparatively low price and on easy terms of
payment. Evans could not see his way to take the chance.. He
had some considerable savings and feared their loss. Jackson
was bolder than his friend and accepted the offer alone. In a
few years he became wealthy, but the friendly relations between
the two remained as strong as ever.
On the retirement of the original partners, Evans left the
business and, with his family of growing children, removed to
Tremadoc in Carnarvonshire. He was a patriotic Welshman
and was afraid that if he remained in Manchester his children
would not be able to speak good Welsh, and he wished them to
have all the advantages of a purely Welsh background. In his
new home he became interested in some small quarries, and this
seems to have been all the acquaintance he had at any time with
* The  presidential  address  to the  Vancouver  Section  of the  British
Columbia Historical Association, October 3, 1938.
(1)  Canadian Parliamentary Companion, 1879, p. 397.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol II., No. 4.
233 234 Robbe L. Reid. October
mines and mining before coming to Cariboo. He was a deeply
religious man, and members of his family tell us that his greatest
ambition was to find at least one good mine, in order that he
might give all the profit accruing therefrom for the support of
Booth Street Welsh Congregational Chapel, in Manchester, an
organization which he had been instrumental in founding while
a resident of that city.
In 1858 and succeeding years word went abroad throughout
the world that in an unknown country, under the British flag,
on the North Pacific Coast of North America, there had been
great discoveries of gold, and that people from all countries were
flocking there to make their fortune. Some of the lucky people
had come from Wales. Why should not others fare as well?
Evans would not have been true to his Welsh blood if he had not
longed for an adventure in the search for gold.
He talked the whole matter over with his old friend Jackson,
who lent a friendly ear. No doubt his friend was attracted by
the idea of having some interest in such a scheme, and he also
wished to aid his old friend Evans. Whatever his motive, he
offered to finance the project for two years. Evans was to
select the men—respectable, God-fearing Welsh miners—to go
with him to Cariboo. All profits were to be divided; half to
the men in equal shares, the other half to be equally divided
between Evans and Jackson.
Evans was delighted to accept Jackson's offer, and set to
work without delay to select his men. Some he chose from the
residents of Carnarvonshire, the balance were taken from Flintshire. Among the former was Taliesin Evans, the Captain's
son. All the men selected were of good standing in the communities in which they lived.
Arrangements for the voyage were soon made. The men
were to go by sailing ship, around Cape Horn. On December
22, 1862, they left Liverpool on the Rising Sun. Evans himself
went by the shorter route via Panama and San Francisco, and
did not leave Liverpool until February 17, 1863.
In San Francisco he met Mr. Nind, one of the Gold Commissioners in the Cariboo District, who was there on vacation. On
his advice Evans spent ten days visiting some of the placer
mines of California.   In his first letter to Jackson, with whom 1938 Captain Evans of Cariboo. 235
he kept a continuous correspondence, all of which he carefully
copied into a letter-book which is now preserved in the Provincial
Archives, Evans naively tells how he " started off to Sonora
where the whole country is being worked by hydraulic and what
is called Plaza mining, viz., river washing "—an entry which
shows that it is no exaggeration to say that he knew nothing
about gold-mining.
Evans arrived at Esquimalt on April 15, 1863. Immediately
after his arrival he called on Messrs. Janion, Green & Rhodes,
Mr. Jackson's agents in Victoria. As the head of a mining
expedition and presumably backed by English capital, he found
many willing and anxious to deal with him. One offered him an
interest in a silver-mine at Hope; another suggested a copper-
mine on the Queen Charlotte Islands; and a third a copper prospect at Cowichan. None of these appealed to him. He was
after gold, although he was somewhat attracted by the silver-
mine, and later, when convenient, visited it. Gold was the only
mineral which had any great fascination for him. He met
Governor Douglas, " a very fine shrewd old gentleman," he says,
and many other Government officials. Mr. Nind, who had returned to the Colony, called his attention to a placer property
near Quesnellemouth (now Quesnel) which was more to his
liking.
On the advice of Mr. Rhodes, he took a trip into the Interior
While waiting for his men to arrive. He bought a saddle-horse
for the journey. The usual route to Cariboo at that time was
via Harrison River and Lake, and across to the Fraser River at
Lillooet. The road through the Fraser Canyon was at that time
under construction, however, and the work was so far advanced
that a man on horseback or a pack-train, by using Indian trails
between the parts already built, could get through. Evans took
this route on this, his first trip to Cariboo.
He crossed to New Westminster and took passage on a stern-
wheel river steamer, the Reliance, for Yale. His horse went
through to Yale, but he himself stopped at Hope to investigate
the silver-mine which had been called to his attention while in
Victoria. Here he remained over Sunday. There being no other
religious services, he attended the Episcopal Church. Newly
arrived from the Old Country, with its sharp division between 236 Robie L. Redd. October
religious sects, he was astonished to learn that the greater proportion of its supporters were non-Anglicans, or as he says,
" outside the pale." He visited the silver-mine, but as he does
not mention it again, he evidently thought little of it. He then
went on by canoe to Yale.
He left Yale on April 27, by the new road up the Canyon.
It was passable for 7 miles, and then he was compelled to follow
an Indian trail for some distance. He reached Lytton on the
29th. From that point he followed the Thompson River for 29
miles, and then turned north over the " Old Trail" passing
through what is yet called " Venables Valley," in which one
Captain Venables lived. The Captain could give him no food,
but hospitably allowed him to spread his blankets and sleep on
the shanty floor. Luckily for him, he had a few biscuits in his
pocket, which did something to assuage the pangs of hunger.
He got to Clinton by May 3, and left on the 4th. Of the night
of that day he says:—
Stopped at a tavern in a wild forest of about 50 miles in length. Scarcely
ever trod by a white man until the waggon road was made & slept in our
blankets on some sticks; nothing for the horses to eat but barley which
was 45 cents per pound.
On the 6th he reached Lac la Hache, where there were
several settlers. On the 7th he came to Williams Lake. Of this
place, now a thriving town, he says:—
Reached Williams's Lake, the upper end of which is intended as the site of a
future town. Pretty place, good land but very limited. This is the last
resting place for the miners before leaving for the Mountains of Cariboo.
This morning I had to pay 2 dollars for re-setting 2 horse shoes—no grub to
be got under $1.50 per meal.
On the 8th he reached Alexandria. Let him tell the sad story
of that day in his own words:—
Left for a journey of 36 miles through forest almost impassible from fallen
trees, bog and marshes nearly the whole distance—reached Alexandria opposite Fort Alexander one of the Hudson's Bay Coy's posts, a most miserable
looking place.
He sent his horse back from this point to be kept at Soda
Creek while he went north on the little steamer Enterprise. He
reached Quesnel on the 10th. He was in a wretched condition
from drinking alkali water, and after the long trip from Hope 1938       Captain Evans of Cariboo.        237
under conditions to which he was unaccustomed. He found the
surroundings at Quesnel unbearable. He says:—
Reached our destination evening of the 10th on which I was taken very ill;
having had the third attack of Diarhea caused by the water—and having to
listen to the vilest language a man could utter. 0! how I longed for home
today to go to the house of prayer.
While there he investigated the " Rich Bar " in the Fraser
to which his attention had been called by Mr. Nind. It was
thought to contain a large amount of gold, but to work it properly
would require the construction of a ditch 7 miles in length, or,
by tunneling through a mountain, 3 miles. The expense of this
would be about $30,000 and this, together with the fact that 900
feet of the best part of the bar had already been granted to
others, determined him to let it alone. He did not go to Barkerville on this trip, but returned to Victoria via the Harrison Lake
route, arriving on May 27.
The Rising Sun had not arrived, so he inspected the copper
prospect at Cowichan, but did not find it attractive. On June 11
the ship arrived with all on board well and happy after a pleasant
voyage.
Before he left Victoria with his men, Evans had a long
conference with Governor Douglas and his advisers as to mining
matters. The discussion was mainly directed to the mining laws
of the Mainland Colony. Under the law as it then stood, no one
could mine on Crown lands unless he were the holder of a Free
Miner's certificate issued by a Gold Commissioner. Any one
holding such a certificate could stake a claim on unoccupied
Crown lands and mine thereon, but by law no person could hold
more than two claims at the same time. As two claims would
give insufficient scope for the operations Evans had in mind, he
would be compelled to record the additional claims required in
the names of other members of his party—that is to say, in the
names of his employees. If a claim were taken up in the name
of an employee, however, such employee appeared on the record
as its holder and could dispose of it at will, even though the fees
for the certificate and for recording the same on the books of
the Gold Commissioner had been paid by the employer. This he
pointed out to the Governor, and suggested that, if this remained
the law, it would be difficult to obtain English capital for mining
development, for under these conditions, the investor would be 238 Robb_ L. Reid. October
at the mercy of his workmen, as they could sell what really
belonged to the employer, no matter what agreements had been
made. He showed the Governor the contracts with his men so
that it could be seen that no advantage was being taken of them.
The Governor was surprised at the liberality with which they
were being treated. Evans evidently put his suggestions very
forcibly, for he says:—
In the face of all this, I asked him if he thought it either wise or prudent in
us allowing the men to have control, further I remarked, if we were not protected, I felt myself in duty bound to acquaint the public at home of the
state of affairs which would put a stop to any influx of capital from there,
I dealt most unmercifully on the laws as they are & their shortcomings,
which I found after the interview was over has Gauled the Attorney General
[George Hunter Cary] very much as he was the framer of them.
The Governor requested Evans to write him an official letter,
and assured him that his suggestions would receive his careful
attention. In collaboration with Mr. Rhodes, Evans " concocted,"
as he says, a letter setting out his views, and delivered it to the
Governor before leaving Victoria. Notwithstanding his aggressive attack on the mining laws no amending legislation followed.
On the other hand, it was pointed out to him that the Governor
had unlimited power, under section XI. of the " Gold Fields Act,
1859," to grant leases of Crown lands for mining purposes, and
that an application for a lease of any available property would be
favourably considered.
What Evans did when he reached Cariboo, therefore, was to
look about for ground in a favourable location not already taken.
He had a warm welcome from those operating on Lightning
Creek. They were anxious for him and his party to remain there,
and by readjusting the abandoned claims and those being worked,
they were able to secure for him 2,500 feet on the creek, clear of
any claims. Evans thereupon applied for a lease for five years
of this territory, including the water rights thereon and the hillsides, and this was granted.
On June 16 Evans and his party left Victoria for the mines.
As he knew from his experiences on his first trip to Quesnel that
the Canyon route was not yet practicable for a large body of men,
with their supplies, they followed the usual route of that time, by
Harrison Lake, to Lillooet. 1938 Captain Evans of Cariboo. 239
The trip to Cariboo was long and tiresome, the roads bad, and
the mosquitoes abominable; but as this story deals only with
Captain Evans, rather than with the men as a body, we will not
go into particulars except as to Evans himself. Another party
travelled with them as far as Lillooet. It was headed by another
Evans, Rev. Dr. Ephraim Evans, first Superintendent of the
Wesleyan Methodists in British Columbia. It was a delight to
Evans' party, all religious men, to have their company. On three
successive Sundays the good Doctor held services, at Tenas Lake,
in the bush, and at Lillooet. At the first two places, Dr. Evans'
party and the Welshmen made up the whole congregation. At
Lillooet the men, of their own volition, after the evening service,
went to an Indian camp in the vicinity and held a prayer-meeting
there. Neither Captain Evans nor the Reverend Doctor knew
anything about the matter until they heard the men singing in
the distance.
Rev. Dr. Evans deserves a word in passing. He was one of
the first four pioneer Methodist missionaries who were sent out
to the Pacific Coast. He arrived at Victoria in February, 1859,
and worked in Victoria. Later he was 'appointed Superintendent
of Missions in the Far West. He returned to Ontario about 1868
and lived there until his death in 1892.
In 1869 he was the pastor of a church in Hamilton. In that
year a Methodist Minister, Rev. W. G. Campbell, of Dublin, Ireland, was making a tour of the United States and Canada. On
March 28 of that year he was in Hamilton and occupied Dr.
Evans' pulpit. Evidently the good Doctor looked back at his
sojourn in the West as his great adventure, and took delight in
recalling his experiences there. Mr. Campbell heard them with
much interest. He says in his book, written on his return to
Ireland:—
I was much delighted with Dr. Evans' apostolical labours in British Columbia for many years. ... Of him and his colleagues it may truly be
said, they endured hardness among wilds, and wastes, and solitary places,
natural and moral.2
To relate the experiences of the Welsh miners on their trip
north, or their experiences in mining on Lightning Creek, would
make this article entirely too long.    That is another story.    Suf-
(2)  Rev. W. G. Campbell, The New World, London, 1870, p. 133. 240 ROBIE L. Red>. October
fice it to say that they reached their destination on July 21, after
a laborious journey of five weeks. Here they remained mining
for two years, at the end of which they had recovered gold to
the value of $450 at an expense of over $26,000. The expedition
then disbanded. Some of its members went back to Wales, some
remained in British Columbia.
Hardly had the adventurers got settled in Van Winkle, when
Captain Evans was requested to run as a candidate for the British Columbia Legislature. The first election in the Crown Colony
of British Columbia (the Mainland was then a separate colony
from Vancouver Island), was held during the winter of 1863.
The Legislative Council, as it was then called, consisted of fifteen
members: five Government officials, five magistrates, and five
members elected by the residents of five electoral districts. Cariboo was allowed two representatives, one for Cariboo East, and
the other for Cariboo West, in which were situated Stanley and
Van Winkle, where the Welsh adventurers were living.
The old letter-book gives an interesting and amusing account
of the election. On November 28, 1863, W. G. Cox, Gold Commissioner for the area, notified Captain Evans that a member
was to be elected for Cariboo West on December 12, polling to be
at Quesnel and Van Winkle. On December 6, a public meeting
was held at the latter point to nominate a candidate for the
riding. In his absence, Captain Evans was the unanimous choice
of the meeting. The next day delegates from the meeting came
to his camp, reported the action which had been taken by the
voters, and pressed him to accept the nomination.
After taking a day to think it over, Evans accepted. Writing
to Mr. Jackson about the matter, he set out at length the reasons
which had decided him to do so.    He said:—
After considering that I had to go to Victoria during the winter, and the
session would be a short one & no extra travelling expenses having to be
incurred & the vast importance to ourselves would be a change in the Mining
Laws, which, if returned I intend to propose, & their promises to carry on
the election without troubling myself, I consented. . . . The same evening, they, unknown to me raised a subscription among themselves to defray
the expenses of two electors to go down to Quesnellemouth to canvass for me.
He immediately wrote an address to the electors, and two men
left Van Winkle with it for Quesnel.    The other candidates were 1938 Captain Evans of Card3oo. 241
Dr. A. W. S. Black, of Barkerville, and a Mr. Nelson, a French-
Canadian.
The voting was by open voting and apparently every one who
asked leave to vote was allowed to do so, including Chinamen.
Voters' lists were conspicuous by their absence.
At Van Winkle, where Evans was known, the vote was overwhelmingly in his favour: Black 3, Evans 50, Nelson 0.
But what happened at Quesnel? Let Evans himself tell the
sad story:—
When the news came up from the Mouth [Quesnellemouth] we found
that the two men who were nominated my agents there got on a spree in
going down and only reached there the evening previous to the election, so
that they had not the opportunity of doing anything if they tried, much less
had the electors, as it was found afterward they [the canvassers] were
bought over by Dr. Black with drink. Only 4 voted for me there, who only
came to know of my being a candidate in the afternoon. Dr. Black polled
127, but Mr. Cox, who is the returning Officer, struck out all the votes of
Chinamen.
. As the official record shows Dr. Black's majority was 69, and
Captain Evans' figures show a majority of 76, the Chinese votes
struck out must have numbered 7. So ended Captain Evans' first
appearance in the political world.3
After the failure of this venture Evans remained in Cariboo,
seeking riches in the mines. Like so many others he felt that he
would sometime strike it rich in one of his claims.
In 1872 he was working on a group of claims on Antler Creek,
east of Barkerville. By 1873 he was beginning to fear that they
were not going to turn out as he had anticipated, and that he
would lose the $1,600 he had expended on them. However, he
had other claims on Davis Creek, a tributary of Lightning Creek,
and he was sure that they would be all right, " some day."4 The
last we hear of his mining claims is in November, 1875, when he
(3) Judge Howay states (British Columbia, II., p. 170) that the election
in Cariboo West was not held until after the proclamation dated December
28,1863—which constituted the first Legislative Council and named its members, with the exception of the member for Cariboo West—was issued by
Governor Douglas; but the Evans letter-book shows that the election was
held before the proclamation was issued, though the results had not reached
the Governor.
(4) Captain Evans to his children in Wales, October 9, 1873 (Archives
of B.C.). 242 Robie L. Reid. October
says that he has several claims, but he does not know whether
they will turn out to be anything or not.5 Evidently his fears
were well founded.
But mines were but a small part of his life. He was more
interested in other things. He found himself living in a community in which religion and morality were, with many, almost
forgotten. At Barkerville, on Sunday, gambling, swearing, and
other vices reigned unchecked.6 Of course there were others
who deplored the condition of things, but they were too few to
force a change. This state of affairs is not to be wondered at
when we consider conditions in other mining camps in the West
at the time. Of all these camps, Barkerville was the most isolated from civilization. In it a heterogeneous mass of humanity
had come together from all parts of the world. Even in such
surroundings Evans never faltered. In Cariboo as in Wales he
was still the same old stalwart Puritan. By precept and example
he preached the religion and morality of his faith. He did all in
his power to better the conditions of his new home. Especially
he watched over his fellow Welshmen in Cariboo. As early as
1866 he had induced a few of them to gather together a few dollars and build a small hall in Barkerville, to be used for religious
and literary purposes, on a lot granted for that purpose by Gold
Commissioner Cox. This was called " Cambrian Hall," and religious services were held therein until it was destroyed in the
fire of 1868.7 The neighbours of the hall before the fire cannot
have been pleasant to Evans, for it appears from the Cariboo
Sentinel for September 22, 1868, that its next-door neighbour
was Nathan's saloon, while Fasenaro's saloon faced it across the
narrow street.
The promoters of the building had failed to obtain the title to
the land on which it had been built, and there were those who
coveted its location, both before and after the fire, and, through
every new appointee of the Government, endeavoured to obtain
possession of it. Now that the fire had destroyed the Welsh hall
it seemed an opportune time to secure the site for a saloon.    The
(5) Captain Evans to his daughter, November 6,1875 (Archives of B.C.).
(6) R. C. Lundin Brown, Klatsassan, and other reminiscences of missionary life in British Columbia, London, 1873, p. 186.
(7) Cariboo Sentinel, June 11, 1868 (letter signed "J. F."). 1938 Captain Evans of Carbboo. 243
Welsh people were determined to keep it and to rebuild their
building. They started at once to collect money for that purpose.
In spite of this, some one else actually started construction on
the lot. Evans went on the war-path at once. He wrote a letter
to Chartres Brew, the resident magistrate at Barkerville, on
March 2, 1869, in which he recounted the granting of the lot to
the Welsh people of Cariboo by Mr. Cox. He pointed out that
although no legal title was given, a solemn promise was made
that they should not be molested or disturbed; that notwithstanding this, several attempts had been made during the residence of each succeeding magistrate to dispossess them of a large
portion of it.    He continues:—
Some have gone so far as to commence building in such a manner as to
completely block up the entrance to the Hall, thereby rendering it nothing
less than back premises to a saloon and something worse.
Owing to these disturbances, several applications have been made to
obtain a title to the site and the only answer received to either of them was
one from Hon. Mr. Trutch stating they were going to write to Mr. Cox to
Kootenay for explanation.
The building referred to was the only Protestant place open for religious
purposes throughout Cariboo during a period of two to three years, it was
also entirely unsectarian.8
His request for title was duly granted, the intruders ejected,
and a new Cambrian Hall erected on the old site.9 But due to
the gradual failure of the mines and the consequent decrease of
the population, it failed to be of permanent value. Notwithstanding this, Evans did all that was possible. In 1872 we find
him writing to his family in Wales about his work. He longs to
be back in his old home.   He says:—
I am longing to meet again in the house of God. There is English Preaching in one chapel, but is so dry and formal that I feel very little edified when
I get an opportunity to attend. The Welsh have ceased to hold their meetings for some time, we are so scattered. Previous to that I used to attend
monthly from Davis Creek, a distance of fifteen miles to deliver a lecture
on various subjects having a moral and religious tendency.10
A failure he may have been as a miner, but the " gray-headed
old man," as he called himself, kept the affection and esteem of
(8) Captain Evans to Chartres Brew, March 2, 1869 (Archives of B.C.).
(9) J. W. Trutch to Chartres Brew, November 1,1869 (Archives of B.C.).
(10) Captain Evans to his children in Wales, May 2, 1872 (Archives of
B.C.). 244 Robee L. Reid. October
the people of Cariboo. In 1875, at the first election in British
Columbia where the voting was by ballot, he was again nominated as a candidate for the Legislative Assembly of the Province, in company with the Premier, George Anthony Walkem,
and A. E. B. Davie, later also Premier. This time there were no
accidents as in 1863, and he was elected. In his address to the
electors he stated that he was not an opponent of the " present "
Government (the Walkem Government), and that
So long as they strive to serve the country faithfully and impartially,
they will receive my warmest support. At the same time, I wish it to be
distinctly understood that I am no party man, but claim, if elected, the privilege of judging of every measure or motion that may be submitted to the
House on its merits, rendering no servile support, nor offering any factious
opposition.
In his address he pointed out further that he was in favour
of the effort being made by the Walkem Government to get the
Dominion Government to carry out its engagement to build a
transcontinental railway. He was opposed to any monopolies,
and was of the opinion that the best way to promote the prosperity of the farmers was to foster the mining industry.11
He was very proud of his success, both for the compliment
which the people of Cariboo had paid him by electing him as
their member, and also for the monetary reward which accompanied it, which, no doubt, he needed very much at that time. He
writes to his daughter and tells her that he feels he would not
lose by it, for
As I am entitled to one shilling a mile travelling expenses, it is nearly
600 miles including land and water which will be about $300.00 going and
coming and $400.00 for the session.12
He attended the three sessions of the Assembly in 1875, 1876,
and 1877, and took an active part in the proceedings. The votes
show that he supported the Walkem Government until its fall in
April, 1876. Mr. A. C. Elliott then became Premier. Although
Walkem was after that time in opposition, Evans remained loyal
to him and continued to vote with him until the dissolution of the
House in 1878.
(11) Cariboo Sentinel, October 16, 1875.
(12) Captain Evans to his daughter, November 6, 1875  (Archives of
B.C.) 1938 Captain Evans of Cariboo. 245
He made one speech in 1876 which was a source of pride to
him. In a letter written to his family in January of that year
he tells the story:—
I have been down here [in Victoria] since 8th December [1875] attending
the Provincial Parliament and I have spoken already several times, and the
last time created a furore. It was a very important debate of two days
duration on the policy of the Government—although not the most eloquent
by any means but it was the most telling speech of the debate and I received
an ovation both from the Gallery and the House and received the warmest
thanks of the Ministry and when I made my appearance in the House yesterday I was cheered.13
From the Journals of the House it appears that the debate
referred to was that of January 24 and 25, 1876, in which the
Walkem Government was defeated.14
The Legislative Assembly was dissolved on April 12, 1878,
and a general election held in May. Evans was again a candidate
with Mr. Walkem and Mr. George Cowan, a miner of Conklin
Gulch, as his associates. All were elected. The Elliott Government was defeated and Mr. Walkem was again Premier. In the
first and only session held thereafter in his lifetime, Evans continued to be Mr. Walkem's faithful supporter.
He was married three times. His first wife, whom he married in 1840, was Martha, daughter of John Evans, of Denbighshire. She died young. In 1842 he married Ann, daughter of
Edward Thomas, of Denbighshire, who was living when he came
to British Columbia, but died in 1866. On April 24, 1877, at
Victoria, he married his third wife Catherine Jones (possibly,
from the name, a Welsh woman, though she came to British
Columbia from California) who survived him.15
His married life with his third spouse was a source of happiness to him. In 1878 he wrote to his daughter in Wales that he
had not been able to bring his wife with him to Victoria as travel
was so difficult.    In this letter he says of her:—
We have had good health and I am happy to be able to say that I have
been again blessed with a good wife, pious, industrious and extremely kind.
(13) Captain Evans to his family, January 29, 1876 (Archives of B.C.).
(14) Journals of the Legislative Assembly, 1876, p. 15.
(15) Victoria Colonist, April 26, 1877. 246 Robde L. Reid. October
He was still staking and recording mining claims, and was
hopeful of the future.    In the letter above referred to he says:—
We have had a milder winter than any ever experienced since white men
came to Cariboo; there is great excitement here now on account of finding
Quartz containing gold, and it is likely a new era will dawn on the Country.
I have taken up several claims and hope some of them may turn out good at
any rate they would fetch a good price in the market now.16
He should have sold them at that time, for it was nearly sixty
years before the quartz era dawned on Cariboo.
But the Captain was growing old. He was not feeling well
and began to complain of the state of his health. In June, 1879,
he writes to his children that he is feeling very well except for
rheumatism, which had been troubling him for some time. He
says that " It is in the nerves and called Sciatica."17
On August 25, 1879, he died at Stanley of inflammation of the
bowels and kidneys, after an illness of only two days. The Victoria Colonist of August 28, says of him:—
Capt. Evans was a man of great activity and his energetic and eccentric
manner when urging his views on the House will long be remembered.
During the past year the honourable gentleman's health rapidly failed. He
was a martyr to rheumatism towards the last, but bore his sufferings with
Christian fortitude.
And so on August 27, 1879, his sorrowing friends laid him
away in the little cemetery at Stanley where so many of the
pioneers of the Cariboo sleep their last sleep; and in memory of
the many good deeds of their friend they wrote on the wooden
head-board which marks his grave that text of Scripture which
commences, " Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord."
Robee L. Reid.
Vancouver, B.C.
(16) Captain Evans to his daughter, February 14, 1878.
(17) Captain Evans to his son and daughter, June 28, 1879 (Archives
of B.C.). EDUCATION BEFORE THE GOLD RUSH.
No reference to the existence of schools in what is now British
Columbia earlier in date than 1849 has yet come to light. In
that year the headquarters of the Columbia Department of the
Hudson's Bay Company was moved from Fort Vancouver, on the
Columbia River, to Fort Victoria. There had been a school of
one sort or another at Fort Vancouver ever since January, 1833,
and Chief Factor James Douglas, and the other officers of the
Company, were naturally anxious that similar provision for the
instruction of their children should be made at Victoria.
The Governor and Committee in London shared this view,
and in 1849 the Rev. Robert J. Staines, an Anglican clergyman,
arrived at Fort Victoria in the barque Columbia to act as chaplain and schoolmaster there. He was to receive £200 per annum
as chaplain and £340 as schoolmaster, a fact which would indicate that some importance was attached to the latter position.
Staines was accompanied by his wife, and together they opened
a school, attendance at which was evidently restricted to the
children of the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company. The
pupils included two children of Chief Trader A. C. Anderson,
who was then stationed at Fort Colville, and a letter from Douglas to Anderson written in October, 1850, contains the following
passage:—
The school is doing as well as can be expected in the circumstances. More
assistance in the way of servants of respectable character is required than
we have at our command; so many children give a great deal of trouble
and I often wonder how Mrs. Staines can stand the fag of looking after
them. She is invaluable and receives less assistance than she ought from
her husband, who is rather lazy at times.
The children have greatly improved in their personal appearance and
one thing I particularly love in Staines is the attention he bestows on their
religious training. Had I a selection to make he is not exactly the man I
would choose; but it must be admitted we might find a man worse qualified
for the charge of the school.1
Douglas adds that the Anderson children were " decided favourites with the Staines," and it is clear that they boarded at the
(1) James Douglas to A. C. Anderson, October 28, 1850  (Archives of
B.C.).
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. II., No. 4.
2 247 248 D. L. MacLaurin. October
school. Beyond this no details of the establishment are known,
except that Captain W. C. Grant, Vancouver Island's first independent settler, described it as being " exceedingly well managed " and " calculated to have a most civilizing influence on the
future prospects of the island."2
Staines was a picturesque and belligerent character, and Bancroft has given an amusing account of his efforts to provide the
Colony with a better breed of pigs. It was not long before he
was at loggerheads with the local authorities. Settlers were beginning to arrive, and Staines soon espoused their cause against
the Company. Finally, in 1854, he determined to proceed to
London and protest to the Colonial Office against what he considered to be the tyrannical rule of the Hudson's Bay Company.
It was a decision which cost him his life, as the lumber vessel in
which he sailed from Sooke foundered off Cape Flattery, and
Staines was drowned.3
In the meantime the population of Vancouver Island had been
increased considerably by the arrival of several parties of labourers brought from Great Britain by the Hudson's Bay Company,
and a certain number of independent settlers. The first of these
arrived in the Harpooner in June, 1849, and much larger parties
came in the Norman Morison in 1850, and in the ship Tory, in
June of 1851. That James Douglas had plans for common
schools for these settlers appears in a letter of his to Archibald
Barclay, Secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company, dated May 16,
1850, from which these lines are taken: —
The site I proposed for the town was immediately around Fort Victoria,
which would at once serve as a nucleus and a protection. It was however
no part of my plan that the company should be put to the charge of providing churches and school-houses. I would recommend leaving such matters to the inhabitants themselves, the company merely furnishing the sites
and such pecuniary assistance as they may deem necessary, but by no means
to act as principals.4
When this letter was written Douglas was still only Chief
Factor for the Hudson's Bay Company.    In October, 1851, about
(2) W. Colquhoun Grant, " Description of Vancouver Island," Journal of
the Royal Geographical Society, XXVII. (1857), p. 281.
(3) On Staines see H. H. Bancroft, History of British Columbia, San
Francisco, 1887, pp. 238-243.
(4) James Douglas to Archibald Barclay, May 16,1850. 1938 Education before the Gold Rush. 249
a month after he had succeeded Richard Blanshard as Governor
of Vancouver Island, he dealt with the school question in more
detail in another letter to Archibald Barclay:—
I will also take the liberty of calling the attention of the Governor and
Committee to the subject of education by recommending the establishment of
one or two elementary schools in the Colony to give a proper moral and
religious training to the children of settlers who are at present growing up
in ignorance, and the utter neglect of all their duties to God and to Society.
That remark applies with peculiar force to the children of Protestant Parents ; the Roman Catholic families in this country having had until lately a
very able and zealous teacher in the Rev'd. Mr. Lampfrit, a French Priest of
the Society des Oblats, who is now living with the Indians in the Cowitchen
Valley. One school at Victoria, and one at Esquimalt will provide for the
present wants of the settlements, and a fixed salary of £50 a year to be paid
by the Colony with an annual payment by the Parents of a certain sum not
to exceed thirty shillings for each child with a free house and garden is the
plan and amount of remuneration I would propose to the Committee. In
regard to the character of the Teachers I would venture to recommend a
middle aged married couple for each school of strictly religious principles
and unblemished character capable of giving a good sound English education
and nothing more, these schools being intended for the children of the
labouring and poorer classes, and children of promising talents, or whom
their parents may wish to educate further, may pursue their studies and
acquire the other branches of knowledge at the Companys School conducted
by the Rev'd. Mr. Staines.
I would also recommend that a good supply of School Books from the
Alphabet upwards, with slates and pencils be sent out with the Teachers, as
there are very few in this country.5
Two items stand out in this letter. The schools were to give
" moral and religious training " and they were not to be free,
although they were to have Government support. The provision
of separate schools " for the children of the labouring and poorer
classes " will also strike the reader of to-day.
It is interesting to note at this point that there is at least an
element of uncertainty as to whether the school established by the
Rev. Robert Staines, or possibly one established by the French
priest, Father Lamfrit, was the first school on Vancouver Island.
Lamfrit was sent to Victoria in March, 1849, and may have commenced the instruction of the Roman Catholic children there
before Staines arrived, or at any rate before he and Mrs. Staines
(5) Douglas to Barclay, October 8, 1851. 250 D. L. MacLaurin. October
opened their school.6 Rear-Admiral Moresby, who visited the
Colony in the early summer of 1851, describes Father Lamfrit
as being " a very intelligent and earnest Missionary," and adds
that he has " erected a house in Victoria, a part of which is appropriated for a Chapel . . ."7 Unfortunately, he makes no
mention of the school. Soon after this Father Lamfrit departed
to live amongst the Cowichan Indians, " without a single white
assistant," as Douglas informed the Colonial Secretary, " and
without any pecuniary means to defray the expense of an
establishment, as he trusted entirely to his Indian converts for
support, a plan which could hardly be expected to succeed with
ignorant savages."8 Relations between the priest and the Indians presently became strained; and after reports that his life
was in danger had reached Douglas, an officer and a small force
were sent to Cowichan in May of 1852 to ascertain if he were
safe, and to insist upon the abandonment of his hazardous
mission.
Some time before this, Douglas had put his plans to open a
common school into effect. In March, 1852, he wrote to Archibald Barclay:—
Mr. Charles Bailey the young man who acted as schoolmaster for the
Emigrants during the outward voyage of the Tory having conducted himself
with great propriety since his arrival here and not being particularly useful
as a mere labourer I have opened a day school for boys, the children of the
Company's labouring servants at this place, who are growing up in ignorance of their duties as men and Christians. It is now attended by 18 boys,
who are making fair progress in learning. The Parents furnish Books and
stationery and pay £1 annually, for each child which goes into a fund for the
(6) This point is raised by Donald Alexander MacLean in his Catholic
Schools in Western Canada, Toronto, 1923, p. 43, and is well taken; but
the evidence MacLean presents to prove that Lamfrit opened his school at
least as early as 1850 is obviously faulty. He accepts a statement by Father
Morice to the effect that Lamfrit left the Cowichan Indians, after a residence of nine months among them, before Bishop Demers arrived on September 5,1851, yet he himself has just quoted from the letter from Douglas
to Barclay dated October 8, 1851, which shows that Lamfrit was still living
with the Indians at that time. Furthermore, we know positively that he
remained there until May of 1852.
(7) Moresby to the Secretary of the Admiralty, July 7, 1851 (Hudson's Bay Papers, Colonial Office, Vol. 725, p. 208; transcript in Provincial
Archives).
'8)  Douglas to Grey, May 28, 1852. 1938 Education before the Gold Rush. 251
support of the schoolmaster and he also receives his wages and provisions
from the Company, who are put to no other expense for the institution.9
According to a despatch to the Colonial Secretary this school and
that conducted by Staines provided " secular and religious instruction for all the children in the settlement."10
In the same letter to Barclay, Douglas enters a plea on behalf
of still another school on Vancouver Island:—
I beg also to inform the Governor and Committee that Mr. Langford is
desirous of opening a young lady's school at his establishment with a view
of bettering his circumstances, and has written to a young lady of his
acquaintance a Miss Scott; who has had much experience as a teacher to
join him in this country, provided she can obtain a free passage in any of
the Company's ships. May I take the liberty of asking the aid of the
Governor and Committee, in promoting that important object so far as to
allow that lady a free passage in the Norman Morison to this country should
she feel disposed to undertake the voyage. This would be a great boon to
the country, and another proof of the deep interest felt by their Honors in
the progress of education.11
These plans met with approval, as is shown by the following
paragraph from a letter written by Douglas in December, 1852:—
I am happy to observe that the Governor and Committee approve the
plan of the day school opened for the instruction of the labourers children
and of the appointment of Mr. Baillie as Teacher, and I sincerely thank their
Honors for the liberal encouragement they have so kindly promised to the
young ladies school, at Mr. Langford's Farm. The day School is very well
conducted and the children are making satisfactory progress.12
Having secured a teacher and opened the common school,
Douglas next arranged for the construction of a special school
building. Hitherto he had been acting primarily in his capacity
as Chief Factor for the Hudson's Bay Company; but the building
of a school was a Colony rather than a Company matter, and
Douglas therefore dealt with it as Governor of Vancouver Island.
Under the date March 29, 1853, we find the following entry in the
Minutes of the Council of the Colony:—
The subject of public instruction was next brought under the consideration of the Council. Applications having been made from various districts
of the country for schools, it was resolved that two schools should be opened
without delay, one to be placed on the peninsula, near the Puget Sound
Company's establishment, at Maple Point, and another at Victoria, there
(9) Douglas to Barclay, March 18, 1852.
(10) Douglas to Grey, April 15, 1852.
(11) Douglas to Barclay, March 18, 1852.
(12) Douglas to Barclay, December 8, 1852. 252 D. L. MacLaurin. October
being about thirty children and youths of both sexes, respectively, at each
of those places.
It was therefore resolved, that the sum of £500 be appropriated for the
erection of a school-house at Victoria, to contain a dwelling for the teacher,
and school-rooms, and several bedrooms and that provision should be made
hereafter for the erection of a house at Maple Point.
Two days later the Council considered the matter further,
" fixed upon a site near Minies Plain " for the school in Victoria,
and decided " that the size of the building should be 40 feet long
by 40 feet broad."    The Minutes continue:—
A Commission of two persons, The Honble. John Tod, Senior Member of
the Council, Robert Barr, Schoolmaster—were then appointed to carry this
measure into effect, and to report from time to time their proceedings to the
Governor and Council.
It may be explained that the site chosen was on the School
Reserve, the present location of the Boys' Central School, Victoria, but then about one mile distant from Fort Victoria. Maple
Point was the name then given to the location where the old
Craigflower School now stands. Craigflower was the name of
the Puget Sound Agricultural Company's farm just across Portage Inlet from Maple Point. Robert Barr, as will appear later,
had come out from Great Britain specially to be schoolmaster at
Craigflower, but Douglas decided to make use of his services
at Victoria instead. The reason for this appears in a letter
from Douglas to Archibald Barclay, written early in September,
1853, after Douglas had visited the new town of Nanaimo and
inspected the coal-mining developments which were taking place
there:—
While at Nanaimo I had much conversation with the Miners, and other
married servants of the Company, on the subject of opening an elementary
school, for their children, who have been much neglected, and are growing
up in ignorance of their duties as Christians and as men.
Seeing that they all expressed an ardent wish to have the means of educating their children, I transferred Mr. Baillie, who has for some time been
employed as Teacher of the Victoria Day School, but who is not now required
here, to the Establishment of Nanaimo where he has since opened school.
His emoluments are the same as formerly, say £40 a year with board
from the Company, and one pound sterling per annum, for each child under
his tuition to be paid by the Parents, who are also to provide books and stationery at their own expense.13
(13)  Douglas to Barclay, September 3, 1853. 1938 Education before the Gold Rush. 253
According to Captain Grant, whose remarks would apply to
the early part of 1854, " about 24 children " attended this school,
and he described Nanaimo at that time as being " a flourishing
little settlement, with about 125 inhabitants, of whom 37 are
working men, the remainder women and children    .    .    ,"14
In May, 1853, Douglas informed Barclay that the school for
Mr. Barr was under construction, and that it was expected to be
ready for occupation about the end of the summer.15 In October
he described the settlement the school would serve as follows:—
The Town of Victoria contains 87 dwellings and Store Houses and many
other buildings are in progress. A public school house has been erected this
season, and we are now building a Church capable of containing a congregation of 300 persons.18
Ten days later he gave Barclay some particulars of the school
itself:—
The disbursements on account of the Victoria District School came to
£469.11.2, and the internal arrangements are not yet completed, though sufficiently advanced to be habitable, and Mr. Barr now resides on the Premises,
and has 33 Pupils, who are making satisfactory progress.17
It was not until nine months later that the last accounts due
for the construction of the building were settled, as is shown
by the Minutes of the Council of Vancouver Island for July 12,
1854 :—
The Governor laid before the Council an account received from Mr.
Robert Barr, Master of the Colonial School, amounting to £36.5.11, being the
sum expended by him in completing the school-house, papering the bedrooms,
enclosing and bringing into cultivation a small kitchen garden, and various
other fixtures and improvements, as stated in said account. That account
ordered to be paid and charged to Vancouver's Island Trust Fund.
The trust fund referred to consisted originally of £2,000, and had
been established by the Hudson's Bay Company to furnish the
funds required for such " colonial purposes " as roads and school-
houses. It amounted, in actual fact, to a loan to the Colony, and
the Company expected to be repaid out of the proceeds of the sale
of colonial lands.
The story of the founding of the famous old Craigflower
School is told in a letter written in 1903 by Thomas Russell to
(14) Grant, op. cit., p. 279.
(15) Douglas to Barclay, May 27, 1853.
(16) Douglas to Barclay, October 10, 1853.
(17) Douglas to Barclay, October 21, 1853. 254 D. L. MacLaurin. October
Dr. S. D. Pope, a former Superintendent of Education in British
Columbia. As this letter indicates, Mr. Russell was the brother-
in-law of Kenneth McKenzie, who was in charge of the Puget
Sound Agricultural Company's farm at Craigflower; and it may
be well to add that the Puget Sound Company, though nominally
a separate corporation, was for all practical purposes a subsidiary of the Hudson's Bay Company. Referring to the school,
Mr. Russell says:—
It is only fair to the memory of my brother-in-law, the late Kenneth McKenzie, to state that when leaving Scotland for Vancouver Island in charge
of a number of families, young men and women, he was not unmindful of
the great responsibility and trust placed in his hands, namely the education
of not only the bairns that were going with him, who had gathered hips and
haws on Scotland's bonny braes, but the other bairnies that might be expected after our arrival, hence he made it a condition that a school-master
should be engaged at the expense of the company before leaving;
Mr. [Robert] Barr was engaged to fill the position, himself and his wife
arriving with us in the ship Norman Morrison, on the 16th January 1853.
At the time of our arrival at Fort Victoria the late Sir James Douglas was
Governor of the Colony, and head of the Hudson's Bay Company, and having
full control over all matters and no school-master being at the Fort, Mr.
Douglas retained Mr. Barr for that section—hence we had to locate at
Craigflower without a teacher. An afternoon class was established for the
benefit of the children who had been at school before leaving, until a master
could arrive   .    .    .
In the fall of 1854 the ship Princess Royal arrived bringing with her our
much-wished-for schoolmaster, Mr. Charles Clarke and wife. Shortly after
their arrival the school was opened with due form and ceremony, the enrollment consisting of eight boys and six girls from our own little party.18
It will be recalled that Robert Barr was kept at Victoria not
because there was no teacher there, but because Douglas wished
to send Charles Bailey to Nanaimo, and that the Council of Vancouver Island decided that a school should be opened at Craigflower (Maple Point) as early as March, 1853. Nothing further
seems to have been done for more than a year, but in July, 1854,
this paragraph is found in a letter from Douglas to Archibald
Barclay:—
The Governor and Committee's instructions in reference to Mr. Clarke
the Schoolmaster expected by the Princess Royal shall be duly attended to
(18) Thomas Russell to S. D. Pope, dated Victoria, June 24, 1903. This
letter was written to be read at what was supposed to be the fiftieth anniversary of the opening of the Craigflower School. 1938 Education before the Gold Rush. 255
and I will desire Mr. McKenzie to make immediate arrangements for his
reception.19
In December, Douglas reported that:—
The school house for Mr.  Clarke not being yet quite ready for his
reception, will be opened in the course of another month.20
Some unforeseen delay must have occurred, however, as it was
not until March, 1855, that the Craigflower School was actually
completed and opened.
These excerpts from the letters and despatches of James
Douglas, from the Minutes of the Council of Vancouver Island,
and from Thomas Russell's letter, enable us to conclude with
certainty the order of establishment of the first colonial schools
on Vancouver Island. Craigflower was not the first, as is often
supposed. The first colonial common school was opened in Victoria early in 1852, with Charles Bailey as master. The first
colonial school-house was built in Victoria and occupied prior to
October 21,1853, with Robert Barr as master. Prior to September 3, 1853, a school was opened at Nanaimo, although no school-
house was built there. Mr. Bailey was transferred from Victoria
to open this school at Nanaimo. There were afternoon classes
for children at Craigflower during 1853, but the Craigflower
school-house was not completed and opened until March, 1855.
To Craigflower alone, however, belongs the honour of having
preserved its original school-house. This building can justly
claim to be the oldest school building still existing in British
Columbia, but not the first school-house. Craigflower was the
third colonial school established and the second to build a school-
house.
According to a census of Vancouver Island completed by
Douglas in August of 1855, the three District Schools at Victoria,
Craigflower, and Nanaimo then had a total of eighty-one pupils
regularly in attendance.21
The death of the Rev. Robert Staines left the Hudson's Bay
Fort at Victoria without a chaplain, and in due course Andrew
Colville, Governor of the Company, issued a memorandum dated
August 12, 1854, which in effect advertised for a successor.
(19) Douglas to Barclay, July 13, 1854.
(20) Douglas to Barclay, December 20, 1854.
(21) Douglas to Lord John Russell, August 21, 1855. 256 D. L. MacLaurin. October
After setting forth the clerical duties involved and the remuneration proposed, this memorandum dealt with the school question
in the following terms:—
The Company think it very desirable that the Clergyman should as is
done at Red River by the Bishop of Rupert's Land take charge of a Boarding School of a superior class for the children of their officers and would
wish that he should take out with him a gentleman and his wife capable
of keeping a school of this nature. The Fur Trade Branch would find a
school house and residence for the master and his family & will vote an
annual grant of £100 in aid of the School. Should they give satisfaction
to the gentlemen in the country they might expect from thirty to forty
pupils & the usual payment for each pupil has been £20 per annum for
Board, Lodging and Education.
A free passage will be allowed from London to Vancouver's Island to
the Clergyman, his family & servants and also to the schoolmaster & his
family.22
The terms and conditions set forth in the memorandum were
formally accepted on September 13, 1854, by the Rev. Edward
Cridge, who arrived in Victoria on April 1, 1855. No schoolmaster accompanied him, but Mrs. Cridge opened a private
school similar to the one formerly conducted by Mrs. Staines.
To Mrs. Cridge belongs the honour of opening the first Sunday-
school in the Colony. The Rev. (later Bishop) Cridge was also
deeply interested in education and soon began to play a most
important part in its progress. The following minute of the
Council of Vancouver Island, dated February 27, 1856, records
the appointment of Mr. Cridge to what may justly be termed the
position of first inspector of colonial schools:—
The Governor then called the attention of the Council to the subject of
the Publick Schools, and recommended that the Revd. Edward Cridge,
District Minister of Victoria, should be appointed a Member of the Committee for inquiring into and reporting upon the state of the Publick
Schools, It was then Resolved, That the Revd. Edward Cridge be, according
to the Governor's recommendation, appointed a Member of the said Committee, and be requested to hold quarterly examinations and to report on
the progress and conduct of the pupils, on the system of management, and
on all other matters connected with the District Schools which may appear
deserving of attention.
The names of the other members of the Committee in question
have not come to light, but references in Cridge's first report on
(22) From Cridge's own copy of the Memorandum of Salary Allowances
for a Clergyman for Vancouver's Island, now preserved in the Provincial
Archives. 1938 Education before the Gold Rush. 257
the colonial schools make it clear that other members either had
been or were subsequently appointed to it. This report, submitted to the Governor in November, 1856, throws so much light
upon the condition of the colonial schools at the time that it is
worth printing in full. Readers will note that it deals only with
Victoria and Craigflower and, unfortunately, gives no account
of the school at Nanaimo.
FIRST REPORT ON COLONIAL SCHOOLS.
The Parsonage
Victoria
Novr. 30. 1856/
To His Excellency the Governor
Sir
In conformity with the instructions of the Council of the Colony, I
submit a report of the Colonial Schools. With your Excellency's concurrence I have so far departed from those instructions as to hold half-yearly
instead of quarterly examinations, believing that more frequent periods
would tend to unsettle the schools, & render it less easy to mark the progress
of the pupils.
/. Report of the Victoria School, Mr. Barr, Master—up to August 1856.
A private examination was held before the Committee in July, when the
children were examined jointly by the Master & myself—13 children present.
Some of the children answered with intelligence, & shewed a fair understanding of their subjects as far as they went. The chief deficiency noticed
was a want of accuracy and grounding in the elementary parts. The
subjects taught are Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, History, a little Geography & Grammar. Owing to domestic circumstances the Master preferred
not having a public Examination this year.
The number of children on the books is 17 all of whom are boys. Their
ages vary from 6 to 15 years, there being 7 boys under ten years of age &
10 of ten years & upwards; 9 are boarders & the remainder day scholars.
Of these latter 3 are of the labouring class. That only 3 boys & no girls
of this class attend the Colonial School at Victoria is a remarkable, &, I
think, rather a painful fact. As to what may be the real causes of this
deficiency I do not feel myself able to speak with confidence. There is
evidently a feeling unfavourable to the school existing among some of the
people chiefly on the alleged grounds of the irregularity of the Master's
attendance. With regard to this Complaint I will only state the fact that
during the three months immediately preceding the examination mentioned
above there were given one whole & five half days holidays; & of these I
believe that a part were given on account of the necessary absence of the
Master on other duties. 258 D. L. MacLaurin. October
In answer to the question as to what children had been removed from
the school during the last 12 months & on what grounds, the Master writes,
" Many children have left during the last 12 months but as to what schools
they have gone to, or for what reasons they left I have not been made
acquainted." Some girls formerly at this school have been placed at a
girls' school, but none of the labouring class. Two boys have been removed
& placed at the Roman Catholic School lately established at Victoria;
partly on the ground of distance, & partly for the reason I have already
specified.
With regard to the Conduct of the children I have heard no complaint.
I have been always pleased with their Conduct and attention whenever I
have visited the school.
I wish I could speak in terms equally favourable of their attendance.
This is exceedingly defective & irregular. During the 3 months preceding
the examination, there were absent of the day scholars 1 above 60 days, 4
above 30 days, 2 above 20 days, & 1 above 15 days. This fact alone will
account for much deficiency, as it is impossible that children should make
due progress in their learning who are frequently absent from school.
In answer to a question relating to the organization of the school, the
Master replies, " In consequence of the different ages & abilities of the
children I am unable to classify them." They are therefore taught in
detail or grouped miscellaneously. It is perhaps owing to this method that
the younger children do not make that progress which could be desired.
This school is not well supplied with books—& other requisites—a serious
defect. I would suggest that an adequate supply should be ordered from
England or San Francisco at the earliest opportunity. The books published
by the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland are very suitable to
a school of this description & are very cheap.
The subject of a new Master in place of Mr. Barr who has resigned is
one on which I have heard a good deal of interest expressed, and one which
I would respectfully urge on the attention of the Council. The filling up a
vacancy in such an office is not easy in a distant colony; & if, as I understand from His Excellency, the appointment has not yet been made, I would
venture to suggest whether it might not be desirable, in case of a person of
this colony being chosen, that he should be taken on trial before the appointment is permanently conferred.
It may not be irrelevant to this report if I name a request which the
Master has desired me to make, that the furniture & fixtures, or a portion
of them, might be bought at a valuation for his successor, as many of them
were provided specifically for the school & school house. Should the Council
think proper to grant this request, I do not doubt but the Committee would
undertake to arrange this matter with Mr. Barr.
//. Report of the Craig Flower School Mr. Clark, Master,—
up to August 1856.
A private examination of this school before the Committee (of whom
only myself was present) was held on two successive days in July.    A public 1938 Education before the Gold Rush. 259
examination was held at the end of the same month before the Governor
and a considerable number of the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. The
examination was conducted by the Master, & its results with regard to the
standing of the children corresponded with those to which I had arrived in
the private examination. The subjects taught are those mentioned in my
report of the Victoria School; & in addition to these one boy has begun
the elements of Euclid & Algebra. The children are fairly grounded in the
elementary parts, the Master bestowing a good deal of pains on this point,
& the Examination on the whole seemed to give satisfaction to those who
were present. A considerable improvement was remarked by those who had
attended the examination of the preceding year. Prizes were bestowed on
three children in each class except the lowest, & one on a little girl who
had only been 8 days absent in 18 months. The examination in Scripture
was inadvertently omitted till too late on the day of the public examination,
but I had examined the School previously in this subject, in which I did
not find that the children had made the same improvement as in some
others.
The number of children on the books is 21 of ages varying from 4 to 16
years, there being 12 under ten years of age & 9 of ten years and upward.
There are 11 girls & 10 boys; 3 are boarders. Of the day scholars 11 are
of the labouring class (5 girls & 6 boys). Of the whole school 14 are from
Craig Flower, 3 from Victoria, 1 from Colwood, 2 from Burnside & 1 from
View Field.
The school is divided into 4 classes and the system is that which is
usually followed in the National Schools in England. The conduct & attention of the children have been always pleasing when I have visited the
school, & I believe this is generally the case.
The attendance though not so good as it might be is fair. In three
months preceding the examination there were absent 1 child about 30 days,
1 about 20, 1 about 15 & the rest not exceeding 10 days.
In answer to the enquiry as to how many children had been removed
during the past year, the master informs me that one boy, a Canadian was
removed to the new Roman Catholic School at Victoria, one girl had finished
school & two were removed to the girls' school at Victoria.
The school is at present sufficiently provided with books & maps; & on
the whole I think that it is fairly suited to the class of children chiefly found
in its immediate vicinity. Its position also seems central to the population
as at present distributed.
In framing this report I have thought it better to avoid any lengthened
comment & to Confine myself chiefly to facts; & I would remark that whatever prejudice may exist against either of the schools it is the common lot
of schools; & in forming my judgment I have endeavoured to keep myself
clear of any influence of this kind. I have also endeavoured to the best
of my power to give such information as should enable the Council to judge
of the state of the schools; & I shall hope to have the pleasure of presenting
another report after Christmas relating to the half year shortly about to
expire. 260 D. L. MacLaurin. October
In conclusion, I would take this opportunity of stating to the Council
what I conceive to be a great want in this Colony, & that is a girls' school
for the labouring class. It seems greatly to be lamented that those who are
likely hereafter to perform so important a part in the community in the
capacity of wives & mothers, should be suffered to grow up without
Education.
I shall be happy to receive instructions from the Council with regard to
any wishes they may entertain in relation to the schools.
Meanwhile I beg to remain
Your Excellency's obedient Servant
Edward Cridge,
Colonial Chaplain.23
A number of points in this report are worthy of note. The
Scriptures were taught in the Schools. The repeated references
to " the labouring class" seem to suggest a rather deeply
ingrained class-distinction attitude in the mind of the writer of
the report. The reference to a " new Roman Catholic school "
indicates that a successor to the pioneer Catholic school opened
by Father Lamfrit had recently been established. It is surprising to find that the District School at Victoria was attended by
boys only; and though there was a "girls' school at Victoria,"
attendance there must have been either expensive or restricted
in some way, since Cridge concludes by stressing the need for " a
girls' school for the labouring class."
As noted in Cridge's report, Robert Barr resigned as master
of the Victoria District School in November, 1856. His lot does
not seem to have been a happy one, financially as well as in other
ways, and a dispatch from Douglas to the Secretary of State,
written in 1854, records the fact " that the sum of £50 sterling
was granted for the relief of Mr. Barr the Teacher, whose salary
of £60 a year is insufficient for his support."24 He was succeeded
by a Mr. Kennedy, who held the post until March, 1859, when he
in turn was succeeded by W. H. Burr. In January, 1857, another
staff change occurred when Charles Bailey resigned as master of
the Nanaimo District School. His successor was Cornelius
Bryant, who was furnished with the following interesting letter
(23) From the original manuscript report, preserved in the Provincial
Archives.
(24) Douglas to Newcastle, August 17, 1854. 1938 EDUCATION BEFORE THE GOLD RUSH. 261
of introduction by Governor Douglas when he left Victoria to
assume his new duties:—25
Victoria, V.I.,
Captain Stuart. 30th Jany. 1857.
Dear Sir:
I beg to introduce to you Mr. Cornelius Bryant who after undergoing
an examination before the Revd. Mr. Cridge, and being by him pronounced
duly qualified, has been appointed Teacher of the Nanaimo School, on the
following terms; that is to say, he is to have a fixed salary of £40 per
annum, and an allowance of % a day for ration money; to levy a fee of £
sterling per annum to be paid by the parents, on every child who attends the
school for the purpose of being educated. He is also to have the House
occupied by the late Teacher, for his residence, and the school room will of
course also be placed under his charge. You will install him without delay,
and his salary and other emoluments, will commence from the day of his
entering upon the office & not before.
I have requested Mr. Bryant to open a Sunday School for the children,
which he has cheerfully agreed to do, and also to read the church service to
the people at large.
I trust you will give him every encouragement and support in effecting
that laudable and highly necessary object, which will prove an advantage to
all and be a means with God's blessing, of maintaining order and decency
among the Company's Servants.
You will give Mr. Bryant such instructions in respect to the opening and
management of the school, and the distribution of Books, Slates &c, as you
may consider requisite and necessary. I have appraised him that such
instructions would emanate from you, and he is therefore prepared to obey
them.
I remain Sir,
Your obdt. Servt.
-   James Douglas.
How these meagre salaries were to be supplemented is shown
in the following notice, issued by the House of Assembly of
Vancouver Island in 1857:—
NOTICE.
Whereas it appeareth from a report of a Committee of the House of
Assembly appointed to enquiry into the state of the Public Schools of this
Colony, and some misapprehension exists with respect to the District School
Fees as authorized by the Governor and Council:
It is therefore desirable to make known to all whom it may concern that
the Teachers of the District Schools of Vancouver's Island are, in addition
(25) From Douglas's letter-book copy, in the Provincial Archives. 262 D. L. MacLaurin. October
to their annual salary and board allowance from the Colonial Trust Fund,
authorized to receive pupils in the manner following, and to charge according to the Scale of Fees hereinafter set forth for each pupil; that is to say,
children placed under the care of the District Teachers for tuition shall be
boarded at the following rates:
1st. Children of Colonists residents of Vancou-1
ver's Island and of servants of Hudson's i-18 guineas per annum.
Bay Company. j
2nd. The children of non-residents, not beingjAny sum that may be
servants of Hudson's Bay Company. jagreed with the parties.
Day scholars attending the District Schools shall pay at the following
rates for tuition, viz.: Five shillings per quarter of (or) twenty shillings
per annum for the following instruction, viz.: Reading, English grammar,
writing, geography, arithmetic, and industrial training.
When a higher series of education is given, such as Latin or other
languages and the higher branches of arithmetic and mathematics, they
shall pay an increased rate of school fees to be arranged between the
Governor for the time being and the Schoolmaster.
In all cases the pupils are to find books and stationery at their own
expense, the same not being provided by the Colony.
Richard Golledge,
Secretary.
Victoria, Vancouver's Isld.,
December 15th, 1857.
By His Excellency's command.
It will be interesting at this point to add Cornelius Bryant's
own account of how he came to secure the appointment of schoolmaster at Nanaimo, as it is given in his diary. He had travelled
from England in the Princess Royal, which left London in
August, 1856, and arrived at Victoria on January 17, 1857. The
entries in the diary for Thursday and Friday, January 29 and 30,
1857, read as follows:—
Had my first interview with His Excellency Jas. Douglas Govr. of the
Island, who informed me that my Uncle at Nanaimo [George Robinson]
had applied to him (for me) for me to have the appointment of Schoolmaster there which was then vacant. He said that if congenial to my
wishes, I could have the appointment, after having been examined as to my
qualifications by Mr. Cridge the Chaplain, to whom he sent me with a note
of introduction. I saw Mr. Cridge that night, and again the next day,
Friday, after which I returned to His Excellency who receiving from Mr.
Cridge by me a letter as to my abilities, &c, then congratulated me on my
success and on the favourable opinion Mr. C. entertained of me in his note.
He accordingly gave me the appointment of Schoolmaster at Nanaimo.
His Excy. was very courteous and kind, enquiring as to the welfare of me 1938 Education before the Gold Rush. 263
and my relatives during the voyage we had just ended, besides other marks
of attention which he paid us.28
The next day Bryant left for Nanaimo in the Recovery, and on
Thursday, February 12, as his diary records, he " Commenced
School at Colville Town Nanaimo."   Two later entries show that
on May 11 Cridge " paid the school a visit and privately examined
the scholars," and that the next day " The Governor & suite
heard the children examined at School."    Bryant served as
schoolmaster at Nanaimo from 1857, when he succeeded Charles
Bailey, until July, 1870.    For nearly seven of the thirteen years
he held the office of postmaster as well.
The third of the teaching pioneers, Charles Clarke, remained
at Craigflower until May, 1859, when he was succeeded by Henry
Claypole.
These notes and documents complete the sum total of our
knowledge of the colonial schools in what is now British Columbia
before the gold-rush. Though it is clear that Cridge continued
to examine one or more of the schools year by year, no second
report from his pen has survived which is earlier in date than
January, 1860—by which time the influx of gold-seekers had
transformed the colonial scene.
D. L. MacLaurin.
Department op Education.
Victoria, B.C.
(26)  Quoted from the original diary by courtesy of Bryant's son, Mr.
Thomas Bryant, of Ladysmith, B.C.  THE JOURNAL OF JACINTO CAAMANO.
Translated by
Captain Harold Grenfell, R.N.
Edited with an Introduction and Notes
BY
Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.
PART II.
[July, 1792—Continued.]
Exploration of the coast between Puerto de Florida Blanca and
Fondeadero San Roque; with some remarks
about the inhabitants.
At daylight on July 23, the frigate was six miles off Cape
Munoz. Continuing our investigations, we next found ourselves
in the large bay, as capacious as that of Bucarely, forming the
approach to Puerto de Cordova y Cordova.33 As, however, it
would have taken at least two or three weeks to carry out a detailed survey of that; about as much, indeed, as was left to us of
the season favourable for the execution of other more important
parts of my orders; I decided to do no more than make a sketch
survey and plan of a harbour that we had in sight, and then
immediately continue following up my general instructions, taking advantage of the fine weather that we were now so fortunately experiencing.
At 5 o'clock, when off its mouth, a shift of wind put me so
far to leeward, that it would have taken several hours to enter.
At the same time we sighted an American brig34 lying at the
anchorage within.    I, therefore, decided to send in the pinnace,
(33) This name was given by Caamano in honour of Luis de Cordova y
Cordova. Vancouver adopted it. It is the large bay between Long Island
and Prince of Wales Island. The east point of the bay was named " Nunez,"
also by Caamano. This was adopted by Vancouver but erroneously placed
farther east.    It may be the point now known as March Point.—H. R. W.
(34) Judge Howay identifies this vessel as the Hancock, a brig from
Boston, which had returned from China on July 3, 1792.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. II., No. 4.
265 266 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
manned and armed, in charge of the pilot, with orders to make a
sketch survey of it as soon as possible; and meanwhile lay-to in.
order to wait for his return. At 1 p.m., having carried out his
orders, he came alongside, whereupon, we immediately filled,
made all sail, and stood over for Punta de Nunez, from whence
we continued to follow the coast at the same distance as before..
From the plan, made by the pilot, Don Juan Pantoja, it appears
that this harbour to which I gave the name of Nuestra Senora
de Los Dolores,35 lies in Lat. 54° 47', and Long. 29° 13' W. of
San Bias.36 It is roomy, contains deep water, and is well sheltered from all winds except those between S.E. and N.E. It
offers, moreover, good facilities for wooding and watering. It.
is uninhabited, but the Indians dwelling round Cordova and its
various inlets (which I imagine to be pretty numerous), frequent
the place whenever vessels happen to be lying there. I can say
nothing about its natural products, but as the land has much the.
same appearance as that around Bucarely, I take it that they are:
of similar kind.
By 6 o'clock that evening, the frigate was abreast of Punta
De Chacon, from which position we could see the broad entrance,
of the Canal de Nuestra Senora Del Carmen opening between.
Punta de Evia and Cabo Caamano.37
We stood in, to observe it more closely. The wind, however,,
died away to a calm, and a strong ebb tide was running; so that
we were no more than nine miles nearer by night fall.
Neither from this position, nor from the earlier one, could,
any land be made out towards the bottom of this great opening.38
(35) This port was at the entrance of what is now known as Kaigani
Strait, between Long and Dall Islands. It was one of the chief ports of call,
during the height of the maritime fur-trade.—H. R. W.
(36) The longitude is again 2° in error, as customary with his longi-.
tudes.    The same figures are shown on the plan of the bay.—H. R. W.
(37) The " Canal de Nuestra Senora del Carmen " is Clarence Strait*
and Punta de Chacon is still the name of the south-east end of Prince of
Wales Island. It was named either in honour of Antonio Chacon or Jose.
Maria Chacon by Caamano. " Punta Evia " cannot be identified, but it was.
some point on the east side of Prince of Wales Island. It was nearly oppo-.
site the south end of Cleveland Peninsula, which Vancouver thought was
" Punta de Caamano," as in all probability it was. July 23 was the octave*
day of Nuestra Senora del Carmen.—H. R. W.
(38) Clarence Strait.—H. R. W. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 267
Indeed, nothing was to be seen but an expanse of water, although
it was clear weather, and a good glass was in use from the mast
head. At 10:30 p.m., when it fell dark, we hauled off for a couple
of hours on a S.S.W. course, and then tacked, so as to maintain
our position until daylight, and avoid as far as possible becoming
embayed in this opening.
The morning of the 24th broke with a cloudless sky and clear
horizon. The wind, which was a light breeze at S.W. veered at
6 o'clock to N.W. As this was now a head wind for making the
Carmen Channel, I ordered the helm a weather, and ran the ship
off before it, feeling convinced that this opening must be the main
one of all the inlets between Bucarely and Nootka Sound. At
5 in the evening, when four miles from Punta del Peligro39
(which is extremely foul), the wind suddenly backed to south,
and we were at once enveloped in thick fog. Very soon after, it
fell calm, and as we were being rapidly set by the tide towards
this point, the lead was hove, and bottom found in fifty-five
fathoms. At 6:30 the wind sprung up fresh at S.E.; but, within
half an hour, veered suddenly to S.W. It then freshened to such
an extent as to force us hurriedly to shorten sail, and take in all
canvas, instead of running her off (as the force of the wind and
crankness of the frigate, made desirable), because I was neither
sure of the ship's position nor had any means of fixing it, as the
fog prevented us seeing anything at more than one half a cable's
distance. This squall lasted some twenty minutes being followed
by light S.E.y airs accompanied with rain. At 8 o'clock, it again
fell to a calm; when, taking into consideration that we were
within three miles of the land, I anchored the frigate in forty-
five fathoms, on a bottom of fine sand, and lay in this situation
throughout the night, during which we experienced continuous
rain, and noticed that the tidal stream ran with much strength
in variable directions.
At 3:30 a.m., of the 25th, a breeze sprung up at S.E. We
weighed at once, and made sail, steering a S.S.W. course, so as
to run along the northern coast of Isla de la Reyna Carlota and
observe it from the point already in sight up to Puerto Florida
(39) Captain Grenfell thinks this was probably the southern point of
Dundas Island, or the northern point of Stephens Island. The location is
very uncertain.—H. R. W. 268 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
Blanca; it being a matter of importance to acquire information
about this part of the coast, and, owing to head winds and fog
over the land, we had so far been unable to do so, and were
entirely ignorant of it.
We sighted Punta Invisible40 at 7 o'clock, and were fortunate in making it no earlier, else we might have run on to it, as
it is very low land, and extends far to seaward.
During the whole of this day, we followed the shore at a distance of three miles, or less, and thus were able to locate Puerto
de Estrada and Puerto de Mazarredo.41 When six miles from
Punta de Pantoja42 at 9 in the forenoon, the wind fell to a calm
and I thought of anchoring; but, finding soundings in forty fathoms, gave up the idea. In the course of the afternoon, several
canoes approached the ship. Their occupants begged us to enter
the harbours just mentioned; assuring us that they were very
good ones, that there was great store of skins for barter, and that
they would provide us with much prettier women than those
brought by Cania. Puerto de Estrada had the appearance of
being a safe and roomy harbour.43 While we were lying-to off
it, a Portuguese sloop44 came out, passing us quite close. She
was hardly larger than our pinnace, and carried seven hands, but
I was unable to speak with them.
At 7 o'clock in the morning of the 26th, the breeze sprang up
at N.W.; whereupon we made sail, put up the helm, and ran back
in the direction from whence we were come. By 8 o'clock the
same evening the frigate was in mid-channel, abreast of the
Canal de Nuestra Senora del Carmen. Here we observed that
the current ran with considerable force, but were unable to deter-
(40) Rose Point.—H. R. W.
(41) Masset Harbour and Virago Sound, on the north side of Graham
Island. They were named in honour of Nicolas Estrada and Jose de Mazarredo.—H. R. W.
(42) Named in honour of Caamaiio's chief pilot. Probably Wiah Point.
—W. A. N.
(43) These two harbours were noted places for the fur-traders. Masset
Harbour was known to the American fur-traders as " Hancock's River."
—H. R. W.
(44) The Florinda, of Macao, which had arrived on July 13. Further
research may show that this was the vessel built by the mutineers of the
Bounty at Tahiti, and sold at Batavia in 1791.    (Note by F. W. Howay.) 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 269
mine its rate as the ship was making more than five knots at the
time, and we were aware of it only by the ripplings and over-falls
that it caused. These showed that it set to the south-eastward,
the continuation of the channel turning markedly in that direction. Daybreak of the 27th found us nearly in the same position
as our anchorage on the 25th. As, however, there was much fog
over the land, and the breeze was light from S.W., we continued
to stand off and on, although slightly increasing our distance
from the land, while waiting for the weather to improve. The
next day, also, was spent under similar conditions; with light
airs from the second and third quarters.
At times it cleared over the land; when, owing to our closeness to it, we could make out very distinctly the vast number of
islands, islets, and rocks that go to form the Archipd_lago de
las 11,000 Vergenes,45 circumstances that made me all the more
regret the unfavourable state of the weather. During the 29th,
we continued along shore, at our usual distance from it running
before a N.W.ly, wind with fine weather. These conditions, as
our course laid down on the chart shows, enabled us to see the
smallest rocks, and to fix their positions. By the afternoon, the
Canal del Principe (the channel between the Isla de Calamidad
and Enriquez),46 was in sight. This passage, according to the
account of the Englishman, Captain Colnet, leads into the Es-
trecho de Fonte, one of the chief objects of our expedition.
Its appearance clearly showed that it would be a hazardous
undertaking for both the frigate and her people to engage her
within this channel. At the same time, however, the reflection
that it was my sovereign's wish that no risk should stand in the
way of its exploration and survey, effectually removed any idea
from my mind that obedience to orders deserving so great respect
(45) Porcher Island and the many neighbouring islands and islets lying
between Brown Passage and Browning Entrance.—H. R. W.
(46) Banks Island and Pitt Island. " Calamidad " was obviously a Colnett name, while the " Enriquez," which in reality comprised McCauley
Island as well as Pitt Island, must have been named by Caamano in honour
of Juan Antonio Enriquez, a famous naval official. The channel still bears
the same name, having been adopted by Vancouver. It was probably named
by Caamano after the Principe de Asturias, but as it also appears on Colnett's map, in the Museo Naval, as " Principe Real" it is possible that it
was named by Colnett " Prince Royal Channel."—H. R. W. 270 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
could be in any degree qualified. I resolved, therefore, at least
to furnish indubitable proofs of my loyalty and constancy, even
though ill fortune might prevent the execution of my orders in
conformity with my own desires.
At 9 o'clock that evening, we were six miles off the entrance
to the Principe channel. We then hauled to the wind and stood
off on a W.S.W. course until midnight, when we tacked to the
northward in order to be again off the entrance by daylight. The
wind, however, suddenly fell, and a thick fog set in, which decided
me to continue making a succession of short boards, so as to
maintain the frigate's position. At 9:30 a.m. of the 30th, the
weather cleared, and a breeze sprang up at N.W., which enabled
us to run for the mouth of the channel, so that we entered it by
1 o'clock of the afternoon.
Whether any merit be due to these proceedings, or to my
action in having held a course along an iron bound coast such as
this is, without possessing either local knowledge or information
(since Colnet's accounts refer only to the waters southward of
this channel), in a vessel of the qualities of my ship, at so advanced a season of the year, I leave to the judgment of experts;
and whatever shall be their opinion, my own will freely conform
to it. We continued running through the channel during the
afternoon and evening. It is so narrow in places that the farther
shore was often less than a mile from us; but in spite of this
proximity to the land, we could get no bottom, although frequently sounding. By 10 p.m. the frigate was abreast of Seno
de Gorostiza,47 and at midnight little more than a mile from
Punta del Engano;48 when, the wind having fallen to a calm,
I became anxious to find an anchorage; both for the security of
the vessel, and to give some rest to her tired and short handed
crew. I therefore sent away the cutter, with orders to search
for a depth of less than seventy fathoms (which was the amount
of water in which we found ourselves at the moment), but she
soon returned reporting that no bottom could be had with fifty
fathoms line at no more than the distance of one cable [200
yards] from the shore. This information decided me to wait for
daylight;  leaving the frigate, meanwhile, to drift with the cur-
(47) Nepean Sound.—H. R. W.
(48) Probably Wolf Point—H. R. W. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 271
rent, which set her some six or seven miles inside the entrance
during the remainder of the night. At 4 o'clock in the morning
of the 31st, the wind sprang up from the N.WA with which we
stood again for Punta del Engano. At 6 o'clock when two miles
distant from it, I sent the pilot, Don Juan Panto j a, in the manned
and armed pinnace to survey a harbour, named Puerto de Bala,49
that lay according to Captain Colnet's description (though he
appears to be an unreliable authority, as well as devoid of humanity) just beyond this point, and hove the frigate to on the port
tack while waiting for my officer's return. The pinnace came
back an hour after noon, when the pilot reported that this harbour had no existence; nor could he find anything in the least
resembling one, after a most thorough search, except a bay whose
entrance was encumbered by innumerable islets, reefs, and
sunken rocks; which, several times, had turned him back; and
left him considerably surprised at seeing a small English sloop50
lying at anchor within. Indeed, he could no wise make out the
passage by which she had entered; nor how she had managed to
get there, unless by poling herself in at the top of high water.
As I have entire confidence in the report of my officer, I have
foreborne to give either Colnet's original (but unfounded) name,
or any other, to this bay; which is wanting in every quality that
is required of a harbour. Also, by making known the real conditions, controversies occasioned by such deceptions may be avoided.
At half past one, we filled and steered for Punta de Mala
Indiada,51 hoping to find some convenient anchorage in its neighbourhood, from whence to carry out our work of surveying the
deceptive Estrecho de Fonte by means of our boats.
(49) This name appears on the Colnett map, now in the Museo Naval,
as on Isla Calamidad.—H. R. W.
Pantoja's description of Puerto de Bala fits very well the south-east end
of Banks Island, which I visited in 1903 when looking for Duncan and Colnett anchorages.—W. A. N.
(50) The Prince Lee Boo, of the Butterworth squadron. Despite Caamaiio's criticism, both the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal entered this
bay, which Colnett describes as being " half a mile to a mile wide, formed
by many small rocks and isles."    (Note by F. W. Howay.)
(51) In all probability Steep Point, or near it.—H. R. W. 272 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
By 4 o'clock that afternoon we had reached the entrance of
the narrow channel, formed between Isla de la Compaiiia,52 and
Isla de Enriquez, and felt confident that we would soon sight the
Estrecho de Fonte, off whose entrance I hoped to anchor. This
channel, however, contrary to the information given by Captain
Colnet, ran on for such a distance that notwithstanding the fresh
breeze, it was 8 o'clock that evening before we brought up in
the Surgdjero de San Roque, also named Surgidero de Mal
FONDO.53
By this time the Indians, continually coming on board, were
much increased in number. This, added to the fact that I noticed
rather an ugly attitude among them (for a native who was
caught by the pilot trying to steal the candles out of the binnacle
threatened the latter with his knife, which they all carry slung
over the shoulder), induced me to warn our people to be on their
guard, and the sentries on the gangways, hatchways, and cabin
door, as well as the rest of the marines, to redouble their
vigilance.
When the incident with the binnacle took place, the chief was
also on board, to whom I immediately related the event in form
of complaint. He called for the aggressor, rated the fellow
soundly, and ordered him out of the ship. Just before the frigate
came to an anchor, this chief had arrived alongside accompanied
by his three wives, in a canoe manned with eight, all very much
in the same style as at Florida Blanca, except that this chief wore
a long blue cloth overcoat reaching to his heels, surmounted by a
cloak of similar material and colour, such as is usually worn by
them. This cloak was trimmed with an edging five or six inches
wide, painted with various figures and grotesque faces, made of
deer skin, as well as with two rows of flounces also made of deer
skin.54 On his head was a large cap fashioned of some black fur.
This was stiffened, so that two ears stood upright for about eight
(52) This name appears on Colnett's chart, and as it is not underscored
by Caamano it was probably taken by him from that chart. It was adopted
by Vancouver, and was later changed to Campania, its present name.—
H. R. W.
(53) Probably the small bay just south of Toowartz Inlet.—H. R. W.
(54) A very rare type of cloak in museums of to-day. The cloth used
was of native manufacture and not secured from traders, as the context
might imply.—W. A. N. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 273
inches at each side. From these, several long golden coloured
threads (or hairs of some animal) hung down his back, and over
his shoulders were two large burnished iron rings, twisted in
rope fashion. All this, together with his affable expression, and
extremely fair complexion, combined to produce a most pleasing
impression.
As he stepped over the frigate's side, he at once asked for the
commanding-officer. As soon as I was pointed out, he came forward and gave me a long and affectionate embrace. Without
evincing any repugnance, I responded in similar manner, being
struck by his handsome appearance. He then informed me that
he was the " Samoquet " of the village; whereupon I presented
him with several trifles and invited him into my cabin after we
had anchored, entertaining him with wine and biscuit. He made
but a short stay and then took leave of me, apparently well
pleased and amicably disposed. On the way ashore in his canoe,
he intoned the customary chant, in which his crew joined in
unison, while keeping time with the strokes of their paddles.
The other Indians on board then followed his example and left
the ship in their canoes.
When these were gone, I made up my mind not in future
to allow them this free access to the ship. This decision was
reached not so much from fear of attack, since none need be
apprehended when they come accompanied by their women and
children, as from a desire to be free of their intrusions and unpleasant smell. Not many are nice in their appearance; all are
exceedingly filthy and, as little trade with Europeans is done in
this hidden, out of the way, spot, they still live in wretched conditions. A few, however, wear coats or pieces of blue cloth, and
even old English uniforms, as the English, and more especially
the Americans, give anything they have, or for which the natives
may beg, in exchange for the skins of the sea otter.
Our not allowing the women on board whom they offered to
us, so greatly surprised them, that the men already on board with
most significant gestures imparted the news to the others who
were continuing to press alongside the vessel. So far as I was
able to gather, these Indians seem to live in much the same manner as those around Bucarely; with this difference, that their
thieving propensity, common to all these peoples, is greater, and 274 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.    October
their habits more mischievous. Both men and women are so
addicted to daubing themselves with paint, that one rarely gets
a sight of their actual face or complexion. By this means they
are so disfigured that one might imagine that they desire to give
themselves a devilish appearance. The women make themselves
even more hideous, as besides the wooden toggle worn by all of
them in the lower lip, they go as naked as those of Florida Blanca.
Both sexes mostly wear their hair cut straight all round the head
a la " Estudiantina,"55 differing by this fashion from all the
other tribes.
[August, 1792.]
At daylight on August 1, the officer of the watch reported to
me that a rock was showing just off the port beam. I at once
ordered a kedge anchor to be laid out from the stern when, using
its hawser as a spring, we sounded all round the frigate, finding
no more dangers but uniform depths of twenty-three fathoms,
the same as the soundings obtained by the cutter the evening
before, when sent in to look for an anchorage.
The rock that was reported, with two others, lying one each
side of it, were almost vertical pinnacles, having depths of twelve
and fifteen fathoms close up to them, and covered more than
twelve feet at high water. Great care, therefore, is required to
locate them, unless when showing at or after half-ebb. The
natives, although repeatedly asked concerning the existence of
such dangers had said not a word about them; neither are they
mentioned by the discoverer of Puerto Bala and author of the
Estrecho de Fonte fable.56
This chain of fatality would have led to the loss of the frigate
should I have held on but another half-fathom when bringing the
ship to anchor the day before. As a matter of fact, she had come
so close to these rocks, that the anchor actually had fallen on one
of them when we let go; but I thought that the fact of the cable
not running out was due to a kink in it, especially as the anchor
—slipping off the crest of the rock, where it could not bite—again
(55) This type of hair cut had only recently become fashionable in 1793,
according to Archibald Menzies. He had visited these waters previously
with Captain Duncan. (See transcript of Menzies' Journal, in Archives of
B.C., July, 1793, p. 659.)—W. A. N.
(56) Colnett is here meant.—H. R. W. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 275
took the cable in normal fashion immediately afterwards. We
had lain in peril all through the night. Fortunately, there was
no wind, so that the ebb-tide kept the ship's head pointed steadily
in one direction; otherwise, she must have swung on to the rock;
and then, with the rapidly falling tide, probably would have been
helplessly over-set.
In order that the unprofessional reader may the better understand the nature of the hazard to which we had been exposed, I
must explain that we came to anchor just at the moment of high,
water, on a spring tide with a rise of seventeen feet, eight inches;
also, that the frigate's draught of water forward was eighteen,
inches less than at the stern, and, at the instant of anchoring,
there could not have been less than fourteen feet of water on
the rock.
We weighed the bower anchor, warped the vessel with the
kedge, let go again the bower, and then lay moored with it and
the kedge.
I now decided to take formal possession of this harbour, and
therefore ordered a large wooden cross made. As, however, it
continued to rain; as, too, I did not wish to risk any unseemly
manifestations on the part of the Indians, the Mass was celebrated on board the frigate. At its conclusion, the marines and
greater part of the seamen were landed with small boats in
charge of the pilot, together with the chaplain, to carry out the
prescribed ceremonial of taking possession, and bury the Act or
official Document, recording the fact.57 This was all finished by
1 o'clock in the afternoon when the rest of the day was spent in.
preparing the pinnace and cutter to be sent away at daylight,
next morning to survey the inlets, in charge of the second pilot,
Don Juan Zayas. The chief of the village, noticing these preparations, came to ask me whither the boats would be going. On.
my telling him that they were to explore and survey the various,
channels, he explained to me by signs that these were innumerable, ran inland a great distance, and were infested by huge,
animals that thrust the whole body out of water, attacked and.
over-set the natives' canoes and devoured their occupants.    I had
(57) The act of possession took place, of course, where the cross is shown,
on the plan of Puerto de Gaston.—H. R. W. 276 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.    October
no doubt of the untruth of this story, in spite of the chief's expressive gestures, and confirmation by all the other Indians.
The surveying party left the ship in the two boats at 4 o'clock
in the morning of August 2. It consisted of twenty-seven men;
well armed, and with provisions for eight days. I gave them
orders not to spend more than four or five days on the outward
journey on account of the lateness of the season, the large amount
of work still remaining to be done, and the fact that a detailed
examination of these arms and entrances could well require several months. Today, and yesterday, a great number of canoes
came alongside the frigate. As, however, I allowed no more than
the chief, with his son and his father, to come on board, the
natives soon went away. All the same, in that short period they
managed to steal the iron mast clamps out of the cutter without
being noticed by any of our people, although many were all the
time about the gangways, and the robbery could not have been
effected without the use of great force, as these clamps are firmly
secured to the thwarts of the boat. On August 3 the chief and
most of the natives left the harbour for the neighbouring inlets,
to carry on, as I suppose, their sea-otter hunting; although I
fancy these animals are there very scarce.68
Nothing worth the mention happened on the 4th. The next
day, however, I had allowed ten of our men to take my galley
(the only boat then remaining on board), for the purpose of landing to wash their clothes, as others had done previously. Half
an hour after noon, it was reported to me that one of these hands
was seen in the water trying to swim to the ship. I at once
ordered a seaman to take a grating and go to his assistance, fearing lest the swimmer should become exhausted. The two men
were soon again on board, when I learnt that our washing party
had been robbed of the clothes (of which there happened to be a
considerable quantity) by natives who had come back to the place
where these were, not only in their canoes, but along the shore
as well. The Indians were numerous and carried weapons. Our
people, alarmed by this, offered no resistance, but thought only to
save their lives by flight. Some fled into the forest, others threw
themselves on to logs in the water, in an endeavour to reach the
(58) Both Captain Vancouver and Archibald Menzies report a "vast
crowd " of sea-otter in Nepean Sound the following year.—W. A. N. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 277
ship as the natives had seized the galley and carried off the two
boat keepers, Juan Salinas, one of the boatswain's mates, and
Manuel Lecanda, a navigating cadet. I was made extremely
angry by this news, and at the same time felt greatly exercised
how best to rescue our men ashore, as well as to save five of them
then in the water, who could be seen being set every minute
further from the frigate, by the tide and freshening breeze.
Several ideas rushed through my mind, but all appeared useless
or likely only to increase the tale of victims, until at last I ordered
a raft to be made from casks; manned it with four hands, furnished with paddles made from pipe staves, and veered it astern
by a long hawser. This raft was already a good cable's length
distant from the ship, when my fears were increased at seeing
two large canoes, each full of Indians, come out from Puerto de
Gaston and make towards the village a course that would take
them close to our people in the raft, whom it would not then be
possible to defend by means of our guns in case of attack by these
Natives, as they and my men would all be mixed together. More
than once I was on the point of hauling in the raft, had it not been
for my anxiety to save one man in the water who then was close to
it (two others had already been picked up). This consideration
restrained me until he also was secured, when I at once gave the
order to run away with the hawser, giving up all hope of rescuing
two others, who each moment were drifting farther astern, but
directed the Chaplain to give them final "Absolution " from the
taffrail.
My feelings in this sad situation may be imagined by any
humane person, at seeing a third canoe carrying a number of
Indians follow the two former ones, and at hearing its occupants
(for their voices carried further than could ours using a good
speaking trumpet) shout to their fellows to approach the frigate
no nearer lest we might capture and hold them as hostages for
the Spaniards already in their power. I could, now, have opened
fire, with certainty of hitting, on both the warning Indians and
the warned. I reflected, however, that this action might serve
only to increase the peril of the couple of unfortunates still in the
water, and of the others in the hands of the natives ashore, and,
therefore, held back our fire. These " Stranger " Indians had no
sooner reached the shore, when a canoe urged by seven or eight 278 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
paddles shot out from it towards us at an almost incredible speed.
A native, standing up in her, made signs that he was going to the
assistance of our two men, now almost exhausted, in the water.
This unlooked for act of humanity somewhat eased my mind,
which then was altogether lightened by seeing the galley making
for us with two of our men in her; the ones that were missing.
She was soon alongside, when the boatswain's mate in her told
me how they had been freed by the old father of the chief (now
absent) to whom I had shown civility, by name Jammisit, and the
people of his village. That the Indians who had captured them,
whose chief was called Gitejon, belonged to a different faction,
and several times had attempted to kill them with clubs and
knives, but had been stopped by the former. Indeed, so obstinately malicious had been those, and so definitely humane these,
that both sides armed themselves with spears, bows, and muskets,
besides putting on their armour of leather jackets,59 breastplates, long boots, etc. The first to do so had been the good old
man, who started beating his war drum, made of some sort of
calabash or hollow wood and containing tiny pebbles, something
like a timbrel at a country fair in Andalusia.60 In the resulting
confusion, nothing was heard or seen but discordant cries, piercing yells, women's weeping, faces distorted by rage and ferocity;
on all sides a lively prospect of certain death. Seeing themselves
about to be attacked, the hostile party gave in; whereupon, our
benefactor led his proteges to his house, decorated their heads
with white feathers, and had various sorts of fruit, including
even some of the forbidden kinds, brought for their refreshment.
Thereafter, escorting them to the beach, he put them safely into
the galley, and placed guards to prevent any attempt by the
enemy faction to hinder their getting away. Just as the boatswain's mate finished his story, which left me not a little astonished at finding evidence of so much good feeling among such a
backward people, the Indian canoe, bringing our two men taken
out of the water, arrived alongside. These they had picked up
almost insensible, but had carefully covered them with-their otter
skin and pine bark cloaks.   I told these Indians to come on board.
(59) Armour of leather jackets;  i.e., hard-tanned moose hide.—W. A. N.
(60) This description fits very well the globular type of Shaman's rattle
found in this area.—W. A. N. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 279
Showing some signs of apprehension, they did so, but I gave them
presents, particularly to the principal man among them, who was
Jammisit's brother, and made him understand that two of our
people were still missing, who I fancied might have remained
near the spot to which they had been sent in the morning. He
replied by signs that he would send for them when delivering the
present that I was now sending to his brother by him. Being,
however, afraid lest our men might again take to the woods or
seek some other refuge, should they see that it was Indians alone
coming after them, I sent the galley back to the shore with four
marines in her (a precaution we had always taken except on this
last occasion) besides seamen.
Noticing this, our friendly natives in their anxiety to do all
they could towards putting matters right, made such exertions
that they handed over the present and then themselves found our
two missing hands sooner than those could do it whom I had sent
expressly for this purpose. When they came back with them, I
expressed my gratitude, especially to Jammisit, who had accompanied them, and who shortly after returned on shore, singing as
he left, and leaving me turning over in my mind the best means
of chastising the ill-doers, but extremely relieved that the trouble
had boiled down to no more than the loss of some hours of quiet,
and a few pieces of clothes.
At daylight on the 6th, our boats were sighted returning from
their surveying expedition with, in their midst, a canoe containing several Indians. Reckoning, should these belong to the
hostile tribe, that they might serve us as hostages for the return
of my people's clothing, while their captivity and punishment
would perhaps act as a deterrent, I sent the galley with four
marines and three seamen in her with orders to the pinnace to
bring these Indians on board at any cost. But the watchful
scouts, who had been posted all night along the shore, guessing
both my intentions and the danger of their fellows, sent out one
of their swiftest canoes to shout a warning. Had it not been for
this, I doubtless would have had my satisfaction; therefore, seeing that this opportunity was lost, I let fly a volley at both canoes,
to which they replied from the islet abreast of the village with a
fire from muskets supplied to them by the English. 280 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
The boat expedition, commanded by Don Juan Zayas, 2nd
master, got back to the ship at 7 a.m. He brought with him the
draft of the survey that he had made, and reported that the N.E.
Arm (the main one) ,6 * up which he had penetrated for a distance
of fifty-four miles, had a breadth varying from one to one and
one half miles, and seemed to run inland for a considerable way;
also, that although very deep water, it, as well as the others, are
all subject to a regular, but extremely sluggish, semi-diurnal
flow and ebb of tide; and, therefore, in his opinion, have small
importance. These reasons, coupled with others that I shall
mention later, led me to deprive this region of its name of Fonte
Strait, and replace it by that of Bocas Y Brazos de Monino. He
also informed me that throughout the whole distance between the
mountains forming these channels, he had seen nothing of particular interest and had met but one fishing canoe.
Jammisit came aboard at 9 o'clock in one of his canoes, accompanied by his brother, a son and seven more lusty Indians, chanting " Peace—Peace." They all used their paddles either seated
or kneeling except the two foremost, who were standing up and
making movements as if wishing to dance. In the stern of the
canoe, the chief was trying to force his shaky, quivering, massive
body to prance and leap, though borne down by the weight of his
more than eighty years, in a manner that did little beside threatening him with a dangerous fall. Around his head, across the
temples, was a strip of black cloth, six inches wide and long
enough to be tied at the back of his skull, ornamented with
coloured enamelled buttons arranged in symmetrical patterns.
Over his shoulders he wore a couple of cloaks; the inner one a
parti-coloured woolen cape, trimmed with nutria fur; the outer,
a bear-skin mantle edged and flounced with broad strips seemingly of deer-hide, cut to finish as fringe, and sewn with small
tassels of white swansdown making a pretty regular pattern.62
From the middle of these hung four very fine leather thongs, each
about four inches long, with an eagle's claw at the end, which
made hardly less noise than a harlequin's suit of bells.    His
(61) Not shown on the chart, but no doubt Douglas Channel.—H. R. W.
(62) The outer cape was apparently similar in weave to specimens that
have been collected in recent years at Bella Coola; the inner cape described
is like a Shaman's apron.—W. A. N. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 281
middle-aged brother, in the bows, was freer in his movements,
rapidly opening and closing his arms, whistling, and scattering
around great handsfull of feathers, as signs of peace and friendship.    His sole clothing was a cloak of sea-otter skins.
When close to the frigate, they slackened their pace, as if
afraid that the trouble arisen earlier in the morning had not yet
blown over, and that their overtures might not be well received.
I, however, realised their well-founded apprehensions, and hailed
them; whereupon, they at once came alongside, astonishing us
by their courage and confidence.
The first to come up the side was he who carried the peace-
offerings of feathers. Before doing anything else he sprinkled
two large bunches of them over my head, and over those of the
officers standing near. He was followed by Jammisit (who presented me with an otter skin) and the rest of the company,
performing the same ceremonies, whom I rewarded, each one in
proportion to the part played by him in protecting our men.
I also bought the old chief's jingling cloak, to keep as a curiosity.
I regaled Jammisit and all his gang with biscuit and wine, of
which they drank much and nauseated us more; after which
they took their leave, singing and gesticulating in the same
manner as they had done when arriving. As a mark of his great
friendship for me, the old man had given me his name, taking
mine in exchange. In consequence, I was called " Jammisit"
ever afterwards by all the Natives, while he was known to them
as " Caamano."63
Reflecting that I now had all my boats back and my whole
ship's company on board, I had chosen the coming night to
attack the Indians as a punishment for their insolence and for
the anxiety they had caused me. Everything was prepared and
ready for execution, when, much against the general will, I
decided to take no steps. I realised that it was hopeless to think
of taking them by surprise, from the precautions that we saw
they were taking; and, even had we been able to do so, we would
not have found them defenceless, as they always sleep with their
great knives slung round them, as I myself had noticed.    To this
(63) See supra, note 23, for the similar exchange of names between
Captain William Douglas and Cuneah; but I have never heard the name
Caamano used by Indians today.—W. A. N. 282 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
consideration was added another, that I knew them to possess
six or eight muskets, so that the loss of some of our men would
be no unlikely event; for I was well aware of our people's habits
on such occasions, and the difficulty of preventing them from
risking themselves during the pursuit, or at the destruction of
the native villages, and from which might ensue accidents that
might be extremely unpleasant to me. One thing, for instance,
that went far to confirm my change of purpose, was the fact
that some entirely innocent Indians as well as many well disposed towards us, would probably lose their lives during the.
fight, since, being a high spirited people, they would all rally as
one man in defence of their homes, and consequently might be
expected to put up a vigorous resistance.
During the 7th, 8th, and 9th, of this month, we carried
on the survey of the anchorage, and of several neighbouring
channels. By this, our enforced stay was not entirely wasted;
as, ever since our arrival, the wind had settled in the S.E. and
South with frequent rain, thick fog, and occasional squalls.
The results of this survey, made with considerable accuracy,
give the position of Surgidero de Roque in Bahia JOSEF at the
entrance to the Monino Bocas as Lat. 53°. 24'. N., and Long.
25°. 40'. West of San Bias.64 They also show that this anchorage is protected from winds all round the compass, by the moderately high hills that surround it, provided a berth be taken
S.EA of the islets lying abreast of the native village; though
caution is necessary when entering, on account of the three rocks
already mentioned above. The bottom here, in twelve fathoms,
is sand and fine gravel; and this is the only berth that I would
recommend to a vessel intending to winter.
There are depths of twenty, twenty-three, and twenty-five
fathoms, over coarse gravel, to the northward of these islets,
but one is exposed here to N.E.ly and S.E.ly winds, while in
places the bottom is foul and likely to chafe a vessel's cable.
The best berth for a short stay, is to the S.E.EA of the islets
that lie S.EA of the village, close to them, in fourteen to sixteen
(64) This longitude does not agree with that given on the attached
copy of the plan by Caamano. The latter, however, seems to be fairly-
correct by modern charts. The cross at the head of the creek which
probably represented Caamaiio's observation spot is in longitude 129° 31' W>
(Note by Captain Grenfell.) 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 283
fathoms, sand and gravel bottom, with good holding ground. A
vessel here, will lie fairly well sheltered from S.E.ly winds, which
are those most to be feared in this neighbourhood. She will
also be conveniently situated for getting under weigh, without
risk of falling into shoal water, even though she closely approach
the dangers that show above water.
There is anchorage, as well, in Brazo de Maldonado65 to the
northward of San Roque Anchorage, where a ship need have no
apprehension of meeting other dangers than those shown on the
plan made by us, and these all uncover at low water.
All the land in this region is extremely barren. The steep
and narrow beaches consist of shingle or rock. The natural
products are the same as those of Bucarely, but there is considerable difficulty in procuring them. Alone, the pine-tree
grows in great profusion.
On August 10, we had completed the plan of a harbour lying
four miles N.E. of San Roque Anchorage, to which I gave the
name of Puerto de Gaston.66 The natives assured me that
here was a passage by which they went to Queen Charlotte's
Island when visiting Cania. They could, no doubt, easily do this
by the inlet running to the N.WA, from it, as it probably leads
into the Archipelago of the 11,000 Virgins, or thereabouts. In
my opinion, Puerto de Gaston possesses all the requisites for a
vessel to winter in, as the anchorage is protected from every
wind that blows by the surrounding hills, and by Isla Miguel67
in its midst. No Indians live here, and the channel is used by
them only when going to trade with their neighbours. The
ground is rather more fertile than around San Roque; the
beaches, also, are wider and have a better surface.
Our friendly intercourse with the Indians, which had been
somewhat interrupted by bad weather, was now continued, as
it had turned fine. At 9 in the morning of the 12th, a canoe with
one man and six women in it came alongside.   The chief boat-
(65) No doubt named for the botanist, Jose Maria Maldonado; the
present Toowartz Inlet.—H. R. W.
(66) In Union Pass, near the entrance to Grenville Channel; possibly
it was on the east side of Hinton Island. The port was named in honour
of Miguel Gaston, the Spanish naval officer.—H. R. W.
(67) Hinton Island; it seems to be the " San Antonio " of the Caamano
plan.—H. R. W. 284 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
swain's mate, directly he saw the man, told me that this was
the one who had been most active of the party by whom our
people had been attacked. Having confirmed this information,
which agreed with other reports already made to me, I had him
brought on board by the three marines, who had already been
put into the canoe to secure her. So soon as the women saw him
made prisoner, although their own liberty was not attempted,
they pushed off and paddled away, screaming vociferously and
making gestures of fervent entreaty. They quickly reached the
village. Already, though from more than a mile away, Jammisit
with five of his family was laying off the frigate; and began
calling to me in humble manner. I answered, assuring him that
he might come aboard without any fear. At once he did so,
without hesitation or consultation of his companions, and came
aft on to the quarter deck, where he found his compatriot
securely lashed to the main bitts. Jammisit begged me not to
kill the man, as he had been one of those who helped to liberate
our people. To this, I replied that I would release him if the
clothing that had been taken were returned. Jammisit then at
once went back to the shore, and came again alongside with a
good part of the stolen clothes, as well as three otter skins for
a present to myself. I handed these latter over to those whose
garments were still missing, and then set the culprit free, at
the same time telling those who had pleaded for him that for
their sake I would also let him off the flogging at the gun, which
my earlier intention had been to give him. We then made
reciprocal friendly advances and some presents, although of
trifling value, were received by those to whom I gave them with
shouts of pleasure. At one o'clock all points having been settled,
and their bellies filled, they left the ship, singing their " Peace "
song, as on arrival; and carrying out precisely the same ceremonies as they had done on the 6th (which I have already
described in detail), except the beshowering me with feathers,
which I managed to avoid by keeping to the weather side of
them. The weather now remained persistently bad up to the
23rd, when the wind shifted to the S.W.ward at 2 in the afternoon. Without caring whether the wind were settled or not,
or considering the consequences that might ensue in the latter
event, I immediately got the frigate under weigh; anxious only 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 285
to get clear of these narrow waters, whither no sensible being
would ever penetrate, unless forced by necessity, a mad desire
for personal gain, or blind obedience.
In a couple of hours time the wind had backed to S.E. obliging
us to anchor. This we did at 5 o'clock, in fourteen fathoms at
a distance of two cables from the shore, under the lee of the islets
that lie S.E.ly from the village. Several Indians at once came
alongside with fish, who told me that the vessel's present position
was not the best for any stay, but that she would ride sheltered
from all winds and sea behind the islands situate eastward of
the houses. I explained to them, however, that though already
aware of this, we were only waiting to make sail on the first
opportunity from the berth we now occupied.
As the chaplain, master, surgeon, and botanist wished to land
in order to visit a pretty large river that discharged near the
village, I gave them the cutter. They were, however, no sooner
ashore, than Jammisit accompanied by several more came to
meet them, inviting them into their houses. Our people accepted, and were entertained with a dance, decorated with
feathers, and presented with various trifles, together with a dagger for me. At the same time, the Indians intimated that if I
should visit them, this would give them great pleasure, and a
grand fete would be arranged in my honour.
At 7.30 next morning the wind came fair from the northward; whereupon, we weighed; but no sooner was this done
than the wind shifted back into the S.E., and forced us once
more to anchor; this time, in sixteen fathoms. At daybreak the
following morning, the 25th, we again weighed and made sail
to a light S.W.ly breeze. Towed by the pinnace, the vessel had
already reached mid-channel when, once more the wind backed
to the S.E.wd. I decided, nevertheless, to attempt to beat up
these narrows against it; hoping that the wind might veer again
S.W.ly or N.W.ly, during the course of the day, and thus let us
get clear of this corner. The breeze, however, freshened so
much, that at 4 o'clock in the afternoon I was forced to bear up
and run back to the anchorage that we had just quitted, where
we brought up at 6 that evening.
Here, some natives came out to the ship; while Jammisit
with many of his people landed on the islet nearest to us; where, Vrt Jhttrtodt&attom shuado tata Sat,*sC
Nivw of* «»*P for JtfhantoCaaman*
Plan of the Puerto de Gaston.
The " Isla de S. Antonio " is the Hinton Island of to-day, and the " Canal de Camache " is Cridge Pass. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 287
having cut great branches of pine, waving these in their hands
they danced and sang, as tokens of joy at seeing my return.
As I expected the weather during the night would be much
the same as that which we had lately been experiencing, we had
come to with the stream anchor, which had been shown by experience to be trustworthy. The wind, however, so freshened
that at midnight a hard squall caused the frigate to drag with
such violence, that had we not immediately let go one of the
bowers* she would have been lost on the northern-most of the
islets abreast the village.68 As it was, this second anchor only
brought her up at less than half a cable's distance from it, and
in a position still to cause me considerable anxiety. I therefore
sent down the upper yards and top-gallant-masts, but leaving
the top-masts in place, so that in case of the vessel again dragging, sail could still be made, as then our only chance would be
to fetch into a better berth, since there was not room enough in
San Jose bay for the frigate either to work out, or to lie to. The
weather remained much the same until the forenoon of the following day when, about 11 o'clock, it began to improve; so that
during the afternoon we were able to weigh and warp the ship
into a more secure position; where she would lie less exposed
should the gale of the night before repeat itself.
During the 27th, the wind continued in the south-eastern
quarter, but with much less force, and with occasional fine intervals. The Indians profited by these to come alongside with their
women, whom they proffered to us in the most open manner,
without asking any price for their favours.
The chief, Jammisit, with the whole circle of his relations,
made me great demonstrations of friendship, and begged to be
allowed to come on board. This, I granted, and invited them
•below into my cabin, knowing it to be what they most desired.
When there, Jammisit according to custom, began chanting one
of his songs; which, taken up by the others in chorus, then
produced a terrific, though not altogether unpleasing noise. At
its end, I ordered wine and ship's biscuit to be set before them.
This refreshment gave them renewed strength to sing me a
second song, which perhaps was the least bad of any that I had
(68) The village so frequently referred to was probably Citeyats, as it
is now known, at the south-eastern extremity of Pitt Island, or one near
it.—H. R. W. 288 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
so far heard. By the time this one was finished, it was nearly
nightfall; when—as they always did—they asked leave of me
to withdraw, which was granted them. Their servants (who
are natives of low class) then brought the canoes to the gangway, into which Jammisit embarked with his party, all extremely
pleased, and inviting me to visit their village on the following
day, as they desired to entertain me with a grand ball. During
today's gathering, I had learnt from them (although their dialect is not quite the same as that of the Indians at Bucarely or
Florida Blanca) that two of Jammisit's three wives are sisters,
daughters of a neighbouring chief. Consanguinity, I understood, forms no bar to marriage, which they regard as such an
indissoluble bond, that after the death of one of the parties, even
should the other remarry (the general custom being to remain
widow or widower), the survivor never parts with the body of
the dead spouse, but preserves it in a large chest and keeps continual watch over it; especially in the case of people of quality.69
It also appears that their songs are all addressed to God (whom
they recognize and worship), but never to an idol,70 and are
extemporized for the end they have in view; as was the case
with the one last sung to me, wherein they begged for me a fair
wind and fortunate voyage.
This day (August 28) the S.E.ly wind still held, with frequent squalls, until noon. Jammisit came to visit me in the
afternoon, accompanied by upwards of forty of his relatives, all
singing and bringing feathers. He, together with his nearest
relations, arrived in one of two canoes lashed alongside each
other. Jammisit's head appeared from behind a screen formed
of brilliantly white deerskin; on it, accordingly as the action
demanded or his own particular fancy dictated, he would place
various masks or heads of the different animals that he proposed
to imitate; the deerskin serving as a curtain by which he was
entirely hidden when he wished, unseen to put on or change one
(69) Burials in large chests were generally those of wealthy individuals
and Shamans. Others were often placed in the large storage type of box.
—W. A. N.
(70) Caamaiio's observation regarding songs not being sung to idols has
been confirmed in later years, though songs may be sung by chiefs who
were inspired by spirits. Songs were of many kinds, such as cradle songs,
gambling songs, war songs, potlatch and dancing songs, etc.—W. A. N. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 289
of these masks or faces. They remained alongside thus for
some time, singing and continuing their antics, until Jammisit
with great eagerness explained that he was come to conduct me
to his village. Curiosity to see it, as well as the fete for which
such extensive preparations were being made, induced me to
comply with his entreaties. Accompanied by the master, botanist, and surgeon, I therefore landed in the cutter, at the same
time sending nine marines armed with muskets ashore in the
pinnace. As we left the ship in the cutter, the five canoes all
started to race as fast as they could paddle for the village,
intending to be first on shore so as to be able to receive me as I
landed. They succeeded in this without difficulty, owing to the
extraordinary swiftness of their canoes. By the time we in the
cutter reached the strand, there were already six lusty natives
carrying a very clean deerskin awaiting me on the beach. These
at once dashed into the water up to the waist alongside our boat,
making signs for me to sit on the skin to be carried ashore on
their shoulders. At first I declined, but they were so vehemently
insistent, that I gave in and let them do it; not, however, without considerable apprehension lest I should be dropped upon the
ground on my back.71
The moment that I placed myself on the deerskin, these six
fellows hoisted my 150 lb. carcass on to their shoulders and carried me at a run across the shingle and up the pretty steep slope
leading from it to the village, whither they brought me at a
surprising speed. To pass through the narrow doorway of the
chief's house, over which was painted a huge mask,72 it was
necessary to make a litter or hammock of the deerskin. Two
of the strongest of the Indians did this, with the other four
assisting as best they could, while I was shrinking myself into
as small compass as possible (though my bearers were careful
enough) to avoid being bumped against the door posts. Once
inside, I tried to get on my feet, but this they would not allow
before bringing me to the place prepared for my seat, which was
to the right of the entrance.   The seat was formed of a case or
(71) This custom of carrying a " visitor of standing " ashore was practised by all our Coast tribes.—W. A. N.
(72) This tends to confirm the view of Marius Barbeau, of the National
Museum, Ottawa, whose researches among the Tsimshian indicated that
house frontal paintings were the forerunners of totem-poles.—W. A. N. 290 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.    October
chest, raised higher than those for the others, fitted for only one
person, and covered with a new mat; while a similar one was
spread before it. The seats for my officers, ranged on either
hand of mine, were made in similar manner; those for my men,
were formed of mats spread out on the floor. When we were
all (I had left about fifteen seamen and marines in the two boats
as a guard in reserve) arranged and seated I noticed that opposite to me, and sitting in a seat of the same sort as mine, was
the chief named Gitejon; who had not again shown himself on
board the frigate since the theft of my men's clothes by his
people. This ill-disposed Indian occupied that place of distinction in virtue of his quality as a guest and chief of the other
faction. He was wearing a new mantle, of fine blue cloth, edged
with leather; on which, as is usual among the chiefs, were
painted various grotesque masks or faces.73 He also wore a
breech clout, of the same cloth, but lined with antelope skin, and
neatly cut into numerous pendants, about twelve inches deep and
perhaps five or six inches wide; oval shaped and hanging from
a narrow strap around his hips; thus covering that which otherwise would have been extremely noticeable. So soon as he
caught my eye, he arose, straightening his huge stature, bent
(though not with years, as he was under 40) by some infirmity
or spinal complaint, came over to me and seated himself at my
feet. From a small bag made of pine bark, he then produced a
quantity of feathers which he proceeded to blow so that they
should fall upon myself and my immediate neighbours; followed
up this action by other friendly gestures, and then returned to
his own seat. By this time, the whole native company, amounting to about eighty people of both sexes, was arranged on the
floor. Jammisit, his three wives, and grown up family, were in
front. Myself, with all my officers and men, were on the right;
and only women were allowed to be behind us. On the left were
the remainder from Jammisit's village, and those from that of
Gitejon. In this situation, then, Jammisit began to emit piercing
howls in a pitiful key; after which, throwing back his head as
if about to faint, he sat down, clutching at the collar laces of his
cloak, as if wishing to throw it off.    Several of his family nearby,
(73)  The behaviour and costume of Gitejon give me the impression that
he was a Shaman.—W. A. N. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 291
who were watching to give him any help that might be necessary,
when they noticed this, gathered around him forming a screen so
that he might not be seen changing his garments in which some
of the others were assisting him.
So soon as he had put on the ones in which he was to show
himself, they would break up and sit down out of his way, leaving
only a couple of his nearest relations standing by ready to help
him as he might require. When he was ready, these also left
him, and the actor arose.
On his head was a large well-imitated representation of a
seagull's head, made of wood and coloured blue and pink, with
eyes fashioned out of polished tin; while from behind his back
stuck out a wooden frame covered in blue cloth, and decked out
with quantities of eagles' feathers and bits of whale bone, to
complete the representation of the bird.74 His cloak was now
of white calico, bearing a blue flowered pattern, trimmed with a
brown edging. Round his waist hung a deerskin apron falling
to below the knee, whose fringe or flounce was made from narrow strips of the same leather, everyone being split into two
tails, each of which carried half the hoof of a deer. Over this
apron or kilt he wore another, shorter, one, of blue jean ornamented with numerous metal buttons arranged symmetrically,
and two rows of antelope hide pendants or tassels, each finished
off with an eagle's claw. On his legs were deer skin leggings,
tied behind with four laces, ornamented with painted masks and
trimmed with strips of hide carrying claws. Clad in this weird
rattling rig, he then began to leap and cut capers, reminding one
of a rope-dancer trying his rope. He also waved his arms, keeping them low down, in the same manner as that of the blind man
at Florida Blanca. After two or three preliminary attempts, he
started a song. This was at once taken up by every one inside
the house, man or woman, and produced a terrific volume of
sound, to whose measure he then began to dance, while a specially
chosen Indian beat the time on a large drum. The dance was on
the lines I have just mentioned, except that it now took place in
the middle of the room, and lasted all the time that the music
played;   long enough, indeed, to tire the performer.   As he
(74)  The wooden frame behind the mask also acted as a counterbalance
and generally had a string from it to the waist.—W. A. N. 292 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.    October
finished and sat down, those attending him took off his mantle,
and wiped the sweat from his face and body, while others held
up a hide to screen his following change of attire from the
general view. During this interval, which proved a short one,
two tubs or small troughs were brought in, filled with freshly
boiled fish for our refreshment though few of us tried it.
The old chief having recovered from his exhaustion due more
to his age than the exercise, and being now dressed in the
costume for his next performance, the curtain was drawn, and
he appeared with a half-length wooden doll on his head.75
Two Indians at some distance behind him, who endeavoured
to conceal their actions, then proceeded—by means of long fishing rods—to open and close the eyes of the doll, and raise its
hands, in time to another tune that was struck up, while the
dancer himself imitated the movements of the doll's face, which
was sufficiently frightful in appearance, being coloured black
and red, and furnished with an owl's beak and nostrils. For
this scene, he wore a bear skin cloak, with the remainder of his
costume as before. So soon as the music ceased, his attendants
again hid him from sight. Before long, however, he again appeared, this time wearing a heavy wooden mask on his head, of
which the snout, or upper jaw, was moveable.76 He also carried
a blue cloth mantle, such as distinguishes the chiefs, and the
timbrel (or " jingles ") that my men had noticed when they were
captured. He began by making various weird movements, on
which a new tune was started when his gestures and contortions
soon worked him into such a state of frenzy, that he reached the
point of fainting, and would doubtless have collapsed, had not
the attendants quickly come to his aid. One laid his mouth to
the chief's right side uttering loud shouts, while the singers still
continued theirs, and laid hold of him, moving and lifting him
with his hands as if he were a sack of straw to be stood on end.
Others uncovered his breast and one after another sprayed him
by squirting great mouthfuls of water from a distance of 10 or
12 feet. These attentions soon revived him, though groaning
heavily. He was then led to his seat, his mask and mantle taken
off, and the latter exchanged for the one he had earlier worn.
(75) These mechanical dolls were used by certain secret societies of the
Haida, Tsimshian, and Kwakiutl.—W. A. N.
(76) Masks with the upper jaw moveable are a rarity.—W. A. N. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 293
He then presented me with a nutria skin and returned to his
place, when all the rest of the Indians rose up from theirs. I
thereupon did the same, which being seen by my native escort,
they at once got ready my coach (the large deer skin as a litter),
put me into it, and quickly carried me down to my boat. On the
way, I noticed four more houses similar to the one in which we
had been entertained. This was about fifty to fifty-five feet in
length, and thirty to thirty-five in breadth, with walls and roofs
of well-fitted planking. In the middle of the roof was a louver
or skylight, placed so as to admit plenty of light, and serving
also for the exit of smoke from the hearth (on which a fire is
kept constantly burning), but at the same time keeping out the
rain. ' It was cleaner than I had expected to find, and at some
time must have been much larger, as around and above it stood
heavy forked posts with cross timbers.77 My boat had hardly
cleared the beach before the Indians leaped into their canoes
and were making for the ship, which they reached simultaneously
with us. Here, they asked my leave to come onboard, and when
I consented started again to sing with even greater vigour than
before. I gave them to eat and drink and towards nightfall they
returned ashore with expressions of gratitude and pleasure.
In the morning of the 29th, we had a succession of squalls,
with the wind shifting from the southward to the eastward.
There were intervals of fine weather during the afternoon of
which the natives took advantage to pay us visits.
Departure from Fondeadero San Roque to continue the survey of
the coast between it and Nootka Sound.
The wind came to the S.W. at 2 o'clock in the morning of the
30th. At 5 a.m. we began to weigh; then made sail, standing
to the south eastward, in order to enter and run through the
Canal de Laredo,78 which we did until 3 in the afternoon, when
(77) A very good description of the average house in this area, though
no mention of an interior pit is made. The house frame within which it
stood must have been that of an exceptionally large house. It is also
interesting to note that there is no mention of carved house-posts.—W. A. N.
(78) No doubt Squally Channel, which continues south to the present
Laredo Channel, which was probably named for Laredo in Spain. Cridge
Pass appears as the " Canal de Camacho," named for the pilot of that
name, and Fin Island appears on the plan as " Isla de Araoz," probably
named for Juan de Araoz, an officer in the Spanish navy.—H. R. W. 294 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
a passage, not shown on Captain Colnet's misleading chart, was
unexpectedly sighted to the S.E.EA opening to the sea.79 It
appeared very narrow, but in spite of this I steered for it, having
some suspicions that the one [shown as] leading out of Canal de
Laredo might be a cul-de-sac. These doubts proved well-founded,
when another, and wider opening, was soon after seen to the
southward. I ordered the ship to be headed for it, feeling
certain from this serious discrepancy, as well as from others
noted by us, that when Colnet had been in these parts, he must
have been experiencing south easterly winds. We therefore
hauled to the westward as much as the wind allowed, in order to
get free of these narrow passes; but found it impossible to do
so by either of the two openings just seen, owing to the current
and to the lee-way made by the frigate.
At 4 o'clock p.m., when assured of our failure to succeed
in beating out, I gave orders to bear up to the south eastward,
and run through the narrow channel80 between Isla Aristazabal
and the main land, although feeling extremely doubtful of finding
any exit, as this channel gave no signs of communication with
the sea. On this S.E.ly course, and others dictated by the circumstances and direction of the channel, we continued until
10 p.m., at which time we brought the main topsail to the mast
to lay by for the night; making short boards and frequently
sounding; getting sixty, forty-five, and twenty-seven fathoms,
with a bottom of rock, gravel, and very fine broken coral.
At 3.30 in the morning of the 31st, we again filled and stood
with topsail yards on the cap, towards what looked like a more
roomy opening. By 4 o'clock it was light enough to make out
the different islands, points, and passages; whereupon, at 5 a.m.
all sail was made with the wind fair at N.W. and course shaped
S.W. leading clear to open sea.
As we ran out past Punta de Santa Xertrudis, the southern
extremity of Isla Aristazabal, I noticed a reef of rocks extending
three and one half miles from this point, which has not before
been reported.    At 8 o'clock, a.m., being now outside and free
(79) The present Caamano Sound, apparently, although that hardly
fits Caamaiio's description of it.—H. R. W.
(80) The present Laredo Channel. The island was named by Caamano
after Gabriel de Aristazabal, a Spanish naval officer, and this name was
adopted by Vancouver, and still persists.—H. R. W. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 295
of the islands, course was laid S.S.E., so as to follow the coast,
keeping a distance of seven or eight miles, as the shore had an
appearance of being very foul, and a big swell was making from
the south westward.81 We continued throughout the forenoon
in this manner, hauling up or running off as the sinuosities of
the various bays and headlands demanded; although, owing to
a considerable amount of fog over the land, these were not so
easily seen. But, at 2 in the afternoon, the wind having meanwhile backed to west, we hauled out to the southward, and
regretfully gave over the survey of this stretch of the coast,
which seemingly trends much to the eastward from Cabo
Wenthuysen and the island of the same name.82 My reason
for doing so, was fear of becoming embayed with a possible
further backing of the wind to the S.W.wd; in which case,
should we find no passage between the Islas San Joaquin83 and
the shore, it meant the inevitable loss of the frigate. Moreover,
we had provisions remaining for only thirty-eight days; so, even
if we were able to find safe anchorage, should the wind then
settle southerly or S.E.ly, as might be expected at this season of
the year, we could still be brought to the direst straits.
For the rest of the evening and throughout the night we
continued on S.E.W.ly and W.S.W.ly courses, standing to the
westward so closely as the wind allowed, in order to avoid
becoming embayed within the Islas San Joaquin. These, according to my observations, are charted much to the westward of
their true situation. It seemed to me, therefore, worth while to
take some trouble to verify their position, as well as to determine the bearings of these islands relative to one another; since
various authorities know them by different names, all of whom
are at variance as to their number and appearance, and some
even as regards their latitude.
(81) Along Price Island.—H. R. W.
(82) It seems that this island must have been Goose Island, and the
cape some point on the island. Winthuysen was named after Francisco
Xavier de Winthuysen, a lieutenant-general in the Spanish naval service at
the time.—H. R. W.
(83) No reason can be assigned why Caamano gave this name, as the
day of San Joaquin was August 21, some ten days earlier.—H. R. W.
5 296 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.    October
[September, 1792.]
Wishing, therefore, to make this group, I gave orders at
sunrise of September 1 to alter course to S.S.E. At 9 o'clock
they were sighted bearing N 84°. E [or E. y2, N.], whereupon we
hauled up to E.N.E. and N.E. by N., with the intention of observing them well and fixing their position. In this we were successful, passing the five principal islands at three to four miles
distance, or near enough to make sure of not missing any of
their off-lying rocks or islets. We noted, also, that there are
good channels between all, except the two largest, of these
islands, in spite of the strong eddies and overfalls that we
noticed near them to the S.EA At 8 in the evening of this day,
we bore up under short sail to the eastward as I wished to run
along just the stretch of coast that we had sighted during the
afternoon. At 2 o'clock of the following morning, however,
seeing that I had already somewhat overshot it, we wore ship
to the westward, standing thus for the space of an hour; then,
at 3, again to the eastward, and stood E.N.E. so as to be close
in with the land by daybreak, as I was desirous of making
Puerto Brok.84 In this I succeeded, for at daylight we had a
good view of the entrance. I did not stay, however, to make a
survey of the harbour, as this had already been done; besides,
I was anxious not to waste a fair wind; for the breeze was then
N.W.ly; and capable of carrying us to Nootka Sound in the
course of the day. But, at 8 o'clock the wind fell almost to a
calm when we were already within a league of the f arallon off
Punta de Boyset85 so that by 4 in the afternoon the frigate,
having lost even steerage way, had been set beyond the cape to
a position three leagues E. by S. of it; from whence we could
clearly see all the coast as far as the vicinity of Bahia de Buena
Esperanza.86 At 7 in the evening we felt a few light airs; by
10 o'clock the breeze had freshened and settled at S.E., with
heavy squalls; so, for the rest of the night, we lay by under small
canvas, standing off and on with short boards in order not to be
(84) Brooks Bay, on Vancouver Island.—H. R. W.
(85) The " Woody Point" of Cook, and the " Split Rock " of the American traders, now known as Cape Cook; the island off it is Solander Island.—
H. R. W.
(86) Esperanza Inlet.—H. R. W. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 297
put to the leeward of Nootka Sound. Throughout the following
day, we had the wind from the N.EA to the S.EA; with which
we beat up towards the shore, wishing to make the land so as to
be sure of our position. At daylight on the 4th it was well in
sight, whereupon we shaped course as near as we could for the
harbour. As, however, the wind was light, and variable between
S.E., through east and north, to N.W.ly, by sunset we were still
three leagues distant from Punta Macuina.87 From this position
we worked throughout the night towards the entrance, but a
heavy squall from the eastward and the current put us so far
past the point that at daylight the frigate was still eight to nine
miles from Esperanza Inlet.
Calms prevailed during the whole of the next day, but we
were able to take advantage of a few light airs to make something of an offing and so avoid becoming embayed for a heavy
S.E.ly88 swell was tending to set the frigate inshore. At 9 in
the evening we brought to in forty-five fathoms with the stream
anchor on a bottom of sand and mud, in order to maintain our
position.
On September 6, we weighed at 1 in the morning and made
sail to a wind from the northward that gave signs of holding.
It lasted, however, but three hours, then fell to a calm, and so
remained until 10 o'clock of the forenoon, when a breeze springing up from the S.WA enabled us before it died away to reach
a position six miles from the harbour entrance, where we
anchored one hour before midnight in twenty-three fathoms,
sandy bottom.
The calm lasted until 9 o'clock of the next morning, at which
time the sea breeze, setting in from the westward, enabled us
to weigh and run in, anchoring in Nootka Sound two hours later.
As the anchor fell, I could not help experiencing the satisfaction
of feeling that I had left nothing undone that could have helped
towards the execution of my orders, even though these had called
for abilities superior to mine. At the same time, even if I had
not fulfilled them in every particular, I hoped that this failure
could be ascribed rather to a want of competence than to any
lack of zeal, a quality which so vastly greater than my capacities,
(87) Maquinna Point.—H. R. W.
(88) Probably an error for S.W.ly.    (Note by Captain Grenfell.) 298 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.     October
always has been, and ever shall be, devoted to sacrifice of self in
the service of His Majesty.
[Here follow parts of the Journal dealing with events in Nootka Sound,
the departure for Monterey, and an account of events in Monterey, which
are omitted from this translation.]
Description of the coast comprised between Puerto de Bucarely
and that of Nootka;  together with that of the
northern portion of the Reyna Carlota.
So far as I am able to judge from the numerous inlets that
are seen, the coast from Puerto de Bucarely up to Nootka is all
one archipelago, formed of a vast number of large and small
islands. This country, also, is all high mountains, especially
that part between Canal del Carmen and the Surgidero de San
Roque; with many gaps, precipices, and lofty peaks, whose
summits are snow clad for all but a few months of the year;
while, of those lying more inland, some are wrapped in eternal
snow. No expanse of level ground accessible from the shore
is anywhere to be seen. The shores, themselves, are both extremely steep and narrow; presenting no beaches, but only
boulders and shingle. Some parts are so barren as to be devoid
even of grass. Near, and also within, the Canal del Principe,
one sees remarkably few pine trees and no other timber at all.
This circumstance leads me to think that the whole of this district is very thinly populated, especially the tract between Puerto
de Cordova and San Roque.89 Indeed, I saw not a single canoe
during our passage between those two places.
The shores of the northern portion of Isla Reyna Carlota are
very flat, with broad beaches, and appear extremely fertile;
here, too, one notices trees and bushes that are not seen anywhere else. The climate, also, is better than that of the mainland; and, from the number of canoes that we saw or that came
alongside the ship the day of our ranging this shore, and during
the vessel's stay in Puerto de Florida Blanca, I would say that
this island contains a considerable population.
(89) The Indians were probably at salmon streams securing their winter
supply, as the tract mentioned by Caamano was one of the most thickly
populated on the Coast.—W. A. N. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 299
Opinion concerning the Estrecho del Almirante Fonte.
Having examined the entrances of the various arms, straits,
and channels, situate on the stretch of coast between Puerto de
Bucarely in Lat. 55°. 15'. N., and that of Nootka in Lat. 49°. 36'.
N. (except those between 52°. N. and 53°. N.), I am definitely of
opinion that Fonte's famous strait is no other than the Canal de
Nuestra Senora del Carmen, as described by him in his extravagant, and romantic letter. For this letter (the only narrative,
so far as I know, of this expedition) states that his landfall was
made in 53°. N., from whence he steered north and then N.W.:
which courses, together with the lie of the shores of the mainland and of Isla Reyna Carlota so far as Punta Invisible, could
not but have led him into it.
I might well, it seems to me, without fear of being accused
of poaching on other's preserves, claim for myself the discovery
of this channel, as no one of the former classical voyagers, nor
of the later private adventurers, makes any mention of it. The
respect, however, with which I regard the fame of the early
Spanish explorers, leads me to wish to perpetuate that of Fonte,
in spite of my opinion that the expedition said to have sailed
under his command from Callao on April 2, 1640 (consisting of
the four vessels, Espiritu Santo, Santa Lucia, Rosario, and Rey
Felipe; commanded respectively by Fonte, Don Diego Penelosa,
Don Pedro Bernardo, and Don Felipe Ronquillo) never took
place. For, to me, it seems to have no other foundation than
the madness or ignorance of some one devoid of all knowledge
of either navigation or geography, who, wishing to stimulate
the search for a N.E.n. passage leading into the Atlantic, invented (so I venture to suggest) this story of channels, great
rivers, cataracts twenty feet high which he ascended with his
ship, fertile islands, large towns inhabited by civilized people,
and a passage extending even so far as 80° of north latitude
wherein he said he met a vessel from Boston, and other absurdities. Fonte, indeed, is made to speak of the " Rio de los Reyes,"
the name by which Nootka was formerly known,90 but the latitudes and longitudes given do not fit it; although, in spite of
this confused account, several of the localities described appear
(90) This identification is erroneous.   The Spanish name for Nootka
Sound was San Lorenzo de Nuca.—H. R. W. 300 Henry R. Wagner and W. A. Newcombe.    October
to bear some resemblance to the interior waters of the Estrecho
de Juan de Fuca.
It passes my comprehension how Colnet, like a blind man's
dog, should have led Fonte into the Brazos de Mofiino. For only
thus, or being already dead, could the poor fellow have let himself be guided thither. Neither do I see where Colnet brings
him in, since he shows as closed the passage that actually exists
between the Islas Aristazabal and Compania.91 For, though
Colnet is aware of Fonte's landfall, yet assuming these two
islands to form but one, as he himself shows them, and, indeed,
as they appear to be when seen from the westward, the courses
run by him [Colnet] leave no doubt that the strait described by
Fonte is not the one to which Colnet gives that name; without
taking into account the absolute impossibility of the former
being able to pass it with his vessel, or the backward state of
the science of navigation at the supposed epoch of this voyage.
Neither is it credible, nor in the least probable that Fonte
after a passage already so prolonged, should attempt the exploration of a channel such as that which opens in Lat. 53°. 27'.
N. (offering, as it does, the prospect of extremely toilsome navigation and, at best, but a doubtful exit), or any of the others
with land showing at the end; because, the examination of so
many as are comprised in that stretch of coast would require
the short favourable seasons of several years, and a stock of
provisions such as no vessel could either stow or keep in wholesome condition.
Had Colnet actually seen the Estrecho del Carmen I am quite
confident that he would share my opinion, and leave the name
of Fonte to the passage extending from the position of his landfall and the Isla de la Reyna Carlota at the one end to Punta de
Evia and Cabo Caamano at the other; as a broad gulf appears
to open out between and beyond these [latter] two headlands.
Nor do I anticipate objections on Colnet's part to my proposal
for giving the name of " Piloto graduado Don Juan Perez " to
the entrance to the passage between the northern coast of the
island referred to and the opposite shores, did he know that this
(91) The Colnett map probably bears out this assertion, as the " Isla de
Campania " on it extends far enough south to include Aristazabal Island;
but the present maps hardly bear out Caamaiio's statement that the two
islands overlap when seen from the west.—H. R. W. 1938 The Journal of Jacinto Caamano. 301
officer's log, and other confirmatory notices, prove that he sighted
it in the year 1774, on his way southward for San Bias.
Rather, with his agreement, which I should greatly appreciate, let us allow to these earlier Spaniards the reward of their
labours and pains in these discoveries, thereby encouraging emulation in their successors by the assurance that, should the idea
of a North Eastern Passage not prove, as I fear, an illusion,
then the best-founded hopes for finding it lie in the archipelago
situated here between the parallels of 51°. and 51°. 46'. of North
Latitude. Should, however, the reasons set forth by me above
not appear adequate to justify the alteration that I propose;
viz., to apply the name of " Estrecho de Fonte " to the present
Canal de Nuestra Senora del Carmen, then let him who has, or
may yet obtain, better grounded information, settle the question
as he please, resting assured that not only shall I admit it, accepting it as true, but also will yield up to him any possible claim of
my own, conceding complete liberty in this matter to the actual
discoverers.
Note.—Attached is the old plan of Bucarely, in order that
an idea may more easily be reached of what was accomplished
by this last expedition, as well as that by the two preceding
ones.    [This plan is not reproduced.] NOTES AND COMMENTS.
Contributors.
Robie L. Reid, K.C., LL.D., is one of the best-known authorities on the
history of British Columbia and frequently contributes articles and reviews
to historical journals.
Donald L. MacLaurin, Ph.D., is Assistant Superintendent of Education
for British Columbia.
Henry R. Wagner, D.Litt., of San Marino, California, is the leading
authority upon early Spanish voyages to the Northwest Coast. It will be
recalled that his monumental work entitled The Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America to the Year 1800 was reviewed by Judge Howay in
the July issue of this Quarterly.
W. A. Newcombe, the well-known ethnologist, is a son of the late
Dr. C. F. Newcombe, author of The First Circumnavigation of Vancouver
Island. Like his father, Mr. Newcombe has a remarkable knowledge of the
geography and early history of the Coast, as well as of the native races of
the Province.
George Green, who contributed the article entitled Some Pioneers of
Light and Power to the July issue, has resided for many years in Burnaby,
has served on the Municipal Council there, and has made a special study
of the early history of the Lower Mainland.
British Columbia Historical Association.
It is now certain that the paid-up membership of the Association will
show a satisfactory increase when the financial year closes at the end of
September. On September 20 the membership was 436, which compares
with a total of 414 on October 1, 1937. The Victoria Section numbered 136,
the Vancouver Section 212, and members-at-large 88.
The fall activities of the Victoria Section are to commence with a meeting on Tuesday, September 27, at which Mr. F. C. Green, Surveyor-General,
will speak on Forty Years of Surveying in British Columbia. At the first
meeting of the Vancouver Section, Dr. Robie L. Reid will deliver the address
on Captain Evans of Cariboo, which is published in this issue.
Similkameen Historical Association.
At a meeting held at Princeton, on Friday, April 29, Mr. A. E. Howse
Was elected Honorary President of the Association, in succession to the
late James Schubert. Mrs. E. M. Daly, of Keremeos, and Mr. W. H.
Holmes, of Coalmont, were elected Vice-Presidents.
The main feature of the programme was an address by Mr. Holmes,
which dealt largely with his Own experiences since coming to British
Columbia in the early eighties. In C.P.R. construction days he worked for
five years with Andrew Onderdonk, until the section at Kamloops was com-
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. II., No. 4.
6 303 304 Notes and Comments. October
pleted, in 1885. Next he participated in the Granite Creek excitement, and
after it died down he took up land. Later he moved to Coalmont, where
he has since resided. One of the most interesting points in his address
was the description of the Hudson's Bay Company cache which formerly
stood exactly where the church at Tulameen is today. Mr. Holmes described
it as being a huge earth-covered store, probably over 15 feet high, with as
much space inside as the dining-room of the Princeton Hotel.
The Association's annual banquet was held on Thursday, September 15.
Particulars of the programme will be given in the next issue of the
Quarterly.
The Great Fraser Midden.
The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada officially presented
a cairn to the City of Vancouver to mark the site of the Great Fraser
Midden, on Saturday, May 7, 1938. Judge F. W. Howay, western representative on the Board, made the presentation, which was accepted on behalf
of the City by Alderman H. L. Corey, representing His Worship Mayor
Miller. The cairn was then given into the custody of the Board of Park
Commissioners and accepted by them through Commissioner E. G. Baynes.
Judge Howay in his address enumerated the twenty cairns which had
been erected in British Columbia and told of the work of the Board in
Canada. He paid tribute to Professor Charles Hill-Tout, who was the
speaker of the day. Professor Hill-Tout first became interested in this
Indian midden in 1893, when a road was being cut through the forest.
Subsequent research revealed the fact that the midden was 4% acres in
extent and ranged up to 15 feet in depth. From the fact that mature trees
had their roots in the mass itself, it was evident that it had been abandoned
some seven or eight hundred years ago, which, together with the time
required to form it, probably a thousand or more years, gave it an antiquity
of some two thousand years.
Further internal evidence confirmed this estimate, because skulls found
in the lower levels were dolichocephalic with an index of seventy-three to
seventy-four, while the upper levels produced brachycephalic skulls with an
index of over eighty. Professor Hill-Tout concluded from this evidence that
the long-headed Indians had been displaced by his broad-headed brother
either by conquest or by peaceful penetration.
Numerous types of artifacts and skeletal remains were enumerated and
described by the speaker, most interesting of which proved to be the trepanned skull which was found. Such fine examples of native surgery are
rare and this skull, now preserved in the Vancouver City Museum, is one
of the famous skulls of the world to-day.
An illustrated brochure, issued by the Art, Historic, and Scientific
Association, under whose auspices the ceremony was held, gives Professor
Hill-Tout's address in full. Copies may be had on application to Mr.
T. P. O. Menzies, Curator, City Museum, Vancouver.    [E. S. Robinson.] THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF.
Old Yukon.    By the Hon. James Wickersham.   Washington, D.C.:   Washington Law Book Company.    1938.    Pp. 514.    $4.
This is a book of undoubtable value to the historian; it is an excellent
book, written by a trustworthy writer. The reviewer happens to be
personally acquainted with the author, and is well aware of the high reputation won deservedly by James Wickersham as a pioneer judge in Alaska.
In 1900, while practising law at Tacoma, Mr. Wickersham was appointed
District Judge for the third division of the Alaskan Territory. This division covered 300,000 square miles of Alaska, west of the Yukon, and
comprised a vast region scantily populated, but then becoming important
on account of the gold discoveries.
The newly-appointed Judge proceeded to his headquarters at Eagle City,
on the river Yukon, and about 100 miles below Dawson, a mining settlement
brought into being in 1897 by the discovery of rich diggings in the Klondike
valley. On his journey Judge Wickersham stopped at Skagway. He
contributes interesting historic details concerning the Chilkat Indians, and
tells the story of Soapy Smith, the desperado that gave ugly notoriety to
this gateway into the North. It is a part of the history of those days, and
the Judge tells it in language of judicial moderation. The short railway
across the coast range, from Skagway to Whitehorse, was already available,
so the Judge and his party were saved the hardships of the mountain trail,
and soon were gliding fairly comfortably on a steamer down the upper
Yukon to Dawson. He gives us a description of the place and of the
adjacent diggings, together with one or two good yarns typifying the life
of the excited gold-seekers.
On July 15, 1900, he arrived at Eagle City and established himself in a
log cabin. Many difficult conditions had to be faced by the Judge in this
northern wilderness, but, being young and vigorous, he met them cheerfully
and successfully. The details concerning the performance of his duties
and the circumstances of life at this outpost have historic value. He tells
us about his journey to hold a special term of Court at Rampart in 1901.
The notes are taken from his diary, and give a vivid picture of travel by
dog-sled along the frozen surface of the Yukon. Touches of humour and
philosophic comments serve to give character to his recital.
In March of 1901, Judge Wickersham was instructed by the Federal
Attorney-General to hold Court at Unalaska, in the Aleutian Islands.
There he heard a most interesting murder case, the details of which make
an absorbing story. More important was the fact that later he was asked
to hold Court at Nome, the Judge in that division having been summoned
before the Federal Court of Appeals at San Francisco " for contumacious
refusal to obey the orders of that court in the Nome mining cases." Here
we come to one of the most extraordinary episodes that ever disgraced the
administration of justice under the American flag.    A group of Scandi-
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. II., No. 4.
305 306 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
navians had located several rich claims on the creeks near Nome. To
deprive them of their property a conspiracy was hatched at Washington.
The chief villain of the piece was Alexander McKenzie, a prominent Republican politician, who used Arthur H- Noyes, District Judge at Nome, as his
subservient tool. With them, and participating in the nefarious scheme,
were other Court officials, notably the District Attorney. Noyes appointed
McKenzie receiver for the five rich mining claims. " All persons in possession were ordered to deliver possession to McKenzie and were strictly
enjoined from interfering in any manner with him in working the claims.
The receiver's bond was fixed at $5,000 in each case, though the output
from one of the claims alone was stated to be $15,000 a day." It was a
big steal effected under cover of political graft, and with the support of
a large party in the United States Senate. Luckily, it was circumvented
by the courage and skill of the defendants and their legal advisers. When
■the matter was carried to the Federal Court of Appeals at San Francisco,
the rascals refused to obey the Court's orders. By aid of Federal soldiers
stationed near Nome, the marshal representing the higher Court was
empowered to seize the gold stored by McKenzie and bring him to San
Francisco. He was found guilty and sentenced to imprisonment for one
year—to be pardoned by President McKinley when he visited San Francisco
in May, 1901. He had been in prison four months only. Later he returned
to Dakota and " continued in his activities as leading citizen." That is the
finishing touch. Noyes was fined $1,000 for contempt of court. The
District Attorney was sentenced to four months in jail. Both, of course,
were removed from office. Judge Wickersham officiated at Nome while
the legal complications were disentangled. It is apparent that his courage
and integrity came into play at an opportune moment. He tells the story
quietly and fairly. It remains a striking exposure of the American judicial system, by which the administration of law can be prostituted by
politicians and used impudently for fraudulent purposes. Determined
efforts were made by McKenzie's friends in the Senate to prevent the
reappointment of Wickersham. President Theodore Roosevelt reappointed
him from year to year three times without obtaining confirmation by the
Senate.
Another historic contribution is Judge Wickersham's description of the
rush to the Tanana diggings, the centre of which was at Fairbanks. He
happened to go thither to establish a recorder's office when the trail had
already been broken by many stampeders. He shared their hardships and
tells us about them. It is a genuine picture of adventurous living in the
Northland. When near Fairbanks, the Judge and his party encountered
one of the discoverers.
"Rough-locking our sleds with dog chains we plunged down the ridge
between twin creeks, and through the forest, following the blazed trees
until we opened a little clearing at Costa's cabin on Pedro creek. As we
stopped our husky team before his cabin, big Jack Costa came up the ladder
out of a prospecting shaft near the doorway.   His chubby round face was 1938 The Northwest Bookshelf. 307
distorted and wrinkled with excitement and deep feeling, and, without
knowing or caring who the stranger was standing by his shaft, he cried out,
his rough bull voice vibrating with excessive joy:
"' Oh, by Godda, I gotta de gold!'
" He had just struck pay in his shaft, the first to be found on this part
of the creek, and was fairly overcome with his sudden fortune. He had
dug holes on Forty Mile, Birch, Faith, Hope, Charity, and a hundred
unnamed creeks in the Tanana hills, but just now, after years of la>or and
failure, Fortune smiled! Visions of Italy, the old home and the old mother,
the girl he left behind when he came to America, a vineyard and a wine
press, wife and children,—big Jack cried as he babbled to us of these and.
the gold in the pit at his door."
A chapter is devoted to the first reconnaissance of Mount McKinley, and
another to animal migration from Asia to Alaska. That entails a discussion of man's first arrival on this continent. Social life at Nome is the
title of a chapter that will be much valued in years to come. Unlike most
reviewers, I have read the book from cover to cover, and with keen
appreciation.
T. A. Rickard.
Yukon Voyage.   Unofficial Log of the Steamer Yukoner.   By Walter R. Cur-
tin.    Caldwell, Idaho:   The Caxton Printers, Ltd.    1938.    Pp. 299.    $4.
This book tells the story of a minor episode in the rush to the Klondike
in 1898. It opens with a short account of Pat Gavlin, a well-known
character of the time, who, in the early days of the rush, had secured
control of a group of claims which there was good reason to believe were
exceptionally rich. Gavlin had been angered and disgusted by the profiteering which characterized the times, and went to England, fired with the idea
of organizing a vast corporation which would operate ocean steamers,
river steamers, hotels, and supply-stores, and which would exact no more
than a legitimate profit from the ordinary miner. As his mining claims
seemed to offer ample security, he was able to launch the grandiose North
British American Trading and Transportation Company, and returned to
America with virtually unlimited credit upon the Bank of England. Gavlin
chose Walter Curtin's father to be his general manager, with headquarters
at Dawson, and young Walter decided to accompany the first men and
goods sent north by the new company.
Gavlin's scheme was destined to collapse completely, and serious difficulties developed even before the first party left San Francisco. It was
found that owing to faulty design the new river steamer Mary Ellen Gavlin
drew too much water for service on the Yukon, and there was no time in
which to build a substitute vessel. The party, therefore, hurried to St.
Michael in the chartered steamer Cleveland, and there purchased the river
steamer Yukoner from Captain John Irving, of the Canadian Pacific Navigation Company.    But by the time the Yukoner was ready to sail it was too 308 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
late in the season to get through to Dawson, and she was compelled to
winter in a creek-mouth a few miles beyond Russian Mission, on the Yukon
River.
The first and longest part of Yukon Voyage is concerned with the trip up
the Yukon, the winter spent in the ice, the spring thaw, and the final
journey to Dawson, which was reached on June 24, 1899—ten months after
the party left San Francisco. Most of it is quoted, apparently verbatim,
from the author's diary. Mr. Curtin states both in his preface and in the
book itself that he enjoyed the voyage enormously and looks back upon it as
the happiest experience in his life, but his narrative fails to convey this
impression to the reader. This reviewer at least was bored rather than
amused by the succession of quarrels and storms in tea cups with which
the diary is filled, and Mr. Curtin himself seems to have felt much the
same at the time. " I notice that I have written too much about troubles
and squabbles," he noted in his diary in February, 1899. " I started out
with the idea that I would not mention any troubles at all, but that is about
all the news there is." It is a pity that in preparing his story for publication Mr. Curtin did not use certain parts of the diary as the basis for a
narrative, instead of quoting them at length.
The second part of the book consists of an appendix of some twenty-five
pages devoted to a concise history of the Yukon River steamers. This is
much the most interesting and valuable contribution the author has to
make, and it is much to be regretted that the bulk of the book was not
devoted to this history, in which the winter adventures of the Yukoner could
properly appear as an interesting episode. The writer might well consider
seriously the writing of a second volume which would give the history of
the river craft in considerable detail, for even this brief appendix makes it
clear that he is exceptionally well equipped for the task, both by knowledge
and experience.
The book is well printed and bound, and though the illustrations are
none too clear they are interesting and numerous. There is no index, and
if the book is reprinted misprints on pages 9, 36, 160, and 169 should be
corrected.
W. Kaye Lamb.
The Department of Education has just issued an illustrated handbook
upon The Native Races of British Columbia, by Alice Ravenhill, which will
be of interest to many readers of this Quarterly. It will be reviewed in the
next issue. Copies may be obtained from the Text-book Branch, Parliament
Buildings, Victoria.    Price, $1. INDEX.
Abbott, H. H., 148
Advent of the " Beaver," The, 168-184
Agriculture, Alberni, 108
Alberni, 101-111
Alberni Land Company, 111
Allard, Jason O., 78
Allard, Ovid, 75
Allison, George, 87
Allison, John Fall, 82-84
Allison, Mrs. S. L., 69
Anderson, A. C, 73-76, 88, 84, 247
Anderson, Sir A. G., Ill
Anderson, James, 101
Anderson & Company, 101, 105, 110, 111, 120
Arthur, Peter, 169, 178
Arundel, C H., 87
Ash, Dr. John, 116
Askew, T. G., 114
Aspinwall, W. H., 123, 124, 126;  letter from,
125, 127, 129, ISO; letter to, 125, 126
Astor, John Jacob, 69
Babine Lake, furs from, 164
Bailey, Charles, 250-252, 264, 265, 260, 268
Baker Bay, 178
Balfour, R., 148
Bancroft, H. H., 40, 52
Banfield, W. E., 97, 98, 102-104
Barkerville, 242, 248
Barkley Sound, 97, 108
Barnard, Sir Frank, 158-160
Barr, Robert, 262-255, 257, 268, 260
Barrett, Henry, 169
Barrows & Sons, 62
Bauerman, H., 79, 83
Beaver Harbour, 128, 124
" Beaver," My Days Aboard the, 186-188
" Beaver," The Advent of the, 163-184
Bilbe, Thomas, & Company, 100
Black, Dr. A. W. S., 241
Black, Samuel, 172
Black-eye, Indian, 74, 75
Blackfoot, 88, 86
Blakeburn, 87
Blinkhorn, Thomas, 47
Bodega y Quadra, Juan Francisco, 191, 198,
195, 198, 199
Bonson, Sergeant, L. F., 84
Boultbee, John, 148
Brenchley, Rev. Julius, 91-94
Brigade Trail see Routes of Travel
B.C. Electric Railway Company, 152,160,162
B.C.   Historical   Association,   67-69,   137-189,
-808 ;   Annual Reports, 141, 142
Brotchie, Capt. William, 83-88, 62, 102
Bruce, Admiral H. W., 36, 87
Bryant, Cornelius, 260-268
Bullen, William Fitzherbert, 148
Burns, William, 169
Burr, W. H., 260
By Juan de Fuca's Strait, review of, 68, 64
Caamano, Don Jacinto, The Journal of, 189-
230, 265-801
Cameron, David, 49, 115, 116
Camosack, 88
Campbell,    Vice-Admiral    Gordon,     Captain
James Cook, review of, 61, 62
Campbell, Rev. W. G., 289
Camsell, Charles, 67, 79
Cania, Indian, 219
Captain Evans of Cariboo, 283-246
Captain James Cook, review of, 61, 62
Cariboo, 78, 88
Carmichael, Herbert, 111
Cartography   of   the    Northwest   Coast   of
America to Vie Year 1S00, review of, 228-
230
Ceperley, H. T., 167
Chance, John, 86
Charlton, Richard, 90
Chinese in B.C., 16, 79, 88, 86, 148, 187, 241
Clarke, Charles, 254, 256, 268, 268
Claypole, Henry, 268
Clouston, Robert, 48
Coal at Cowlitz river, 126, 127;  Fort Rupert,
48,   123,  124,  126;   Nanaimo,  124;   Tula.
meen  Valley,   87,   88;   Vancouver  Island,
123-130
Coal From the Northwest Coast, 128-180
Coalmont, 87
Collins, John, Expedition, 77
Colnett,   James,   189-191,   193,   269-272,   274,
294, 300
Columbia River Bar, 171, 178, 174, 176
Colvile, Andrew, 131, 266;   letter to, 182-186
Comstock, Samuel W., 124;  letter from, 127-
129
Consolidated Railway & Light Company, 158-
160
Cook, F. P., 86
Cook, Capt. James, 31
Cooke, R. P., 152
Cooper, James, 4, 42, 47, 49, 62
Copper, Alberni, 104;   UBed by Indians, 208
Coulthard, J., 87
Cowan, George, 246
Cowan, Ian McTaggart, The Fur Trade and
the Fur Cycle: 1**5-1857,19-80
Cowan, Maynard H., 160
Craigflower Farm, 112
Cridge, Bishop, 266, 261-268; First Report on
Colonial Schools, 267-260
Cridge, Mrs. Edward, 266
Curtin, Walter R., Yukon Voyage, review of,
307, 808
Curtis, Commander, A. J., 87
Daly, Marcus, 87
Darby, Capt. William, 169, 170
Davie, A. E. B., 244
Davie, Theodore, 162
Davies, Joshua, 147
Davis, W. A. " Podunk," 76
Dawson, George M., 4, 79
Dease Lake, 188
Demers, Bishop, 260
Denton, V. L., Captain James Cook, R.N.,
review by, 61; An Introduction to the Bibliography of Captain James Cook, review by,
61, 62
Deschiquette, Francis, 77
309 310
Index.
Dewdney, Edgar, 84, 86, 87
Dick, James, 169
Dodd, Charles, 48, 169-171, 178
Donahoe, Thomas, & Company, 112, 113
Donald, John, 169
Douglas, Benjamin, 166
Douglas, David, 4
Douglas, David, In Memory of, 89-94
Douglas, Sir James, 6, 7, 9-19, 25, 30, 85, 37,
88, 40, 43, 44, 47-49, 61, 56, 76, 80-82, 84,
85, 88, 98-100, 105, 111, 175, 185, 285, 237,
238, 247-255, 260-262;  letter from, 261
Douglas, Capt. William, 31, 215
Duncan, James. 45, 96, 100
Duncan & George, 96, 120
Dunn, John, 174-178
Dunn, Thomas, 157
Dupont, Major C. T., 152
Early Lumbering on Vancouver Island, 1844-
1866, 81-53, 95-121
Education Before the Gold Rush, 247-263
Elections, Cariboo, 1863, 240, 241; 1875, 244 ;
1878, 245
Electric Light in New Westminster, 155, 156,
161; Vancouver, 148-150, 154, 161; Victoria,  145-147, 159-161
Electric Railroads see Street Railroads
Elliott, A. C, 244
Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway, 111
Evans, Dr. Ephraim, 239
Evans, " Capt." John, 288-246
Everett, Edward, 134
Farrell, William, 157, 158
Fell, Mayor James, 146
Fenton, Mr., 39
Ferguson, A. G., 158
Finlayson, Duncan, 174, 176-178
Finlayson, Roderick, 9, 37, 89, 43, 45
First Ten Years, review of, 64
Ford, Giles, 44
Forsyth, John, 93
Forts and Trading Posts, Alexandria, 78;
Colville, 4, 9, 19, 172, 247; Durham, 19;
George, 164, 173; Hope, 13, 16, 73, 76-78,
80-82, 84, 85, 88;   Kamloops, 9, 19, 69, 71-
75, 77, 86;   Langley, 19, 26, 39, 72, 73, 75,
76, 113 ; McLoughlin, 19, 165, 174, 176-178;
Nez Perces, 19; Nisqually, 19, 48; Norway
House, 56; Okanogan, 69, 72, 77; Rupert,
19, 35, 36, 41, 48, 178; St. James, 55, 56;
St. John, 55; Shepherd, 78; Simpson, 5, 8,
19, 165, 176, 178; Vancouver, 19, 26, 72,
90, 93, 164, 171-173, 247; Victoria, 5, 7, 9,
19, 27, 88, 72, 247;  Yale, 16, 16, 75, 78
Fraser, Paul, 76
Fraser, Simon, 55
Fraser Canyon Historical Association, 60
Fullerton, John, My Days Aboard the " Beaver," 185-188
Fur and Gold in Similkameen, 67-88
Fur trade, 31, 168-165, 175-178, 190, 192, 218
Fur Trade and the Fur Cycle: 1815-1857, The,
19-80
Galiano, Dionisio Alcala, 189, 195, 200
Gardiner, C. C, 17
Glide, Harry, 169
Gold, licences, 7, 16;  regalian right, 7
Gold Discoveries, Indian Participation in the,
3-18
Gold-mining, Antler Creek, 241; California,
8, 13; Columbia River, 4, 10; Couteau
Region, 11, 12; Davis Creek, 241; Fraser
River, 3, 9, 12-15, 287; Lightning Creek,
238-240; Moresby Island, 5, 9; New Caledonia, 4; Okanagan Lake, 5; Oregon, 8;
Queen Charlotte Islands, 5-10, 12; Rock
Creek, 82; Similkameen River, 3, 79-88;
Thompson River, 3, 4, 9-12, 14; Washington, 3
Goldie, John, In Memory of David Douglas,
89-94
Goldstream, hydro plant, 161
Golledge, Richard, 262
Goodfellow, J. C, Fur and Gold in Similkameen, 67-88; A Monograph of the Totem-
Poles in Stanley Park, Vancouver, review
by, 62, 63
Gordon, George, 169
Graduate Historical Society, 139, 140
Granite creek, 85, 86
Grant, Capt. J. M., 84
Grant, Mayor John, 151
Grant, Capt. W. C, 4, 48, 51, 52, 95, 248,
253
Gray, Andrew, ISO
Green, E. W., 183
Green, George, Some Pioneers of Light and
Power, 145-162
Grenfell, Capt. Harold, tr. of. The Journal of
Jacinto Caamano, 189-230, 265-301
Guillod, H., 114
Hall, John, 44
Hall, Corporal William, 84
Hamilton, W. C, 169, 170
Handy, F. E., 156
Hatley Park, 116
Hawk, Gus, 188
Heathorn, William, 147
Hedley, 69, 87, 88
Helmcken, Dr. J. S., 43
Higgins, D. W., 150-152
Hinderwell, Capt. Richard O., 33, 34
Holland, George, 169
Holmes,   Maurice,   An   Introduction   to   the
Bibliography of Captain James Cook, RJf.,
review of, 61, 62
Holmes, W. H., 86
Home, Capt. David, 169, 170, 172, 173, 179
Hooker, Sir W. J., 89
Horne-Payne, R. M., 159, 160
Horse-cars, 152, 153
Howay, F. W., 32, 84;   The Cartography of
the  Northwest  Coast   of America  to   the
Year 1800, review by, 223-230 INDEX.
311
Hudson's Bay Company, Coal, 123-180; Fort
St. James, 55, 56; Fur Returns, 19-30;
Gold Discoveries, 1852-1858, 4-18; Lumbering, 38-46, 51, 112, 113; Oregon Possessory
Rights, 131-135; Schools, 247-263 ; Similkameen, 72-79, 83; Steamer " Beaver,"
163-184
Hudson's Bay Record Society, 142
Hunter, Hugh, 86
Hunter, Joseph, 160, 162
In Memory of David Douglas, 89-94
Indian Participation in the Gold Discoveries,
3-18
Indians, Caamano Sound Region, 272-286,
287-294; Canoes, 216; Oaptivities, Depredations, etc., 276-279, 284; Chilcotins, 69 ;
Costume and Adornment, 203-207, 216, 219,
221, 272-274, 278, 280, 281, 288, 290-292;
Dances, 291, 292; Houses, 207, 289, 290,
293; Marriage Customs, 288; Masks, 288-
292; Mortuary Customs, 288; Music, 219,
288 ; Okanagans, 68, 69 ; Pictographs, 69 ;
Reaction to First Steamer, 174, 175; Religious Beliefs, 69 ; Salish, 68 ; Shamanism,
278, 290, 291; Similkameen, 69, 74; Thompson, 68, 69, 74;   Weapons, 203, 205
Innes, Frederick C, 152
Introduction to the Bibliography of Captain
James Cook, R.N., An, review of, 61, 62
Jackson, Henry Beecroft, 233-235
Jackson, T. G., & Company, 120
Jacobson, Albert, 87
Jacques Creek, 71
Jaggers, Capt. 137
Jameson, J., 83
Johnson, C, 87
Jones, Thomas J., 160, 162
Jordan River, 161
Journal of Jacinto Caamano, 189-230, 265-301
Kamloops Sentinel, September 8,1937, Special
Issue, 64
Keefer, George A., 148
Keefer, Hugh Forbes, 148
Kemble, John Haskell, Coal from the Northwest Coast, 1848—1850, 123-130
Kennear, Mrs., 115
Kennedy, Mr., 260
Kennedy, John F., 43
Keremeos, 68, 71, 72, 77, 78, 88
Kitchen-Middens, Fraser River, 804
Kleecoot River, 108
Kruger, Theodore, 83
Kruger's Bar, 83
Kuper, Capt. A. L., 35, 36
Laing, Robert, 95
Lamb, W. Kaye, The Advent of the " Beaver,"
163-184; By Juan de Fuca's Strait, review
by, 63, 64; Early Lumbering on Vancouver
Island, 1844-1866, 31-53, 95-121; Yukon
Voyage, review by, 307, 308
Lamfrit, Rev., 249, 250, 260
Lancaster, Columbia, 182, 134
Lane, General Joseph, 132, 134
Langford, Edward Edwards, 251
Lattie, Alexander, 171
Lawson, A. J., 149
LeJeune, Father, 67
Lewis & Dryden's Marine History of the
Pacific Northwest, 169, 171, 174
Lidgett, John, 34
Liquor and Indians, 15
Lopez de Haro, Gonzalo, 189
Lumbering, Burrard Inlet, 187; Early Export of, 32, S3, 36, 39, 48, 49, 51, 52, 96-97,
102-107, 110, 114, 117, 121; Import of,
118-121; Prices, 33, 84, 89, 52, 53; Tariff
on, 34, 46, 47; Timber Licences, 49, 51;
Vancouver Island, 1844-1866, 81-58, 95-121
McCain,   Charles   W.,   History   of   the   SS.
"Beaver," 183, 184
McCall, Sergeant W., 83
McCurdy, James G., By Juan de Fuca's Strait,
review of, 63, 64
McDonald, Angus, 10
McDonald, Angus, 154, 165
McDonald, Archibald, 72, 73, 80, 172
McDonnell, John, 56
McDougall, James, 55
Mclntyre, James, 169
McKay, J. W., 40, 43
McKenzie, Kenneth, 254, 255
Mackintosh, Samuel T., 156
MacLaurin, D. L., -education Before the Gold
Rush, 247-263
McLean, Donald, 9
MacLean, Donald Alexander, 250
McLean, Roderick, 77, 78
McLoughlin, Dr. John, 164, 167, 176
McMicking, R. B., 145-147
McMurphy, Sergeant J., 84
McNeill, Capt. W. H., 8, 43, 179
Madigan, Benjamin, 185, 186
Manson Camp, 76
Marcy, William Learned, 132-134
Mayne, Lieut. R. C, 102
Meares, Capt. John, 31, 32
Melrose, Robert, 95
Milbanke Sound, 165, 174, 176
Miller, Jonathan, 148
Milne, G. L., 150
Moberly, Walter, 84, 85
Monograph   of   the   Totem-Poles  in   Stanley
Park, Vancouver, review of, 62, 63
Moody, Col. R. C, 18
Moody, S. P., 121
Moresby, Admiral John, 35, 36, 250
Morice, Rev. A. G., 56
Mouat, Capt. W. A., 43
Muir, John, 48, 49, 51, 52, 95
Muir, Michael, 52, 95, 96, 118
My Days Aboard the " Beaver," 186-188
Nakazleh, 55
Nass River fur trade, 165, 176
National Electric Tramway & Lighting Company, Limited, 150-152
Nelson, Mr., 241
Nelson, Lt.-Gov. Hugh, 151
New Caledonia, 19, 26, 72, 76, 163 312
Index.
New Westminster, 86;  Electric Light in, 166,
156, 161,  162;   Street Lighting, 155,  156;
Street Railroads, 156, 159
Newcombe,   W.   A.,  ed.   of  The  Journal  of
Jacinto Caamano, 189-230, 265-301
Nicholls, Mrs., 149, 152
Nicholson, Henry, 86
Nind, Philip Henry, 234, 236
Nootka Sound, spars secured at, 31
Norris, Leonard, 71
North Kootenay Pioneers' Association, 140
Note   on   the   Change  in   Title  of  Fort  St.
James, A, 55, 56
Ochre, 80, 81
Ogden, Peter Skene, 73, 172
Okanagan Falls, 78
Okanagan Lake, 71, 72
Okanogan River, 68, 69, 71, 72
Old Yukon, review of, 306-307
Oppenheimer, David, 156, 158
Oppenheimer, Mrs. David, 157
Oppenheimer, Isaac, 157
Oregon Treaty, 72, 131-133
Osoyoos, 83
Otter Creek, 68, 73
Otter Lake, 68, 73, 76, 76
Pacific Fur Company, 69
Pacific Mail Steamship Company, 123, 124
Palmer, Lieutenant Henry Spencer, 80, 81
Pamphlet, Capt. Thomas, 101
Parker, Rev. Samuel, 172, 173
Parsons, Mr., 89
Peers, H. N., 76, 113
Pemberton, J. D., 48
Phillips, William, 169
Pittendrigh, George, 166
Point Ellice Bridge Disaster, 160
Port Alberni, 102, 111
Prattent, Mr., 171
Prevost, Capt. James Charles, 36, 40
Princeton, 68, 69, 72-74, 80, 81, 88, 85, 86
Puget's Sound Agricultural Company, 131, 182,
134, 136, 254
Punch Bowl Lake, 84
Railroads, Interurban, 156, 157, 1S9
Raley,   Rev.   G.   H.,   A   Monograph   of   the
Totem-Poles  in Stanley  Park,   Vancouver,
review of, 62, 63
Rand, C. D., 157
Red Earth Fork, 74, 75, 80
Red Water River, 72, 80
Redon, Louis, 147
Redfern, Mayor Charles E., 146
Reid,  Robie L.,  Captain Evans of Cariboo.
233-246
Remy, M. Jules, 93, 94
Rhodes, Henry, 235, 238
Richter, Frank, 77
Rickard, T.  A., Indian Participation in the
Gold Discoveries, 3-18;   Old Yukon, review
by, 305-307
Riordan, Jim, 87
Rithet, R. P., 147
Roads see Routes of Travel
Robertson, W. Fleet, 79
Robinson, Alfred, 124; letter to, 125, 127-129
Robinson, Bissell & Company, 124;   letter to,
129, 130
Robinson, George, 262
Rock Creek, 78, 82, 83, 88
Rodgers, M. K., 87
Rollo, 87
Ross, Alexander, 69, 71, 72
Ross, Frank E., Sir, Sir George Simpson at
the Department of State, 131-186
Routes of Travel in Similkameen, 69, 71-76,
79-81, 84;  to Cariboo, 235, 236, 238
Royal Engineers, 18, 80, 83-85
Royal Horticultural Society, 90, 92
Russell, Thomas, 254, 255
Russian American Company, 164, 175
Sadusky, Mr. 116
Sage, W. N., A Note on the Change in Title
of Fort St. James, 65, 66
Salt Spring River, 40
Sanders, George Nicholas, 133
Sangster, Capt. James, 43, 44
Saunders, Henry, 186
Sawmills, Alberni, 97-111, 116-121; Albert
Head, 44, 45, 96, 97; Chemainus, 114, 116;
Colquitz Farm, 113, 118; Cowichan, 113,
114, 116; Esquimalt, 38-40, 112; Lady-
Bmith, 115; Nanaimo, 40, 41, 112, 116;
Puget Sound, 46; Rock Bay, 115; Sooke,
48-52, 95-97, 112, 116, 119, 121; Spring
Vale, 116, 116; Victoria, 112, 113; Victoria Arm, 115
Sayward, W. P., 114, 120, 121, 147
Schools, Craigflower, 251-255, 258-260, 263;
Esquimalt, 249; Fort Vancouver, 247;
Nanaimo, 252, 253, 255, 260-263; Vancouver Island, 247-263; Victoria, 247-253, 255-
260
Schools, First Report on Colonial Schools,
1856,   267-260
Scott, Peter, 87
Sea Otter, 202, 203, 218, 276
Seeley, Mr., 96
Seymour, Rear-Admiral Sir G. F., 32
Shaughnessy Heights United Church, Vancouver, The First Ten Years, review of, 64
Shawnigan River, 113
Shepard, Henry S., 113, 114
Ships, First registered at Victoria, 47;
Aetiva, 191, 192; Activo, 197-199; Alberni,
103, 104, 106, 109; Albion, 33-35; Alexander, 187, 188 ; Alice, 47 ; Anahuac, 127 ;
Arab, 32; Aranzazu, 189, 191, 192, 196-
199 ; Argonaut, 189, 190 ; Aurelia, 50, 61;
H.M.S. Bacchante, 102; Beaver, 6, 19, 123,
126, 163-188; Belfast, 125, 127; Bounty,
268 ; H.M.S. Brisk. 37 ; Cadboro, 164, 171;
California, 128 ; Cayuga, 89, 126 ; Cecrops,
96; Coloney, 39; Columbia, 169-173, 183,
184, 247; Commodore, 12, 13 ; Conception,
194 ; H.M.S. Constance, 97 ; Crusader, 187;
Diana, 104, 106; H.M.S. Discovery, 31;
Dove, 96; Dryad, 33; Duchess of San
Lorenzo, 60; Eliza, 114; Empire, 188;
Enterprise,   236;    Euphrates,   95;    Fanny Index.
313
Ships—Continued.
Skolfield, 187 ; Felice Adventurer, 31; Flo-
rinda, 268 ; Fray Bentos, 109 ; Fusi Yama,
105; Genera! Cobb. 114; Glad Tidings, 150;
Grace, 215 ; Hancock, 265 ; Hannah, 114 ;
Harpooner, 248 ; H.M.S. Hecate, 102 ; Henry
Buck, 186; Honolulu Packet, 50; Huron,
6; Industry, 96; Iphigenia, 215; Joseph
Warren, 50; Lady of the Lake, 188; _a
Flame, 200, 207; _aoranp:e, 176; Llama,
177; Lord Western, 60; Major Tompkins,
96; Marcella, 103; Matilda, 96; Meg Merrilies, 101-108; Mentor, 32; Mexicana,
189, 191, 195, 199, 200; Norman Morison,
41, 43, 44, 248, 251, 254; Nuestra Senora de
Aranzazu see Aranzazu; Old Dominion, 97
Or&it, 6, 52; Oregon, 123; Orient, 96
Palinurus, 32; Panama, 123; Pilot, 187
Prince Lee Boo, 271; Prince of Wales, 271
Princesa, 191; Princess Royal, 41, 254,
262; Princess Royal, 271; Recovery, 6, 61
52, 263; Reliance, 285; H.M.S. Resolution,
31; Rising Sun, 234, 237; H.M.S. Rocket,
110; Rose, 60; Rover of the Seas, 187
Santa Gertrudis, 191; H.M.S. Satellite, 16
H.M.S. Scout, 109; Senator, 60; Sheet
Anchor, 103; Starr King, 103; Susan
Sturges, 6; Sutil, 189, 191, 195, 199, 200;
Thames, 106; H.M.S. Thetis, 35; Thomas
Fletcher, 187; Tory, 47, 248, 260; H.M.S.
Tribune, 36; Triumph, 50; Una, 6, 8;
Vancouver, 164; Vanguero, 91; H.M.S.
Virago, 86; William, 60; William and
Anne, 90; Woodpecker, 101,103 ; Xertrudis,
197-199 :   Yankee Scow, 95
Shotbolt, Thomas, 147, 150
Silver Creek, 73
Similkameen District, 67-88; River, 68, 69,
71-74, 78-85; Surveys, 78-80; Valley, 68,
73, 76, 78-81
Similkameen Historical Association, 60, 140,
303
Simpson, Capt. Aemelius, 164
Simpson, Sir George, 41, 73, 128-131; letters
from, 125, 126, 132-135
Simpson, Sir George, at the Department of
State, 131-135
Simpson, George, jr., 43
Sitka, 164, 176
Smith, John Oscar, 120
Smith, William, 168
Snyder, Capt. H. M., 15, 16, 18
Somass River, 108
Some Pioneers of Light and Power, 145-162
Sooke, Sawmill at, 47-52, 96, 96
Spencer, David, 147
Springer, Ben, 148
Sproat, Gilbert Malcolm, 101, 102, 105-111
Sproat, Lake, 108;   River, 108
Staines, Rev. Robert J., 247-249, 251, 265
Staines, Mrs. Robert J., 247, 256
Stamp, Capt. Edward, 97-105, 107, 110, 111
Stamp & Company, 104
Stevens, D. O., 115
Stevenson, Robert, 77
Stout, Capt. William C, 124, 127, 130
Street Lighting, New Westminster, 155, 156;
Vancouver,   148-150,   159;    Victoria,   145-
147, 159, 160, 162
Street Railroads, New Westminster, 156, 159;
Vancouver,   150,   152-155,   159;    Victoria,
160-152, 159, 160
Stuart, John, 55
Sully, William, 158
Sumallo River, 73, 74, 84
Sunday School, First in Victoria, 266
Swinton, Capt. E., 38, 58
Tait, John, 78
Tariff, U.S., on Lumbering, 46, 47
Taylor, A. P., 91
Taylor, W. J., 147
Thompson River District, map of, 72
Thompson Valley and District Historical and
Museum Association, 140, 141
Timber Licences, 49, 51
Tlae-Kullum Creek, 73
Tod, John, 76, 252
Tolls, Road, 84
Tolmie, William Fraser, 43
Trepanege River, 71
Tulameen, meaning, 67;  River, 68, 72-74, 76,
80, 85;  Town, 68, 304
Tunstall, G. C, 86
Turner, George, 152
Twenty Mile Creek, 87
Vancouver, George, 193
Vancouver, Electric Light in, 148-150, 154,
161; Street Lighting, 148-160, 169 ; Street
Railroads, 150, 152-155, 159; Terminus of
C.P.R., 148
Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company,
112
Vancouver Electric Illuminating Company,
153, 154
Vancouver Electric Light Company, 148, 149
Vancouver Electric Railway and Light Company, 153, 154, 157, 158
Vancouver Island, Early Lumbering on, I844-
1866, 31-53, 94-121
Vancouver Street Railways Company, 1886,
150;   1888, 152, 164
Vancouver's Island Steam Saw Mill Company,
42-46
Vancouver's Island Steam Sawing Mill and
Agricultural Company, 41, 42, 47
Van Dewater, John, 124 ; letter to, 129
Venables, Capt., 236
Vermillion Forks, 68, 80, 85
Victoria, Electric Light in, 145-147, 159-161;
Street Lighting, 146-147, 159, 160, 162;
Street Railroads, 150-162, 169, 160
Victoria Electric Illuminating Company, 147,
159
Victoria Electric Railway and Lighting Company, 160
Vilstrup, A., 152 314
INDEX.
Waddington, Alfred, 100
Wagner, Henry R., Tke Cartography of the
Northwest Coast of America to the Year
1800, review of, 223-230; ed. of. The Journal of Jacinto Caamano, 189-222, 266-301
Walkem, George Anthony, 244, 245
Warren, James Douglas, 150. 185-187
Webster, Mr., 49
Westminster and Vancouver Tramway Company, 156, 158
Westminster Street Railway Company, 156
Wickersham, James, Old Yukon, review of,
805-307
Willamette River, first steamer trips, 172
William IV., 168
Williams, W. Y., 87
Wilson, Lieutenant Charles W., 78
Wilson, William, 169
Wilson, William F., 93
Wishart, David D., 48
Wollaston, F. I., 87
Work, John, 43
Wyllie, Robert Crichton, 91, 92
Yale, James Murray, 84, 113
Yates, James, 45
Young, W. A. G., 97, 99
Yukon Voyage, review of, 807, 808
VICTORIA, B.C.:
Printed by C_jei.es F. Banfibld, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
1938.
600-988-6666 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Organized October 31st, 1922.
PATRON.
His Honour Eric W. Hamber, L •■ of British Columbia.
OFFICERS, 1937-38.
Hon. G. M. Weir       .... Honorary President.
W. N. Sage  President.
J. S. Plaskett -       -       -       -       - 1st Vice-President.
Kenneth A. Wattes   - 2nd Vice-President.
E. W. McMollen ... - Honorary Treasurer.
Muriel R. Cree ----- Honorary Secretary.
Robie L. Reid ----- Archivist
MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL.
F. W. Howay J. M. Coady H. T. Nation
J. C. Goodfellow B. A. McKelvie
OBJECTS.
To .1 research an. te public interest in history;
ing of historic sites, buildings, relics,
natural featur- -bjects and places of historical interest, and to
publish historical sketches, studies, and documt
MEMBERSHIP.
Ordinary nr. fee of ¥2 ; -ance.   The fiscal year
commences on the first day of October.    All members in good standing receive
the Britisk Col torical Quart' mt further charge.
sidence and fees should be addressed in care of the Secretary,
.rial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.

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