British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly Jul 31, 1956

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 THE
BRITISH
COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
JULY-OCTOBER, 1956 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Published by the Archives of British Columbia
in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
EDITOR
Willard E. Ireland,
Provincial Archives, Victoria.
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor.
Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings,
Victoria, B.C. Price, 500 the copy, or $2 the year. Members of the British
Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the Quarterly without
further charge.
Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical Association
assumes any responsibUity for statements made by contributors to the magazine. BRITISH COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY
"Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. XX Victoria, B.C., July-October, 1956 Nos. 3 and 4
CONTENTS
Page
Old Mines in the West Kootenay.
By Elsie TurnbuU  147
William Richard Scott, Missionary Misfit and Heroic Slum Priest.
By Andrew Forest Muir  165
The Kootenay Reclamation and Colonization Scheme and William
Adolph Baillie-Grohman.
By Mabel E. Jordon .  187
The Victoria Voltigeurs.
By B. A. McKelvie and Willard E. Ireland  221
Notes and Comments:
British Columbia Historical Association  241
Contributors to This Issue.  246 OLD MINES IN THE WEST KOOTENAY*
There is no more pathetic and disheartening sight than an abandoned
mine. In many an isolated spot in the interior of British Columbia old
shafts he half caved in, surrounded by a rubble of discarded waste.
A dank and icy breath of air, even on the hottest days, flows out from
tunnels with sagging timbers and twisted rail lines. Bushes and undergrowth hide abandoned ore-cars and rotting cabins; here nature once
more overwhelmed and defeated man. Yet although the prospectors are
gone and their mines long since deserted, in reality such desolate scenes
spell not defeat but victory, for these early discoveries opened the way
and made possible a Uving for thousands of people to-day in the great
sprawling metallurgical and chemical industry of present-day British
Columbia.
In the West Kootenay country the first of many valuable lode
deposits to be discovered was the Blue Bell on Kootenay Lake. Lying
on the Big Ledge, the ore was close to the surface and was so prominent
that even the Indians knew of its existence. They came to this spot to
obtain lead for bullets.1 The Hudson's Bay Company men who penetrated the country also knew of this deposit, but the story of its actual
discovery cannot be freed from the legends which have grown around it.2
One of the most persistent stories credited the Scottish botanist,
David Douglas, with the discovery of the Blue Bell in 1825.3 In that
year he travelled up the Columbia River from Fort Vancouver to Fort
Colvile where he spent several days botanizing and exploring the country.
Later reports claimed that he wandered as far as Kootenay Lake and
saw the stained rock on the Big Ledge. It is probable that W. A. Baillie-
Grohman was the person who first credited Douglas with the discovery,
* The substance of the presidential address delivered at the annual meeting
of the British Columbia Historical Association held in Victoria, January 20, 1956.
(1) Father P. J. De Smet may well have been referring to this location when
on September 5, 1845, he wrote: "Le pays des Skalzi n'attend que le travail et
1'industrie de l'homme laborieux et industrieux. Le plomb y est si abondant, que
dans plusieurs endroits il se trouve en monceaux sur la surface du sol meme, et
d'une quality si belle, qu'il y a peu de doute, qu'il ne soit mSle avec une certaine
quantite d'argent."   P. J. De Smet, Missions de I'Oregon   .   .   .   , Gand, 1848, p. 82.
(2) For a more detailed discussion of this point see the appendix to this article.
(3) "The Bluebell, 1825-1951," Cominco Magazine, XII (January, 1951), pp.
1-3; and " Murder at the Blue Bell," ibid., XIII (June, 1952), pp. 1-7, 18. In this
article the old form of spelling Blue Bell is used.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XX, Nos. 3 and 4.
147 148 Elsie Turnbull July-Oct.
for he mentioned it in an article published in the Victoria Colonist in
1883.4 Five years later, Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, Gold Commissioner
for Kootenay, makes reference to " the old galena deposit discovered in
1825 by the botanist Douglas."5 This report possibly was the source of
information which led George M. Dawson, Assistant Director of the
Geological Survey of Canada, to associate Douglas with the find.6 But
modern research shows no foundation in fact for this story. Douglas
kept a diary of his trip and makes no statement which would confirm a
visit to Kootenay Lake. He also collected specimens of rock which he
presented to the Geological Society of London. These have all disappeared, but a list of them in Douglas' handwriting remains and contains
no mention of ore from the Blue Bell nor from the Kootenay Lake
district.7 A. G. Harvey, biographer of Douglas, disposes of the legend
most emphatically:—
The story has often been retold, but it cannot be true, for Douglas was never on
any part of the shore of Kootenay Lake. His carefully written journal, with its
daily entries and detailed list of his travels during 1825-1827, makes no mention
of it, and in fact leaves no room for it. . . . Except for his overland journey to
Hudson Bay in 1827, during which he passed the mouth of the Kootenay (or Mc-
Gillivray's) River, his nearest approach to Kootenay Lake was Kettle Falls (Fort
Colville). He was there three times in 1826, spending all together seven weeks,
and on one occasion walked twenty miles up the Columbia and back. This was
the closest he got to Kootenay Lake.8
There is evidence to suggest a later date of discovery and a specific
discoverer. During 1843-44 still another botanist, the German, Karl
Andreas Geyer, was at Fort Colvile, and in the account of his explorations published in 1845-46 he named as the discoverer none other than
Archibald McDonald, Chief Factor in charge of Fort Colvile.9   Whether
(4) Victoria Colonist, November 18, 1883.
(5) British Columbia, Report of the Minister of Mines, 1888, Victoria, 1889,
p. 299.
(6) George M. Dawson, The Mineral Wealth of British Columbia, Montreal,
1889, in Annual Report of the Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada,
1887-88, new series, Vol. HI, Part ii, p. 62r.
(7) A. G. Harvey, Douglas of the Fir, Cambridge, Mass., 1947, pp. 210-211.
See also his earlier article " David Douglas in British Columbia," British Columbia
Historical Quarterly, IV (1940), pp. 235-237.
(8) Harvey, Douglas of the Fir, p. 211.
(9) Grace Lee Nute, "A Botanist at Fort Colvile," The Beaver, September,
1946, pp. 28-30, indicates that the report was published in the London Journal of
Botany, and Susan Delano McKelvey, Botanical Exploration of the Trans-Mississippi West, 1790-1850, Jamaica Plains, Mass., 1955, p. 791, gives the references
as IV (1845), 479-492, 653-662; V (1846), 22-41, 198-208, 285-310, 509-524. 1956 Old Mines in the West Kootenay 149
or not McDonald was the actual discoverer may still be questioned, but
beyond a doubt he did visit the site and obtained samples which in due
course were sent to London.10 The Hudson's Bay Company, however,
took no steps to develop the find. The company was primarily a fur-
trade concern and may have deliberately preferred to ignore the information, realizing full well the effect that any mining development would
have on its fur trade. So for some time to come only the Indians and
possibly occasional trappers got lead for their bullets from the ore-body.11
Sometime in the 'sixties, George Hearst, a prominent American
mining speculator and subsequently United States Senator from California, visited the Blue Bell and is reputed to have set up a hearth furnace
to treat the ore. WilUam Fernie, Government Agent at that time, in a
letter to S. S. Fowler written in 1909, confirmed Hearst's trip to the mine
with Captain A. Pingston, of Marcus, Washington. However, Fernie
doubted that a furnace was ever set up for he himself saw no sign of it
on any of his visits to the spot. He also indicated that the trip undertaken by Hearst was a wild goose chase, induced by a prospector who
deceived Hearst with ore from a mine other than the Blue Bell.12
Thrust out from the shore on the east side of Kootenay Lake lies the
" Big Ledge "—a hump of rock split into two tree-covered hills. One
hill contains the Blue Bell mine, the other, the Kootenay Chief. On the
Blue Bell side the ore was close to the surface, lying on a band of crystallized limestone, and to-day one can see the old glory hole with rock
oxidized to a red-brown above the white dump of waste marble. On the
Kootenay Chief hill the ore was below the surface, and to-day the shaft
goes down far below the level of the lake. Its headframe, a striking pattern of grey and red against the green hillside, looks very modern and
efficient, but close beside the concentrator is a stone memorial which
takes one back to the past with these words—"Thomas Hammill,
assassinated June 1, 1885, age 30 years."
(10) "Did Archibald McDonald Discover the Bluebell? " Cominco Magazine,
XIV (January, 1953), pp. 2-3.
(11) "Sometime at the beginning of this century, men, and especially Hudson Bay men, knew of the existence of a great deposit of carbonate of lead,
galena and copper, upon Kootenay Lake, known as the Blue Bell mine. This great
mine (now the mainstay of the Pilot Bay Smelting Company), for many years
provided lead for a few trappers' buUets, and that was all." Clive Phillips-Wolley,
" Mining Development in British Columbia," The Canadian Magazine of Politics,
Science, Art and Literature, VUI (1896-97), p. 300.
(12) WUliam Fernie to S. S. Fowler, January 26 and February 6, 1909,
Transcript, Archives of B.C. 150 Elsie Turnbull July-Oct.
On this lovely wooded spot above the quiet Galena Bay, which curves
in behind the Big Ledge, the desire for wealth brought tragedy many
years ago. In 1882, Robert Evan Sproule and two companions set out
from Dick Fry's ranch at Bonner's Ferry to follow down the Kootenay
River. Cruising along Kootenay Lake they saw the iron stain on the
Big Ledge and, on going ashore, they were overwhelmed by the seeming
immensity of the deposit and felt their fortunes were made. Unfortunately, however, all mining in British Columbia up to this time had been
placer-mining and the laws consequently only covered situations apt to
arise in that type of mining. To hold a claim it was necessary to file at
once with a Gold Commissioner and not be absent from a claim for more
than seventy-two hours at a stretch. Since the nearest Gold Commissioner was at Wild Horse Creek, over 100 miles away, it was impossible
for Sproule to travel there and back without being absent more than the
prescribed limit of time, so he did not register in conformity with the law.
But in the same year Captains John C. and George J. Ainsworth, of the
Columbia and Kootenay Railroad, had sent out a prospecting party under
Thomas Hammill. Shortly after Sproule began working on the Blue Bell,
Hammill arrived and claimed the deposit. Included in his party was the
Gold Commissioner, William Fernie, so that Hammill was able to register
bis claim properly according to placer law.
To settle the rival claims of the two parties the Government authorized Edward Kelly, in 1883, to proceed to the site and to conduct an
investigation. Kelly had recently replaced Fernie as Government Agent
and Assistant Gold Commissioner for the Electoral District of Kootenay
and also held a commission as Justice of the Peace.13 Sproule and
Hammill had set up camps on the neck of land above Galena Bay and
late in August, Kelly was warmly welcomed by both groups, and to
maintain his impartiality he ate with the Hammill group and slept in
Sproule's camp. For six months he held Court in the largest shanty in
the settlement, and every day he wisely required all revolvers to be put
in a box at his side. By this time Baillie-Grohman had become actively
interested in Sproule's claims and in fact represented him in the inquiry.14
In the end Kelly gave his decision in favour of the Sproule group. However, Hammill and his associates appealed the decision to the Supreme
(13) British Columbia Gazette, July 12, 1883. In addition, he was Assistant
Commissioner of Lands and Works, District Registrar of Births, Deaths, and
Marriages, and Collector of Provincial Revenue Tax.
(14) W. A. BaUlie-Grohman, Fifteen Years' Sport and Life, London, 1900,
pp. 232-238. 1956 Old Mines in the West Kootenay 151
Court of British Columbia where, in March, 1884, it was heard before
Chief Justice Matthew Baillie Begbie, who reversed Kelly's decisions on
three of the claims, assessing costs to Sproule.15 Although he had actually won possession of the Blue Bell claim, Sproule was eventually forced
to part with his interests in this claim in order to pay the costs. The loss
of his supposed fortune to Hammill and to the wealthy Ainsworth interests so embittered him that his mind became unbalanced.
On June 1, 1885, Sproule hid in the bushes close to where Hammill
and his men were working and' shot him. Hammill's back was broken
and he died several hours later. Sproule fled, getting a six-hour start
before Constable Henry Anderson could round up a party of Indians for
the pursuit. Anderson judged that the wanted man would make for
Idaho and so he split his group in two, posting them on each side of the
Kootenay River close to the International Boundary line, and sat down
to wait. Sproule had neglected to take sufficient supplies, and he was
afraid to shoot any game lest the sound of his gun should betray his
whereabouts. Anderson's party also got hungry and after four days an
Indian shot a bear. Sproule heard the shot and, thinking it must be
other Indians, walked up to the camp for food and was promptly arrested
by the constable.16 He was taken to Victoria and after a long trial was
convicted and hanged.17
After the murder the Ainsworth interests abandoned their efforts to
develop the mine and it was not until 1887 that any further work was
done. In that year Dr. W. A. Hendryx began development,18 transferring his interests to the Kootenay Mining and Smelting Company. They
found a tremendous quantity of low-grade ore—silver mixed with lead
and zinc—and by 1894 had cut some 3,000 feet of tunnels. Operation
of the mine was sporadic, for one of the great difficulties was the problem
of transportation since the Blue Bell was miles away from all smelters.
In 1895 a mill and smelter were built at Pilot Bay, a peninsula jutting
into the lake, about 8 miles away; there being no road to the bay, the
ore had to be loaded on large scows and taken by water to the mill.19
A little settlement grew up at Pilot Bay with houses, a hotel, bunk-houses,
(15) Victoria Colonist, March 30, 1884.
(16) Baillie-Grohman, Fifteen Years' Sport and Life, pp. 240-251.
(17) Victoria Colonist, January 6, 1886. He was sentenced to hang on March
6, but a prolonged legal battle ensued [ibid., September 30, 1886] and the execution
was postponed until October 29 [ibid., October 30, 1886].
(18) Report of the Minister of Mines, 1888, Victoria, 1889, pp. 301-2.
(19) Report of the Minister of Mines, 1895, Victoria, 1896, p. 683. 152 Elsie Turnbull July-Oct.
and a school nestling among the trees. But the town did not last very
long for the Hendryx company could not operate at a profit and by 1899
the mine had passed into the hands of the Bank of Montreal.20 When
activity at the Blue Bell ceased temporarily Pilot Bay was deserted, and
to-day nothing remains but two brick stacks towering above the trees, a
few crumbling buildings, and the remains of the basements where the
houses stood.
In 1905 the Canadian Metal Company took over the Blue Bell. A
prominent backer of this company was a Frenchman, Count Edouard
Riondel, whose name was given to the post office and remains as the
name of the town to-day. In 1907-08 a powerhouse, machine-shop,
and mill were built above the wharf facing on Kootenay Lake and
nestling between the two hills. The mine superintendent was S. S.
Fowler, and in 1924 he and B. L. Eastman took over the property, working it for several years. To-day the buildings are crumbling into ruin
as the wind whistles through broken windows, but their red colour adds
a picturesque note to the lake-front. In 1930 the Consolidated Mining
and Smelting Company acquired the Riondel and Ainsworth interests in
the Blue Bell21 but did not get full control until 1948 when they began
underground development. Now lead and zinc are being taken from
the mine and a small community has grown up on the flat land behind
the hill. Galena Bay, protected by the cliff, is now used as a landing
place, and the concentrates are taken by barge across the lake and then
by rail to the smelter at Trail.22
In 1887 two prospectors, George Bowerman and George Leyson,
followed the Dewdney Trail searching for a bonanza of gold. They
pushed beyond the Okanagan, Rock Creek, and the Boundary country
and crossed the rugged summit between Christina Lake and the Columbia
River. They went up the defile along Deer Park Mountain and on the
southern slope of that hill they beUeved they had found their goal. They
worked all summer, sinking a shaft and finding ore as it went down.
Then came discouragement, for 20 feet down the walls of the vein came
together so that a knife could not be placed between them. Discouraged
they gave up their hopes and abandoned the location.23    However,
(20) Report of the Minister of Mines, 1899, Victoria, 1900, p. 699.
(21) Report of the Minister of Mines, 1931, Victoria, 1932, p. 142.
(22) Report of the Minister of Mines, 1949, Victoria, 1950, pp. 176-178.
(23) Harold Kingsmill, A History of Rossland and the Trail Creek District,
Rossland [1897], p. 1. 1956 Old Mines in the West Kootenay 153
history had been made—it was the first strike in the Rossland area and
the beginning of a development which would astound the mining world.
Two years later, in 1889, Joseph Bourgeois relocated this find and
the following year it was recorded by OUver Bordeau and Newlin
Hoover.24 This was the Lily May. To hold a claim it was necessary
to do $100 worth of work a year so in March, 1890, Bordeau hired Joe
Morris to help him on the Lily May. When the work was done Bordeau
said he had no money with him to pay Morris but that he had some in
Nelson. On his way to Nelson to coUect his money Morris found a
good-looking outcropping just below the LUy May. He located this and
caUed it the Homestake—the second mine in the Rossland area.25
These two mines, the oldest in the district, are almost forgotten
to-day. The Lily May Ues in a thick grove of trees with at least two
shafts visible. Concrete footings remain and an old forge in what must
have been the blacksmith-shop. In 1896 it was owned by the Lily May
Gold Mining Company, of Spokane,26 and on February 1, 1899, ownership was transferred to the EngUsh-Canadian Company,27 which worked
it until 1905. From then it lay idle until 1912 when the Richmond
Consolidated Mines Company acquired the property.28 In 1935, when
many of the old mines were reworked during the depression, it again
shipped a smaU amount of ore. The Homestake lies at the head of the
Trail Creek vaUey and its dump is clearly visible beside the railway
running between Trail and Rossland. It was worked sporadicaUy through
the years.
1890 was the great year of discoveries in the TraU Creek area. When
Morris reached Nelson he found that Bordeau stiU had no money for
him and consequently he joined Bourgeois to continue prospecting. They
had noticed red patches on the slope across from Deer Park Mountain
and set out to examine them. The result was gratifying and the two men
staked claims on the hiU now caUed Red Mountain—the Centre Star,
War Eagle, Idaho, Virginia, and an extension of the Centre Star which
(24) W. A. Carlyle, Report on the Trail Creek Mining District, Victoria, 1896
(Bulletin No. 2, Provincial Bureau of Mines), p. 31.
(25) Lance Whittaker (ed.), Rossland the Golden City, Rossland, 1949, pp.
1-2.
(26) Carlyle, Report on the Trail Creek Mining District, p. 31.
(27) Report of the Minister of Mines, 1898, Victoria, 1899, p. 1096.
(28) Charles W. Drysdale, Geology and Ore Deposits of Rossland, British
Columbia, Ottawa, 1915 (Canada, Department of Mines, Geological Survey,
Memoir 77), p. 171. 154 Elsie Turnbull July-Oct.
they caUed LeWise. At that time the Provincial mining law forbade a
man holding more than two claims so Morris and Bourgeois gave the
Deputy Mining Recorder at Nelson, Colonel E. S. Topping, the extension
of the Centre Star, providing he paid the fees for recording their four
claims. Topping paid the $12.50 fee and recorded his own claim on
July 17, 1890, under the name LeRoi. Laden with impressive samples
from his property Topping set out to interest American capital in his
find. Even before he reached Spokane he had persuaded two feUow
traveUers—Colonel W. M. Ridpath and George Forster—to consult with
friends about the formation of a company to operate the mine. This
they did, purchasing 16/30ths of the claim for $16,000. Later they
acquired the rest of the property and registered it in the State of Washington as the LeRoi Gold Mining Company, later named the LeRoi
Mining and Smelting Company, of Spokane.29
News of the find and the sale soon became public and a horde of
prospectors pushed into the district. In the same month, July, 1890, the
Enterprise, the Mountain View, the Iron Horse, the Columbia, and the
Gertrude were recorded, and later in the year the Gopher, the Georgia,
the Iron Mask, the Iron Colt, the Mayflower, the Crown Point, the Monte
Crista, the Nickel Plate, the Kootenay, the CUff, the St. Elmo, the
Evening Star, and the Jumbo. A Mining Recorder's office was estabUshed in the camp and fifty men wintered there.30
The next few years continued to be fuU of excitement. More and
more claims were staked and American capital poured in to develop the
mines. The first shipments of ore were packed by mules down the traU
to the Columbia River and taken by boat and rail to a smelter in Butte,
Montana. In 1896 the TraU Creek Tramway was buUt, a narrow-gauge
raUway which wound up the TraU Creek vaUey to Rossland and over
which it took two hours to travel the 12 mUes. That same year D. C.
Corbin completed the Red Mountain RaUway from Northport, Washington, to Rossland.
In 1895 F. Augustus Heinze, a mining magnate from Butte, Montana,
negotiated a contract with the LeRoi company to treat 75,000 tons of
ore and buUt a smelter close to the mines. For the site of his smelter
he chose a spot on sand bluffs 120 feet above the Columbia River at
the mouth of Trail Creek.   In February, 1896, the first furnace was
(29) Whittaker, Rossland the Golden City, pp. 2-4; Drysdale, Geology and
Ore Deposits of Rossland, pp. 6-7.
(30) Drysdale, op. cit., p. 6. 1956 Old Mines in the West Kootenay 155
blown in and the B.C. Smelting and Refining Company started treatment
of Rossland ores. With a smelter close to the mines and two raUways
connecting it with the outside world Rossland camp was prepared to
make money. Two townsites had sprung up: One near the mines,
planned by Ross Thompson, was caUed Rossland; and the other, at the
mouth of TraU Creek, was laid out by Colonel Topping and Frank Hanna
and named simply, TraU.
On completion of its contract in 1897 the LeRoi company stopped
shipping ores to the TraU smelter and buUt its own plant at Northport,
Washington. Difficulties arose and soon the company was involved in
perplexing Utigation. The owners decided to seU but disagreed on the
price. A majority group sold to British interests—the British American
Company under the control of the Hon. C. W. Macintosh and Whittaker
Wright—but a minority refused to seU. As the company was registered
in the State of Washington the minority claimed it was not subject to
British law which gave control to a majority interest, and they also
invoked the American State law which refused aUens the privUege of
owning property in the State. Foreseeing this, the counsel for the
majority fled from Spokane to Rossland with the books and papers of
the company, only to find that the seal of another company had been
substituted for that of the LeRoi, thus preventing him from transacting
business in its name. The minority group issued an injunction against
any of the majority shareholders leaving the country and sent deputies
to keep them from crossing the border. Macintosh hired a special train
and ordered the engineer to stop for nothing until he reached Canada.
Sheriff Bunce entered the special coach to prevent it from leaving
Spokane but Macintosh finaUy persuaded him that an EngUshman's,
home was his castle and that he was trespassing. Bunce left the coach
but continued to hold a gun on the train-crew until the president of the
raUway, Austin Corbin, intervened and the train was allowed to proceed.
The sheriff clung to the coach for 140 mUes but at Northport he was
persuaded to leave on threat of arrest in Canada for carrying a deadly
weapon. The foUowing year the directors finaUy settled their differences
and the minority group sold their stock. In the Bank of Montreal in
Rossland is preserved a photograph of the cheque for $1,042,054, signed
by C. H. Macintosh on behalf of the British American Company as payment for the shares in the LeRoi company. Then came labour unrest
and a strike, foUowed by the collapse of Whittaker Wright's financial 156 Elsie Turnbull July-Oct.
empire and his subsequent suicide. A new manager took over the LeRoi
and by 1902 it had settled down and affairs were running smoothly.31
Meanwhile the year 1897 held other excitement than the legal battles
over the LeRoi. In that year Heinze's affairs in Montana became very
troubled and he sold his Canadian smelter and railroads to the Canadian
Pacific RaUway Company. Like everything else in his career this transaction was packed with drama. The Canadian Pacific RaUway Company
had sent Walter HuU Aldridge to deal with Heinze. After inspecting the
plant Aldridge reported that the price asked was too high and received
word from his head office that Heinze had closed the deal with them at a
very much lower figure. It soon turned out, however, that Heinze had not
included very essential items and was now asking for a further $300,000.
Aldridge then began planning a smelter at Blueberry Creek and Heinze,
hearing of this, suggested a game of poker to settle the deal, which
Aldridge refused, claiming there were too many Methodists on the directorate of the Canadian Pacific RaUway Company to approve of such a
proceeding. He preferred to refer the matter for adjudication to the
local manager of the Bank of Montreal, J. S. C. Fraser, and to this Heinze
agreed. Although it was now late in the evening they roused Fraser and
the argument continued until the early hours of the morning, by which
time the Canadian Pacific RaUway Company owned the B.C. Smelting
and Refining works and railroads for considerably less than Heinze's
original figure.32
The coming of W. H. Aldridge to the West Kootenay was an event of
far-reaching significance. He was a man of outstanding abUity who
could understand the mining situation and foresee the future and this was
one of the main reasons that the smelter at TraU continued its development and became the large operation it is to-day. In the early years of
the century there were smelters at Grand Forks, Boundary FaUs, Greenwood, Northport, Nelson, and PUot Bay. Obviously there was not
enough ore for them aU to continue and it was partiaUy due to Aldridge
that the TraU smelter continued and the others did not. He obtained
control of the leading mines in the district and in 1906 the Centre Star
properties, the War Eagle, the St. Eugene (in the East Kootenay), and
the Rossland Power Company were amalgamated with the smelter. The
new company was registered as the ConsoUdated Mining and Smelting
Company of Canada Limited.   In 1909 it acquired the SulUvan mine in
(31) Whittaker, Rossland the Golden City, pp. 35-37.
(32) Ibid., pp. 53-56. 1956 Old Mines in the West Kootenay 157
East Kootenay and in 1912 the LeRoi properties. There were stiU many
difficulties to be overcome but the ore, the smelter, and the power plants
were now under one management and the stage was set for expansion.33
The West Kootenay area had come into its own.
What is Red Mountain Uke to-day? From a distance the mountain
looks very much the same—it is stiU a round hUl about 5,200 feet high
covered with trees and bushes. Its northern slope provides a ski hUl.
Just above the city of Rossland are great scars left from the mining days.
Deep orange-coloured guUeys, black holes in the rock, pUes of waste,
and jagged cuts may be seen but are graduaUy being covered by a new
growth of forest. Beneath the surface the earth is honeycombed with
tunnels and warning signs are everywhere: " Old Mine Workings—Keep
Out! " The great shaft of the Centre Star is covered with a slab of
cement. The hoists, the compressors, and the ore-bins are gone; only
a few foundations mark their place. Below the colourful waste of the
LeRoi and just beyond the Black Bear tunnel is the city garbage-dump.
A tourist camp Ues close to the White Bear and in the city itself houses
are buUt on the waste from the old Spitzee and the Great Western. On
aU the hills around the tale is the same—the ore has been worked out,
the mines are done; but huckleberry pickers in their search for fruit or
hunters hi the faU stumble over pUes of rock and find holes in the ground
—mute evidence of the days when Rossland was truly " The Golden
City " and when aU over the West Kootenay country mineral wealth was
being wrested from the earth to serve as one of the main pUlars of British
Columbia's emerging industrial empire.
Elsie Turnbull.
Trail, B.C.
(33) For extensive details on the development of this great industrial concern
see "The story of the Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company of Canada
Limited," in Canadian Mining Journal, LXXV (May, 1954), pp. 125-393. 158 Elsie Turnbull July-Oct.
APPENDIX: THE BLUE BELL—FACT AND FANTASY.*
The story of the actual discovery of the Blue Bell mine can even now only
partially be freed from the embeUishments of fantasy and legend which
through the passage of time and repetition have come to be accepted as fact.
Typical of the traditional stories is that written by an unnamed contributor
and inserted in the Annual Report of the Minister of Mines for 1908 by the
Provincial Mineralogist:—
As the Blue Bell probably possesses more historic interest than any other mine in
British Columbia, a digression to admit of its history being briefly reviewed may
be permissible. The earliest information relative to this property was that given
by David Douglas, a Scottish botanist, who, in 1825, made an examination of the
flora and fauna of Kootenay lake, in the course of which he discovered the big
mineral outcrop of what is now the Blue Bell mine; later, the Hudson Bay Company's trappers used the surface ore for making bullets, and, on their departure,
left several old drills behind them. For about twenty-five years afterward no one
appeared to have visited the place nor communicated to the outside world anything
about it. About 1864, flattering reports having been received from prospectors,
George Hearst, of CaUfornia, a mining man of wealth, afterwards United States
Senator from that State (father of the present owner of the " New York Journal"
and numerous other newspapers), made a trip to the property. He encountered
great hardships on the way, but persisted in his journey, and, on reaching the
Blue Bell, erected a small open-hearth furnace, and proceeded to reduce some ore
to bullion. The remains of this old furnace are stated to still exist on the property.
The low grade of the bullion, the distance from transportation, and the supposed
inability to market the product within his lifetime, led Mr. Hearst to abandon
the project. Nothing more was heard of the embryo mine untU 1878, in which
year R. E. Sproule located all the available ground on the peninsula on which the
property is situated.   .   .   .1
To whom the responsibility for associating David Douglas with the discovery may be charged is still a matter of conjecture. But it would appear
to be W. A. Baillie-Grohman. In 1882 he had visited the Kootenay country
on a hunting expedition and the next year he returned on more serious business. In November, 1883, the Victoria Colonist published over his signature
an article " The Kootenay Lake Country. A Word About Its Mineral Features " in which he stated that
the so-called " Big Ledge " . . . was discovered in 1825 by the Scotch naturalist,
Douglas. . . . Sent out in 1823 by several scientific associations of Scotland,
this intrepid traveller reached Kootenay Lake in 1825, and in his report describes
the "Big Silverlead Reef" very accurately. In 1831 samples of the ore from this
lead were sent to England by the Hudson Bay people, but the low grade contents
of silver   ...  at once doomed the ledge to another half century's tranquUity.2
GUbert Malcolm Sproat and A. S. FarweU had been sent by the Provincial Government to investigate the resources of the Kootenay country in
1883, but their reports, although mentioning the existence of the ore-body,
* This appendix has been prepared by the editor in consultation with the
author.
(1) British Columbia, Report of the Minister of Mines, 1908, Victoria, 1909,
p. J 95.
(2) Victoria Colonist, November 18, 1883. 1956 Old Mines in the West Kootenay 159
make no reference to David Douglas.3 However, nearly five years later, in
his report as Gold Commissioner for Kootenay, written at FarweU, August
18,1888, Sproat makes reference to "the old galena deposit discovered in
1825 by the botanist Douglas "4—the first such reference yet to be discovered in an official Government report. This was probably the source of
information that led George M. Dawson, Assistant Director of the Geological Survey of Canada, to state in The Mineral Wealth of British Columbia,
a report dated March 1,1889, that the ores " are said to have been discovered
by the botanist Douglas in 1825."5 Baillie-Grohman amplified his story
somewhat in Fifteen Years' Sport and Life, published in 1900, but without
recording the source of his information:—
... I subsequently found, while making some researches, that this very same
big iron stain on the cliff, which was visible for some distance off, had attracted the
attention of the famous naturalist David Douglas (after whom the chief tree of
British Columbia has been named). Douglas, who was the first white man
unconnected with the Hudson's Bay or North-West Fur Company that travelled in
British Columbia for scientific purposes, went through the Kootenay country in
1825, and had sent a specimen or two of the glittering ore home with his report.
In 1831 these or other samples were assayed and their low grade established, for
though running as much as 70 and 80 per cent lead, the ore of this famous ledge
contains but 10 to 15 ounces of silver to the ton. The claim had never been
worked till Sprowle [sic] re-discovered it.6
The improbability of Douglas having discovered the ore-body was pointed
out by F. W. Howay as early as 19147 and fully corroborated by A. G.
Harvey, whose painstaking researches proved that the famous botanist never
got to Kootenay Lake.8 This is not to deny that Douglas may have heard of
the existence of the mineral deposit from the Indians or may have been told
of it by one of the many servants of the Hudson's Bay Company with whom
he was so constantly in contact.9   Karl Andreas Geyer, a German botanist
(3) Sproat's report, dated January 7, 1884, is to be found in the British
Columbia Sessional Papers, 1883-84, Victoria, 1884, pp. 310-323, and Farwell's
report, dated December 31, 1883, is in ibid., pp. 255-261.
(4) Report of the Minister of Mines, 1888, Victoria, 1889, p. 299.
(5) George M. Dawson, The Mineral Wealth of British Columbia, Montreal,
1889, in Annual Report of the Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada,
1887-88, new series, Vol. Ill, Part ii, p. 62r.
(6) W. A. Baillie-Grohman, Fifteen Years' Sport and Life in the Hunting
Grounds of Western America and British Columbia, London, 1900, p. 232,
footnote.
(7) E. O. S. Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia, Vancouver, 1914,
Vol. II, p. 468.
(8) A. G. Harvey, Douglas of the Fir, Cambridge, Mass., 1947, pp. 210-211;
see also his earlier article " David Douglas in British Columbia," British Columbia
Historical Quarterly, TV (1940), pp. 235-237.
(9) A. G. Harvey, in his article "David Douglas in British Columbia,"
suggested that Douglas' informant may have been William Kittson, who it was
then believed had been up the Kootenay River in the fall of 1825, but this
suggestion is not repeated in the later definitive biography of Douglas for an
examination of the journal of John Work, which told of Kittson's activity, makes
it clear that he had not personally visited the region. The original journal of John
Work is in the Archives of B.C.; see also T. C. Elliott (ed.), "Journal of John
Work. Sept. 7th-Dec. 14th, 1825," Washington Historical Quarterly, V (1914), pp.
177-8, 181, 186-7. 160 Elsie Turnbull July-Oct.
who was in the vicinity of Fort Colvile during 1843—44, was more specific in
that he named as the discoverer Archibald McDonald, the Chief Factor in
charge of Fort Colvile.10 Corroboration of McDonald's association with the
srte is to be found in a letter he wrote on September 29, 1844, from Lower
Columbia Lake to James Douglas at Fort Vancouver:—
Some days before I left ColvUe I addressed you briefly on the Subject of a
Certain Ore we talked of; at same time made up a goodly package of the Mineral
to go home by the ship for testing it in England. I have now to inform you that
I have myself since visited that interesting spot,- & Certainly found it pregnant with
all that might induce a speedy attempt at working the Ore, if any other than mere
lead.
Finding the Columbia Waters almost impossible to Surmount from a recent
freshet, I thought it would be no great loss of time to delay at the mouth of the
Kootanais River a few days while I with a couple of our men and two Indians with
their two Small Canoes should make a quick trip to the Kootanais Lake. This, by
leaving the men at the head of the bad navigation, & going on the rest of the route
with the Indians only, I effected in three days & a half. . . .
From his description of the site and the accompanying sketch-map he drew
there can be no doubt that McDonald had visited what was to become the
Blue Bell mine:—
It was after twilight when I arrived; by peep of day were at work, but the
weather becoming threatening, & being Completely debarred from returning to my
people by the least puff of wind, my day was very short. I have numbered the few
specimens I collected on the spot & in the vicinity, & will leave them here with more
of the Ore to be taken down & afterwards disposed of as Mr. McLoughlin & you
may think fit. From 1 to 13 both inclusive are from the Presque Isle—from 14 to
18 on the opposite shore of the Lake—19 & 20 the prevailing rocks in the Kootanais river.
The Presque-Isle is very remarkable. It is the only elevated spot along the
whole of the east side shore from opposite the discharge of the Lake as far northward as I could see, as indicated by my adjoining rough sketch; and would seem
as if thrown by some violent concussion of nature from the opposite shore. The
land behind it appeared a smooth surfaced limestone, receding back with a very
gentle slope & scarcely any wood on it for some distance up. The west shore from
a to b presents One of the most splendid views in nature to the eye of the Geologist
—every Strata bold, clear and distinct, & I am much mistaken or they are
indications of a very rich mineral Country.
By the light of a blazing fire which warmed myself & my two Naked Companions for the night, I cut my initials in a large tree along side of us, to
Commemorate my own dear name, as no Nook or Corner Could be spared me on
the recently explored Hyperborian shore; and I do not know but I may yet claim
the Kootanais treasure as my own—On voirera.H
Within two months word of this discovery—for that is the way Chief
Factor John McLoughlin referred to it—was on its way to London:—
I have shipped, by the Barque Columbia, a small box, addressed to you, containing specimens of a mineral found in the vicinity of "Flat Bow Lake," on
(10) Grace Lee Nute, "A Botanist at Fort Colvile," The Beaver, September,
1946, pp. 28-31, indicates that the report was published in the London Journal
of Botany.
(11) Archibald McDonald to James Douglas, September 29, 1844, H.B.C.
Archives, London. Reference to this letter is to be found in E. E. Rich (ed.), The
Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee,
Third Series, 1844-46, London, 1944, p. 62, and the full text with the accompanying sketch-map is printed in " Did Archibald McDonald Discover the Bluebell?"
Cominco Magazine, XTV (January, 1953), pp. 2-3. 1956 Old Mines in the West Kootenay 161
McGUlivray's River, which I lately received from Chief Factor McDonald, who
describes in the accompanying letter and sketch, the most remarkable geological
features of the place, so far as the very brief visit he made permitted observing
them.
From a smaU portion of the metal tested here, a considerable quantity of very
fine soft lead was obtained; but our mode of analysis was not sufficiently accurate,
to detect the traces of any more precious metal. Silver ore may, notwithstanding,
be found associated with the lead, in sufficient quantities to make it an object of
importance to the Company. This has been the case in many lead mines in North
America; in one, for instance known as " Livingstone's Mine " in the State of
New York, one ton of the antimonial Sulpheret of Lead has yielded as much as
118 ounces of SUver.
It is not probable that mining operations could be carried on to advantage at
Flat Bow Lake, the distance being about 600 miles from the sea coast, and the
water navigation, so difficult, and dangerous, that the metal would have to be transported with pack horses, more than half the distance by land. The mine is also on
the South side of the Columbia river, and will therefore, in all probability,
eventually fall within the limits of the United States Territory, and, if the reported
mineral wealth of that part of the country becomes known to Americans, it will
raise its value, and may become an additional motive with their Government, to
make good their claims. However this may be, I think it is only proper that
the Governor and Committee should be informed of the fact, that we have
discovered the ore in question, and it is with that view the specimens are
forwarded.^
As it turned out, McLoughlin's fear that the mineral deposit would lie
within American territory when the boundary line was drawn proved unfounded. The Hudson's Bay Company never pursued the matter. Possibly
the problem of transportation suggested by McLoughlin may have been a
consideration and, in addition, the assay examination in England was no more
successful in revealing a silver content than that undertaken at Fort Vancouver. A report made by Heathfield & Burgess, Experimental Chemists,
Princes Square, Finsbury, and dated April 27, 1846, stated: " Examination
of sample of lead ore. The ore contains, Sulphuret lead, large proportion,
Iron (oxide), Lime, SUica, alumina."13 Moreover, the conflict of interests
between the operation of a fur-trade concern and the inherent consequences
of mining development may have been a further deterrent to the company.
So for some time to come only the Indians and possibly occasional trappers
got lead for their bullets from the ore-body.14
It is equaUy difficult to corroborate the details of the association with this
mineral deposit of George Hearst, prominent American mining speculator
(12) John McLoughlin to Archibald Barclay, November 24, 1844, H.B.C.
Archives, London, as printed in E. E. Rich (ed.), The Letters of John McLoughlin
.   .   .   Third Series, 1844-46, pp. 61-62.    Flat Bow Lake was the name then
applied to Kootenay Lake, and McGUlivray's River to Kootenay River.
(13) E.E.Rich (ed.), The Letters of John McLoughlin . . . Third Series,
1844-^6, p. 62, footnote 2.
(14) " Sometime at the beginning of this century, men, and especially Hudson
Bay men, knew of the existence of a great deposit of carbonate of lead, galena
and copper, upon Kootenay Lake, known as the Blue Bell mine. This great mine
(now the mainstay of the Pilot Bay Smelting Company), for many years provided
lead for a few trappers' bullets, and that was all." Clive Phillipps-Wolley, " Mining
Development in British Columbia," The Canadian Magazine of Politics, Science,
Art and Literature, VIII (1896-97), p. 300.
2 162 Elsie Turnbull July-Oct.
and subsequently United States Senator from California. Various dates for
his visit have been put forward—1864 and 1868 to mention but two—and
the story persists that he set up a hearth furnace to treat the ore. S. S. Fowler,
long associated with the mining industry of British Columbia and with the Blue
Bell mine in particular and a keen student of its history, attempted to track
down the story. In 1909 he appealed to William Fernie, who first went to
the Kootenay country in 1864 and remained there until after the turn of the
century during part of which time he served as Government Agent. In
response Fernie recounted the facts as he could recall them:—
My first knowledge of what is now known as the Blue Bell mine was in 1865.
I was at that time employed as a foreman under E. Dewdney Esqre. in building
the eastern section of the Dewdney trail. I had quit work for the season and
arrived in October 1865 at Mr. Dewdney's camp where the trail crosses the river.
Mr. Dewdney showed me some galena the Kootenay Indians had brought to him
and described the location to him from where the ore was brought. Mr. Dewdney
tried to induce me to go and prospect and locate the find. I declined because at
that time no mineral lode mine except free gold could be worked to advantage.
From what the Indians said they had known of this galena for years.15
Some years after, in the 70s exact date not remembered a syndicate sent out
a prospector (name forgotten) to prospect in the Kootenays. He had no success
for months and I presume the Indians snowed him the same ore which they showed
Mr. Dewdney years before.
This prospector afterwards sent some very rich ore to Mr. Hearst (afterwards
elected to the U.S. Senate) in San Francisco claiming that he had a large deposit
of the same class of ore on the Kootenay Lake. Mr. Hearst soon afterwards came
up to Colville, Washington Territory that being at that time the nearest settlement
and the best place to get transportation to the Kootenay Lake. He engaged Captn
A. Pingston to bring him and an assay outfit in a row boat to the Lake. Mr.
Hearst met the prospector at Colville and brought him along in the boat. On the
trip up the river the prospector proposed to Pingston to lose the assay outfit whilst
making one of their portages so that Mr. Hearst could make no assays on the trip.
Pingston refused to have anything to do with such a transaction and after the
party arrived safely at the location Mr. Hearst soon found out that he had been
brought on a wild goosechase from San Francisco to Kootenay Lake at that time
a difficult and arduous trip as well as an expensive one. There was no such ore in
sight like the sample sent to him in California. He at once prepared to return and
refused to allow the prospector to return in the boat he had hired and would have
allowed him to remain alone on the shore of the Lake but Pingston would not
consent to this and he remarked to Mr. Hearst you can go and thrash him if you
like but you cannot leave him there to starve and you must let him come back in
the boat to where he can get some thing to eat. Pingston who was a friend of mine
told me the above. It is supposed that the ore that the prospector sent to Mr.
Hearst in San Francisco was obtained in Colorado.1^
(15) This would appear to be corroborated by the following extract from a
narrative attributed to Edgar Dewdney published by R. E. Gosnell, in " Bygone
Days of British Columbia," Vancouver Province^ November 21, 1908: "On the
east side the Indians po[i]nted out to me what they called the Chicamen mountain,
or Metal mountain. They told me they made bullets out of the lead that oozed
out of the fissures of the rock. This subsequently was located, and I beUeve is
the Great Blue Bell claim."
(16) William Fernie to S. S. Fowler, January 26, 1909, Transcript, Archives
of B.C. 1956 Old Mines in the West Kootenay 163
When pressed for further information regarding Captain Pingston,17
Fernie explained his association with the Forty Nine, pioneer steamboat on
the Columbia River launched in November, 1865. Pingston had been mate
on the steamboat during her short active career in 1866 and subsequently
commanded her, for she continued to run at very irregular intervals until
1871. Fernie was certain that the famous trip with Hearst occurred after the
Forty Nine had been laid up. He then provided additional information about
the Hearst story:—
. . . No assay or buUion from the Blue Bell Mine would at the time Hearst
came to B.C. have induced him to come, the ore was and is too poor _to induce a
capitalist to go to an unknown and undeveloped country in the seventies.
I am sorry that I cannot give you the name of the prospector who induced
Hearst to come.^ . . . This man had in his possession or obtained it somewhere some very rich ore altogether different to the class of the Blue Bell ore.
After prospecting for some time and failing to find anything that he thought was
worth much he got discouraged and knowing of the Blue Bell deposit he thought
he would try to swindle Hearst out of some money. He was supposed to have an
interest in anything he found and he sent this rich ore or I beleive he went down
to San Francisco with the ore and told Hearst he had a big deposit of the class of
ore he had with him on the Kootenay Lake and he tried there and then to seU
out his interest in his find to Hearst. But Hearst was too smart to be taken in and
determined to see for himself what the claim looked like.
Pingston told me that as soon as he saw the Blue Bell ore he told the prospector
that he never got that ore there. It must have been self evident that it was
altogether a different sort of ore.   .   .   .
I know from Pingston and others that the man had tried very hard to seU out
to Hearst before they reached the mine because he knew that Hearst would find
him out in his attempt to swindle him. If this man had taken some of the bullion
from the Blue BeU Mine to Hearst there was no earthly reason for Hearst getting
wUd and wanting to leave the man there to perish. Because there was plenty of
the ore in sight. Hundreds of tons were laving in sight when I was there loose
on the surface broken off from the ledge.1'
Fernie also indicated that although he had been over the location he never
saw a furnace or assay outfit nor did he ever hear Sproule speak of it. One
thing is certain, nothing came of the venture and it was not until 1882 that
at long last active development of this remarkable mineral location became a
reality.
(17) The Victoria Colonist, April 30, 1886, when recording his death spelled
the name Pingstone and stated " He commanded the first steamer, the ' 49,' that
ascended Columbia river in 1864."
(18) StiU later in July, 1909, Fernie told Fowler that the name of the man
who had fooled Hearst was Henry Doan.
(19) William Fernie to S. S. Fowler, February 6, 1909, Transcript, Archives
of B.C. WILLIAM RICHARD SCOTT, MISSIONARY
MISFIT AND HEROIC SLUM PRIEST
WiUiam Richard Scott was as much of a success in one activity as he
had been a faUure in another. He was in large part a victim of his own
temperament; he had Uttle gentleness of manner. In addition, he seems
to have been a man who, after a few months or a year or two in a posi-'
tion, became bored and restless. His difficulties were increased by loyalty
to an ecclesiastical position, Anglo-CathoUcism, that had Uttle acceptance
in mid-nineteenth century England. The whole of Scott's life is obscure,
but sufficient materials are available to delineate both his faUure and his
success during one decade.
He was born in Plymouth, Devonshire, April 15, 1824,1 son of
Michael Scott, a purser and paymaster in the Royal Navy,2 and he entered Trinity CoUege, Dublin, on October 15, 1841. For some reason
that is obscure, he did not receive the Bachelor of Arts degree until
1848.3 In 1842, "as a recreation for leisure hours at CoUege," Scott
wrote a verse drama that was pubUshed four years later under the title of
Belisarius, a Tragedy, in Five Acts, as his first and possibly only essay
into poetry.4
Unlike his father and grandfather, Scott did not enter the Royal Navy
but the ministry. He was made deacon, October 1, 1848, by the Bishop
of Manchester, and ordained priest by the same prelate on October 21,
1849.5 From 1848 to 1851 he was curate of Emmanuel Church, Bolton-
le-Moors, Lancashire.6   His whereabouts between 1851 and 1853 is not
(1) G. F. Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the S.P.G. . . . , London, 1901,
p. 912.
(2) George Dames Burchaell and Thomas Ulick Sadleir, Alumni Dublinenses
. . . (1593-1860), new ed., Dublin, 1935, p. 740. Michael Scott was the son
of Thomas Scott, lieutenant, R.N., who died April 12, 1782. William R. OByrne,
comp., A Naval Biographical Dictionary   .   .   .   , London, 1849, pp. 1038-1039.
(3) Burchaell and Sadleir, Alumni Dublinenses, p. 740.
(4) London, Saunders and Otley, 1846, iii, 81 pp. The writer has seen but
one copy of this book, that in the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino,
California.
(5) L H. Orford, registrar, Diocese of Manchester, to writer, Manchester,
August 28, 1947. James Prince Lee (1804-1869) was Bishop of Manchester,
1848-1869.
(6) Crockford's Clerical Directory for 1893.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XX, Nos. 3 and 4.
165 166 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
apparent, but he might have been either assisting at Holy Trinity Church,
Portsea, or serving as chaplain of John GelUbrand Hubbard's manufactories in Russia; he was later said to have been connected with both
places, without any reference to dates.7 In 1852 he pubUshed a small
work on the ApostoUc Succession and Canon 55, in reply to an open
letter written by the Rev. WiUiam Goode, rector of AU Hallows the Great,
Thames Street.8 Goode answered this work almost immediately.9 Between July, 1853, and November, 1854, when his principal resigned, Scott
was assistant curate at St. James' Church, Enfield.10 Again there is a
hiatus in the record; the finding of cures for those who were at that time
caUed ritualistic clergymen was no doubt a difficult task. Between 1856
and 1859 Scott served the Church of St. Mary the Virgin, Compton
Dando, Somerset, and then he became perpetual curate of the Church of
St. Mary Magdalen, Harlow, where he remained untU he left England.11
King Kamehameha IV, acting in his private capacity, had invited a
mission of the Church of England to Hawaii. As a youth he had visited
England, where he had attended AngUcan services, but it was not until
(7) G. Wakeling, The Oxford Church Movement . . . , London, 1895,
pp. 243-244. No reference to Russia is contained in the D.N.B. article on Hub-,
bard. Scott was listed without an address in The Clergy List for 1853 ....
London, 1853, p. 240.
(8) Apostolical Succession and Canon LV, a Reply to the Rev. W. Goode's
Tract: with Historical Proofs that Episcopacy Is a Divine and Necessary Institution, Taught by Scripture and the Church; and that the Church of Scotland in
1603 was not THEN, nor Is NOW, Presbyterian, London, John Masters, 1852,
iv, 68 pp. The only copy of this that the writer has seen is in College Pamphlets
(Rare Book Room, Yale University Library, New Haven, Connecticut), Vol. 632,
No. 12. Seemingly, Scott's work was also divided and published as three separate tracts: The Apostolic Succession Proved from Holy Scripture and the Tradition of the Church, Canon Fifty Five, and The Church in Scotland. The Rev.
D. S. Ritchie to writer, St. James' Vicarage, Enfield Highway, Middlesex, August
8, 1947.   Goode (1801-1868) was subsequently dean of Ripon.
(9) Supplement to a third edition of a Reply to the Bishop of Exeter's second
arraignment of his Metropolitan . . . containing answers to the replies of the
Rev. W. R. Scott and W. B. Flower, London, 1852. The writer has not seen
this work; the title is from Catalogue of Printed Books in the British Museum,
1881-1900, Vol. XIX, p. 232.
(10) The Rev. D. S. Ritchie to writer. The perpetual curate of St. James,
Enfield, 1841-1854, was John Fuller Russell (1814-1884).
(11) Crockford's Clerical Directory for 1893. While serving in this capacity,
in 1860, Scott signed a declaration opposing alteration of the Book of Common
Prayer. Declaration of the Clergy against Alteration of the Book of Common
Prayer, &c, &c, 2nd ed., London, 1860, p. 44. 1956 William Richard Scott 167
his marriage to Miss Emma Rooke, a HawaUan lady with an EngUsh
grandfather, that he had become interested in the AngUcan Communion.
Queen Emma had been reared in an AngUcan home and had been taught
by an AngUcan governess, but she had never been baptized. When
Kamehameha and Emma exchanged their marriage vows before an
American Congregational minister, at their request he used the prayer-
book office for solemnization of marriage. Upon the birth of a son, both
the King and Queen were anxious to have the child reared in the Church
of England. A committee in England, assembled by the Hawaiian consul-
general and charge d'affaires in London, worked patiently toward the
consecration of a bishop for Hawaii, and in December, 1861, their plans
reached fruition when the Archbishop of Canterbury, assisted by two of
his suffragans, consecrated as Bishop of Honolulu the Rev. Thomas
Nettleship Staley, a Cambridge wrangler who had been engaged in the
training of teachers.12 During the foUowing six months, Staley travelled
up and down England coUecting funds for his mission and recruiting
helpers. Toward the end of spring, 1862, he accepted Scott as a member
of his mission staff.13
One of the supporters, at least, of the Hawaiian mission was not
happy about Scott's selection. Jane, Lady Franklin, noted in her diary
after dinner with the Rev. C. M. Robins, of the Clare Market Working
Men's Institute:—
We spoke of the 2 clergymen already engaged & one of whom preceeds the
Bishop Mr Scott with his wife. I grieved to hear that he is a man of most
unhappy temper & so infatuated with Popish tendencies that he has been known to
(12) Ralph S. Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom, 1854-1874, Twenty
Critical Years, Honolulu, 1953, pp. 84-94; A. F. Muir, " The Church in Hawaii,
1778-1862," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, XVTII
(1949), pp. 36, 51, 65; "Royalty and the Church," Episcopal Churchnews (Richmond), May 15, 1956, pp. 22-23, 25, 32-34. The most accurate biographical
sketch of Staley (1823-1898) appears in J. A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses . . .
1752 to 1900, Vol. VT, p. 5. The Archbishop of Canterbury, 1848-1862, was
John Bird Sumner (1780-1862). Kamehameha IV (1834-1863) ascended the
throne on January 11, 1855. On June 19, 1856, he married Emma Rooke
(1836-1885). W. D. Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People, New
York [1899], pp. 337-339. The Hawaiian charge d'affaires and consul-general
in London, Manley Hopkins (1818-1897), is now chiefly known as the father of
the poet of sprung rhythm, the Rev. Gerard Manley Hopkins, S.I., although in
1862 he published in London a book entitled Hawaii: the Past, Present, and
F.uture of its Island-Kingdom.
(13) Staley's acceptance of Scott was subsequent to May 28. Guardian (London), XVH (1862), p. 508; John Bull (London), XLII (1862), p. 342. 168 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
prostrate himself on the ground at Communion—The Bishop obtained his promise"
that he wd cease such practices but how could he think of taking out such a man—
one too whose [i.e., who's] so ill conditioned that if there is a weakness, or infirmity
or tender spot in another, there is the spot which this Mr Scott will attack.   .   .   .M
Scott did not accompany Staley to Honolulu, as did the other two
priests who had been enUsted in the mission. Instead he left England
as chaplain of a group of " female immigrants " sent out to Vancouver
Island in 1862. The plans seem to have been initiated by the Right
Rev. George HUls, Bishop of Columbia, and the Rev. Alexander Charles
Garrett, S.P.G. missionary at Victoria.15 These had enlisted in England
the Bishops of Oxford and London, who called a meeting in February,
1862, at which the Lord Mayor of London presided. This meeting led
to the formation of the British Columbia Emigration Society to encourage the emigration of industrious and respectable women not only as
domestics, but also as wives for miners and other settlers. Among the
supporters of the society was the Baroness Burdett-Coutts, who had
already endowed the Church in the colony.16 Twenty girls, recruited,
mostly from orphan asylums, were sent out in AprU, and in June sixty
more were ready to start,17 among them some orphans brought up by
the Sisters of St. Margaret at East Grinstead.18 Most of them were
described as " cleanly, well-built, pretty looking young women—ages
(14) Lady Franklin's lournal, July 18, 1862, MS., Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge, England. Lady Franklin (1792-1875) was the
widow of Sir John Frankhn (1786-1847), the discoverer of the Northwest Passage.
For Robins' interest in the Hawaiian Mission, see Guardian, XVII (1862), p. 626,
and John Bull, XLII (1862), p. 422.
(15) Victoria Daily Press, September 21, 1862. George Hills (1819-1895),
son of George Hills, captain, R.N., and Diana Hammersley, was Bishop of Columbia, 1859-1892. O'Byrne, A Naval Biographical Dictionary, pp. 515-516.
Alexander Charles Garrett (1832-1924) later became Bishop of the Missionary'
District of Northern Texas, 1874-1895, Bishop of Dallas, 1895-1924, and Presiding Bishop of the Episcopal Church, 1923-1924.
(16) A fuU account of this meeting is given in Third Report of the Columbia
Mission, London, 1862, pp. 37-67. The Bishop of Oxford, 1845-1869, was1
Samuel Wilberforce (1805-1873); the Bishop of London, 1856-1869, was Archibald Campbell Tait (1811-1882).
(17) New Westminster British Columbian, June 21, 1862, cited in E.O.S.
Scholefield and F. W. Howay, British Columbia from the Earliest Times to the
Present, Vancouver, 1914, Vol. II [by F. W. Howay], p. 114.
(18) Letter of J. M. Neale, Sackville College, December 2, 1862, Guardian,
XVII (1862), p. 1170. For an account of Neale's connection with Hawaii, see
" Dr. Neale and the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church," St. Margaret's Quarterly (Boston), Spring, 1951, pp. 3-5. 1956 William Richard Scott 169.
varying from fourteen to an uncertain figure; a few are young widows
who have seen better days. Most appear to have been weU raised and
generaUy they seem a superior lot to the women usuaUy met with on
emigrant vessels."19 A passenger who traveUed to British Columbia
with them was not so complimentary. He reported that " many of these
ladies were neither young nor beautiful" and that, whUe half of them
married or went into service soon after their arrival, " a large proportion
quickly went to the bad, and, from appearances, had been there before."20
The emigrants were attended not only by Scott as chaplain, but also
by Mrs. Scott as superintendent, assisted by a matron. They left the
Thames estuary on June 9, aboard the Tynemouth, an iron screw
steamer of 1,620 tons and 600 horse-power that had weathered a severe
storm in the Black Sea during the Crimean War.21 A London newspaper
at this time reported favourably on Scott:—
The Rev. W. R. Scott, of St. Mary Magdalen, Harlow, sailed from England last
week. He had joined the Bishop of Honolulu, and had arranged to sail with the
Bishop next month, but he had been asked, on very short notice, by the Columbian
Mission, to take charge of some seventy or eighty young women on the voyage to
Victoria. For this purpose Mr. and Mrs. Scott (happily no novices in travelling),
with their two children, sailed at a few days' notice. They will go from Victoria to
the Sandwich Islands. When the various temptations and evils of an emigrant ship
are considered, we may be thankful for the sake of the Columbian Mission that
Mr. and Mrs. Scott have undertaken the important task of caring for their special
passengers, and that they wiU have on their voyage not only pastoral help and
privileges, but the presence of a lady educated and refined, who will be always
ready to help and advise. We may also be glad that the Bishop has secured a man
with heart and courage to undertake such a voyage so unexpectedly; it augurs well
for his future work in those interesting islands.22
In addition to Scott and his party, there were some 240 men aboard the
ship. During the first few days of the voyage, most of the passengers
were seasick, but as the ship neared the tropics, health and good spirits
returned. The female emigrants, though, were segregated from the
other passengers, and they " could only look on at the fun and amusements in which every one else " took part.
On the cruise toward Cape Horn, the crew mutinied. With the aid
of passengers, the officers put the mutineers in irons in a compartment
(19) Victoria Colonist, September 19, 1862.
(20) Frederick Whymper, Travel and Adventure in the Territory of Alaska
.   .   .  , London, 1868, p. 3.
(21) Scholefield and Howay, British Columbia, Vol. II, p. 114.
(22) Guardian, XVII (1862), p. 578. See also John Bull, XLH (1862),
p. 471. 170 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
near the engine-room. In order to keep the ship moving, many of the
passengers volunteered to coal the ship, trim sails, and scrub decks.
Scott was one of the volunteers, and he " creditably proved his ' muscular Christianity,' and soiled his irreproachable garments at one and
the same time." The heat of the room in which the mutineers were
confined eventually brought aU but three to their senses, and they went
back to work. After rough weather off the River Plate, in which the
ship lost a boat and had her bulwarks stove in, the Tynemouth reached
Port Stanley, East Falkland Island, early in August.23 One of the female
emigrants, a widow, died two days before the ship made port; her remains were buried at Port Stanley.24 There Scott raised a purse of £66
aboard the Tynemouth and H.M.S. Tribune and among residents of the
island for survivors of the bark Cubana who had reached Port Stanley
in deplorable condition after the burning of their ship south-east of
Cape Horn.25
After twelve days in port, where the mutineers were tried and the
captain must have enlisted replacements, the Tynemouth continued on
her way, rounded the Cape in perfect weather, and blew before the trade
winds. Before she had reached the California coast, though, the winds
died down, and the ship was obliged to resort to steam. Soon aU the
coal was gone, and the captain sacrificed the loose wood on deck as weU
as some valuable spars to get the ship into San Francisco, where she
arrived on September 10.26
The Tynemouth left San Francisco on the 12th, and after a five-day
voyage arrived at Esquimalt Harbour.27 A Victoria editor had written
a few days earUer that the " bachelors both young and old must prepare
to give a fitting reception " to the female immigrants.
A general holiday should be proclaimed; all the bunting wave from flagstaffs;
salutes fired from Beacon Hill; clean shirts and suits of good clothes brought into
requisition, and every preparation made to give this precious "invoice" a warm
welcome.28
(23) Whymper, Travel and Adventure, pp. 3-5.
(24) Victoria Colonist, September 19, 1862.
(25) San Francisco Alta California, quoted in Polynesian (Honolulu), November 29, 1862.
(26) Whymper, Travel and Adventure, pp. 7-8;   San Francisco Mercantile
Gazette and Prices Current, September 19, 1862.
(27) Victoria Colonist, September 19, 1862.
(28) Ibid., September 11, 1862. 1956 William Richard Scott 171
On the 19th the immigrants were conveyed by the gunboat Forward to
Victoria, where they were escorted through a dense crowd to the Marine
Barracks, fitted up for their reception.29 Some forty of them attended
services at Christ Church on the 21st, when Scott preached what was
described as an impressive sermon. He exhorted them " to remember
their religious duties and their duties to their employers, always and
under any circumstances to shape their conduct so that they might prove
a credit to their EngUsh mothers, from whom many were now separated
forever; and when beset by sin and temptation to rely on a kind Providence for aid and comfort." The preacher also addressed the employers
of the women on their duty to them and society and " besought them to
look well to the precious charge which had been placed in then: keeping."
In the best mid-Victorian tradition, both the immigrants and other members of the congregation wept.30
Having delivered his charges safely to Victoria and having seen
many of them hired as domestics, Scott returned to San Francisco, where
he boarded the bark Yankee on October 18 for the final leg of his journey to Honolulu. The Scotts arrived in Honolulu on November 7.31
Staley, occupying a house next to the Palace, lent by Prince Lot Kamehameha, offered them hospitality. Mrs. Scott, who was pregnant, had
had a trying voyage, and the younger of the two sons, Clement McLeod
Sinclair Scott, was iU and required a physician twice daily.32 Mrs. Staley
reported that Mrs. Scott was charming and " a true sister " to her and
(29) Victoria Colonist, September 19 and 20, 1862; Victoria Daily Press, September 21, 1862.
(30) Victoria Colonist, September 22, 1862.
(31) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal of the Bishop of Honolulu,
September to November, 1862, London, 1863, p. 17; diary of George Mason,
Sandwich Islands, p. 34; Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Honolulu), November 13,
1862; Polynesian, November 8, 1862. The series of articles published by Miss
Mildred Ernestine Kaholamoana Staley (1865-1947) are not what they are represented to be. For example, in " Bishop Staley's Journal, Progress of the Church
in Early Days," Hawaiian Church Chronicle, December, 1933, p. 4, Miss Staley
reproduced under the date November 13, 1862, the statement: "The Rev. Mr.
Scott arrived last week. His wife follows him." This statement could not have
been written by Staley or his wife, as they both were present when Scott, his
wife, and two children arrived together in the islands.
(32) Kate [Mrs. T. N. Staley] to Gracie, Honolulu, November 17, 1862, MS.
in possession of Mrs. Victor Thompson, of Grimsby, Ontario. Catherine Workman Shirley (ca. 1823-1905), daughter of John Shirley, cotton factor, of Atter-
cliffe, Yorkshire, married Staley on August 20, 1850, according to the records
at Somerset House, London. 172 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
that Clement was apparently suffering from the effects of bad food during the long voyage.33
Even before his arrival, Scott had been elected, on October 25, as a
member of the Synod of the Hawaiian Reformed CathoUc Church, consisting of aU of the clergy in priest's orders canonicaUy resident hi the
missionary bishopric together with five laymen.34 Upon Scott's arrival,
the Bishop wrote that he proposed sending him to Lahaina, on the
Island of Maui, the second city of the kingdom, but he left the decision
to the King's discretion.35 At the confirmation of the King and Queen,
on November 28, Scott assisted in the sanctuary, and two days later, on
Advent Sunday, he administered the chalice at Their Majesties' first
communion.36 On November 18 Scott baptized, in extremis, Charles,
infant son of James Walker Austin, and on the 22nd Emma Elizabeth,
daughter of WiUiam Ap Jones.37
Staley and Scott, accompanied by WiUiam HoapiU Kaauwai, who
owned land on Maui,38 and Justice George Morison Robertson and
Attorney-General Charles Coffin Harris, who were going to attend court,
left for Lahaina on December 9.39 Staley found that the town had a
population of three or four thousand and that formerly it had been an
important whaler port but that the depredations of Confederate ships
(33) Kate to Mary, [Honolulu], November 29, 1862, MS. in possession of
Mrs. Thompson.
(34) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal, p. 16; Pacific Commercial
Advertiser, November 6, 1862.
(35) Sandwich Islands, p. 16.
(36) Letter of Viator, Honolulu, December 1, 1862, Polynesian, December 6,
1862. See also letter from Honolulu, December 1, 1862, Guardian, XVIH (1863),
p. 144, and John Bull, XLIII (1863), p. 116; Ka Hoku o ka Pakipika (Honolulu),
Dekemaba 4, 1862.
(37) Church Registry of Baptisms, Marriages, Burials, etc., in Honolulu of
the Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church, Octr lOh 1862, MS., office of St.
Andrew's Cathedral, Honolulu, pp. 2-3 (Nos. 5, 7).
(38) For a biographical sketch of Kaauwai, see A. F. Muir, "William Hoapili
Kaauwai: A Hawaiian in Holy Orders," Sixty-first Annual Report of the Hawaiian
Historical Society for the Year 1952, pp. 5-13.
(39) Pacific Commercial Advertiser, December 11, 1862; Polynesian, December 13, 1862; Ka Hoku o ka Pakipika, Dekemaba 11, 1862. Robertson (1821-
1867) was justice of the Supreme Court, 1855-1863, 1864-1867. George Morison Robertson . . . , n.p., n. pub., [1917?]. Harris (d. 1881) was an object
of Mark Twain's scorn. Walter Francis Frear, Mark Twain in Hawaii, Chicago,
1947, passim. In view of Frear's long service as an appeUate judge, his book is
a most injudicious one. 1956 William Richard Scott 173
had almost eliminated whaling; the economy was in process of changing to sugar-growing. There were a number of sugar plantations in the
neighbourhood and at least one sugar-mUl.40 On the 11th a large meeting was held in the court-house at Lahaina to consider steps necessary
for the planting of the Church in the place. The Governor of Maui,
Paul Nahaolelua, presided. Robertson, Harris, United States Vice-
Consul Adams, Dr. Ferdinand W. Hutchinson, and other substantial
members of the community took part. In an address Staley promised
a girls' school in Lahaina and free ministrations of the Church, and
added that " their new pastor, the Rev. Mr. Scott, would Uve among
them, ever entering into the joys and sorrows of each one of them. He
would be their best friend—not only in matters spiritual, but in also
seeking to promote their temporal interests—especiaUy as they depended
on industrial habits." The meeting appointed a committee of Dr.
Hutchinson, District Magistrate WiUiam Ap Jones, Henry Dickenson,
Kaauwai, and the Governor to arrange for the establishment of the
mission.41 Staley and Scott busied themselves in visiting the people,
training a choir, and arranging a large schoolroom for a temporary
church. On Sunday, the 14th, the two of them celebrated their first
services in Lahaina—the Eucharist at 7.30, EngUsh morning prayer at
9.30 with a sermon by Scott, Hawaiian morning prayer at 11.30, and
Hawauan Utany at 4, foUowed by Staley's baptizing four chUdren. Staley
and Scott devoted Monday to selecting a buUding to be used as a church
and a house for the Scotts to Uve in. They left for Honolulu on the
16th.42
Before their arrival the King had written to Nahaolelua, on November
18, asking him to feel out the attitude of the natives toward the estabUshment of a mission at Lahaina and to look around for a suitable plot of
(40) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal, pp. 20-21. See reference
to Pioneer MiU at Lahaina in Pacific Commercial Advertiser, November 5, 1863.
(41) Polynesian, December 20, 1862, reprinted in Sandwich Islands, Extracts
from a Journal, pp. 22-24. Nahaolelua (1806-1875) was Governor of Maui,
1852-1874. Pacific Commercial Advertiser, September 25, 1875. Dickenson
(ca. 1804-1876) is commemorated by a stained-glass window in the Church of
the Holy Innocents. Ibid., November 29, 1879. Ferdinand W. Hutchinson
served as Minister of Foreign Affairs pro tempore, September 10 to December 11,
1872.   Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People, p. 341.
(42) Sandwich Islands, Extracts from a Journal, pp. 24-26; Pacific Commercial Advertiser, December 18, 1862. 174 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
land that might be purchased as a site for a church; he did not mail the
letter, however, until January 5.43
As the church in Lahaina was subsequently known as Church of the
Holy Innocents, one would suppose that it had been begun on the feast
of the Holy Innocents (December 28), but such a supposition would be
false, for Scott and his wife, together with their children, did not set out
from Honolulu until January S.44 On the foUowing day, the feast of the
Epiphany, they opened at Lahaina the Home of the Epiphany, a boarding
school for girls. Tuition was $100 a year, but the Scotts announced
themselves wiUing to receive orphans and foundUngs without charge.45
In his annual report for 1863, Scott wrote that this school had twenty
students.46
About the last week in January, Mrs. Scott's pregnancy was nearing
its term, and Mrs. Staley sent to Lahaina her nursemaid, Jessie Roche,
who had accompanied her from England, to help Mrs. Scott, who had a
good Chinese cook and a bright Hawaiian steward but was unable to keep
any Hawauan girls.47 The baby was born soon afterwards. On February
27 Staley arrived in Lahaina, and after HawaUan litany he churched Mrs.
Scott.48   He found the mission " flourishing and fuU of promise," with the
(43) Iolani [one of Kamehameha IV's Hawaiian names that he used with
close friends] oe Nahaolelua, Nowemapa 18, 1862, Interior Department, Land
Matters, MS., Archives of Hawaii, Honolulu. See also translation by E. H. Hart
accompanying the original.
(44) Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 8, 1863; Ka Hoku o ka Pakipika, Ianuari 1, 1863.
(45) John Bull, XLIU (1863), p. 452; letter of J. M. Neale, Sackville College,
July 9, 1863, Guardian, XVIII (1863), p. 656, reprinted in Church Journal (New
York), XI (1863), p. 233; and "John Mason Neale's Letters on the Hawaiian
Reformed Catholic Church, with a Commentary," St. Margaret's Quarterly, Summer, 1957, pp. 8-10.
(46) Annual Return, Diocese of Honolulu, Mission of Lahaina, District of
Maui, W. R. Scott, January 13, 1863, E MSS., Missionary Reports, 1862-3, MS.,
office of S.P.G., London.
(47) [Mrs. T. N. Staley] to Mother, Lahaina, March 19, 1863, MS. in possession of Mrs. Thompson.
(48) T. N. Staley to [Mrs. Staley], Kona, [March 2, 1863], MS., Hawaiian
Historical Society, Honolulu. The date of this letter is easily assigned, as it
describes part of a tour with the King. The King, Staley, and the Rev. Edmund
Ibbotson left Honolulu aboard the Kilauea on February 26. Ka Hoku o ka Pakipika, Feberuari 26, 1863; Pacific Commercial Advertiser, March 5, 1863. They
stopped first at Lahaina and then continued to Kailua, on the Island of Hawaii,
where Staley and Ibbotson left the King and continued to Kona. See abstract of
Staley's journal, February 26 to March 28, Guardian, XVIII (1863), p. 1130. 1956 William Richard Scott 175
principal foreign residents working with Scott and many of the natives
receiving instruction from him.49
After almost a month on HawaU, Staley returned to Lahaina, where
he arrived on March 17. There he rejoined Mrs. Staley, who had come
from Honolulu, bringing with her, as a replacement for Jessie Roche,
Janet Ferrier, who had been trained by the Sisters of St. Margaret at East
Grinstead, and who as governess had also accompanied Mrs. Staley from
England. On that day, or possibly the next, the Bishop baptized the
Scott baby, with the King's father, Kekuanaoa, acting as proxy for the
King as godfather and Mrs. Staley as proxy for Queen Emma as godmother. Then foUowed the first confirmation in Lahaina, at which
twelve adults who had been baptized in January were confirmed. On
the 19th Staley left for other towns on the island to foUow up the
preparation that Scott had already made.50 At Wailuku, a sugar vUlage
in the centre of the island, Staley proposed, at the request of a number of
foreign residents, chiefly American, and an industrious native population,
to estabUsh a school under George Brayton Whipple, brother of the
Bishop of Minnesota, who had expressed a wish to join the mission. At
Makawao the Bishop spoke to a number of natives and fifty-three
foreigners, who expressed their sympathy for the mission.51
For a biographical sketch of Ibbotson, see A. F. Muir, " Edmund Ibbotson (1831-
1914): S.P.G. Missionary to Hawaii, 1862-1866," Historical Magazine of the
Protestant Episcopal Church, XIX (1950), pp. 214-241.
(49) Guardian, XVIII (1863), p. 1130.
(50) [Mrs. Staley] to Mother, Lahaina, March 19, 1863. This confirmation
class is not recorded in Confirmations, 1862-1928, MS., Archives, Missionary District of Honolulu. Mataia Kekuanaoa (1794-1868) was the father of Kamehameha IV and V. Pacific Commercial Advertiser, November 28, 1868. See
also Mildred E. Staley, ed., " Bishop Staley's Journal," Hawaiian Church Chronicle, March, 1934, p. 6.
(51) Guardian, XVIII (1863), p. 1130. The Staleys arrived back in Honolulu
on March 28. Pacific Commercial Advertiser, April 2, 1863. See letter of
Egomet, Makena, March 26, 1863, ibid. George Brayton Whipple (1830-1888)
was, at the time, a layman, but shortly afterwards he was made deacon, September 9, 1863, and ordained priest, August 26, 1864, by his brother, the Right Rev.
Henry Benjamin Whipple, Bishop of Minnesota. In 1859, and no doubt earlier,
George. Brayton Whipple had been a book-keeper on a sugar plantation at Lihue,
Island of Kauai. From 1865 to 1869 and again from 1870 to 1873 he ministered
on the Island of Maui. Henry B. Whipple, grand-nephew, to writer, New York,
August 27, 1948; Ethel M. Damon, Koamalu . . . , Honolulu, 1931, Vol. II,
pp. 498, 542-543, 548; The Church Almanac, 1889, p. 123. The information
about Whipple at Ulupalakua, from Whipple's nephew, in Henry Bond Restarick, 176 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
Scott's annual report shows that he had 135 church members in
Lahaina, 46 at Wailuku and Waikapu, and 70 at Makawao. The services
were usuaUy frequented by about 70 natives and 25 foreigners at Lahaina,
50 foreigners and 20 natives at Makawao, and 30 people, unclassified, at
WaUuku. Scott had, though, but seven communicants on the entire
island, despite there having been twelve persons confirmed by Staley in
January. There were sixty-seven unbaptized children and adults under
instruction. During the course of 1863 there had been two public infant
and forty-three adult baptisms, five burials, and no marriages.52
On February 2 Scott had leased from the guardians of WiUiam
Charles LunaUlo, who later reigned as king, the premises in Lahaina
known as Luaehu and formerly occupied by BoUes & Co. as a ship chandlery. The lease was to run for three years with an option of extending it
for two years longer, at a yearly rental of $100 except for the first year,
which was to be free.53 On this buUding Scott spent $2,000,54 and the
debts he incurred thereby were to plague him throughout his residence in
Lahaina. This buUding, as weU as bis residence, was on the beach.55
The Rev. George Mason later complained that Scott's dwelling was " certainly not fit for the purpose, being open on every side to the pubUc."56
Although Mrs. Staley thought that Scott had adapted his former store
into a church so admirably that she preferred it to the temporary cathedral
in Honolulu,57 Mason thought the bunding unattractive.
The east end [he wrote] was indeed effective, in consequence of a handsome
reredos, brought from England, and of the proper proportions of altar and foot-
Hawaii, 1778-1920  .   .   .    , Honolulu,  1924, p. 353, unquestionably confuses
Whipple's first and second residences in the islands.
(52) Annual Return. The first registers of the Church of the Holy Innocents
seem to have disappeared.
(53) James W. Austin and Charles Kanaina to Scott in Records of Conveyances, Vol. XVII, pp. 436—437, MS., Bureau of Conveyances, Honolulu; Pacific
Commercial Advertiser, February 5, 1863. For a biographical sketch of Mason,
see A. F. Muir, " George Mason, Priest and Schoolmaster," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XV (1951), pp. 47-70. Lunalilo (1832-1874) ascended the
throne on January 8, 1873. Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People,
p. 339.
(54) Annual Return.
(55) [Mrs. Staley] to Mother, Lahaina, March 19, 1863; letter of T. N. Staley,
Honolulu, September 9, 1863, Guardian, XVIII (1863), p. 1130.
(56) Report of the Lahaina Mission, Sandwich Islands, for the Secretary of
the S.P.G., by Rev. G. Mason, Lahaina, October, 1864, MS., office of S.P.G.,
London.
(57) [Mrs. Staley] to Mother, Lahaina, March 19, 1863. 1956 William Richard Scott 177
pace, but the rest of the poor wooden building looked barren and forlorn; and was
not improved by innumerable black letter texts stuck about; such as " Kneel when
you pray "; " Stand when you sing "—&C.58
A newspaper correspondent who visited the church during services in
HawaUan, a language he did not know weU, whUed away the time by
reading " the placards which adorned the bare waUs." He found the
house weU fiUed with an attentive audience.59 That the congregation
was attentive was surprising in view of Mason's remarks on Scott's services when he visited Lahaina. He found that Scott monotoned the
prayers " on a high note with a very bad pronunciation of native, and
using peculiar inflections at the end of the prayers." Also, the singing
was dreadful and the chanting of the Utany a perfect burlesque. Nevertheless, Scott must have been interested in music, for he had brought
with him a harmonium.60
In Lahaina, Scott's schedule of Sunday services included the EngUsh
Eucharist, probably at 7.30, Hawauan morning prayer at 9.30, EngUsh
morning prayer at 11, and HawaUan Utany at 4. On weekdays he read
the daUy offices and in addition, on black-letter days, celebrated the
Eucharist. Apparently he never celebrated in HawaUan, as his successor
could find no Hawaiian communicants.61
Of the Home of the Epiphany, Staley wrote:—
Mr. Scott quickly established an Industrial Female College in the mission
premises. It is under Mrs. Scott's management; a young person [Janet Ferrier],
trained by the East Grinstead Sisters, acts as governess. She has twenty-three girls
already under her constant charge. They learn cookery, house-cleaning, needlework, and the instruction is entirely in the English language. The dormitories are
well and suitably furnished. It is under the management of a committee presided
over by Mr. Scott, the other members being the Governor of the island and the two
church-wardens.62 It is aided by a Government grant. The school is quite full,
and it is intended to enlarge it, owing to the applications for admission.6^
During the summer Scott estabUshed an EngUsh day-school for boys
(58) Report of the Lahaina Mission.
(59) Egomet, " Rural Sketches of the Hawaiian Islands," Pacific Commercial
Advertiser, April 23, 1863.
(60) Report of the Lahaina Mission.    Scott had brought out from England
twelve packages of freight.   Polynesian, December 27, 1862.
(61) Report of the Lahaina Mission.
(62) Henry Dickenson was one of the wardens.   Ibid.   Perhaps Dr. Hutchinson was the other.
(63) Letter of T. N. Staley, Honolulu, September 9, 1863, Guardian, XVH.I
(1863), pp. 1129-1130.
3 178 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
with some thirty-six students; in addition, he had a Sunday school with
an attendance of seventeen.64
Of Scott, his successor wrote paradoxicaUy:—
... I would wish to express my consciousness of the superior talents and
untiring zeal of Mr. Scott which would undoubtedly fit him for many another field
of work, requiring less of the "suaviter in modo" than this pecuUarly does.—In
such a place as Lahaina where the small foreign population is made up of Americans, English, Welsh, Irish, Germans, French, and where the natives, as elsewhere,
are a race only to be attracted and won by a gentle and cheerful manner,—I know
of no man more likely to have succeeded than Mr. Scott, or one whose failure
might surely have been predicted.65
In both Lahaina and Wailuku, the American Congregational ministers
resented Scott, but as they and their brethren were prepared to resent the
EngUsh mission upon its arrival,66 their attitude was probably important
only so far as it was accepted by impressionable people. Also, their
remarks on the mission, both public and private, are not always trustworthy. The Congregational minister at Lahaina wrote that on the
second Sunday he was in Maui, Scott had said that there were
" but two sects of christians in the islands, the [Roman] Catholics with a few errors,
and our church, all others who are laboring here are imposters and deceivers, misleading the people, giving them a lewish sabbath," &c. He is reported as saying in
private conversation, that " we were all imposters and liars." ... A few have
been confirmed. Curiosity drew many out to their meetings at first, but as yet, they
do not seem to be in high favor with the natives.67
The Congregational minister at WaUuku reported:—
.   .   .   Mr Scott is located at Lahaina, but I think no one there has joined him
except a few Englishmen & their native families.   He visited Waikapu last week &
was entertained by three Englishmen who live there Messrs Daniels, Cockett &
(64) Guardian, XVIII (1863), pp. 1129-1130; Annual Return.
(65) Report of the Lahaina Mission.
(66) See, for example, the statement of the British Commissioner in A. F.
Muir, "Edmund Ibbotson," Historical Magazine, XIX (1950), p. 219n.
(67) Dwight Baldwin, Report of Lahaina Station, May 15, 1863, American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Sandwich Islands, 1860-1871, Vol. I,
No. 84, MS., Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
In the annual report printed in the islands, Baldwin is shown as having reported
simply: " Reformed Catholic.—This sect have, within the past year, fitted up a
church and have a few hearers." Minutes of the Meeting of the Hawaiian Evangelical Association, Held at Honolulu, June, 1863, Honolulu, n.d., p. 15. Baldwin
(1798-1886) was in charge of the Lahaina station from 1835 to 1871. Portraits
of the American Protestant Missionaries to Hawaii . . . , Honolulu, 190.1,
p. 29. Scott would certainly not have referred to the Church as a sect nor,
probably, as " our church." Baldwin's quotations of Scott have all the earmarks
of spuriousness. 1956 William Richard Scott 179
Coppe & he baptized their families. The people seem fully aware that they are a
new engine of the DevU to oppose the Kingdom of God, & I think the Lord Bishop
of Honolulu aided by the King & Queen & English Capital and His Satanic Majesty
will find himself unable to make much impression on Hawaii.68
Scott's temperamental lack of fitness for his station did not appear
for some time, and during the interval he engaged in good works. The
EngUsh in HawaU had been shocked by reports of the poverty in the
cotton-manufacturing districts of England foUowing the outbreak of the
American Civil War and the termination of the cotton trade between the
South and Britain. Scott was active in raising funds for the aUeviation
of the distressed in Lancashire, where he had begun his ministry. He
coUected a total of $80.69 Also, he gave weekly instructions to WiUiam
HoapiU Kaauwai, who was studying for holy orders.70 During Scott's
residence in Lahaina, Dickenson purchased from the King for the synod
almost a half-acre on Hoapiliwahine Street, a part of a tract known as
Waianae, as a parish cemetery.71 In October, as Scott was taurine: the
island of Lanai, he feU from his horse and fractured his coUar-bone.72
Scott's best known act is a letter he wrote on the Hawaiian superstition of praying to death that was first published in a Honolulu newspaper and then reprinted in both England and the United States:—
Easter Monday and Tuesday, were to me days of great anxiety.   One of Mr.
S *s grown up daughters, whom I had baptized in February last, and who had
just recovered from a slight iUness, became alarmingly worse and died, with all the
horrors of one impressed with the beUef that she was doomed to die on Tuesday, at
noon. It was a dreadful scene. In full health, with no tangible disease, sheer terror
at the conviction that she was being prayed to death, absolutely annihilated all her
vital powers. Young, strong, healthy otherwise, she died. Her grown up sisters and
brothers, singularly attached to her, horror-stricken at the dreadful death, with the
(68) W. P. Alexander to R. Anderson, Wailuku, February 11, 1863, A.B.C.F.M.,
Sandwich Islands, 1860-1871, Vol. II, No. 184. In his annual report, Alexander
wrote simply, " & the new religion, the Reformed Catholic finds no favor among
us, except a few Englishmen who live among us." Wailuku Station Report, [June,
1863], ibid., Vol. I, No. 82. William Patterson Alexander (1805-1884) was
stationed for a while at WaUuku. Portraits of the American Protestant Missionaries to Hawaii, p. 34. Rufus Anderson (1796-1880) was corresponding
secretary of the A.C.F.M., 1832-1866.
(69) Polynesian, February 21 and March 14, 1863. For a description of
the distress, see Annual Register, n.s., I (1863), pp. 139-161.
(70) Report of the Lahaina Mission.
(71) Kamehameha and Emma to synod, July 29, 1863, Records of Conveyances, Vol. XVII, pp. 152-154; Report of the Lahaina Mission. Staley consecrated the cemetery on September 25, 1864.
(72) Pacific Commercial Advertiser, October 8, 1863. 180 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
old heart-broken father, as they pressed around the body and literally rent the air
with their cries, presented a spectacle of misery such as one seldom meets. The
wail was no form; the natives are not callous. Real, heartfelt woe, if ever there
was, you might see there. Next morning at 8 o'clock, the body in simple but most
decent coffin, was carried from the house into church, (here follows an account of
the funeral which excited much interest and sympathy.)73 The last observations
of the dying woman were, looking wistfully at Mrs. S[cott], who had gone to fetch
her stimulants, "is the foreign woman gone—won't she come back. Aloha nui,
aloha nui."74 Just before death, during a Uttle pause, looking to me she said "e
pule, e pule."75 She died just before the commendatory prayer was closed, and
I was in the act of blessing.
This death has taught me much. The people may pretend to be no longer
idolaters in life, and indeed are utterly indifferent about reUgion. They quickly
accept the new God, or say they do so, to save trouble. This, in life; but when
disease comes and death is approaching, just as with every man, aU pretence is, in
the face of death, cast aside and the man's sincere actual belief alone prevails; so
with them. The firm beUef in the power of another to pray to death comes down
on the soul utterly crushing it. Pele and the Shark God are invoked to overpower
the prayer of the other, to avert premature death. But if no evident token is found
that those deities are neutralising the praying to death, then absolutely deadness
takes possession of the whole being, and despite youth, health, care, medical aid,
death inevitably results. This is what is slaying the people. Here is the horrible
spectre, I believe more than anything else, frightening to death the population of
these Islands.
They have no real beUef, scarce one in a future state—while the old deities
discarded during life, rise before their minds in the hour of death, not to avert the
terrors of another world, not to pardon or receive, but simply to stay the dreaded
decay of the body. Hence incantations, the black pig, the white cock are universally practiced. I am investigating the matter in its bearings and accumulating
facts, which wUl prove that a system of " indirect assassination " is rapidly annihilating the people. A affronts B, B goes to C gives him ten dollars to pray A to death—
tells A so and A dies; of course A's father hears it, goes to D pays him fifteen
dollars to pray B and C to death. TeUs B and C who also die! What nation could
stand it?76
(73) The parenthesis is in the newspaper copy.
(74) "A fond farewell, a fond farewell." Translation by Mrs. Kawena Kukui,
of Honolulu, courtesy of Mrs. Willowdean C. Handy, librarian of Hawaiian Historical Society.
(75) "Pray, pray."
(76) Polynesian, April 18, 1863, reprinted in letter of J. M. Neale, Guardian,
XVHI (1863), p. 656, and Church Journal, XL (1863), p. 233, also in John Bull,
XLIH (1863), p. 452, and "John Mason Neale's Letters . . . ," St. Margaret's
Quarterly, Summer, 1957, pp. 9-10. This letter was also partially reprinted in
Occasional Paper of the Hawaiian Church Mission (Sandwich Islands), London, 1956 William Richard Scott 181
In August and September, Scott spent two weeks in Honolulu, while
the Rev. Edmund Ibbotson acted as his locum tenens.77 Soon thereafter
the CongregationaUsts reported that there was a rumour that Scott was
to return to England.78 By December, apparently, Staley had concluded
to remove him. He picked an unfortunate time, for on December 22,
1863, the Scotts' second son, Clement McLeod Sinclair, who had been
Ul upon arrival in the islands, died at the age of 3 years and 5 months.
Mason happened to arrive in Lahaina in time to read the burial office
on Christmas Eve.79 Early in January, Staley sent Mason to Lahaina to
reUeve Scott. For a fortnight, until Scott and his family could get away,
Mason remained with them; he reported:—
They had not recovered from . . . shock and I must say that I never remember
2 weeks so depressing as these spent with the Scotts at Lahaina before their departure to Honolulu. Everybody seemed to shun him and he to shun every one.—
Scarce 6 natives came to the Native Service on Sundays; and only 2 families of
foreigners to the English Service. But the worst was the discredit our Mission had
incurred from the non-payment of debt. The butcher and baker refused to supply
Mrs Mason with provisions unless they were paid for on delivery. Even the
common natives declined doing my little work unless they saw the money they
were to receive first.80
By the 19th Scott had arrived in Honolulu.81
1865, pp. 28-29. The present writer has suppUed the paragraph divisions. See
also Pacific Commercial Advertiser, AprU 23, 1863, and letter of X, ibid., May 7,
1863.
(77) Edmund Ibbotson to [Secretary, S.P.G.], Honolulu, September 28, 1863,
E MSS., No. 15; Pacific Commercial Advertiser, August 20 and September 10,1863.
On August 29, 1863, in Honolulu, Scott baptized Mary Puaolii, an adult, and on
the following day he baptized Martha Hipa, Alice Kehane, Lucy Opumn, and
Emilie Kaheli. Church Registry ... in Honolulu . . . , pp. 30-33 (Nos.
136 to 140), courtesy of Mrs. Norma Van L. Binder, of Honolulu.
(78) E. W. Clark to R. Anderson, Honolulu, September 8, 1863, A.B.C.F.M.,
Sandwich Islands, 1860-1871, Vol. I, No. 50. Ephraim Weston Clark (1799-
1878) was pastor of Kawaiahao Church, Honolulu, 1848-1863. Portraits of the
American Protestant Missionaries to Hawaii, p. 22.
(79) Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 7, 1864; Report of the Lahaina
Mission. Clement McLeod Sinclair Scott's remains were later disinterred and
removed to Oahu Cemetery, Honolulu, where they were reburied on April 29,
1864. In 1865 a vandal stole the wooden cross erected at the grave there.
Hawaiian Gazette (Honolulu), I (1865), p. 101.
(80) Report of the Lahaina Mission.
(81) L. H. Gulick to R. Anderson, Honolulu, January 19, 1864, A.B.C.F.M.,
Sandwich Islands, 1860-1871, Vol. JJI, No. 236. Luther Halsey Gulick (1828-
1891) was secretary of the Hawauan Board from its founding to 1870. Portraits
of the American Protestant Missionaries to Hawaii, p. 92. 182 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
Scott lingered in Honolulu until summer. On January 30, 1864, he
served as the Bishop's chaplain at the ordination to the diaconate of
Joseph James Elkington, who had come out to Honolulu from England
as a layman with a view to receiving holy orders.82 Early in February,
Scott conveyed to the synod the lease on the church property,83 as weU
as an assortment of furniture and ecclesiastical articles.84 He and his
famUy left Honolulu for San Francisco on July 9 aboard the Smyrniote.65
The secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts deplored that "one so unsuited to work of a Missionary among
Natives as Mr Scott was ever taken out," the expense of whose passages
to and fro being but the least of the Ul results.86
AU of the evidence indicates that Scott's difficulties in Lahaina were
the result of his temperament, of which Lady Franklin had complained,
that aUenated the Hawaiian natives, and of his grandiose ideas about
buUdings and furnishings that led to his getting himself inextricably into
debt. One American Congregational missionary, the secretary of the
HawaUan Board, Luther Halsey Gulick, whose letters to the corresponding secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions in Boston were consistently a farrago of the meanest sort of
gossip, buUt up out of surmise and rumour a scurrilous case against
Scott. Instead of rebuking or discipUning GuUck for his disregard of
truth, justice, and Christian charity, the A.B.C.F.M. secretary appears to
have encouraged him.   Although there is not a shred of evidence for
(82) John Bull, XLIV (1864), pp. 227-228. For a biographical sketch of
Elkington, see " Joseph James Elkington, Hero of the Catholic Revival," Holy
Cross Magazine (West Park, NY.), LXHI (1952), pp. 237-240.
(83) Records of Conveyances, Vol. XVII, p. 347.
(84) Ibid., pp. 437-438. Scott conveyed to the synod an altar cross, 2 candlesticks, a koa super altar, a chalice, 2 patens, cruets, a stone font, 2 biers, a pall,
4 altar cloths, a linen altar cloth, a burse, a linen corporal, 3 small linen cloths
[purificators?], a silk and a lace chalice veil, an alb, a priest's surplice and 2 boys'
surplices, a white silk stole and maniple, a worked dossal, hangings on the east
wall of the church, 5 alms bags, 20 turned bedsteads and hay mattresses, 18 hay
pillows, 2 rollers, a wooden cupboard, a set of shelves, book-shelves, a table, 28
forms, 2 choir desks, 2 long desks, a carpenter's table, 2 wash-stands with 8 basins,
a mosquito-net with a few mosquito-net tops, 9 tin plates, 2 tin pans, and 2 lamps.
(85) Pacific Commercial Advertiser, July 9, 1864. Staley gave Scott £100
passage money "to get rid of him." Staley to [W.T.] Bullock, Kensington,
March 14, [1871], Letters Received, 1865-1871, No. 58, MS., office of S.P.G.
(86) Ernest Hawkins to Staley, London, July 13, 1864, Copies of Letters
Sent:  New Zealand, F MSS., Vol. I, MS., office of S.P.G. 1956 William Richard Scott 183
Gulick's aUegations, there can be no doubt that they were circulated by
him on the islands and tended to make Scott's position, difficult at best,
impossible.
It is commonly reported about town [Gulick wrote] that one of Mr Scott's
pupUs at Lahaina—a girl three quarters white—complains of having been the
subject of rape by Mr. Scott while in his school, & that the father endeavoured to
have the case come before the English Judge at Lahaina [William Ap Jones], but
that he refused to entertain the suit. Mr. Allen was then personally & privately
appealed to for the sake of justice, & he prompts the Atorney General of the Is.—
C. C. Harris, a member of the EngUsh Communion—to look after the matter, &
he pronounced that there is nothing in it. Mr. Scott has left his school & is
Uving in Honolulu, & says he cannot rest with such a cloud upon his name, which
intimates a suit for libel. Meantime, the Bishop is anxious to get Mr Scott to leave
the islands altogether.8'
Having put his mind to the subject, GuUck concluded that Scott's
indebtedness in Lahaina had resulted from his suppressing the truth.
It is pretty certain [he wrote] that Rev. Mr. Scott, of the Ref. Cath. Mission,
who was at Lahaina, paid the half (& possibly the whole) of $1500.00 as hush-
money in the threatened prosecution for rape upon a girl of his school. He left
for England months ago; but it will not do for us to pursue any such course of
concealment.^
GuUck's coUeagues, though, seem to have carefuUy abstained from participation in his sortie into character assassination.
Upon his return to England, Scott served for a whUe as curate of the
Church of St. Michael and AU Angels, Finsbury, where he did a good
work. According to the Shoreditch Observer at the tune of his resignation:—
Mr. Scott was a good man, an untiring minister of Christ. I will venture those who
heard him preach have not forgotten his heart-stirring words. His impressiveness
of word and manner is not easily effaced. Early morning and late at night he was
ever at his post; in him the poor and sick found a sympathising adviser and a
feeling friend, and the children of the schools a kind and forbearing teacher.
I consider his loss not only to the Church, great as that is, but also to the district.
AU who have the salvation of souls at heart, who care for the religious teaching of
the poorer classes, and the enlightenment by the Gospel of this darkly ignorant and
crime-rife neighborhood, of whatever sect, would indeed recognise in Mr. Scott an
instrument of God admirably suited to the position which he lately filled so well.89
(87) Gulick to R. Anderson, Honolulu, March 10, 1864, A.B.C.F.M., Sandwich Islands, 1860-1871, Vol. Ill, No. 239. Elisha Hunt Allen (1804-1883)
was chancellor and chief justice, 1857-1876.
(88) Gulick to Anderson, Honolulu, March 27, 1865, A.B.C.F.M., Sandwich
Islands, 1860-1871, Vol. Ill, No. 289.
(89) Reprinted in Guardian, XXI (1866), p. 479, and Church Times (London), TV (1866), p. 153. 184 Andrew Forest Muir July-Oct.
A short whUe later Scott performed strenuous and heroic services
during the cholera epidemic that struck the East End of London in the
summer of 1866. As early as August 4 the Rev. Charles Fuge Lowder
was begging for priests, laymen, and nurses to minister to the afflicted.90
Scott volunteered and became chaplain of the workhouse of St. John-of-
Wapping, near Old Gravel Lane. This buUding was prepared to take
150, and in a pinch 200, patients. It was divided into wards, each
devoted to a particular parish, as Stepney, Limehouse, and ShadweU. In
addition to the chaplain, it was staffed by three Sisters of Mercy, two
female nurses, nineteen male nurses, three medical men, a dispenser, and
a superintendent. On August 19 the Bishop of London and Mrs. Tait
visited the workhouse. There were then thirty patients being cared for.
One death had occurred that morning and five the previous day. Scott
impressed a newspaper correspondent as " an exceUent and kind nurse
as weU as an indefatigable spiritual pastor." He told the Bishop of the
different patients and of the awful deaths that had taken place. Tait had
Uttle sympathy with men of Scott's high church views, but he admired
zeal and self-devotion and heartily shook hands with Scott and urged him
to get a change of air as soon as he could so that he would not break down
under his untiring labours.91 The devotion and indefatigabUity of the
Anglo-CathoUc clergy during the cholera epidemic did much to dissipate
popular opinion against them.
In the meantime, Scott had become curate of St. Mark's Church,
Whitechapel, and had begun a chapel, St. Clement's Mission, at 69 Back-
church Lane. In December he acknowledged gifts of a Norman font,
a consecrated altar, and some £37 in cash and stamps and announced
that he had been offered two sites in the lane for reasonable sums on
which to buUd the permanent mission buUding.92 Scott offered a fuU
round of services during Holy Week and Eastertide, 1867.93 In June he
celebrated a Eucharist for the intention of the EngUsh Church Union,94
and on July 18 had a solemn high Eucharist on the first anniversary of
the founding of the mission.95 Scott tried in many ways to reUeve his
people from the great distress prevailing in the neighbourhood.96   He
(90) Church Times, IV (1866), p. 247.    See also ibid., pp. 248, 279.
(91) Ibid., p. 269; Morning Star, quoted in Church Times, TV (1866), p. 269.
(92) Letter of Scott, Church Times, IV (1866), p. 407.
(93) Ibid., V (1867), p. 148.
(94) Ibid., p. 220.
(95) Ibid., p. 262.
(96) See leader, Church Times, VI (1868), p. 54. 1956 William Richard Scott 185
organized a GuUd of St. Clement's,97 provided an excursion for his poor
and his schools, and proposed a brass band for men and a fife and drum
band for boys, to be conducted by a former bandmaster in the navy, who
had volunteered his services. Scott was particularly anxious to wean his
people away from beer-houses and penny gaffs.98 When one of his parishioners saved a woman and chUd from a burning house in Cannon Street
Road, where Scott Uved, Scott ministered to his burns, and a few days
later the hero, on bended knee, returned thanks in the mission chapel to
God " in deUvering nun from perishing by fire."99
The mission celebrated the first anniversary of its dedication on
November 23, with the incumbents of the Churches of St. Alban the
Martyr, Holborn, and St. Peter's, London Docks, as guest preachers.
There was also a coUation in the schoolroom, attended by the president
of the EngUsh Church Union; Robert Brett, the pious physician of Stoke
Newington; and other distinguished visitors.100
At Christmastide, Scott bestirred himself, not only to celebrate the
festival with becoming solemnities,101 but also to coUect funds to pay for
the mission organ and to provide a substantial Christmas dinner for his
people.102 On the first Sunday after Christmas, December 29, the Bishop
of Tennessee, who had attended the first Lambeth Conference, visited St.
Clement's Mission, dined with Scott and the members of the GuUd, and
spent the afternoon visiting in the parish with Scott. In grateful remembrance of his ministrations, Scott informed the Bishop that the four
Ember offertories and those of the first Sunday after Christmas would
be given to him for the Church in Tennessee.103 Scott continued to
alleviate his people's distress.104
At the beginning of Lent, 1868, Scott announced that £168 16s. 6d.
had been spent for the temporary building, of which £86 19s. had been
(97) Church Times, V (1867), p. 403.
(98) Ibid., p. 362.   A penny gaff is a low theatre or music hall.
(99) Morning Advertiser, quoted in Church Times, V (1867), p. 397.
(100) Church Times, V (1867), pp. 419, 421; Guardian, XXII (1867), p. 271.
Alexander Heriot Mackonochie (1825-1887) was curate in charge of St. Albans,
1862-1882, and Charles Fuge Lowder (1820-1880) was priest in charge of
St. Peter's from 1860. Colin Lindsay (1819-1892) was president of the English
Church Union, 1860-1867.
(101) Church Times, VI (1868), p. 8.
(102) Letter of Scott, ibid., V (1867), p. 451.
(103) Guardian, XXHI (1868), p. 11; Church Times, VI (1868), p. 5. The
Bishop of Tennessee, 1865-1898, was Charles Todd Quintard (1824-1898).
(104) Church Times, VI (1868), p. 54. 186 Andrew Forest Muir
received.105 Scott's churchmanship was distasteful to the vicar of St.
Mark's, who, in the middle of March, announced Scott's dismissal and
the dispersal of the mission.106 The work terminated soon after Easter.107
In the foUowing year the former congregation of the late mission presented Scott with a handsomely embroidered white silk stole accompanied
by an address, " expressing their affection and respect for him, and their
appreciation of his most laborious work among them, and their sense of
the injustice which caused his removal."108
In the autumn of 1868 Scott was threatened with total blindness,109
but seemingly his ocuUst's predictions proved incorrect, for in November,
1869, he was conducting services and workshops for unemployed men at
Christ Church, Liverpool,110 and in May, 1870, he was inhibited by the
Bishop of Chester, no doubt because of his high church views.111 In the
same year he became curate of St. Martin's Church, Liverpool, where he
remained untU 1874, when he became curate of Southwold for a year.
In 1875-78 he served South Hackney, after which he was connected
with Christ Church, Poplar, for two years. Throughout the 1880's he
was listed without cure, so it is possible that his eyesight further declined.
In 1889-91 he was at Charlton St. Peter, Marlborough, in WUtshire.112
On July 26,1894, aged 70 years 3 months and 11 days, Scott died of
natural causes at 43 Brand Street, Greenwich, attended by his sister, Miss
L. H. Scott.113
Andrew Forest Muir.
The Rice Institute,
Houston, Texas.
(105) Letter of Scott, Church Times, VI (1868), p. 84.
(106) Ibid., p. 109; see also ibid., pp. 119, 132. The vicar of St. Mark's,
1866-1870, was Brooke Lambert (1834-1901).
(107) Church Times, VI (1868), pp. 153, 252, 271, 329.
(108) Ibid., Vn (1869), p. 171.
(109) Ibid., VI (1868), p. 376; Guardian, XXUI (1868), p. 1115.
(110) Church Times, Vn (1869), p. 457.
(111) Ibid., Vm (1870), p. 204. The Bishop of Chester, 1865-1884, was
William Jacobson (1803-1884).
(112) Crockford's Clerical Directory for 1893.   ,
(113) Entry of death, Registration District Greenwich, Sub-district of Greenwich West, County of London, 1894, No. 20, MS., General Register Office. Church
Times, XXXII (1894), p. 828, shows death as having occurred at Exmouth; perhaps burial took place there. The Rev. J. D. Newhouse, rector of Exmouth,
informed the writer on July 22, 1957, that there is but one graveyard in that place,
and that Scott's remains are not buried there. THE KOOTENAY RECLAMATION AND COLONIZATION SCHEME AND WILLIAM ADOLPH
BAILLIE-GROHMAN
For seventy years the reclamation of the Kootenay Flats in the
Creston Valley of South-eastern British Columbia has been going on.
The dyking method has not proved to be a wholly satisfactory system of
flood-control, the chief cause of the dyke erosion being the sand-bars
which form in the Kootenay River. A system of dredging and placing
the dredged-out material on top of the dykes has been suggested as a
partial solution to the present problem.
The man who in 1882 first conceived the idea of reclaiming these
flats and placing settlers on them was not in favour of dyking. His
theory was that if the level of Kootenay Lake could be lowered by
widening its very constricted outlet, the flood-waters from the spring
freshets which annually backed up and overflowed the flats would then
be enabled to flow freely through the outlet, and thus the rise of the lake
would be prevented. He was WiUiam Adolph Baillie-Grohman, a British
sportsman and author, who was then on a hunting expedition in Western
Kootenay seeking the elusive Rocky Mountain goat.1 When he visited
the eastern district of Kootenay the foUowing year,2 he added another
idea to the proposed scheme: to lessen the amount of water in the
Kootenay River by diverting it, or part of it, into Columbia Lake at the
place which David Thompson had caUed McGilUvray's Portage. Here
the two waterways were only about a mUe and a half apart, and Grohman
saw no difficulty in attempting to cut a canal to connect the two. In fact,
by his own admission, he was not the first to try to divert the Kootenay
into the Columbia by means of a canal. At the same place some nineteen years earlier, during the gold excitement at Wild Horse Creek,
twenty-five men had commenced working there with the same end in
(1) W. A. Baillie-Grohman, "Hunting the Rocky Mountain Goat," Century
Magazine, XXIX (n.s. VII) (1884-85), pp. 193-203. Grohman wrote another
article entitled " Stalking the Haplocerus in the Selkirks," in the English Illustrated
Magazine, XHI (1898), pp. 127-133.
(2) W. A. Baillie-Grohman, "A Paradise for Canadian and American Soldiers," Nineteenth Century, LXXXLTI (1918), pp. 770-771.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XX, Nos. 3 and 4.
187 188 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
view but for a different purpose. They hoped to divert the entire Kootenay River so that they could wash for gold in the river-bed. They
expected to complete their project in one season, but shortage of provisions and funds prevented them from carrying it out.3
With the mechanical means avaUable to-day, such projects as digging the canal and widening the outlet of the lake would be considered
smaU and could be easUy and quickly accompUshed. But in 1883 the
Kootenay District was a sparsely inhabited wUderness without benefit of
raUway or steamboat transportation, and with only a minimum of trails.
BaUlie-Grohman's one-man reclamation and colonization scheme therefore made history.
Groham began negotiations with the British Columbia Government
at Victoria for a concession to the Kootenay bottom-lands, situated
between the south end of Kootenay Lake and the International Boundary,
and consisting of about 48,000 acres. Returning to Kootenay for further
exploration, he was accompanied by GUbert Malcolm Sproat and A. S.
FarweU,4 but he became involved in the mining Utigation between Captain George J. Ainsworth, founder of the Oregon Navigation Company,
and Robert Sproule.5 The latter—like Ainsworth, an American—had
discovered a big ledge of galena ore and staked out claims on it, naming
the discovery BluebeU. Shortly afterwards a young man named Hammil,
representing the wealthy associates of Ainsworth, also staked claims on
the same ground. A legal dispute foUowed, and Sproule persuaded
Grohman to help him in the fight.
An investigation was immediately ordered, and Assistant Gold Commissioner Edward KeUy conducted the inquiry and visited the two hostUe
camps. So as to show no favouritism, he agreed to sleep in one camp
and eat his meals in the other. On October 16, 1883, he gave judgment
in favour of Sproule on aU four of the points involved; but the Ainsworth
interests appealed in the Supreme Court of British Columbia, and three
of the decisions were reversed, with costs assessed against Sproule. This
blow unbalanced his reason: he blamed Grohman for his loss and
threatened to kiU both him and Hammil.   Sproule went back to Koote-
(3) W. Henry Barneby, Life and Labour in the Far, Far West, London, 1884,
Appendix C [" The Kootenay Lake District," by W. A. Baillie-Grohman], p. 409.
(4) Pertinent information in connection with this exploration is to be found
in Appendix I to this article, pp. 210-213.
(5) W. A. Baillie-Grohman, Fifteen Years' Sport and Life in the Hunting
Grounds of Western America and British Columbia, London, 1900, pp. 234-251. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 189
nay looking for Grohman and twice faced him with a gun. The first time
he fired but missed, and Grohman escaped before he could shoot again.
The second tune, the two met aboard a train in Idaho, but with others
present Sproule dared not puU the trigger. Then he returned to the Blue-
beU claim, where he found HammU working; Sproule shot the young
man from ambush. After hiding out for some time, the murderer was
forced into the open by hunger, and he was captured, tried, and eventu-
aUy executed at Victoria. Nevertheless, a creek was named for him,6
next to one named for Grohman. These two creeks, together with the
viUage of Ainsworth and BluebeU Mountain, perpetuate the memory of
those early dramatic events in Kootenay. The Bluebell mine itself is still
in existence, operated by the ConsoUdated Mining and Smelting Company of Canada Limited.
MeanwhUe, Grohman had discovered at Victoria that the Ainsworth
group had also been negotiating for a land concession in Kootenay which
would include the 48,000 acres which he was hoping for. Ainsworth
had offered to buUd a raUway from the Kootenay River outlet to its
confluence with the Columbia, a distance of some 26 mUes. For this he
was to get 750,000 acres free of taxes, as weU as other valuable rights.
A pubUc meeting of protest held in Victoria objected to the passage ol
this private BUI, which was to convey so large a tract of the Province's
valuable land to a group of Americans.7 The Act was later disaUowed
by the Federal Government, but by persistent efforts the Ainsworth
interests eventuaUy succeeded in getting the Act of incorporation passed,
although the Columbia and Kootenay RaUway Company was given
a much smaUer land grant than had originaUy been sought. Whilst
these negotiations were in progress, Grohman succeeded in getting his
concession granted, and he later claimed the distinction of having saved
for the Province the huge tract of land which Ainsworth had originaUy
sought.8
Grohman's concession took the form of a ten-year lease, dated
December 10, 1883, from the Honourable WUliam Smithe, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works at Victoria, to W. A. BaUlie-Grohman,
formerly of London, England, but now of Kootenay in British Columbia.
(6) Sproule Creek flows into the Kootenay River at Taghum.    Grohman's
spelling was Sprowle.
(7) F. W. Howay, W. N. Sage, and H. F. Angus, British Columbia and the
United States, Toronto, 1942, p. 250.
(8) Baillie-Grohman, Nineteenth Century, LXXXIII (1918), p. 778. 190 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
The original document is an interesting and unique item,9 handwritten
throughout on foolscap paper, and consisting of nine pages, a cover sheet,
and a map, drawn by A. S. FarweU, dated November, 1883. Any
alterations or additions to the document, no matter how sUght, are
initiaUed by both parties and by the witness, who also places his initials
at the bottom of each sheet. Wherever the writing does not continue
to the end of the line, the space remaining is fUled hi with a uniform
scrawl, as was customary, to prevent any unauthorized additions, and
throughout the entire nine pages there is not one punctuation mark of
any description.
The lease10 covered 47,500 acres of the bottom and marsh lands
known as the Kootenay Flats. Except by inference, there was no mention of any land or works in the Upper Kootenay-Columbia VaUey, but
subsequent events showed that at the time the document was drawn up
Grohman had a canal hi that district in mind:—
Provided also and it is hereby agreed and declared that the Lessee shall from
time to time and at all times during the currency of this lease have a right of way
over and full ingress and egress upon any Crown lands and the right to construct
a ditch or works thereon for the purpose of carrying into effect the reclamation
scheme contemplated by this Lessee.   .   .   .
The " ditch " later developed into the canal at Canal Flat (now officiaUy
speUed Canal Flats), although the document gave no indication as to
where the ditch might be constructed, nor did it refer to, or give permission for, the diversion of the Kootenay River.
For the first five years of the lease an annual rental of $100 was to
be paid, and an additional 5 cents an acre thereafter " on land reclaimed
and brought into a state of actual cultivation," both payable in gold
coin. It was also stipulated that within the first three years a complete
survey of the lands within the lease was to be made in blocks 6 mUes
square, the survey and field-notes to be deposited with the Lands and
Works Minister at Victoria. Should the interference of the elements
make it impracticable for the survey to be completed, a further period
of one year was aUowed.   The sum of $15,000 was to be expended in
(9) In the Baillie-Grohman Papers, now in the possession of Vice-Admiral
H. T. Baillie-Grohman, C.B., D.S.O., O.B.E., Chichester, Sussex, who kindly made
much of the material available to the writer and by whose permission many of the
illustrations are reproduced.
(10) " Return to an Order of the House [Lease of Lands for Kootenay Reclamation Scheme]," British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Sessional Papers,
1883-84, Victoria, 1884, p. 426. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 191
British Columbia by the lessee within the first three years to further the
reclamation, and during the foUowing seven years an annual sum of not
less than $10,000 was to be spent. No part of the premises could be
assigned or underlet without the written consent of the Government.
The Crown reserved " aU mines coal and minerals "; the right to
cut and take away timber, gravel, stone, sand, or other material required
for construction of any bridge, road, or other pubUc work; and the
right to take possession, without notice, of land which might be required
for Indian purposes, reservations, or settlements, not to exceed 1,280
acres.
The lands and aU buildings and improvements were to be free from
Provincial taxation during the term of the lease, unless Grohman should
apply for the purchase of land, which he had the privUege of doing after
the survey was made: ". . . aU or any of the lands hereby demised
which may be reclaimed from overflow of water in blocks of six hundred
and forty acres at the rate of one doUar an acre. . . ." One clause
in the lease stated that " the same shaU be subject to the rights (if any
there be) arising from the Columbia and Kootenay RaUway and Transportation Company Act, 1883." But after the lease had been signed,
this Act, as has been said, was disaUowed by the Federal Government.
Grohman's next step was to interest some of his friends hi England
in his Canadian enterprise, and the Kootenay Lake Syndicate was formed
as a temporary means of raising the initial funds required. With this
assurance of financial aid, Grohman returned to Victoria to make a
formal proposal11 to the Government on behalf of the syndicate, a proposal which now asked for partiaUy free grants of land in the Upper
Kootenay VaUey of approximately 22,500 acres. Grohman outlined
eighteen primary conditions under which he thought that the land concession should be provided. One condition was that the syndicate should
place a steamboat on the navigable part of the Lower Kootenay River
and Lake during 1884; another, that within six months of the commencement of the Kootenay canal a simUar steamer or steam-tug should
be placed on the Upper Columbia River to ply from Golden to the
Columbia Lake. This appears to be the first written suggestion by
Grohman to the Government as to where the canal was to be, for he
(11) W. A. Baillie-Grohman to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works,
Victoria, July 25, 1884, Baillie-Grohman Papers. The text of this letter is reproduced as Appendix II to this article, pp. 213-217. For a summary see British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1886, p. 419. 192 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
calls it " The Upper Kootenay River Canal." However, he had held
various conferences with the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works,
and undoubtedly the location of the canal had been discussed. As for
the boat to be placed on the Columbia, a proviso aUowed this to be done
only if that stretch of water was navigable for steamers and if no other
steamboat were navigating the river at that time. However, several
months before Grohman was permitted to begin work on the canal there
was a steamboat already navigating the Columbia.12
The steamer on the Kootenay River and Lake had been arranged
for by Grohman even before bis proposal was approved, and in so doing
he became the first man to operate a steamer aft on the Kootenay waters.
The boat was the historic Midge, consigned to Grohman by Venables
Kyrke in England, who had invested in the reclamation enterprise. When
the Midge arrived at Montreal, on the deck of the Polynesian, the customs officers demanded a considerable amount of duty on the Uttle old
steam-launch. Learning that " settler's goods," including certain agricultural implements, were admitted free of duty, Grohman declared the
Midge to be an agricultural implement: the boat, he explained, was
required to puU a steam-plough on the flooded lands he intended to
reclaim. He managed to get the idea accepted at Ottawa, and was issued
a permit authorizing the Midge to be cleared free of duty, much to the
consternation of the Montreal officials. The boat was then shipped on
two flat cars to Sandpoint, Idaho, the nearest raUway point to the
Kootenay. From there she was carried by a dozen white men and a
number of Indians over the Pack River TraU to Bonner's Ferry, roUers
and puUeys being used where necessary. It took three weeks to transport the boat the 40 mUes.
The Midge, needless to say, was never used as an agricultural implement, but for cruising and exploring the lake and river. The Indians
aU along the way were intrigued and deUghted by the sight of her
puffing about, and willingly cut wood for the boUer hi return for being
aUowed to blow the whistle or to have their canoes towed by the Uttle
steamer. Later, she was abandoned by Grohman and taken over by
T. Davis, one of the prospective settlers, who renamed her the Mud Hen.
When he returned to Wales, the Mud Hen was abandoned for ever.13
(12) Captain F. P. Armstrong's Duchess, 1886. See Norman Hacking,
" Steamboat Days on the Upper Columbia and Upper Kootenay," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XVI (1952), p. 10.
(13) Information from Mr. Guy Constable, March, 1954. (Courtesy Vice-Admiral H. T. Baillie-Grohman, C.B., D.S.O., O.B.E.)
The Kootenay Canal works showing the canal under construction.
(Courtesy Vice-Admiral H. T. Baillie-Grohman, C.B., D.S.O., O.B.E.)
The wheelbarrow brigade of Chinamen working at the canal excavation. (Courtesy Vice-Admiral H. T. Baillie-Grohman, C.B., D.S.O., O.B.E.)
View of a completed part of the canal, August, 1888.
(Courtesy Vice-Admiral H. T. Baillie-Grohman, C.B., D.S.O., O.B.E.)
Kootenay Canal at Grohman (Canal Flat), showing the lock
under construction, 1888. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 193
For years she lay beached in the mud on the river-bank, slipping lower
into the water with each spring run-off. Before she finaUy disappeared
altogether from view, Mr. Guy Constable, of Creston, retrieved a few
rehcs, and he still has the famous whistle, the rudder, the compass, two
boUards, and the stern post. Part of the stern post he had made into
a gavel, which he presented to the Pacific Northwest Trade Association
to perpetuate the neighbourly relations and friendship to which the
Midge had contributed when afloat on international waters.
But to return to the subject of Grohman's formal proposal to the
Government in 1884. The main issue was the land and the terms of its
disposal to and by the syndicate. It was divided into three categories
according to location—A, B, and C. Lands A comprised 2,000 acres
of grazing land situated between the Upper Columbia Lake and the
Upper Kootenay River; also the swamp and bottom lands on the Upper
and Middle Kootenay River between the " first crossing " of Kootenay
River and the International Boundary-line, about 22,500 acres. Lands
B were the swamp and bottom lands of the Lower Kootenay River,
known as the Kootenay Flats, approximately 32,525 acres. Lands C
lay on the right bank of the Kootenay River, between Goat River and
Kootenay Lake, about 15,000 acres, shown as Flat No. 2 on FarweU's
map. The aggregate of ah lands was 72,025 acres. To this was added
1,000 acres at the northern end of Kootenay Lake north of Lardeau
Creek, to be reclaimed by lowering the lake; 25 acres on the right bank
of the west arm of the lake at the Rapids; and 50 acres on the left bank
at the Narrows; making a grand total of 73,100 acres.
Grohman proposed to form, within six months of receiving the engineer's final report on the scheme, a limited liabiUty company with a
capital of at least £50,000. When any of the land was reclaimed and
settlers were placed on it, the company was to receive Crown grants
at the rate of $1 per acre, as foUows: On Lands A, 480 acres per bona
fide settler; on Lands B, 320 acres; on Lands C, 480 acres. Bona fide
settlers were defined as " such persons who are permanently settled on
the land, who own a dwelling house and who pursue either agricultural,
grazing, lumbering, mining or mercantile pursuits." The Government
later excluded Indians and Chinese from this category.14 During the
time that the reclamation was being carried out, the company was to
be aUowed to make provisional sales to settlers at such rates and under
(14) "Return  ...  in connection with the Kootenay  Colonization  and
Reclamation Scheme," British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1886, p. 420, clause 9.
4 194 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
such conditions as seemed to it most beneficial to the proper development
of the scheme.
It was in this formal proposal of 1884 that Grohman first recorded
officiaUy that a canal was to be used for diversion of the Kootenay
River. The clause hi the original concession relating to the " ditch "
was now proposed as foUows (clause 12):—
That in order to carry out the reclamation works we shall have a right of way
over and full ingress and egress upon any Crown lands, and the right to construct
a ditch or canal, or such other work, between the Upper Kootenay River and the
Upper Columbia Lake, that will enable us to turn the Upper Kootenay River into
the Upper Columbia Lake.   .   .   .
Thus the purpose of the canal was now made known.
The proposal was approved by the Lieutenant-Governor on August
12, 1884,15 with a recommendation that the Government now enter into
an agreement with Grohman, such agreement to embody the spirit of
the provisions and conditions already submitted by him as representative of the Kootenay Lake Syndicate. The articles of agreement were
signed on September 7, 1885, and approved by the Lieutenant-Governor
on the same date.16 The new agreement, which contained twenty-six
clauses, was substantially the same as Grohman had proposed, except
that the canal and the river diversion now assumed more importance.
Grohman later admitted that this was the vital point on which his whole
undertaking was based.17 The relevant clause, now No. 15, read thus:—
In order to carry out the reclamation works, the said William Adolph Baillie-
Grohman, his heirs or assigns, shall have full ingress and egress upon and over
any Crown land at or near the works, and the right to construct such a ditch or
canal, with a dam between the Upper Kootenay River and the Columbia Lake,
as will enable him or them to turn the whole or a portion of the Upper Kootenay
River at point A on the said plan No. 1 into the Upper Columbia Lake. . . .
The increasing importance of the canal in the reclamation scheme is
shown by the fact that several clauses hinged upon its being completed:
no Crown grants were to be issued until the canal was completed, or, U
it was not completed by July 31, 1889, until Grohman could estabUsh
that no less than $50,000 had been expended in British Columbia in
furtherance of the reclamation works. Such expenditure could include
steamboats, machinery, material, equipment, etc., brought into British
Columbia. Clause 2 stipulated that before December 1, 1886, a steamer
or steam-tug of not less than 90 tons gross was to be placed on the
(15) British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1886, p. 419.
(16) Ibid., pp. 419-424.
(17) Baillie-Grohman, Sport and Life, p. 262. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 195
Upper Columbia River to navigate the stream from the Canadian Pacific
RaUway (east crossing of the Columbia) to the Upper Columbia Lake,
providing, as had been stated in the original proposal, that there was no
other steamer then navigating that river. No mention was made of any
steamer to be placed on the Kootenay River and Lake, since the Midge
was already in operation on those waters. Before September 1, 1886,
Grohman or his company was to deposit with the Government of British
Columbia the sum of $7,054, this being 10 cents on the dollar per acre.
It should be made clear that the British Columbia Government did
not, as is often supposed, assume the authority for the Kootenay River
diversion. True, it entered into this agreement of September 7, 1885,
with Grohman, an agreement which included the diversion clause quoted
above, but the document also included the ah-important clause 21, which
is here quoted in full:—
This agreement, notwithstanding anything herein contained, shall have no force
or effect unless and until the Government of the Dominion of Canada shall have
lawfully authorized the turning of the water of the Upper Kootenay River at the
point of diversion marked A on the plan hereto attached, marked No. 1, into the
Upper Columbia Lake, and also the like authority to the lowering of the water
of the Kootenay Lake by the deepening and widening of the outlet of the Kootenay
Lake at the places designated on the plan hereto attached, marked No. 2. In the
event of such authority not being given, and if the said William Adolph Baillie-
Grohman shall have deposited the aforesaid sum of seven thousand and fifty-four
($7,054) dollars, the same shall be returned to him.1^
From this clause it is clearly seen that the British Columbia Government
had made the entire reclamation works, as proposed, subject to assent
being given by the Dominion Government. If assent was not given,
Grohman would have his deposit refunded and could assume that the
deal was off unless some other scheme satisfactory to the Dominion
Government could be worked out. It is true that the original concession
of December 10, 1883, made no reference to any assent being required
from the Dominion Government, but neither did it give Grohman the
authority to divert the Kootenay River or to buUd a canal. It only gave
permission to construct a " ditch or works." Grohman later said that
the attorneys for the Provincial Government, as weU as his own attorneys, had overlooked the fact that the Province had no jurisdiction over
canal works,19 yet clause 21 makes it plainly evident that the point had
not been overlooked.
(18) British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1886, p. 422.
(19) Baillie-Grohman, Sport and Life, p. 262. 196 Mabel E. Jordon      , July-Oct.
Whether or not Grohman and his associates were aware of this complication, they continued with their plans. The Kootenay Syndicate
Limited had been incorporated in England on May 18, 1885, and after
obtaining the agreement the company proceeded with the financing.
The required deposit of $7,054 was made in May, 1886, and acknowledged by a letter to the Directors from WiUiam Smithe dated May 7,
1886.
But between the time of the incorporation of the syndicate and the
payment of the $7,054, events occurred which appear to have upset the
proverbial apple-cart. A pubUc official notice, dated November 3, 1885,
stating the intention to divert the Kootenay River, or a portion thereof,
into the vaUey of the Columbia, was posted at Golden City. The residents of this settlement, otherwise known as the Fifth Siding of the
Canadian Pacific Railway then under construction, did not let the suggestion go unnoticed, and along with other settlers in the Upper Columbia VaUey they held a pubUc meeting at Golden City on March 5, 1886,
for the purpose of sending a petition to Ottawa protesting the diversion
of the river. The petitioners considered that the canal scheme would
cause great damage to pubhc lands of the Dominion within the raUway
belt, as weU as to other lands in British Columbia, if the additional
volume of water from the Kootenay should be emptied into the Columbia; that the gently flowing Columbia would be unable to carry off the
water from the swifter-flowing Kootenay and thereby much of the low
land in the Upper Columbia Valley would be flooded; that farming and
ranching were dependent upon the hay grown on these lands; that much
valuable timber would be destroyed; that future settlers would be deterred; that the scheme would preclude the possibUity of buUding a road
in the vaUey which was necessary to mining and timber interests; that
the diversion might lead to foreign comphcations; that, in short, the
reclaiming of the Kootenay Flats, which was the object of the diversion,
would be greatly overbalanced by the amount of damage which would
be caused by overflow into the Columbia VaUey. The petitioners concluded by asking for suspension of the work until a careful investigation
of the possible consequences could be made.20
The petition was well prepared and signed by thirty individuals, one
of whom, Robert Lang, a merchant of Golden City, forwarded it on
March 6 to the Honourable Thomas  White,  Minister of Interior,
(20) The full text of this petition is to be found in Appendix III to this article,
pp. 218-220. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 197
Ottawa.21 Apparently it had effect, for an Order in CouncU of the
Dominion. Government, dated May 26, was transmitted to the Government of British Columbia caUing attention to the representations and
submitting a copy of the petition for comment.22 The reply, dated July
5, quite properly, simply pointed out that the assent of the Dominion
Government was necessary before Grohman could proceed with his
reclamation work.
The responsibUity for securing this consent naturaUy was Grohman's,
and he made appUcation to the Federal Minister of Public Works. An
engineer employed by the Department of RaUways and Canals made an
examination of the locaUty which would be affected, and on the basis
of bis report, which recommended that a lock be buUt into the canal
to make it a navigable waterway, the Chief Engineer of the Department
of PubUc Works secured modifications of the scheme. On the basis of
a memorandum of August 20 from the Minister of Public Works, a
Report of a Committee of the Honourable the Privy CouncU recommended " that permission be given to Mr. Grohman to carry out his
modified scheme, subject to the conditions mentioned by the Chief
Engineer."   The modification secured from Grohman was a
guarantee, under pain of forfeiture of permissions given, that his Company shall
so construct its works, viz., the canal & the widening of the Kootenay's outlet,
that the level of the Kootenay shall not at any season of the year, or at any point
of its course, be lowered below the ordinary low water level at present in existence,
and that with reference to the canal he is prepared to undertake, under a suitable
penalty, to keep the gates or lock of the canal permanently closed after the last
day of August except at such intervals when steamers and other craft may pass
through the Canal.
In addition, the Crown retained the whole of its rights in so far as the
navigation of the two rivers was concerned, not permitting " Mr. Grohman or his Company to assume any control or the right to interfere
with the navigation of the river by other persons or Companies " except
(21) A copy of this letter and the petition is to be found in " Copy of correspondence between the Department of Lands, Victoria, and the Department of the
Interior, Ottawa, in regard to proposed Kootenay Reclamation Scheme, March 6,
1919," British Columbia, Clerk of the House Papers, 1919. A copy of the petition
was also evidently sent directly to the Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia.
(22) J. R. Hall, secretary, Department of Interior, to A. Gobeil, secretary,
Department of Public Works, September 30, 1886, " Copy of correspondence . . .
proposed Kootenay Reclamation Scheme," Clerk of the House Papers, 1919. The
letter of transmittal from the Secretary of State to the Lieutenant-Governor is
dated June 14, 1886, MS., Archives of B.C. 198 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
for the payment of toUs for passing through the canal, which toUs would
be subject to approval by the Dominion Government.23
No doubt the petitioners from Golden City were gratified at the success they had achieved when, in October, they were informed of the modifications required by the Dominion Government.24 But to Grohman
they were to have far-reaching consequences. Facing heavy financial
loss to himseff and his company if the work did not proceed, in applying
for the consent of the Dominion Government he had represented his
scheme as primarily concerned with the improvement of navigation of
the rivers, and whUe the modifications met that situation, they threatened
to defeat the original and true purpose of the canal—the reclamation of
land. Short of complete abandonment of the project, they had to be
accepted.
Negotiations with the Provincial Government had to be reopened,
and a new agreement, canceUing that of September 7, 1885, was made.
This new, and final, agreement was dated October 30, 1886,25 and
embraced the modified plans as approved by both Governments and,
reluctantly, by Grohman. To compensate him and his company for the
alterations, the British Columbia Government agreed to a free grant of
30,000 acres of land in the Upper Kootenay VaUey, to be Crown-granted
on completion of the canal. Of the eighteen clauses in the new agreement, the first eleven dealt with the canal and the various conditions
and specifications pertaining to it.   There was now no reference to the
(23) A copy of the Privy Council report of August 25, 1886, is enclosed in
A. Gobeil to J. R. Hall, October 7, 1886, " Copy of correspondence . . . proposed Kootenay Reclamation Scheme," Clerk of the House Papers, 1919. This report is printed in British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1891, pp. 493-494, and also
in The Kootenay Valley: A Report on . . . Reclamation and the Development
of Water Power in the Valley of the Kootenay River . . . Heard before the
International Joint Commission   .   .   .   1935, Ottawa, 1936, pp. 32-33.
(24) P. B. Douglas, assistant secretary, Department of Interior, to Robert
Lang, October 13, 1886, " Copy of correspondence . . . proposed Kootenay
Reclamation Scheme," Clerk of the House Papers, 1919. It is interesting to note
that as late as September 30, 1886, the Department of Interior was inquiring of
the Department of Public Works " whether any examination has been made of the
Headwaters of the Columbia and Kootenay Rivers ... or whether the assent
of the Government has been given to the prosecution of Mr. Grohman's proposed
undertaking." It was on October 13 that they were informed of the examination
that had been undertaken by a Government engineer and of the modifications that
had been agreed upon by the Minister of Public Works and Grohman.   Ibid.
(25) "Lease: Kootenay Reclamation and Colonization," British Columbia
Sessional Papers, 1887, pp. 315-320. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 199
diversion of the Kootenay River into Columbia Lake. The particularly
relevant clauses, Nos. 1 and 18 (f), clearly defined the modification of
Grohman's original scheme and are here quoted in part:—
1. The said Company will well, truly and faithfully make, build, construct,
complete and equip, in an efficient and substantial manner, in accordance with
certain plans and specifications hereinafter mentioned, a navigable canal between
the Upper Kootenay River and the Upper Columbia Lake across a certain flat
known as the " Canal Flat," and in such manner as to allow craft to pass from
one water to the other, and so as not to affect the volume of water in the said
river or lake or the Columbia River.   .   .   .
18 (f). That, in order to carry out the aforesaid works, the said Company,
their servants and agents, shall have full ingress and egress upon and over any
Crown land at or near the works, and the right to construct such a canal between
the Upper Kootenay River and the Upper Columbia Lake.   .   .   .
Permission was also granted to widen and deepen the outlet of Kootenay
Lake at the points known as the " Rapids" and the " Narrows " on
the west arm of the lake.
At no place was the canal to be narrower than 30 feet from bank
to bank at water-level, and the depth of water not less than 4 feet. The
lock, of either timber or stone, was to be 30 feet wide and 100 feet long.
The company was given the right to exact tolls for boats, persons, and
goods passing through the canal, not to exceed 25 cents for each passenger; goods on board, 10 cents per 100 pounds; the craft itself, 50 cents
per ton; cattle and horses, 50 cents per head; sheep and pigs, 25 cents
per head. Upon completion of the canal, work at the Narrows (now
known as Grohman Narrows) for widening the outlet of the lake was
to be started within three months.
The lands were now divided into two categories only—Lands A and
Lands B—the earlier Lands C being now consolidated with Lands B.
The aggregate was now 75,000 acres, of which the 30,000 acres comprising Lands A was now to be a free grant. The 45,000 acres included
in Lands B was on the same basis as before—$1 an acre to the company, but in lots of 480 acres for each bona fide resident settler. The
amount of $7,054 already deposited with the Government was to be
treated, first, as an indemnity fund in the event that the company failed
to complete the canal; secondly, should the canal be completed, the
money would apply as part of the purchase-money on Lands B (Kootenay Flats). In either event the money was to become the property of
the Government of British Columbia.
FinaUy, after four years of negotiation, Grohman was ready to start
on his reclamation scheme, albeit on a considerably different plan from 200 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
that which he had first formulated. Now that the revised agreement,
as weU as a detaUed report on the Government concessions to the
Kootenay Syndicate Limited, was in hand,26 he went once again to
England to form yet another company which would carry on the financing of his project. The Kootenay VaUeys Company Limited was incorporated in AprU, 1887, and capitaUzed at £100,000, in 20,000 shares
of £5 each. The prospectus showed an imposing Ust of directors, among
whom were a general, a member of ParUament, two Justices of the
Peace, and Dr. John Rae, F.R.S., formerly of the Hudson's Bay Company. Also included was R. H. Venables Kyrke, J.P., who had sent out
the Midge three years earlier. Grohman was appointed managing director for a period of five years. The company was to take over and develop
the land concessions and any other assets of the Kootenay Syndicate
Limited, including a one-fifth interest in the Big Ledge Mines (the old
Bluebell) on Kootenay Lake.27
The prospectus was as descriptive as it was optimistic. It contained
brief quotations from Captain John PaUiser's report of his explorations,
and also quoted from Sir George Simpson, Father De Smet, the Bishop
of Oregon, and the Marquis of Lome, who had aU made favourable
remarks about the Kootenay VaUey. The lands covered by the concessions were, for the purpose of the prospectus, estimated in value at
£67,200 for the 30,000 acres in the Upper Kootenay VaUey, and
£181,405 for the lands in the Lower Kootenay VaUey, a total of
£248,605. The cost of the acquisition of the lands was given as £10,000
for the 30,000 acres (the estimated cost of the canal), plus £22,740 for
the 45,000 acres in the Lower Kootenay VaUey, including the cost of
completing the work there. The total cost of the scheme being thus
reckoned at only £32,740, a handsome profit was anticipated.
In his position of managing director, Grohman once again came to
British Columbia, to supervise the canal works.   To facUitate the con-
(26) Ashdown H. Green, C.E. (Surveyor to the Indian Reserve Commissioner
for British Columbia), Report on the Upper and Lower Kootenay Valleys of British
Columbia and the Government Concessions of the Kootenay Syndicate (Limited),
London, 1886. And cf. Grohman's own report, The Kootenay Valleys in Kootenay District, British Columbia, London, 1886, which is headed " Mr. W. A. Baillie-
Grohman's Descriptive Report on the Kootenay Valleys in British Columbia, and
the 73,025 Acres of Agricultural and Forest Land Secured to the Kootenay Syndicate (Limited) by a Special Partially Free Grant from the Government of British
Columbia."
(27) See the original Prospectus, Baillie-Grohman Papers. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 201
struction of the necessary buUdings and of the timber lock, a smaU steam
sawmUl was ordered, which was shipped from Brantford, Ontario, to
Golden, the nearest raUway point, and there loaded on an improvised
barge28 for the journey up the Columbia to Canal Flat. At its best,
water transportation on the Columbia was slow, and it was particularly
so in the late summer when the water-level was low. Since wood was
used to fire the boiler of the barge, a boUer which had previously been
part of a steam-plough used in Manitoba, frequent stops had to be made
to replenish the fuel-supply. The barge ran aground so many times that
it became routine to unload, push it off, reload, and start again. Most
of this trouble was encountered on what were the salmon-spawning beds,
which are now no more. From the time the barge left Golden twenty-
three days elapsed before the machinery was unloaded, for the last time,
at its destination.
There a smaU settlement soon grew up, which was named Grohman.
A store and post office, a hotel of sorts, the sawmUl, and various other
buUdings appeared. Gangs of men began digging the Kootenay Canal,29
using horses and scrapers. There was also a unique brigade of Chinamen which operated something Uke a human conveyer-belt, pushing
odd-looking side-dumping wheelbarrows.30 The work of excavation was
comparatively easy: the material to be moved was mostly gravel which
contained no boulders of any formidable size. The actual dimensions
of the canal were 6,700 feet long and 45 feet wide; of the lock, 100
feet long and 30 feet wide.
The construction of the lock was not, however, as simple as the
excavation. Grohman had disapproved of the plans from the start. He
had argued that if the lock were constructed as designed, it would not
aUow for easy navigation, but he had been unable to get the plans
changed. According to the Government specifications, the foundations
had to be sunk to a considerable depth. When the excavation for the
ground-siUs got below the level of the Kootenay River, a large amount
of seepage water hampered the work, and steam-pumps had to be
brought in to aUeviate this condition and aUow the work to continue.
On July 29, 1889, just within the two years allowed, the canal works
were completed.    The 30,000 acres were Crown-granted accordingly,
(28) The Cline.   Baillie-Grohman, Sport and Life, p. 273.
(29) Mrs. Algernon St. Maur, Impressions of a Tenderfoot, London, 1890,
p. 171.
(30) See illustration facing p. 192. 202 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
and the canal became pubUc property, being accepted on August 20 of
that year by the Honourable F. G. Vernon, Chief Commissioner of
Lands and Works, on behalf of the Province. The cost had been excessive—over $100,000, more than twice the amount estimated in the
prospectus.
As for steamboats on the new waterway, the final agreement of
October 30, 1886, had, unlike the previous documents, made no reference to a steamboat to be placed either on the Upper Columbia River
and Lake or on the Lower Kootenay River and Lake. The company
was now required to place a steam-tug or steamer, capable of carrying
10 tons of freight, on the Upper Kootenay River to navigate from Canal
Flat to the boundary-Une, provided that no other similar steamer was
operating there. If this was not done within six months of the completion of the canal, the whole arrangement was to be minified. There
is no record that this clause was complied with nor any hint of possible
forfeiture because of non-compliance, yet the Midge was the only steamboat involved in the reclamation scheme and she plied the Lower Kootenay River and Lake. The first steamboat on the Upper Kootenay was
the Annerly, which came from Jennings, Montana, in 1893.31
The stipulation that the lock-gates should be closed at the end of
August in each year created something of a paradox. The object of the
gate closing had been to prevent any increase of water in the Columbia
after that date, so as not to damage the hay belonging to settlers in the
valley. Yet in 1890 some of these same settlers circulated another petition addressed to the Dominion Government asking that permission be
granted to the Kootenay VaUeys Company to have the lock-gates left
open aU year.32 The reason given was that the inflow from the Kootenay
would benefit navigation on the Columbia, which had by this time
become a very convenient method of transportation from Golden to the
mines. Grohman made appUcation to Victoria to have the gate-closing
clause in his agreement canceUed, providing the Dominion Government
would grant permission. For this he was prepared to forego the right
to coUect tolls on boats, cargo, and passengers passing through the canal.
Just how far the petition went has not been estabUshed, but evidently
the permission was not immediately forthcoming, for, as the photograph
accompanying this article shows, the gates were closed on August 30,
(31) Hacking, British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XVI (1952), p. 19.
(32) Baillie-Grohman to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, July 2,
1890, British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1891, p. 493. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 203
1890. It is also known that as late as August, 1918, Grohman had an
original petition in his possession;33 it may be assumed therefore that
the petition was never presented at Ottawa. The situation was soon
automaticaUy taken care of by high waters and flooding, which graduaUy
fiUed hi the canal. As for navigation, only two boats ever passed through
the canal—one in either direction.34
The canal being of no further consequence to the Kootenay VaUeys
Company, the next part of the project was begun—the actual reclamation of the land on Kootenay Flats. The work of lowering the level of
the lake by widening the outlet was started under contract by Messrs.
Selous and Lewis, of Nelson, and about $16,000 was expended in slashing timber and brush, excavating loose rock, erecting a boarding-house
and a bunk-house, and so on. But things did not run smoothly for
Grohman. Not only was there friction within his company, but funds
were now exhausted and he was using his own money to carry on the
project. Also, the Government had cabled the Kootenay Valleys Company that it was canceUing the agreement in respect of Lands B, the
reason given being that the stipulated surveys had not been carried out
in the prescribed time and that the diligent prosecution of the works
was not being carried out.35 Grohman and the company strongly protested the canceUation, and by a careful scrutiny Grohman discovered
a clause in the agreement whereby the Government could hardly refuse
either to reinstate it or to aUow an extension.
Grohman first denied that, on his side, aU conditions had not been
fulfiUed, and backed his denial with documentary proof that bona fide
efforts were being made. His strong point, however, was that the Government had erred when, on AprU 25, 1890, it had issued Crown grants
for 2,300 acres of Lands A in the Upper Kootenay VaUey to Colonel
James Baker, M.P.P. for Kootenay. Grohman insisted that, according
to the agreement, Colonel Baker's right to acquire the land had existed
only " within the period fixed for the completion of the canal."36 Since
the canal had been completed on July 29, 1889, either the Government
had erred in issuing Crown grants to Colonel Baker after that date or
else it had automaticaUy extended the time-limits covering aU the recla-
(33) Baillie-Grohman to Mr. Guy Constable, Creston, August 16, 1918, in the
possession of Mr. Constable.
(34) Hacking, British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XVI (1952), pp. 22, 36.
(35) British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1891, p. 490.
(36) British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1887, p. 317, being clause 10 of the
lease. 204 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
mation works contained in the agreement, or so Grohman contended.
His protest was effective, for he received a reply from the Government
accepting his explanation and giving him permission to carry on with
the reclamation. No reference was made to Colonel Baker, whose name,
however, was to appear later when a committee of the House was set
up at Victoria to investigate the reclamation scheme. This was caUed
the Kootenay Reclamation Committee, and its chairman was Colonel
Baker.
In 1890 stiU another smaU controversy arose to irritate Grohman.
J. C. Rykert, Jr., of the Customs House, Kootenay River, had caused
to be pubUshed in the press37 a notice of his intention to apply to purchase 640 acres of the land which was part of Lands B near the International Boundary. He had earUer attempted to pre-empt this land, but
it had been recaUed because it was under reserve to Grohman. But
Rykert persisted, changing his claim to that of a settler on the grounds
that he had Uved on the land since 1884. Grohman objected that
Rykert had buUt his house and office on part of the land he was now
claiming, at the same time as he was a Government official, paid to
reside at the spot as a customs officer. The dispute was settled in Grohman's favour; the Surveyor-General advised Rykert that he was merely
a squatter on land that was not open for pre-emption or sale.38
Throughout most of 1890 the work of widening the outlet of the
lake continued. In August of that year the Kootenay VaUeys Company
had made an agreement with yet another London company, the Alberta
and British Columbia Exploration Company Limited, to transfer aU its
interest in the concession of Lands B, and Grohman now became manager of the new company as weU as managing director of the former one.
In November he made appUcation to Victoria for Government sanction
of the transfer.39 But when he returned to London seeking payment
of the money he had expended from his own funds, he found the company unwilling to reimburse him. Then, as holder of the original concession of December 10, 1883, he claimed that the right to Lands B
reverted to him because the Kootenay VaUeys Company had not paid
for the necessary surveys and works, and he cabled Victoria to defer the
transfer.   The company thereupon notified the Government that Groh-
(37) Revelstoke Kootenay Star, January 16, 1890, quoted in British Columbia
Sessional Papers, 1891, p. 489.
(38) British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1891, p. 497.
(39) Ibid., p. 502. 1956       Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 205
man had ceased to be their managing director, and the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works notified Grohman by cable that he could no
longer be recognized in connection with the concession and the Kootenay
VaUeys Company.40
Those were fighting words to Grohman. In the name of his first
company, the Kootenay Syndicate Limited, and himself, he began action
against the Kootenay VaUeys Company in the Supreme Court of British
Columbia for an injunction to restrain that company from dealing in
any way with Lands B. But the Government made an agreement with
the Alberta and British Columbia Exploration Company. Grohman then
commenced a petition of right against the Crown, the affidavit to the petition being dated December 14, 1891. Other business now necessitated
Grohman's absence from Victoria, and whUe he was away some of the
legal documents pertaining to the case were forwarded to him with insufficient postage, sent to the Dead Letter Office, and destroyed. When he
returned to Victoria he learned that his lawyer, to whom he had paid
a retainer of $500, had absconded. This was the last straw. Grohman
threw up his hands and decided that he had had enough. Thereafter the
Kootenays saw him no more. He had spent a fortune and nine years
in the attempt, and he had not reclaimed a single acre of land.
The Alberta and British Columbia Exploration Company now abandoned the works at the outlet of the lake and carried on the project by
a different method. Selecting 7,700 acres of land immediately north
of the International Boundary, the company began the construction of
dykes to reclaim that acreage. This had been one of the causes of friction with Grohman, for he had refused to entertain the idea of dyking.
The greater part of the new programme was completed in 1893, but the
extremely high waters of 1894 broke through the dykes and flooded the
land again. In November, 1894, the company was issued a Crown grant
on the 7,700 acres, legaUy described as Lot 774, Kootenay District, but
popularly known as the Kootenay Reclamation Farm. Further attempts
were made to complete the dyking, and the company, along with other
settlers, carried on farming to some extent. But the rebuUt dykes stiU
did not prevent the flooding of the land, and the company terminated
its farming operations. It then entered into an agreement with a local
power company, although it stiU retained the title to Lot 774 until July,
(40) Cable from F. G. Vernon, Victoria, to W. A. Baillie-Grohman, London,
March 19, 1891.   Baillie-Grohman Papers. 206 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
1935, when it was transferred to George Leonard Salter.41 Thus the
original scheme passed from the control of British investors. The power
company, named the Kootenay VaUey Power and Development Company Limited, attempted to repair the old dykes, but three floods in as
many years forced them into bankruptcy. The trustee, who was subsequently appointed, did eventually get the reclamation under way.
To-day thousands of acres of the Kootenay Flats are producing
bountiful crops of grain. The work was accompUshed chiefly through
dyking and drainage by pumping. Of great assistance, however, was the
excavation work done at the Grohman Narrows by the West Kootenay
Power and Light Company when it removed 334,585 cubic yards of
gravel and 17,927 cubic yards of solid rock.42 By means of its several
power-dams farther down-stream, this company controls the water-level
to some extent, although an excessive amount of flood flow stiU causes
some overflow on the Flats.
In 1918 Grohman was approached to consider returning to Kootenay
and renewing his efforts at reclamation, with the possibUity of including
his friend Theodore Roosevelt in the scheme. He had the matter under
consideration and he also wrote an article that year in which he suggested that the Kootenay Flats be used as a soldier settlement scheme
when the war was over.43 But nothing came of either of these suggestions and death intervened for both Grohman and Roosevelt.
As for the canal, it forms no small part of East Kootenay history.
It is stiU recognizable and, although only by seepage, connects the two
international rivers now prominent in the news in connection with hydroelectric power development. Indeed, the old canal, as has recently been
suggested, might weU be reopened to divert excess Kootenay flood-waters
into the Columbia for storage purposes at the proposed Mica Creek dam.
WILLIAM ADOLPH BAILLIE-GROHMAN
A brief sketch of the man who undertook the Kootenay reclamation
scheme might here be of interest, for in the pattern of his life the scheme
remains something of an enigma: nothing he attempted either before
or after it in any way resembled this undertaking.
WiUiam Adolph BaiUie-Grohman was born on April 1, 1851, in
London.   His mother, a cousin of the Duke of WeUington, was Irish; his
(41) Information from the Land Registry Office, Nelson, B.C.
(42) Information from Mr. Guy Constable, Creston, B.C.
(43) Baillie-Grohman, Nineteenth Century, LXXXHI (1918), pp. 762-778. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 207
father was English. His paternal grandfather, a noted botanist, was part
Austrian. Young Wiltiam had a cosmopoUtan upbringing: his early
years were divided between his father's inherited estate in Austria,
" Schloss Wolfgang," and his mother's old home in Rosecrea, Tipperary.
At " Wolfgang " he was given lessons in natural history, rock-cUmbing,
stalking and shooting, and he shot his first stag at the age of 9. Until
he was 14 he studied under private tutors; then he entered Elizabeth
CoUege, Guernsey. At 18 he left school and tried working, first in
a lawyer's office in London, then in a merchant's office. But his restless
spirit could not be imprisoned in the city and he spent the next few years
in Europe, traveUing, shooting, and mountain-climbing.
In 1875, at the age of 24, he pubUshed his first book, Tyrol and the
Tyrolese, which was an instant success. Not quite so successful was his
second pubUcation, Gaddings with a Primitive People. In 1878 he
crossed the Atlantic, in order to visit the hunting-grounds of North
America in the Rocky Mountains of Wyoming and Idaho. Within two
years he had made four trips of exploration in the great mountain system
of the new world. An interesting account of these adventures is to be
found in his third book, Camps in the Rockies, pubUshed in 1882.
As stated earUer in this article, it was whUe searching for the haunts
of the mountain-goat in 1882 that he discovered the Kootenay Flats and
formulated his reclamation scheme. During the years of promoting and
developing that project he appears to have achieved nothing of a literary
nature. In 1887, whUe on one of his many visits to England in connection with the Kootenay works, he married Florence NickaUs, of
Nuffield, Surrey, and brought her back to Canada with him. They Uved
at Grohman and at Victoria, where in 1888 their only son was born,
whUe his father was in the midst of the construction of the canal.
A daughter was born the foUowing year. When in 1893 Grohman and
his famUy returned permanently to Europe, he had crossed the Atlantic
thirty times.
He now sold his paternal inheritance, " Schloss Wolfgang," and
thereafter Uved most of the time at " Schloss Matzen," an ancient Austrian castle which his mother had bought in 1873 and which he had
inherited when she died.44 It was here that he did much of his writing,
producing a number of books and contributing to magazines of the
review type for almost half a century.   He spoke French and German
(44) W. A. Baillie-Grohman, "Tyrol as a Republic," Contemporary Review,
CXV (1919), p. 173. 208 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
as fluently as English and pubUshed one book in German, Das Jagdbuch
Kaiser Maximilians I. This title is characteristic, for sport and the literature of sport were Grohman's major interest, and he spent years of
research for his two most important works in this field, searching the
archives of Europe for authentic data. His most notable literary work,
produced hi 1904, was the editing of The Master of Game in modern
EngUsh. This book had already been translated from the French Livre
de Chasse into the EngUsh of the period, 1406-1413, by Edward, Duke
of York, grandson of Edward III. The BaiUie-Grohman edition, which
was limited to 600 copies, gives the text in the EngUsh of Chaucer's day
with the modern text beside it. The preface was written by Grohman's
friend Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, and among
the subscribers were King Edward VII and the Prince of Wales, later
George V. In the sporting and hunting world this book is considered
the most important work on the chase, as weU as the oldest work on
the subject in EngUsh. Mrs. Grohman assisted her husband in this publication, and her name was included as co-editor. Grohman's second
notable book, and his last, on the chase was entitled Sport in Art: an
Iconography, which depicted the evolution of hunting, shooting, fishing,
falconry, and mountaineering.   This was pubUshed in 1913.
In Canada, BaiUie-Grohman's best known work is Fifteen Years'
Sport and Life in Western America and British Columbia, pubUshed in
1900. This is no smaU work. Four hundred pages teU of various hunting experiences and of the trophies obtained; the book has seventy-
seven photographs, three maps, several chapters on his experiences in
the Kootenays, and an additional chapter by Mrs. BaiUie-Grohman,
describing Ufe in Victoria as she knew it.
The outbreak of the war found Grohman and his wife in Austria.
Because of his intimate knowledge of the country they were at first
forbidden to leave, but in 1915, after their son-in-law had been kUled
in action, they were given permission to go to England, where they
remained until the war was over. The Germans commandeered " Schloss
Matzen " as biUets for officers, and when the Grohmans returned there
in 1919 they found that aU was weU with their home, but that the people
were starving in consequence of the British blockade. Grohman plunged
into reUef work and became executive secretary of the Tyrolese ReUef
Fund. This exhausting work, made more difficult because of the war-
damaged raUways and other hardships, weakened his heart, and on the
morning of November 27, 1921, he feU forward on the breakfast table (Courtesy Vice-Admiral H. T. Baillie-Grohman,
C.B..D.S.O., O.B.E.)
Lock of the canal, looking south toward the
Kootenay River, showing the gates being closed,
August 30, 1890.
(Courtesy Vice-Admiral H. T. Baillie-Grohman, C.B., D.S.O., O.B.E.)
The Midge, first steamboat on Kootenay waters. (Courtesy Vice-Admiral H. T. Baillie-Grohman, C.B., D.S.O., O.B.E.)
W. A. Baillie-Grohman in his home, " Schloss Matzen." 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 209
at " Schloss Matzen," dead.   He was buried near by, beside his mother.
His wife survived him by twenty-four years.
It is quite evident that this amazing personality, who counted among
his friends many British and European noblemen, as well as many
prominent Americans, was hardly the sharp promoter which he was
sometimes accused of being in connection with the Kootenay reclamation scheme. That was but one chapter in his life story. He had a
genuine liking for British Columbia, probably because its topography
resembled that of his beloved Tyrol. His son says of him:—
Whether in the Rocky Mountains, the Carpathians, the mountains and valleys of
Tyrol, or the Highlands of Scotland, he was always at his best when right away
from civilization and out in the wilds, with one or two congenial companions. To
this sort of life he seemed born, and I feel sure his spirit must continue to roam
his old, and possibly new, hunting grounds.4^
The Victoria-born son has had a distinguished career in the Royal
Navy. He is now Vice-Admiral H. T. BaiUie-Grohman, C.B., D.S.O.,
O.B.E. (Retired). In the First World War he served with the Grand
Fleet in the Dover Patrol; in the second, he commanded H.M.S. Ramil-
lies of the Fust Battle Squadron in the Mediterranean, and was later
rear-admiral with Combined Operations. Admiral BaUUe-Grohman last
saw his birthplace in 1904, when he visited Victoria as a midshipman in
H.M.S. Britannia. He now lives in England, but he still retains the
family home of " Schloss Matzen," at present occupied by one of his
two sons.46-
Mabel E. Jordon.
Calgary, Alta., and
Cranbrook, B.C.
(45) A. H. Higginson, British and American Sporting Authors, their Writings
and Biographies, Perryville, Virginia, 1949, p. 215.
(46) Grateful acknowledgment is made of the kind co-operation and assistance
given to the writer by Vice-Admiral Baillie-Grohman, and especially for the loan
of family documents and original photographs relating to the Kootenay reclamation
scheme. Thanks are also due to Mr. Guy Constable for valuable information; to
Dr. G. B. Leech, Ottawa, for collaboration and encouragement; and to the Provincial Archives of British Columbia for excellent services rendered. 210 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
APPENDIX I
1. Instructions to Gilbert Malcolm Sproat before
Leaving for Kootenay1
Victoria, B.C., 12th July, 1883.
Sir,
You are instructed to proceed at once to Kootenay, in company with
Mr. Farwell, for the purpose of examining and reporting upon that territory,
or as much thereof as may be possible within the necessarily brief period at
your disposal.
The primary object of the expedition is to obtain such a descriptive report
upon the areas covered by the Ainsworth scheme, and the BaiUie-Grohman
reclamation scheme, as wiU enable the Government to form correct conclusions respecting the value of the country for farming, grazing, mining, and
other economic purposes; but you will, at the same time, give as extended a
description of the country drained by the Kootenay and Upper Columbia
Rivers, lying within the Province, as may be compatible with the time and
means at your disposal.
In addition to such a general description of the country, and its advantages as a field for settlement and the employment of capital in mining and
other industrial pursuits, you will also report upon the Indian population,
and indicate approximately what lands (if any) may be required for the
purpose of Indian reserves.
In point of time, your first duty will be to report upon the Kootenay
River lands intended to be leased for reclamation purposes, in order that
the Government may be in a position, at the earliest possible date, to complete the lease.
It will scarcely be necessary for me to enjoin upon you the utmost economy in time and expenses, as the Government have only a very limited sum
at their disposal for the exploration.
I have, &c,
Jno. Robson,
Provincial Secretary.
(1) " Return to an Order of the House for a copy of instructions to Messrs.
Farwell and Sproat, before leaving for Kootenay, and a copy of their report on
the Mining, Agricultural and Timber resources of that district," British Columbia
Sessional Papers, 1883-84, p. 309. Sproat and Farwell left Victoria on luly 16
for Portland and arrived at Sandpoint, via the Northern Pacific Railway, on the
19th, where they joined Baillie-Grohman. On the 22nd they left Bonner's Ferry
to beein their explorations and returned there on October 28. Farwell arrived back
in Victoria on November 3 and Sproat on December 1. See Victoria Colonist, November 4 and December 2, 1883. Sproat's report on Kootenay, dated lanuary 7,
1884, is printed in Sessional Papers, 1883-84, pp. 310-323. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 211
2. Instructions to Arthur Stanhope Farwell before
Leaving for Kootenay2
Lands and Works Department,
Victoria, B.C., 14th July, 1883.
Sir,
That the Government may be possessed of full information in regard to
certain lands in Kootenay District, situated on the Kootenay River, and lying between the International Boundary and Kootenay Lake, I have the
honour to instruct you to proceed, with all convenient dispatch, to the place
in question. You will there make such surveys as may be necessary to
enable you to report upon the extent and character of the valley on each
side of the river, the approximate area of the lands subject to overflow, and
the average depth of flood water, and upon the nature and magnitude of the
operations necessary to reclaim the submerged lands, together with any information bearing on the subject which you may gather.
You will also report particularly upon the number of Indians (if any?)
who, by usage, may have claims for grazing or other purposes, upon the lands
proposed to be reclaimed, and generally upon Indian requirements in the
locality.
G. M. Sproat, Esq., who will accompany you to Kootenay, charged with
a separate service, will render you such assistance as may be in his power.
A cheque for $250 is herewith enclosed as an advance, to be repaid by
voucher. The remuneration for your services will be at the rate of $150 per
month, together with travelling and living expenses, represented by voucher.
It will be necessary that you exercise the strictest economy in the matter of
your expenses, and that, at the earliest date practicable, you return to Victoria
with your report upon the reclamation scheme.
I have, &c,
Wm. Smithe,
Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works.
(2) British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1883-84, pp. 309-310. Farwell's
report on the Kootenay Indians, dated December 31, 1883, is printed in ibid.,
pp. 325-327, and his report on the Kootenay country generally, dated December
31, 1883, was included in the annual report of the Chief Commissioner of Lands
and Works, ibid., pp. 255-261. 212 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
3. Baillie-Grohman's Correspondence with Thomas Elwyn,
Deputy Provincial Secretary3
Sandpoint July 1883
Lake Pend d'oreiUe
Honle.Th. Elwyn Idaho Territory
Dear Sir
On the eve of starting for Kootenay with Messrs. Sproat & FarweU I desire
to place before the proper authorities at Victoria a rough estimate of the
probable monthly expenses connected with these gentlemen's trip. Honle.
Mr. Smithe requested me to manage this matter but as he did not give me
any limit to which the Government would be prepared to go in this respect
I am totally in the dark regarding the extent of the accommodations I am to
place at the disposal of Mess. Sproat & Farwell. My estimate which I enclose
comprises only the most essential requisites for such a trip. Two good men
is the least they can do with & should the Government be desirous of further
extending the facilities to move about quickly, one or two more men can
easily be hired. Should the gentlemen separate & much boating be necessary
then an additional man will be necessary.
As I have every means & better chances in this locality to consult economy
the Government can be assured that due attention will be given to this matter.
Should the Government be prepared to expend a larger sum in order to
expedite the movements of their commissioners it would be best to give me
the limit in definite figures, I will then know how to act.
I should suggest that the monthly expenditure be it $325 or $400 be sent
every month to Mr. R. I. Weeks the local (Sandpoint) agent of Wells Fargo
Express Co. with instructions to hold the amount to my order, for I keep
a current account for smaller expenditures with him it being not advisable
to carry any larger amounts about on one's person.
Please let me also know whether I am to give the newly appointed Gold
commissioner Mr. Kelly4 when he visits the mines on Lake Kootenay similar
facilities & accommodation to those extended to Mesr. Sproat & Farwell.
I am at present in the dark as to this matter.   I shall send in for letters the
30th. inst. ....        . ... „
Yours faithfully
Wm. A. Baillie-Grohman
Rough estimate for expenses of Messr Sproat & Farwell to Kootenay per
month
Hire of 4 horses (2 saddle & 2 pack animals) at 15$
per month including care & feed $60.—
Hire of one large boat „15.—
(3) Provincial Secretary's Department, Inward Correspondence, MS., Archives
of B.C.
(4) Edward Kelly, appointed Government Agent and Assistant Gold Commissioner for Kootenay, replacing William Fernie, luly 10, 1883 [British Columbia Gazette, luly 12, 1883], was also commissioned as lustice of the Peace on the
same day [ibid.] and sent to investigate the Sproule-Hammil controversy over the
Bluebell claims. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 213
Hire of two men at IVi $ per day (including horses) „ 150.—
Food for 4 men roughly estimated at 65^ a day
per man=2.60 „78.—
extras such as Indian hire for portage etc „22.—
$325.—
Wages are high in this part of the country & one of the men who will probably
be with above party I pay $5—a day. I have given the lowest figures & trust
I will be able to keep within these limits.
In camp Kootenay river
Augst 21.83
Dear Mr. Elwyn,
I am much obliged to you for your kind note & book which have just
reached me. I have been so much on the move of late that my postal
arrangements have suffered a good deal. The book of statutes will come in
very handy as I am a sad ignoramus regarding my judicial functions,5 but
I am willing to learn.
Respecting the monetary arrangement it will suit me perfectly if the
stated sum is forwarded by Wells Fargo Express to me Sandpoint Idaho
Territory. No money had arrived there from yr. Government up to 17. inst;
might I ask you to have instructions issued to have two months' advance sent
to Sandpoint at your Government's earliest convenience as I shall draw
against this money for the payment of men, Indians etc.
Excuse this sad scrawl & haste
Yours sincerely
W. A. Baillie-Grohman
APPENDIX II
Victoria, B.C.,
July 25th, 1884.
To the Honourable the
Chief Commissioner of Lands & Works,
Victoria, B.C.
Sir,
In confirmation of the understanding arrived at between us respecting the
partially free grant of the Kootenay River bottom lands and certain other
lands, the conditions and provisions of which grant were matured by correspondence and verbal conferences, I have now the honour of making you
formally, under the authority I hold from the Kootenay Lake Syndicate, the
following proposal embracing the primary conditions and provisions upon
which the Government shall grant to me, under section 58 of the Land Act,
1884, a partially free grant of the swamp and bottom lands situated on
Kootenay River and Kootenay Lake, and of other tracts, aU of which are
hereinafter designated under the separate heads of—
(5) Baillie-Grohman had also been issued a commission as lustice of the Peace
at the same time as Kelly.    British Columbia Gazette, luly 12, 1883. 214 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
LANDS A.—Containing and consisting of about two thousand (2,000)
acres of grazing land situated between the Upper Columbia Lake and the
Upper Kootenay River at the point where the latter approaches the former
to within a distance of two miles or less, and which point is known as the
" first crossing of Kootenay River;" also the swamp and bottom lands on
the Upper and Middle Kootenay River between the " first crossing " and
the International boundary line, which are now subject to an overflow
during high-water season, and which swamp and bottom lands are of an
estimated area of about twenty-two thousand five hundred (22,500)
acres.
LANDS B.—Containing and consisting of the following approximated
areas of swamp and bottom lands on the Lower Kootenay River, described
in Mr. A. S. Farwell's report on the Kootenay Reclamation scheme, under
date of 31st December, 1883, as consisting of—
Flat 1—Containing about 9,000 acres "|   _ .       , , ,„„ „„„,
•* s nnn Thirty thousand (30,000)
»        J J» »J a9\J\J\J 99 I .
a r nnn r acres of swamp and bottom
»       ^ j» jj 09\J\J\J        99 '     1       J
The Island     „ „    5,000    „     J   land>
Also that piece of land containing about Two thousand five hundred
(2,500) acres, bounded and described as follows, that is to say:—commencing at a point where the boundary line intersects the Lower Kootenay River; thence running east along the said boundary line forty (40)
chains; thence true north to Goat River; thence following Goat River to
the said swamp lands before described as Flat No. 1; and thence along
the foot-hills in a southerly direction to the Kootenay River; and thence
following the right bank of the Lower Kootenay River to the point of
commencement. Also twenty-five (25) acres at Rocky Point on the left
bank of the Lower Kootenay River, at the head of the Island.
LANDS C. — Containing and consisting of the Approximated areas
described in the aforesaid Report on the Kootenay reclamation scheme
as Flat No. 2, consisting of about fifteen thousand (15,000) acres of
more or less permanently overflowed marsh or lagoon land lying on the
right bank of the Lower Kootenay River, between Goat River and Kootenay Lake.
1. Also a tract of overflowed swamp land about one thousand (1,000)
acres, more or less in extent lying at the north of Lardo Creek, on
northern end of Kootenay Lake, and all of which tract will be reclaimed
by lowering the level of Kootenay Lake.
2. Also a tract of twenty-five (25) acres at the northern or right bank of
the western arm of Kootenay Lake where the " Rapids " are formed.
3. Also a tract of fifty (50) acres at the "Narrows," on southerly or left
bank of the western arm of Kootenay Lake.
All of which lands, A, B, C, are on Kootenay River and Kootenay Lake,
in Kootenay District, in the Province of British Columbia, and aggregate,
approximately seventy-three thousand one hundred (73,100) acres. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 215
The conditions and provisions of the partially free grant are:—
1. That the Kootenay Lake Syndicate shall cause a competent Civil
Engineer to make, at our cost, a thorough examination of the features
bearing upon the carrying out of the reclamation works at the " canal,"
"narrows," and "rapids." That the said examination be commenced
before 1st September, 1884, with the privilege to extending it, should the
necessity for so doing arise, to the summer of 1885, so as to arrive at
a definite estimate of cost of the works before October 30th, 1885. That
the report of our Civil Engineer be submitted to the inspection of the
Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works.
2. That we place a steam-tug or steamer on Kootenay River in the course
of the present year.
3. That we undertake to place a similar steamer or steam-tug on the
Upper Columbia River to navigate the stream from the Canada Pacific
Railway, first crossing of the Columbia, to the Upper Columbia Lake,
within six months after the commencement of our reclamation works, at
the Upper Kootenay River Canal; always provided that this aforementioned stretch of water is navigable for steamers, and that no other
steamer be navigating the said waters by that time.
4. That within six months after the receipt of our Engineer's final report
on the Kootenay reclamation scheme, we form a limited liability company, with a capital ot at least fifty thousand (50,000) pounds sterling,
for the purpose of carrying through the reclamation and colonisation of
the lands now considered. That the head office of this company be in
London, England, with an agent in Victoria, B.C., and representatives in
at least six of the most important American and European cities.
5. That the reclamation works be commenced within six months after the
formation of the said Colonisation Company, and that they be commenced at the " Rapids," " Narrows," and " Canal," or at any one or two
of the said points.
6. That in the course of the said reclamation works, as the several tracts
on the Upper, Middle, or Lower Kootenay River and Lake become
reclaimed, or partially reclaimed, and fit for settlement, we cause surveys
to be made, at our cost, of the said tracts, and that the said surveys be
carried out in accordance with the now existing land laws of the Province,
by surveyors approved of by the Chief Commissioner of Lands and
Works, and that the plans and field notes be deposited with the Chief
Commissioner of Lands and Works.
7. That if within eight (8) years from the date of these presents, or if
within two (2) years after the completion of the reclamation works there
shall be resident bona fide settlers on said Lands A, Crown grants for all
or any part or parts of the said Lands A shall be issued to us at the rate
of one doUar per acre, and in quantities of four hundred and eighty (480)
acres for each bona fide resident settler on last mentioned Lands A. That
if within eight (8) years from the date of these presents, or if within two
(2) years after the completion of the reclamation works, there shall be 216 Mabel E, Jordon July-Oct.
resident bona fide settlers on said Lands B, Crown grants for all or any
part or parts of the said Lands B shall be issued to us at the rate of one
dollar per acre, and in quantities of three hundred and twenty (320)
acres for each bona fide resident settler on last mentioned Lands B. That
if within ten (10) years of the date of these presents, or if within four (4)
years after the completion of the reclamation works at the "Rapids,"
" Narrows," and " Canal" there shaU be resident bona fide settlers on said
Lands C, Crown grants for all or any part or parts of the said Lands C
shaU be issued to us at the rate of one dollar per acre, and in quantities of
four hundred and eighty (480) acres for each bona fide resident settler
on last mentioned Lands C.
8. That under the term " resident bona fide settler " be understood such
persons who are permanently settled on the land, who own a dwelling
house, and who pursue either agricultural, grazing, lumbering, mining, or
mercantile pursuits.
9. That in order to carry out the colonisation scheme while the reclamation of the said tracts A, B, and C is being carried out, we be entitled to
make provisional sales to actual resident settlers at such rates and under
such conditions as seem to us most beneficial to the proper carrying out
of the colonisation, and that Crown grants be issued to us at the rate of
one dollar per acre for land so conveyed; provided that at the time
application is made for Crown grants the settler for whose benefit the
said application be made be in actual residence on the land; that if he
intends to farm his land he have the necessary farming implements to
cultivate the ground, or if it be his intention of grazing stock, that he be
actual owner of at least one head of cattle, or three sheep, or five pigs, or
one horse, for every ten (10) acres of land purchased by him; and that
if the application be made on behalf of a settler engaged in other pursuits
than farming or stock-raising, and he be desirous of owning the land
upon which he resides, he shall have the right to purchase from us land
in quantities not exceeding three hundred and twenty (320) acres, and
we be entitled to receive Crown grants at the rate of one dollar per acre
for said land.
10. That as we desire to establish on the lands now under consideration
a stock-ranch and saw-miU, we shall have the right to receive Crown
grants at the rate of one dollar per acre for such of the land as we deem
necessary, the area to be limited however to two thousand five hundred
(2,500) acres of Lands A, and five thousand (5,000) acres of Lands B
and C; always provided that at the time we apply for Crown grants there
be placed on the land one head of cattle, or three sheep, or five pigs, or
one horse for every ten (10) acres of land for which, under above conditions, we are to receive Crown grants at the rate of one dollar per acre.
11. That in consideration of our placing a saw-mill, with a capacity of at
least ten thousand (10,000) feet per day, on said land, we shall have the
right to acquire two thousand (2,000) acres, and to receive Crown grants
at the rate of one dollar per acre. 1956        Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman 217
12. That in order to carry out the reclamation works we shall have a
right of way over and full ingress and degress upon any Crown lands, and
the right to construct a ditch or canal, or such other work, between the
Upper Kootenay River and the Upper Columbia Lake; that we shall have
similar right of way over and full ingress and egress over Crown lands at
the points known as the " Rapids " and " Narrows " on western arm of
Kootenay Lake (outlet), and that we have free permission from the
Government to conduct the said works at the said three points.
13. That no land tax or real estate tax be charged on Lands A, B, and C,
until Crown grants are issued for the lands acquired.
14. That the Government be at liberty to appropriate out of Lands A
such area as may have been reserved for Indian purposes; that the Government be at liberty to appropriate out of Lands B and C an area not
exceeding twelve hundred and eighty (1,280) acres for Indian reserves.
15. That the Government be at liberty to resume possession of not
exceeding five per cent, of land conveyed by any Crown grant for school
sites and for purposes and works of public utility and convenience.
16. That a formal agreement, embracing the conditions and provisions
of the partially free grant now under consideration, may be drawn up
and entered into; it being understood that in such agreement the date " of
those presents " to mean the date when the final agreement is executed.
17. That within six months after the incorporation of the limited liability
company before described, we deposit with the Government a sum
amounting to ten (10) cents upon the one dollar per acre for which,
under the present agreement, we shall, upon fulfilling the aforementioned
several conditions and provisions, have the right to acquire the Lands A,
B, and C considered in this agreement.
18. That in consideration of the considerable expenditures already incurred by us, and the further expenditures provided as before described,
the Government, in accordance with the partially free grant of the said
Lands A, B, and C, place immediately a reserve, for our benefit, on all
the lands considered in these presents, and maintain the said reserve for
a term of ten (10) years, and that in accordance with the requirements
of section 58 of the "Land Amendment Act, 1884," a report of a Committee of the Honourable the Executive Council, approved by the Lieutenant-Governor, wherein the aforesaid conditions and provisions of this
partially free grant be confirmed, be furnished to the Kootenay Lake
Syndicate, or their representative, Mr. W. A. Baillie-Grohman to enable
us to form the afore-described company for the reclamation and colonisation of the lands agreed to be conveyed to us.
I have, &c,
(Signed)    "Wm. A. Baillie-Grohman." 218 Mabel E. Jordon July-Oct.
APPENDIX III
To the Honorable
The Minister of Interior.
The petition of the inhabitants of the 5th Siding of the Canadian Pacific
Railway West, in the Province of British Columbia otherwise known as
Golden City, and other settlers in the Upper Columbia Valley.
Humbly Sheweth.
That Golden City is situated at the confluence of the Columbia and
Kicking Horse Rivers at the lower extremity of a navigable stretch on the
former river, extending about one hundred and twenty miles southward into
the Columbia Lake, and flowing through a broad and fertile valley valuable
for agricultural and grazing purposes.
That your petitioners view with alarm a certain Public Official Notice
posted here, dated November 3rd A.D. 1885 (A copy of which is hereunto
annexed) having reference to the diversion of the Kootenay River or a
portion thereof into the valley of the Columbia.
That your petitioners consider that the above scheme, if carried out, wiU
do great damage to certain public lands of the Dominion within what is
known as the Railway Belt and other lands in the province of British
Columbia.
That the Kootenay River traverses United States Territory for about one
hundred and fifty miles and re-enters Canada before its junction with the
Columbia, and its diversion might lead to foreign complaint for damages to
navigation, limiting water power, sanitary and other causes.
That the length of the Columbia River from the point of the proposed
diversion of the Kootenay to its present junction with the latter river, where
the waters would again unite, is in or, about, five hundred miles, and the
lands in the shorter distance, on the Kootenay, partiaUy reclaimed by the
diversions, would be greatly overbalanced by the sure damage to those in
the greater distance of the Columbia.
That the distance from the Kootenay River to the Upper Columbia Lake,
along the line of the proposed diversion, is about one mile and a half, the
difference of level five to eight feet.
That the volume of water in the Kootenay is considerably greater at all
times than that passing down the Columbia and the former is travelling at
a far greater velocity.
That from the above consideration and the fact of the very slight fall of
the Columbia River, between the Lakes and Golden City, we are sure, if
sufficient water be diverted from the Kootenay into the Columbia to produce
any beneficial effects in reclaiming lands on the former, that the water in the
latter will be very considerably raised along the Columbia Valley. The
Columbia River having such a slight fall and low banks would be unable to
carry off this great addition and would therefore overflow all the low lands
adjoining it. Now, these low lands are the hay lands of the District. We
submit that these hay lands are of the utmost importance to the Farming,
Ranching and general interests of this valley. Stock in this Country has to
be fed on hay during at least three months of the winter, and we may venture 1956
Kootenay Reclamation and Baillie-Grohman
219
to state that no settler would take up land, nor would those settled, hold their
homesteads in this valley unless they were sure of being able to cut the
necessary hay to winter their stock. The destruction of these low lands we
regard as a certainty if this diversion of the Kootenay River takes place.
Much greater damage and ruin may be contemplated, such as flooding
towns and destroying town sites, also damaging railroad properties, depending on the height to which the water may rise, Estimating however, the rise
as we are informed the promoters of the diversion themselves have estimated
it, at from 6 inches to 1 foot (an estimate which we consider very much
under the mark) there can be no doubt that the entire sacrifice of the hay
lands would be the result and the prospect of this valley, for agricultural and
stock raising purposes entirely ruined.
That much valuable timber will be destroyed.
That it will also preclude the making of a roadway through the country
giving access to the detached bench lands which are favored by climate and
soil for the growth of cereals. The said Roadway being a necessary adjunct
to the Mining, timber and other interests of the valley.
That your petitioners pray for suspension of works, on the turning of the
said Kootenay River into that of the Columbia until a careful investigation
of the consequence be made.
That your Petitioners did on the 5th inst. also petition the Lieutenant-
Governor of this Province to the above effect.
And your Petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray
[signed]
Dated at Golden City B.C.
the 6th day of March A. D. 1886.
l
J
Z. B. Soumande Cote                 M.L.
Golden City
H. R. Moodie                    Free Miner
>J
T. Burton Lang                   Merchant
>J
John H. Campbell               Mill & Eng'r
Otter Tail Mills
John Gibson                       General Dealer
Golden City
Thomas O'Brien                  Miner
u
Bert Low                                 „
Spillemecheen R.
Robt. Lang                         Merchant
Golden City
J. W. Conner                       Farmer
>)
George Haffner                   Miner
>)
Ed. Cook                             Packer
>J
John Irvine                          Farmer
Columbia Valley
J. B. Hany                           Carpenter
Golden City
Peter Lambrick                  Farmer
»J
Joseph Henry                          „
»J
Alexis Tremblay                     „
>)
Joseph Lebeau                         „
>)
D. Campbell                      Miner
>)
Hugh McDonald                     „
»J
Peter Mclntyre                        „
»
Malcolm Cameron                  „
»J 220
Mabel E. Jordon
WUliam Atkinson
George McMillan
John M. Rae
B. Morigeau
F. C. Lang
A. P. Cucucusis
John Conkite
Chas. F. Law
John Miroon
Miner
Merchant
Free Miner
Free Miner
Farmer
Rancher
Black Smith
Golden City
Columbia Lakes THE VICTORIA VOLTIGEURS*
In the good old days of Victoria, if five or ten years ago can be
called old days, a corps of " Invincibles " was formed here, composed of eleven Kanakas and two negroes. ... It was found that
our diminutive Colonial exchequer was much too small to support
such an immense standing army, and they were consequently disbanded.1
This intriguing reference to the Victoria Voltigeurs has been overlooked, for the most part, in the story of early military activity in British
Columbia. Yet this was the first body of resident men to be raised for
the defence of the diminutive Colony of Vancouver Island. It was
trained as a militia unit, it campaigned throughout the colony, and underwent hardship and danger to afford protection to the settlers and more
particularly to guard Fort Victoria from attack by native warriors.
The Colony of Vancouver Island, created in 1849 by the grant of the
island to the Hudson's Bay Company, was not only a remote and isolated outpost of empire, but also relatively insignificant—in population,
tf not in size. However, larger imperial considerations having in view
the expansionist activity of the United States had dictated its estabUshment, and it was endowed with aU the appurtenances of colonial government of that day. A Royal Governor, independent of the Hudson's Bay
Company, was appointed, and in due course, in March, 1850, Richard
Blanshard reached Fort Victoria to assume office. The trials and tribulations of his governorship need not here be detailed2 except in so far
as they relate to the problem of defence.3 Suffice it to say that he found
himself in an awkward position since so much of the real authority was
*An expansion of an address presented to the Vancouver Section of the British
Columbia Historical Association.
(1) Victoria Colonist, lune 15, 1861.
(2) See Willard E. Ireland, "The Appointment of Governor Blanshard,"
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VIII (1944), pp. 213-226; and W. Kaye
Lamb, "The Governorship of Richard Blanshard," ibid., XTV (1950), pp. 1-40.
(3) See Willard E. Ireland, " Pre-Confederation Defence Problems of the
Pacific Colonies," Canadian Historical Association Annual Report, 1941, pp. 41-54.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XX, Nos. 3 and 4.
221 222 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
vested in Chief Factor James Douglas, responsible for the management
of the company's affairs in the colony.
Shortly after his arrival in the colony, Governor Blanshard visited
Fort Rupert, where coal-mining operations had been undertaken by the
company, and there he came face to face with the conflict in authority
between the Crown and the company inherent in the colonial arrangements. In July, 1850, it became known that three deserters from the
Norman Morison had been murdered by the Newitty Indians near Fort
Rupert, a situation which led the Governor not only to visit the northern
post again in October, but also to begin his struggle to secure suitable
defence arrangements.
When reporting this incident to the home government in August,
Blanshard pointed out that the " want of force " had prevented him from
attempting to capture the murderers, and that " the only safeguard of
the Colony consists in the occasional visits of the cruizers of the Pacific
Squadron, which only occur at rare intervals, and for short caUs."4 The
foUowing month the Governor pursued further the matter of the defenceless state of the colony:—
I would beg to press on your Lordship's consideration, the necessity of protecting
this Colony by a garrison of regular troops, in preference to a body of pensioners,
for as the principal service that they would be called on to perform would be lo
repress and over-awe the natives a moveable force would be necessary and I think
that Marines would be better calculated for the duty than Troops of the Line.
Two Companies would be sufficient of which a detachment would be stationed at
Fort Rupert, and the remainder near Victoria a cantonment might easily be formed
on the plains near Esquimalt Harbour . . . the Troops if landed in the Spring,
could easily complete their own barracks before the rainy season. . . . The
expense of maintaining a garrison would be inconsiderable and there are ample
funds for the purpose.   .   .   .5
This request feU on deaf ears. Not only was the Governor informed that
it was " not in the power of Her Majesty's Government to maintain a
detachment of regular Troops to garrison the Island," but he was also
poUtely reprimanded for his handUng of the incident and told that " Her
Majesty's Government cannot undertake to protect, or attempt to punish
injuries committed upon, British subjects, who, voluntarily expose them-
(4) Blanshard to Earl Grey, August 18, 1850. Vancouver Island, Governor
Blanshard, Dispatches to London, 1849-1851, MS., Archives of B.C. Unless
otherwise indicated, all manuscript material subsequently cited may be found in
the Provincial Archives of British Columbia.
(5) Blanshard to Grey, September 18, 1850.   Ibid. 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 223
selves to the violence or treachery of the Native Tribes at a distance from
the Settlements."6
Douglas shared with the Governor the difficult and at times embarrassing situation, as he succinctly pointed out to Governor George Simpson in May, 1851:—
True it is we differ in opinion as to public matters—as for example he is anxious
to have a military force stationed on the Island—which is unquestionably a proper
measure, but as an agent of the Company who would have to maintain that force
I have endeavoured to show that there was no positive necessity for it.''
That he was not completely unsympathetic to the Governor's request is
demonstrated by the proposal he put forward for the company's consideration:—
I have done everything in my power to meet Governor Blanshards views and to
support his authority in the Colony; but there are certain points on which we may
be allowed to differ in opinion without necessarily involving a breach of harmony.
The Governor for instance was always opposed on public grounds to the reserves
of land held for the two Company's and in favour of having a military force in the
colony for the protection of the inhabitants and in reference to these subjects he
still maintains the same opinion, while I am bound as a servant of the Company
to follow the Committees instructions and to study on every point to protect their
interests.—It was with the object of meeting Governor Blanshards views without
materially compromising the interest of the Company that I took the liberty of
recommending the formation of a rural police to be effected by granting a certain
number of 20 acre lots on the Fur Trade Reserve to the Company's retiring servants, a measure which I still hope the Committee may sanction as it will meet
the demand for protection at very small expense. . . . Petty depredations are
occasionally committed by the Indians which no vigilance can altogether prevent
but no overt attempt at violence has been made on the persons or property of the
white inhabitants by the Indians of this part of Vancouvers Island.8
Such was the genesis of the Victoria Voltigeurs. They were formed
to act as a military police. Their numbers were largely recruited from
French-Canadian half-breeds, some with Iroquois blood in their veins,
who had crossed the continent as boatmen and canoemen in the service
of the fur company and who upon retirement had been settled in a village
located on the Colquitz River near its entrance into Portage Inlet, if we
(6) Grey to Blanshard, March 20, 1851. Great Britain, Colonial Office, Dispatches to Vancouver Island, luly 21, 1849, to December 24, 1855.
(7) Douglas to Sir George Simpson, May 21, 1851, private. H.B.C. Archives,
D 5/30, quoted in Ireland, " Pre-Confederation Defence Problems," C.H.A. Report, 1941, p. 44, n. 13.
(8) Douglas to Archibald Barclay, March 21, 1851. Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of Vancouver Island Colony, May 16,
1850, to November 6, 1855. 224 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
are to judge by Douglas's instructions to the Colonial Surveyor in
1859:—
As I before explained to you verbally—before 51, a Canadian Village, for defence
against Indians, was established on the Portage Inlet, with a guarantee to each
settler of a free Grant of 20 (twenty) acres of Land each.    Of those settlers I
consider Three in number
viz. Nicholas Auger
I. B. Jollibois and
lohn Lemon
entitled to the Grant and I desire that you will arrange the Books and Issue Indentures accordingly.'
When Douglas succeeded Blanshard as Governor in September,
1851, he inherited this force and decided to maintain it. From that time
onwards there are frequent entries concerning it in an account book
headed " Hudson's Bay Company Accounts with Government Departments," in which the financial affairs of the colony are tabulated. Under
the heading " MUitia " are itemized the charges for the " Victoria Voltigeurs," to which title and dignity Blanshard's " rural police " had been
advanced.
But on what was probably the first serious task set before them, the
Voltigeurs failed to distinguish themselves, which no doubt accounts for
the fact that in the official record they appear only as " the retinue " of
a constable.   This incident, so typical of the times, occurred in March,
1852, and as described by Douglas hi an official dispatch to the Colonial
Office deserves to be recorded in detail:—
A difficulty which nearly led to a fatal affray with the Songies Tribe, occurred
last month, in consequence of an attempt that was made to apprehend an individual of that nation, who was accused of having slaughtered several head of neat
cattle and sheep belonging to a settler.
Two Indians were in succession charged with the offence, one of whom was
captured without difficulty, and brought in by the peace officer, intrusted with the
execution of the warrant, but in attempting afterwards to apprehend the other
offender, who had taken refuge in the principal Songies Village near Victoria, the
(9) Douglas to J. D. Pemberton, March 2, 1859. Vancouver Island, Lands
and Works Department, Colonial Surveyor, Correspondence Inward, January,
1852, to November, 1866. On the Victoria District Official Map, 1858, Nicholas
Allger [Auger?] is shown as holding Section LXXXIII (19.83 acres); Jean Baptiste
Jollibois, Section LXXX (19.35 acres); and John Lemon, Section XVIIIa (29
acres). Identification of these three individuals is inconclusive. It is possible that
J. B. Jollibois was the " Jolibois " who met with a fatal accident on October 5, 1861,
at which time the Victoria Colonist of October 7 described him as " an old man
named Jolibois ... a French Canadian, and aged about 60 years. He was
formerly in the employ of the Hudson Bay Company, and leaves a family." 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 225
Constable and his retinue of ten men, were surrounded by a tumultuous throng of
armed Indians; who set him at defiance, and were only restrained at the point of
the Bayonet from rushing in, and disarming his party, who were consequently compelled to retire in disorder without having executed the warrant and with the loss
of two muskets and a Boat, which remained in the hands of the Indians.
As soon as that outrage was reported I sent a second party to demand, of the
Songies, the Boat and Muskets, they had so lawlessly seized, on pain of being punished if they objected to restore them; but the mission proved abortive.
They refused to give up the property unless the Indian, who had been apprehended in the morning on the charge of cattle lifting, and who still remained in
custody, was set at liberty. Although very unwilling to proceed to extremity with
those Indians, who have been uniformly friendly I could not allow Her Majesty's
authority to be thus treated with contempt, and the law set at open defiance, without a neglect of duty, and incurring greater evils than those which it was sought
to avert. Before resorting to coercive measures I however resolved to try the
effect of a demonstration, and with that view ordered out a few guns, and directed
the Hudson's Bay Company's Steam Vessel " Beaver " to be anchored abreast of
the village, in a position from whence it could be attacked to advantage, and in
course of two hours our preparations were completed.
In the mean time there was much excitement and alarm among the Indians,
the women and children were flying in all directions while the men appeared to
look unmoved upon the scene of danger, but they had also had time for reflection,
on the consequences of pushing the matter further, and to my great relief sent a
messenger to beg that proceedings might be stayed, as they had resolved to end
the dispute by restoring the Boat and Muskets, which were immediately given up.
It being then late in the evening, nothing further could be done; and the following
morning the Songies Chief, a well disposed Indian, made proffers of compensation
for the cattle that had been slaughtered by his people; which were accepted and
quiet was restored.!"
At this time Douglas warned the home authorities that simUar difficulties were likely to occur and suggested that stationing one of H.M.
ships at Victoria or Esquimalt might " prevent much future evil and in
the end be a great saving of expense."11 His prognostication was soon
proven correct, for later that year a more serious difficulty arose. On
November 5, 1852, Peter Brown, a shepherd employed by the Hudson's
(10) Douglas to Grey, April 15, 1852. Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas,
Dispatches to London, October 31, 1851, to November 24, 1855. Dr. J. S.
Helmcken in his Reminiscences, 1892, Vol. Ul, pp. 88-90, tells of his part in this
affray. But in addition he gives an indication of the courage and coolness of
Douglas that made him so much feared and admired by the Indians. After
Helmcken had lost his hat and had been forced to retire bare-headed across the
harbour to the shelter of the fort, Douglas insisted upon the two of them strolling
leisurely up and down in front of the stockade while the bullets were whistling
from across the water.
(11) Douglas to Grey, April 15, 1852.
fi 226 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
Bay Company at its sheep station at Christmas HUl hi Saanich, was murdered by two Indians. Douglas was determined that no time should be
lost in bringing the murderers to justice. By the end of December the
suspects had been identified as a leading Cowichan brave and the son of
a Nanaimo chief. Fortunately H.M.S. Thetis, commanded by Captain
A. L. Kuper, had arrived at Esquimalt in the interim and afforded the
Governor the opportunity of requisitioning a naval force in aid of the
civU power. Captain Kuper placed 130 seamen and marines under the
command of Lieutenant Arthur Sansum and Lieutenant John Moresby
at the Governor's disposal.12 To this imposing array Douglas added
the services of the Voltigeurs.
Early in January this force was embarked on the Hudson's Bay Company's brigantine Recovery and the steamer Beaver with the launch,
barge, and pinnace of the Thetis in tow. On January 6 they anchored
off the mouth of the Cowichan River, and Douglas sent a messenger to
the Indians asking them to meet with him to settle the difference. Douglas dramaticaUy recounts the next phase of the venture:—
I received their answer the same evening accepting the invitation and expressing a
wish to meet me the following day near the mouth of the River. The disembarkation of the Force was made early the following morning, and we took post on a
commanding position at the appointed place fully armed and prepared for whatever might happen. In the course of two hours the Indians began to drop down
the River in their war canoes, and landed a little above the position we occupied:
and last of all arrived two large canoes crowded with the relatives and friends of
the murderer, hideously painted, and evidently prepared to defend him to the last
extremity; the criminal himself being among the number. On landing they made
a furious dash towards the point which I occupied, a little in advance of the Force
and their demeanour was altogether so hostile that the marines were with difficulty
restrained from opening a fire upon them. When the first excitement had a little
abated, the murderer was brought into my presence and I succeeded after a good
deal of trouble, in taking him quietly into custody; and sent him a close prisoner
on board the steam vessel.13
(12) For Captain Kuper's version of the incident see "Four Letters relating
to the Cruise of the Thetis, 1852-53," ed. W. Kaye Lamb, British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VI (1942), pp. 199-203.
(13) Douglas to Barclay, January 20, 1853. Fort Victoria, Correspondence
Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, May 16, 1850, to November 6, 1855.
This letter has been reproduced in full in " Four Letters . . . ," BCHQ, VI
(1942), pp. 203-206. In the diary of James Douglas, Private Papers, Second
Series, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, Calif., a transcript of which is in the Provincial
Archives, it is noted under date January 7: "The forces were mustered early this
morning   .   .   .   the Voltigeurs in the Steamer's Small boat." 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 227
Having thus successfuUy accomplished the first phase of its objective, the
force was re-embarked and moved up to Nanaimo, where it arrived on
January 9. Again Douglas caUed upon the Indians to surrender the
murderer. At first they consented, but then changed their minds and
offered to ransom his life by the payment of furs. To this proposition
Douglas could not assent, and a fuU-scale search for the murderer was
then undertaken. EventuaUy his place of hiding became known, and
Douglas gives the foUowing terse account of the termination of the
affair:—
We then learned that the murderer had left the River, and was concealed in the
woods, on the sea coast, about 3 miles distant. The pinnance was immediately
despatched with 16 seamen, and 9 half whites, towards that point where his place
of refuge was soon discovered and after a long chase in the woods in which the
half whites, took a principal part, the wretched man, was captured, and taken on
board the Steamer " Beaver." The Force was withdrawn the same day from the
River, without molesting or doing any damage whatever to the other Natives. The
two criminals being now in our possession were brought to trial, and found guilty
of murder, by a Jury composed of the officers present. They were sentenced to be
hanged, and the execution took place in the presence of the whole tribe, the scene
appearing to make a deep impression upon their minds, and will I trust have the
effect of restraining others from crime.14
The trial on board the Beaver was a historic one, and the two Indians
have the melancholy distinction of being the first persons in British Columbia to be condemned by a jury and sentenced to death. The execution took place on January 17 on the point of Protection Island, at the
entrance to Nanaimo Harbour, known to this day as GaUows Point.15
Two days later the force arrived back at Esquimalt and the incident was
ended.
Douglas was highly complimentary of the services that had been
rendered. In his diary, foUowing the entry for January 14, there is his
address to the troops on this occasion, in which he said:—
(14) Douglas to Barclay, January 20, 1853. Essentially the same information
was sent to the Colonial Office. See Douglas to Sir John S. Pakington, January
21, 1853. Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, October
31, 1851, to November 24, 1855. Again to quote from Douglas's diary under
date January 11: " The pinnace well armed with her proper complement and five
marines, making in all twenty one voltigeurs in a canoe under the command of
McKay, acting under the orders of Lieut. Moresby were despatched this morning
before daylight to be concealed near the mouth of the Nanaimo River, until the
Indians assembled about the vessel, when they were to make a rapid push for the
village, and to seize the murderer if found there.   .   .   ."
(15) John T. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, 1592-1906, Ottawa,
1909, p. 197. 228 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
I assure you that I am delighted with you all; the alacrity and promptitude you
have shown on all occasions, when danger appeared, deserve my warmest thanks
as well as your kindness & forbearance in the hour of victory. I am highly pleased
with your conduct and shall ever remember it with pride and gratitude as our
victory has not been sullied by a single act of cruelty.16
And in particular he was pleased with the conduct of the Voltigeurs,
who were, of course, the " half whites " to which he refers. After the
capture of the Cowichan murderer on January 7, Douglas wrote a fuU
report on the expedition to the senior member of the Legislative CouncU
of Vancouver Island, John Tod, in which he pointed out:—
The officers and men under his [Lieutenant Sansum] command here won my
thanks; not only by their steadiness and discipline, but also by their promptitude
and alacrity in the field, and I am happy to say that our little corps of colonial
volitigeurs [sic] imitated their noble example.17
It had been, however, a costly undertaking, as the following summary
from the detaUed accounts18 would indicate.
Charged to Militia Account.
"For these equipments to the Men enlisted for the expedition
to Cowetchin " £60/0/9
" Paid the following Men enlisted in the Voltigeur Corps, for
18 days Service in the Cowetchin Expedition " 37/10/0
" Steamer Beaver   For Charter from 1st to 18th Jany inclusive conveying Expedition to and from Cowetchin " 96/15/0
" Brigtn Recovery   For Charter from 1st to 18th Jany inclusive conveying Expedition to & from Cowetchin " 60/9/9
" Paid for prizes to best marksmen " 3/16/7
" Cash pd Timothy Blayan for Services at Cowetchin "                2/18/4
" Supplied to the Voltigeurs and Naval officers employed in
the Expedition "                                                                              73/8/3
"For the following provisions supplied the Volunteers with
Governor Douglas on the Cowetchin Expedition "                       5/16/9
"To Puget Sound Agricultl Compy For the following Supplied the Brigtn 'Recovery' from Esquimalt Farm for the
Cowetshin Expedition per order of Governor Douglas "              25/4/0
365/19/5
Less overcharge on charter of Steamer Beaver 7/17/3
£358/2/2
(16) Transcript, pp. 43-44.
(17) Douglas to John Tod, January 7, 1853.    James Douglas, Private Papers,
Second Series, Transcript, pp. 36-38.
(18) Hudson's Bay Company Accounts with Government Departments, 1852-
1859 (hereafter cited as H.B.C. Accounts), pp. 6-37 passim. 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 229
Charged to Administration of Justice.
"For this sum paid per order of Governor Douglas to M.
Rowland for Services as Executioner at Nanaimo" £6/17/6
" Paid as rewards to Indians for Secret Service on the Expedition" 14/6/10
" For the following paid to Indians by order of the Governor
for Secret Service on the expedition to Cowetshin " 1/3/10
      22/8/2
Charged to Survey Department.
" Supplied to Mr. Pemberton at Cowetchin " 1/13/10
Grand total £382/4/2
Judging from the detaUed accounts rendered, no expense had been
spared for either equipment or provisions. No doubt the exalted presence of the Governor as Commander-in-Chief added to the importance
of the adventure. The Ust of stores for the commissariat was ample and
the suppUes of the best quaUty the colony could provide. No fewer than
twenty-four sheep were taken along for the general fare and four more
for the officers' mess, and there were barrels of salt beef, salt salmon, and
37 pounds of fresh beef. There was coarse flour and fine white flour,
coarse sugar and fine sugar, potatoes, and 400 pounds of sea biscuits,
to mention but a few items. The officers must have fared weU. Including aU who would have been eUgible to dine at the officers' mess, from
the Governor and the naval Ueutenants down to the mates of the Beaver
and the Recovery, there would not have been more than a dozen persons.
Their larder included such items as prunes, currants, raisins, brown and
white sugar, two brands of tea, coffee, fine butter from Craigflower farm,
smoked hams, and other dainties to stimulate their appetites. And to
make such fare palatable there were 16 gaUons of cognac brandy, 8 gallons of sherry, 8 gaUons of port wine, 48 gallons of gin, and, to top it off,
500 Havana cigars.19
There is some confusion in the records as to the exact number of
Voltigeurs used in the Cowichan expedition. In his report to the secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company, Douglas referred to " a body of 11
half whites, enlisted in the Colony for that service,"20 but only ten names
appear in the accounting records of " equipments to the Men enUsted for
the expedition to Cowetchin,"21 namely: BasU (or Baptiste) Bottineau,22
(19) H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 6-37.
(20) Douglas to Barclay, January 20, 1853.
(21) H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 6-9.
(22) Bottineau, variously referred to as Bazil, Basil, or Baptiste, was a friend
of Francois Satakarata and was evidently at Fort Rupert in 1850, for Dr. J. S. 230 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
Timothy Blayan, George Bouche, Joseph Charbonneau,23 W. Hutson,
Tapisse Montigny, Louis Montret, James Newbird,24 Francois Sataka-
rata,25 Pierre Versailles. However, in the subsequent pay-list for " men
enUsted hi the Voltigeurs Corps, for 18 days Service in the Cowetchin
Expedition " the name of Pierre VersaUles is omitted but that of Thomas
Quontany (or Quamtany), an interpreter, has been added. The rate of
pay was $1 per day, except for Bottineau, who, as sergeant, received
$1.50 a day, and the interpreter, who received a similar amount.26
Helmcken in his journal of occurrences during his visit to the fort noted under
date July 1: "12 A.M. Baptiste or Bazil Bottineau complained of having been
refused to go northward in the Steam vessel Beaver, belonging to the Hudsons
Bay Co, altho expressly agreed upon between him & the Co." Helmcken wrote to
Chief Trader George Blenkinsop to secure copies of the agreement, which when
they came to hand did not substantiate Bottineau's claim. He was then advised
to wait until John Work returned to the fort. By the time Work returned on
August 18 the greater number of the men at Fort Rupert had returned to duty,
presumably including Bottineau. See Vancouver Island—Courts, Magistrate's
Court, Fort Rupert, Diary, June 27 to August 20, 1850. By J. S. Helmcken, J.P.
(23 The only information on Charbonneau which has been found occurs in
a letter of Edward Coker to J. D. Pemberton, April 29, 1862, enclosed in Pemberton to W. A. G. Young, May 6, 1862, in which Coker applied unsuccessfully for
a lease of 5 acres of the Government reserve at South Saanich for four or six
years for the purpose of locating a house and cultivating the soil for the benefit
of " a native woman ... a member of the tribe located at that point. . . .
The person I refer to is the widow of Joseph Charbino (some years dead), an old
servant of the H.B. Co.—she is also well and favourably known to Govr. Douglases
famely [sic], and others of the gentlefolk, of the Island. She is a[t] present and
has been for some years liveing [sic] in Victoria."
(24) Newbird may have died in 1857, for in the Casual Poor Account, June,
1857, there is an entry "For 10 Com. Cot. Shirts, expenses discovering & examining Newbird's remains 2/6 £1/5/0."   H.B.C. Accounts, p. 237.
(25) Satakarata may have been a Kanaka. As previously noted in footnote 22
he was at Fort Rupert in 1850, for Dr. J. S. Helmcken in the report based on his
journal which he sent to Governor Blanshard on July 2, 1850, noted: "Francois
Satakarata applied for admission into this fort at 11 P.M. June 29th 1850. He
was brought before me as having deserted from the steamer ' Beaver'." It appeared
that he had agreed at Fort Victoria under the impression that a friend of his,
Basil Bottineau was about to proceed Northward, but finding that such was not
the case he had deserted in the hope of obtaining permission to work at this fort.
" Mr. Blenkinsop, wishing to employ the man & considering it to be the same
service I consented. Moreover we have not the means for keeping persons prisoners." Vancouver Island—Courts, Magistrate's Court, Fort Rupert, Reports to
Governor Blanshard, July 2 and 17, 1850.
(26) H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 10, 17. 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 231
The Voltigeurs were a proud-looking lot, for on leaving Victoria for
Cowichan they had been provided with new uniforms. To start at the
top, each man had a tasseled blue cap, a white regatta shirt, and a blue
" capot " or mUitary overcoat, buckskin trousers, long worsted stockings,
boots and mocassins as the occasion might require. A broad scarlet belt
or sash was provided, to which was attached the powder-horn, and each
man had a trade gun. To add glamour, yards of bright ribbon and tinsel
hat-cord had been provided for attachment to any part of the uniform.
AU of which made for colour but with Uttle consideration for camouflage.
The lesson given to the local tribes by this punitive expedition into
the Cowichan and Nanaimo districts was a deterrent for a time, but it did
not provide dependable security, and for a long time to come the colonists
were not entirely free from the haunting terror of savage attack. The
situation was further aggravated when northern Indians, from as far
away as Alaska, began to arrive in large numbers. Douglas, ever alert
to the danger, outlined the problem in a long letter to Archibald Barclay,
London secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company, in June, 185428:—
. . . great and dangerous excitements have arisen, among the Natives, who have
congregated in large bodies this season in the settlements, to which they have been
drawn from almost every part of the coast between this place and the 57th degree
of north latitude, by the prospect of obtaining employment as labourers, and
procuring by their industry supplies of clothing for themselves and families.
The settlements have in fact been overrun by those wild migrations. Under
proper restraints their labour would advance the interests of the Colony; but from
their turbulent theivish [sic] disposition, it is impossible to prevent discord, arising
between them and the white setders and I would therefore rather dispense with
their presence.
Douglas then cited a specific incident. A Tongass chief had been slain in
Washington Territory and, in consequence, several hundred of his angry
compatriots had retired to Victoria from Puget Sound. Despite their
ugly mood, Douglas met with them and " enjoined them to remain quiet,
and not to raise a hand against any white man, whether on the British or
American side of the Straits." But his advice was not accepted and an
outbreak did occur.
About noon on the 26th of May, Thomas Grenham, arrived from the Cadboro
Bay Farm, in a state of great alarm, with a report that the place had been attacked
and taken by several hundred Indians, and that he had with difficulty escaped from
their hands.   While mustering and arming the people, I hastened to the spot, with
(27) H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 6-9.
(28) Douglas to Barclay, June 15, 1854.   Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, May 16, 1850, to November 6, 1855. 232 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
a mounted party of six men, and found all safe except Mr Baillie who had been
knocked down and severely cut about the head.
The Indians who committed the deed had made a precipitate retreat and disappeared from the coast. I also learned that they had not entered the Premises, but
had attacked Mr Baillie near the coast, while he was looking for some stray cattle,
in company with Grenham & Hilliard two of his labourers, who ran away on the
appearance of the Indians, and left Mr Baillie to deal with them alone. He fought
stoutly and knocked two of them down, before he was himself felled to the ground,
by a blow on the head; they then seized his gun and must have immediately fled,
as we were on the spot, within an hour afterwards, and could discover no trace of
the fugitives, except scattered articles of property, which they had left in their
flight. I discovered that the Cape Fox Indians, a branch of the Tomgass [sic]
Tribe, were the parties who committed that outrage.
This incident had the effect of setting the whole visiting Indian population
aflame, and until the departure of some 500 of these Indians to their
northern homes " the active men of the settlement were all under arms,
and were employed in guarding the country."
Presumably it was a party of the Voltigeurs who accompanied Douglas to the scene of the onslaught, and the whole force must have been
alerted for the account book shows that the sum of £5/8/4 was paid out
for "16 Men caUed out by Governor Douglas on the 25th May for the
protection of the settlement against an apprehended attack from the
Indians."29
The situation was further compUcated by the outbreak of the Crimean
War and the possibUity of a Russian attack from Alaska. Douglas
promptly warned the Colonial Office of the defenceless state of the colony
and submitted a requisition for arms and accoutrements to equip a force
of 500 men, it being his opinion that " an irregular force of whites and
Indians could be raised here and be made exceedingly useful in harassing
and impeding the march of an enemy." Quite properly he assumed the
cost of such a force would be borne by the Imperial Government.30
However, when the Legislative CouncU discussed the matter on July 12,
1854, their opinion was " that the smaU number of whites in the settlement could coUectively offer no effectual resistance against a powerful
enemy; and it was considered dangerous to arm and driU the natives, who
might then become more formidable to the Colony than a foreign enemy."
In consequence, it was decided not to call out the mUitia but to leave
(29) H.B.C. Accounts, p. 51.
(30) Douglas to the Duke of Newcastle, May 16, 1854 (No. 27). Vancouver
Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, October 31, 1851, to November
24, 1855. 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 233
the defence of the colony to the home government. The CouncU did
resolve, as a means of protection,
... to charter the Hudson's Bay Company's Propeller "Otter," armed and
manned with a force of thirty hands, including Captain, Officers, and Engineers,
and to employ her in watching over the safety of the settlements, until Her
Majesty's Government take some other measures for our protection; and that
arrangements be immediately made to carry that resolve into effect.31
The danger had passed by September when it became known that a
neutraUty agreement had been worked out between the Hudson's Bay
and the Russian American companies. No doubt this fortunate arrangement made it possible for the Colonial Office to announce that it was
"unnecessary and unadvisable" to meet the Governor's requisition,32
and also for them to refuse any responsibUity for meeting the expenses
involved in the charter of the Otter as a guard-ship,33 although this latter
decision was ultimately reversed and the account assumed by the Imperial
Treasury.34
WhUe the danger of foreign attack had thus been resolved, that
created by the presence of the northern Indians stiU remained. On June
21, 1855, the Governor again drew this matter to the attention of his
Legislative CouncU, in consequence of which that body resolved:—
That a Company of ten, to consist of 8 Privates, 1 Corporal, 1 Sergeant, besides a
competent officer to act as Commander, be immediately raised and maintained at
the public expense until the Northern Savages leave the settlements; and that the
pay to be allowed to persons joining the said company is not to exceed the following rates:—
Privates 30 dollars per month with rations.
Corporals 31 dollars per month with rations.
Sergeants 33 dollars per month with rations.
Their arms and accoutrements to be also provided at the public expense.^
Likewise, the Governor again took up the subject with the Colonial
Office. In a dispatch dated August 21, 1855, informing the Colonial
Secretary, Lord John RusseU, that something over 2,000 northern Indians
had descended upon the colony, Douglas wrote:—
The presence of so many armed barbarians in a weak and defenceless Colony,
was a subject of great and increasing anxiety.   ...  I dreaded the sudden ebul-
(31) Minutes of the Council of Vancouver Island, 1851-1861, ed. E. O. S.
Scholefield, Victoria, 1918 (Archives of British Columbia Memoir No. II), p. 25.
(32) Sir George Grey to Douglas, August 5, 1854.   Great Britain, Colonial
Office, Dispatches to Vancouver Island, July 21, 1849, to December 24, 1855.
(33) Sir George Grey to Douglas, December 18, 1854.   Ibid.
(34) William Molesworth to Douglas, August 3, 1855.   Ibid.
(35) Minutes of the Council, p. 27. 234 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
litions of temper common to all savages, which any petty difficulty might have
called forth.   .   .   .
Besides a general order warning the settlers to be on their guard against violence
and treachery, I raised a small police force of four active men, to detach on
emergencies to the aid of any settlers, who might apply for assistance, relying
otherwise, for defence on the co-operation of the population at large.
Your Lordship must however be aware that a force of peaceful citizens, hastily
mustered, and imperfectly armed, are ill adapted for bold measures, and I would
strongly recommend that a regular force of 20 or 30 men, should be raised and
equipped, for defence, particularly during the presence of the Northern Tribes of
Indians, to serve as a nucleus for the civilian force, and to undertake the really
dangerous service which none but men of sterling courage are fit to encounter.36
It is difficult to teU whether Douglas considered this " police force "
as something new or simply as a regularization of the Voltigeurs. Certainly he did not raise the total force which he had recommended, for he
appointed only four men, and these only for the four months July to
October, 1855. Joseph Charbonneau and James Newbird, who had
served with the Voltigeurs hi the Cowichan expedition, were paid £2 a
month, and the two new recruits, Celeste Auger and Louis Maurice,
£l/10/0.37 AU four received new uniforms and equipment, simUar to
that issued in 1853, at a cost of £23/0/838 and suppUes and rations for
the period June 23 to October 12 amounted to £27/l/4.39 In aU,
Douglas expended £78/2/0 on this force.40
John Work, himself a member of the Legislative Council, was his
usual cynical self, but perhaps also a little jealous of the younger Chief
Factor who had become the Governor, when he referred to this " police
force " as foUows:—
The Governmental dignity assumed appears to me to have anything but a
preposses[s]ing impression on strangers altho everything is sacrificed to carry it
out as far as possible.   I told you before that an appropriation was made to em-
(36) Douglas to Lord John Russell, August 21, 1855. Vancouver Island,
Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, October 31, 1851, to November 24,
1855. In reply Douglas was informed that the Colonial Secretary admitted " the
utility of a Police force " and saw " no objection to the establishment of a sufficient
force for that purpose, but you must understand that all expenses connected with
its formation and maintenance must be defrayed from the local Revenue or by the
Hudson's Bay Company." Grey to Douglas, November 12, 1855. Great Britain,
Colonial Office, Dispatches to Vancouver Island, July 21, 1849, to December 24,
1855.
(37) H.B.C. Accounts, p. 107.
(38) Ibid., pp. 94-95.
(39) Ibid., p. 110.
(40) Ibid., p. 148. 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 235
body a Militia force as it was called of a Sergeant, Corporal and 8 men to protect
the Island A Captain was also to be appointed, but of all this imposing force only
four Men have yet been embodied viz Charbona, Newbird, Celeste Auger & Louis
Maurice. This evening on passing Government house I was surprised to see
Charbonna on duty as Centinel with his cap & tassel hatband sky blue Capot, red
belt and Moleskin trousers, but he had no gun, probably not being able to arm
them with anything better than trading guns, horn & pouch, I can scarcely refrain
at times from ridiculing openly such apery, and I dont know if I do right in
refraining from it.41
Work may have chosen to mock the Governor's efforts at defence, but his
colleague on the Legislative CouncU, John Tod, who by virtue of his
years of experience with the Hudson's Bay Company was also experienced in handling the Indians, knew the urgency of the problem, for in
January, 1855, ammunition to the value of £3/14/4 had been delivered
to him " for the purpose of protecting the settlers Cattle in the Neighbourhood of Gonzalo Point from the depredations of wUd Indians."42
There is every reason to believe that even in this year Douglas had to
meet further expenses for the police force, judging by the amount of
£3/6/8 paid out for " 4 Men for protecting the frontier against the inroads of the Indians for 3 days & 1 night."43
The following year the situation became even more critical, partially
in consequence of the Indian war raging in Oregon, which made protective measures aU the more necessary. By February, 1856, northern
Indians were already beginning to arrive in the colony and, in anticipation
of " a very large body " of these savages arriving during the summer, the
Legislative CouncU on February 27 reconfirmed its decision of the
previous year and increased the force from ten to thirty. Provision was
now made for " 1 Lieutenant, 1 Sergeant, and 2 Corporals and 26
Privates " with the same rates of pay as before, and in addition to their
arms and accoutrements " one suit of uniform clothes " was also to be
provided out of pubUc funds.44
Douglas lost no time in implementing this resolution, for just a short
time previously he had had to order out a force of ten whites and
twenty-five Victoria Indians under the command of J. W. McKay to
disperse a body of northern Indians located on one of the San Juan
Islands who were plundering the deserted habitations of American set-
(41) John Work to Dr. Wm. F. Tolmie, July 30, 1855.   Work Correspondence
Outwards.
(42) H.B.C. Accounts, p. 85.
(43) Ibid., p. 107.
(44) Minutes of the Council, p. 28. 236 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
tiers. On March 1 the Governor wrote to the Colonial Secretary as
foUows:—
Thirty-eight canoes with upwards of 300 northern Indians, arrived at this place
a few days ago, and a very large number are reported to be on the route for the
settlements I have, in consequence, with the approbation of the Council commenced, raising a militia force of 30 men, and officers, who will remain embodied
during the presence of those savages.   .   .   .
The men who have offered for the Militia Corps have been enlisted at [the rate
of cancelled] £2 Sterling a month for privates being considerably less than the pay
sanctioned [in the minute cancelled] by Council, which it is not my intention to
allow, as long as men can be procured at a lower rate.
In fixing the pay of the militia at one Dollar a day for privates the Council had
in view, that the volunteers raised in the United States Territory receive from their
Government, two dollars a day and rations, and it appeared then a matter of
doubt whether men could be raised in this Colony for the public service without
the stimulus of high pay.45
The expense, however, stiU was not inconsiderable, for the account
book shows that no less than £181/4/1 was expended during the months
of March, April, and May.46 This included uniforms for twelve men.
It is difficult to determine how many men were mustered, but the pay
accounts for March, amounting to £15/13/11, covered Captain W. J.
Macdonald,47 BasU Bottineau, and an unspecified number of privates;
those for AprU, amounting to £27/16/1, included at least twelve privates;
(45) Douglas to Sir George Grey, March 1, 1856. Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, December 10, 1855, to June 6, 1859. Similar
information was also sent to W. G. Smith, secretary to the Hudson's Bay Company,
in a letter dated March 5, 1856, in which Douglas warned the company as he had
already warned Grey: " This will lead to a serious expense but I conceive it would
be unwise to neglect so necessary a precaution, in the present Circumstances of
the Colony, more especially when it is considered that the maintenance of a small
force now, may have the effect of preventing much future evil and expense to the
Colony." Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I.
Colony, December 11, 1855, to July 8, 1859.
(46) H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 177-179.
(47) William John Macdonald, born in the Isle of Skye in 1829, came to
Vancouver Island in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1851 and became prominent in the commercial and political life of the colony. In 1871 he
was one of the first three Senators appointed in consequence of Confederation,
which office he held until 1915. He died on October 25, 1916. In his reminiscences, printed under the title A Pioneer, 1851, published in Victoria, about 1914,
for 1856 he wrote (p. 11): " In addition to office duty I had to train and organize
a body of 50 armed men to guard the Coast from the depredations of the Northern
Indians, who used to land on their way home and shoot cattle," and for 1858,
along with other duties he listed (p. 13) " Captain of Militia." 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 237
and for May the £37/0/5 included Lieutenant Henry McNeUl,48 Sergeant B. Bottineau, and sixteen privates, one by the name of RobUUard.
Apparently about this time the Voltigeurs were put on horseback
and assigned more or less systematic patrol duties, judging by Douglas's
report to the Hudson's Bay Company:—
The MiUtia, about 16 in number, have been of great service, in maintaining the
peace and detachments are frequently sent to visit the isolated settlements for
their protection.4'
This is confirmed by Martha Cheney, then Uving at Metchosin with her
uncle, Thomas Blinkhorn, who noted in her diary:—
[April 1, 1855]   The 1st Lieutenant with 8 Soldiers came down to inquire after
our welfare, and to afford us protection in case of any disturbance with the Indians.
[April 15, 1855]   The Voltizeurs [«c] payed [sic] us their usual visit last Tuesday,
they come once a fornight [sic].
[July 4, 1855]   Lieutenant McNeil and 8 men came down to enquire after our
welfare, &c.50
The Voltigeurs were kept busy during most of the year on routine
duties, for one farmer alone reported the loss of 36 head of cattle in three
years.51 The strength of the force varied from month to month, judging
by the pay accounts.52
June £34/16/9   Lt. McNeill, 1 Corporal, 15 Privates.
July £36/4/6   Lt. McNeill, 18 Privates.
August £34/0/8   Lt. McNeill, 16 Privates.
September £40/13/4   17 Privates.
October £39/14/0 Sgt. Bottineau, Privates C. Auger, L. Maurice, J. New-
bird and Jos. Charbonneau.
The total operating charges for the year ending October 31, 1856,
amounted to £625/11/3.53
(48) Henry McNeill was the son of a long-time servant of the Hudson's Bay
Company, Captain William Henry McNeill, and his Indian wife, a chieftainess of
the Kaigani division of the Haida tribe. See Dr. J. S. Helmcken, Reminiscences,
1892, Vol. HI, p. 16.
(49) Douglas to William G. Smith, April 1, 1855. Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, December 11, 1855, to
July 8, 1859.
(50) "Diary of Martha Cheney Ella, 1853-56," ed. J. K. Nesbitt, British
Columbia Historical Quarterly, XUI (1949), pp. 262, 263, 265.
(51) James Deans to Mr. Monteith, May 12, 1878. See his "Settlement of
Vancouver Island," Bancroft Library, Berkeley, Calif., transcript in the Provincial
Archives, p. 6.
(52) H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 183-185, 187-189, 195. 199-200, 205.
(53) Ibid., p. 213. 238 B. A. McKelvie, W. E. Ireland July-Oct.
This did not include the expenses of another full-scale expedition to
Cowichan late in August, 1856, arising out of the attempted murder of
Thomas WUUams by a Cowichan Indian. In this instance Douglas
appealed to Rear-Admiral H. W. Bruce for assistance, which was
promptly provided, and early in September the Governor was able to
report as foUows:—
The expeditionary force was composed of about 400 of Her Majesty's Seamen
and marines under Commander Matthew Connolly and 18 Victoria Voltigeurs
commanded by Mr. McDonald of the Hudsons Bay Companys service. My own
personal staff consisted of Mr. Joseph McKay and Mr. Richard Golledge, also of
the Hudsons Bay Companys service.   .  .   .
In marching through the thickets of the Cowegin valley the Victoria Voltigeurs
were with my own personal staff, thrown well in advance of the seamen and
marines formed in single file, to scour the woods and guard against surprise.   .   .   .
I may also remark . . . that not a single casualty befel the expeditionary
force during its brief campaign, nor was a single Indian the criminal excepted,
personally injured, while their property was carefully respected.
The expedition remained at Cowegin two days after the execution of the
offender to re-establish friendly relations with the Cowegin Tribe, and we succeeded
in that object, to my entire satisfaction.54
Subsequently the cost of this expedition was calculated at £77/7/3.55
The Cowichan expedition was the last major engagement in which
the Voltigeurs were involved. In point of fact their period of usefulness
was nearly over. Ships of the Royal Navy now made more frequent caUs
at Esquimalt, and Rear-Admiral Bruce had indicated his intention of
leaving one of his ships there for the protection of the colony.56 No
doubt the Indians were beginning to be overawed by the forces ranged
against them. During the fiscal year ending October 31, 1857, the expenses for the Voltigeurs declined to £50/5/9. Sergeant Bottineau continued to be active for a considerable period, and from June 8 to August
3 Lieutenant McNeiU and three new recruits—Privates Ebony, Juano,
and Tom Keave, for whom new uniforms were provided—drew£18/13/4
hi pay.57
Curiously enough, in the last year for which accounts are avaUable
the expenses charged to the MUitia Account rose to £134/14/0, of
(54) Douglas to Henry Labouchere, September 6, 1856. Vancouver Island,
Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, December 10, 1855, to June 6, 1859.
(55) H.B.C. Accounts, p. 263.
(56) Douglas to W. G. Smith, August 19, 1865. Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, December 11, 1855, to
July 8, 1859.
(57) H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 222, 234, 239, 242, 250, 260, 263. 1956 The Victoria Voltigeurs 239
which £17/15/0 represented additional expenses arising from the 1856
Cowichan expedition.58 During November, 1857, Lieutenant McNeUl
would appear to have been the only person kept on strength, but at least
a temporary reorganization was effected for the four months December,
1857, to March, 1858. During this period the following personnel were
employed:—59
Lieutenant Henry McNeUl (January to March).
Sergeant BasU Bottineau (December).
Privates Max Lavoie (December to March).
Louis Maurice „
L. Lavoie „
Leon Morel „
D. Bouch6 „
Tom Keave „
Balan „
Tamaree60 „
Pakee „
In addition, barrack accommodation was also for the first time provided,
for which James Yates was paid £4/3/4 for four months.61
Designed primarily to deal with Indian law-breakers, the Victoria
Voltigeurs had served their purpose. The gold-rush of 1858 was to bring
a flood of new people to the island colony as weU as to the adjacent
mainland, and the altered circumstances made it imperative to create a
new body for the enforcement of the law. As the white population increased in number, the threat of Indian outrages became less significant,
and the colourful little force, so dear to the heart of Governor Douglas,
was consequently disbanded.
B. A. McKelvie.
Cobble Hill, B.C.
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives.
(58) H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 269-273, 276, 278, 281, 302, 326.
(59) Ibid., pp. 272-281.
(60) Tamaree or Tamarcee is named by Helmcken as one of the " seven
Kanacka Indians, whose term of service [with the H.H.B. Co.] has expired. . . ."
See the letter to R. Brown, July 10, 1850, in the Fort Rupert diary cited in footnote 22 above.
(61) H.B.C. Accounts, p. 281. NOTES AND COMMENTS
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Victoria Section
A regular meeting of the Section was held in the Provincial Library on May 17
with the Vice-Chairman, Mr. J. H. Hamilton, presiding. A report was presented
by Miss Ellen Hart on the work of the Craigflower School committee, which is
seeking funds to effect necessary repairs to the old school building. The speaker
for the evening was the Provincial Librarian and Archivist, Mr. Willard E. Ireland,
who is also Honorary Secretary of the British Columbia Centennial Committee.
The subject of his address was 1858 to 1958—What Shall We Celebrate? Unlike
Alberta or Saskatchewan, which had a single natal day to celebrate in their golden
jubilees, British Columbia was not so fortunate, for it was an amalgamation of
four colonial jurisdictions, each with its own birthday—Vancouver Island, 1849;
Queen Charlotte Islands, 1852; British Columbia, 1858; and Stikine, 1862. It
was not until 1866 that four had become united to form a single colony, in size
and shape similar to the Province that came into being on July 20, 1871. However, 1858 was more than merely the birthday of the Mainland colony, for it was
the year of the gold-rush which affected Island and Mainland alike. In addition,
Mr. Ireland announced certain plans for the centennial celebration—a special
stamp, a commemorative silver dollar, and the writing of a new history of the
Province, for which Dr. M. A. Ormsby, of the University of British Columbia, had
been commissioned.   Captain W. Wingate proposed a vote of thanks to the speaker.
Mr. B. A. McKelvie was the speaker at a meeting of the Section held on June
27 in the Provincial Library with Mr. J. K. Nesbitt presiding. The address was
entitled The Untold Story of the Birth of the Crown Colony of British Columbia,
and, as usual, Mr. McKelvie demonstrated his wide knowledge of the history of
the Province and his consummate ability as a raconteur. Mr. Robert Hiscocks
moved the vote of appreciation.
To mark the hundredth anniversary of the meeting of the First Legislative
Assembly of the Crown Colony of Vancouver Island on August 12, 1856, a special
meeting was arranged for July 31 and held in the " Bird-cage "—the sole remnant
of the old Colonial Government buildings. The speaker on that occasion was
Mr. E. K. DeBeck, Clerk of the Legislative Assembly of the Province, who spoke
of the significance of the historic event commemorated, for this was the first
elective legislature to meet in British territory west of the Great Lakes. From his
rich store of anecdotes Mr. DeBeck brought to life many of the pioneer legislators—Tod, Helmcken, Pemberton, Yates, Kennedy, and Langford, to mention but
a few. The appreciation of the meeting was expressed by Major H. C. Holmes,
after which refreshments were served in the cafeteria in the Douglas Building.
The annual field-day of the Section was held on the afternoon of August 29 at
the Joint Services College, Royal Roads. Captain John A. Charles, Commandant
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XX, Nos. 3 and 4.
241 242 Notes and Comments July-Oct.
of the College, spoke on the history of the College facilities from the days of the
building of Hatley Park by the Honourable James Dunsmuir. The opportunity
was afforded the many guests to inspect the buildings and grounds, following which
tea was served.
The first meeting of the fall season was held in the Provincial Library on
October 3 with Mr. J. K. Nesbitt in the chair. The speaker was Mr. David Stock,
formerly a newspaper reporter now attending Victoria College in the Faculty of
Education, and his subject Ned McGowan. In a most facile manner Mr. Stock
recounted the story of one of the most notorious characters drawn to British
Columbia by the gold-rush. During his brief career in the colony—only nine
months in all—McGowan Uved a hectic life, in keeping with his experiences in
the United States. He lived with a flourish—serving in politics from the most
petty of offices to high position, acting as a printer, author, gambler, and on one
occasion achieved status as a naval hero. In the end he died in destitution at the
age of 86. In British Columbia the story of the Hills Bar incident, in which
McGowan played a leading and at times hilarious role, is now almost a classic.
Vancouver Section
The monthly meeting of the Section was held on May 25 in the Grosvenor
Hotel with Captain C. W. Cates speaking on The Terminal Steam Navigation
Company. This was a pioneer company, owned by the Cates family, which ran
steamboats up Howe Sound. John Andrew Cates came to Vancouver in 1886
from Nova Scotia and began business with the Robert Kerr. In 1899 he acquired
the Defiance and started a service to Vananda on Texada Island with alternate
trips to Squamish. This was the beginning of the passenger service up Howe
Sound. In 1905 the Britannia was built and fitted with Pullman accommodation.
The Terminal Navigation Company had its hey-day prior to the end of World
War I, when excursions were run to Bowen Island. On this run the ships used
were the Bowena, Balena, and Barimba. In the early 1920's the company sold
out to the Union Steamship Company.
The first meeting of the fall season was held on September 27 in the Hotel
Grosvenor. The guest speaker on that occasion was Leon J. Ladner, Q.C., who
gave a most informative talk on the future of Columbia River power under the
title White Gold of the Columbia. Mr. Ladner emphasized that Canadian rights
were clear and overwhelming, and that British Columbia's economic future would
largely depend upon the stand we now take to safeguard our interests. The controversy has now been taken out of the hands of the International Joint Commission and is being handled directly by the Department of External Affairs for
Canada and the Department of State for the United States, a situation which Mr.
Ladner deplored, as the Columbia River is only one of a number of problems
between the two countries.
The speaker at the meeting held on October 24 in the Grosvenor Hotel was
Professor F. A. Peake, Registrar of the Anglican Theological College of British
Columbia and Archivist of the Anglican Ecclesiastical Province of British Columbia. His subject was Religious Tensions in Early British Columbia, an interesting
analysis of the controversy in 1875 between Bishop Hills and Dean Cridge.   The 1956 Notes and Comments 243
latter was accused of insubordination because he protested against the high church
proclivities of the bishop, and he was found guilty on almost every charge by an
ecclesiastical court. The consequence was that the dean and a large part of the
congregation of Christ Church Cathedral withdrew from the Anglican Church
and joined the ranks of the Reformed Episcopal Church, the first of this new
denomination in British Columbia. Professor Peake provided an interesting new
approach to this controversy in that he pointed out that it was but one result of
the widespread and heated tension between the evangelical and the high church
elements in the Church of England throughout Great Britain and North America.
A vote of thanks was tendered by Mr. Bruce Ramsey.
Nanaimo Section
A regular meeting of the Section was held on Tuesday evening, May 29, at
which Miss Margaret Clay, retired Chief Librarian of the Victoria Public Library
now serving with the Vancouver Island Regional Library, was the speaker on the
subject of the history of the struggle for equal rights for women in British Columbia. Susan Anthony, one of the leaders of the nineteenth-century woman suffrage
movement in the United States, visited Victoria in 1871 and held a number of
well-attended meetings. British Columbia politicians seemed sympathetic to
women's rights, for in 1873 the right to vote in municipal elections was granted
them, and in 1884 the further right to vote for school trustees was permitted, providing they had the requisite property qualification. By 1900 women were exercising these rights in many parts of the Province and were electing women to the
School Boards. It was not until the First World War that suffragette supporters
received a hearing from the members of the Legislature on Provincial voting privileges, and in 1917 the elections laws were enlarged to include women voters.
West Kootenay Section
Mr. Frank Sindell was the speaker at the May meeting of the Section and his
subject Telephones in Kootenay. The first telephone-line in British Columbia was
installed in Victoria in 1877, just one year after the invention had been patented.
By the time settlement had spread to the Kootenays in the 1890's, the telephone
had come to be considered a necessity. Judging by early photographs, it would
appear that Nelson had telephones before it had good streets, for in 1891 a charter
was granted to the Kootenay Lake Telephone Company to operate in Nelson,
Balfour, and Ainsworth. In the Trail area, Colonel Topping strung the first line
along the trees from Waneta to Rossland. In 1895 the Vernon and Nelson Telephone Company established an exchange in Rossland in Munson & Edward's
grocery-store. This company acquired both Colonel Topping's line and also the
Kootenay Lake Telephone Company and built exchanges in Greenwood, Phoenix,
and Grand Forks. It continued to operate until 1903, when it was absorbed by
the British Columbia Telephone Company. Long-distance telephone business was
good from the beginning, although the rates were high: Nelson to Greenwood,
$1.35 per minute. Trouble-shooting on the early lines was a difficult task, particularly on the line to Waneta. In 1896 there were 27 telephones in Trail, 75 in
1912, 550 in 1925, and to-day, including the Cominco plant, 5,324.    Mr. Sindell 244 Notes and Comments July-Oct.
had on display one of the first automatic telephones installed in Canada. This
had been used in Edmonton from 1905 to 1912. At the close of the address a film
on the life of Alexander Graham Bell was shown.
The June meeting took the form of a tour of the early business section of
Rossland. Mr. Gordon German was in charge, and sixty-three sites of historic
interest were visited, beginning with the Miners' Union Hall, just beyond the rock
bluff on Columbia Avenue. Now the headquarters for Local 480, this hall was
built in 1898 by the first labour organization formed in the Trail Creek mining
district. Next to it was the first City Hall and Jail, which have since disappeared,
as has their neighbour, the Cliff Hotel. The old Lemon Block, built in 1895, still
stands, but all the other buildings in this block—the War Eagle Hotel, Hunter
Brothers' store, Tunstall Block, and the Rossland Hotel—have been torn down.
The Columbia Garage is now on the site of the old Pacific Hotel. Several saloons
and restaurants lined Spokane Street as far as the entrance to Esling Park. Here
was the head of Spokane Street and Sourdough Alley, and Centre Star Gulch, the
main roadway to the mines, ran through the park. On the opposite side of
Spokane Street stood P. Burns' meat market, in which the fire started on August
25, 1902, that burned out the whole section bounded by Spokane Street, Second
Avenue, and Earl Street, for a loss of $68,000. The old International House stood
on Spokane Street; it had the reputation of being the most up-to-date gambling
establishment in the Province, and it also had a large music hall, fitted up with
a stage and private boxes. On Columbia Avenue the Allen Hotel still stands.
One of the most famous hostelries in the Interior of British Columbia, it was
built by Mrs. Margaret Allen in 1895. Directly behind it was the first opera
house. The Bank of Montreal building was erected in 1899 at a cost of $40,000.
Many other sites were visited, after which the members visited the Rossland
Museum in the Court-house.
Mr. Cyril Selby was the speaker at the October meeting of the Section on the
subject The Mackenzie River Valley Story. In 1925 the Mackenzie River valley
in the Northwest Territories was an undeveloped mineral area, its chief importance
still being the fur trade. That year rumours of gold strikes became common
knowledge, and the mines department of the Consolidated Mining and Smelting
Company sent in a crew of men to explore the territory. All travel was by way
of the extensive system of lakes and rivers from Lake Athabasca to the Arctic,
a distance of 1,500 miles, with only one serious obstruction, the rapids at Fort
Fitzgerald, where portaging was necessary. The CM. & S. men travelled in two
old wood-burning sternwheelers—the Athabasca and the Distributor. When no
gold was discovered, the party took to canoes but still had no luck. In 1926 the
Great Slave Lake was explored and the Pine Point area visited, where ore did
exist but its isolation made it uneconomic to develop. In 1928 the same group
undertook a canoe trip of 1,200 miles from Fort Chipewyan to The Pas in Manitoba, following the river system east of Lake Athabasca and over the height of
land to Wollaston Lake and thence down the Cochrane River. It was a formidable undertaking, over rough terrain involving many portages. The next year,
aeroplanes were used for the first time to fly men in. Canoes were still used for
the detailed work, but the days of back-breaking drudgery were over. In 1930
another exploring party on Great Bear Lake met Gilbert Labine, who had come 1956 Notes and Comments 245
in by dog-team and made his famous uranium find. He had been looking for
copper, but when he found the pitch-blende ore he recognized it for what it was,
and the uranium boom was on. Exploration has continued over the years, and
valuable deposits of gold, uranium, and oil have been found, with the consequent
establishment of towns and communities in the Territories.
Gulf Islands Section
During the winter months, because of difficulty of communication, no meetings
were held, but on April 8 the members met at the home of Mr. and Mrs. Herbert
Spalding, Little Bay, South Pender Island, with good representation from all but
Mayne Island. The meeting-place was of special significance, for it was to Little
Bay that Arthur Reed Spalding brought his bride on November 4, 1889. The
wedding had been performed by Canon Beanlands in the old Warburton Pike
home on Saturna Island, and the bride's father, J. W. McKay, had arranged for
transportation of the bridal couple in an Indian war canoe to South Pender Island.
The new home had been built by John Beddis, of Saltspring Island, and there the
couple lived until the death of Mr. Spalding in 1932, and Mrs. Spalding continued
to Uve there until her death in 1937. At this meeting, papers were presented
dealing with early days on Saturna Island, prepared by Mr. Cowan and Mrs.
Arthur Ralph, daughter of the late James Georgeson, pioneer light-keeper on the
island.
At the May meeting an interesting paper compiled by Mrs. John Freeman and
Mrs. Swartz was read. It was based on the diary of Mrs. Ralph Gray (mother
of Mrs. Swartz), dating back to 1890, when she and her sister, Mrs. M. A.
Grainger, first came to the islands.
The July meeting was held on Mayne Island, and Mrs. Foster brought the
scrap-book which she has been compiling for many years, from which she gleaned
much of the material for her paper on the early days on Mayne Island.
On August 12 a meeting was held at Saturna Island with Mrs. J. H. Hamilton
of Victoria as the guest speaker. Her paper, Some International Treaties and
Their Relation to the Gulf Islands, linked up dates and place-names and gave a
comprehensive picture of early activity in the Gulf Islands, dating back as far as
June, 1791, when the Spanish ships San Carlos and Santa Saturnina dropped
anchor in what was to become Bedwell Harbour.
The annual meeting of the Section was held on Galiano Island on September
30, and the following officers were elected:—
Chairman   -       -       -   Mrs. John Freeman (South Pender Island).
Vice-Chairman -       -       Mr. J. Campbell (Saturna Island).
Secretary     ...   Mrs. Jennens (South Pender Island).
Councillors are to be selected by each island.
Mr. Cecil Clark, of Victoria, the guest speaker, gave an interesting account of
early days on the Gulf Islands, dealing particularly with the pioneer settlers.
Miss Lottie Bowron was the guest speaker at a meeting held on October 28 at
Port Washington, in which she sketched the early days of the Fraser River gold-
rush and the consequent activity in Cariboo centring around Barkerville. It was
reported that membership of the Section now stood at over twenty-five paid-up
members. 246 Notes and Comments July-Oct.
Boundary Section
The second general meeting of this Section was held on Monday evening, May
7, in the Rock Creek Institute HaU with the Chairman, Mr. L. Mader, presiding
and members present from as far east as Christina Lake. Mrs. R. B. White
brought greetings from Mr. J. D. Whitham, President of the Okanagan Historical
Society. Mr. H. J. Smith, of Rock Creek, was elected Vice-Chairman. Mr. Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Librarian and Archivist, was present and gave an
address entitled 1858 to 1958: A Century to Celebrate, in the course of which he
traced the early history of the Province, noting the significance of the year 1858,
the centennial of which is to be commemorated on a wide scale in 1958. At the
conclusion of the meeting a tasty supper was enjoyed by all present.
On Sunday afternoon, November 25, a meeting was held in the Institute HaU,
Greenwood, at which time a committee was formed to investigate the feasibiUty
of publishing an annual report in 1957, and the wording of a plaque to be placed
at the entwined trees at Midway was finalized. Mrs. E. S. Reynolds read an interesting paper prepared by Mr. R. Johnston dealing with his recollections of early
days at Grand Forks, where he had been the second school-teacher. Mrs. R. B.
White, of Penticton, also spoke in a highly informative and entertaining manner
of her experiences at Rock Creek in September, 1895, and at Midway in 1896.
White Rock Section
First organized in November, 1955, a programme for 1956 was arranged, with
various members of the Section undertaking to prepare an interesting series of
papers. During 1956 nine meetings were held, and a special committee was
appointed to examine ways and means of celebrating the centennial in 1958.
Pitt Meadows-Maple Ridge Section
On April 23 the Haney Readers' Club sponsored a pubUc meeting in the
Masonic Hall, Haney, for the purpose of considering the organization of a historical society. Mr. WUlard E. Ireland, Provincial Librarian and Archivist, was the
guest speaker and outlined the functions that such a society might undertake and
explained the various methods of organization that might be followed. In consequence of this meeting, it was decided to organize as a section of the British
Columbia Historical Association, and a petition to that effect was submitted and
approved in July. The interim Chairman was Mrs. Cora M. Adair, and Mr.
Edward ViUiers was Acting-Secretary. By the end of the year a total of thirty-
two members had been enroUed.
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Mrs. Elsie TurnbuU, Trail, B.C., is the immediate Past President of the British
Columbia Historical Association and an active member of the West Kootenay
Section.   She has written many articles on the history of the Kootenay country.
Andrew Forest Muir, Ph.D., is on the staff of the Department of History and
PoUtical Science of The Rice Institute, Houston, Texas, and is currently associate
editor of The Journal of Southern History. 1956 Notes and Comments 247
Mrs. Mabel E. Jordon resides in Calgary, Alta., and has written widely on the
history of British Columbia and in particular of the Kootenay country.
B. A. McKelvie is a Past President of the British Columbia Historical Association, and for years has been a keen student of the history of British Columbia.
His numerous books and articles have earned him an enviable reputation as a
writer and journalist.
Willard E. Ireland has been Provincial Archivist since 1940 and editor of this
journal since 1947. THE
BRITISH COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
VOLUME XX
1956
VICTORIA, B.C.
Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association EDITOR
Willard E. Ireland
Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C.
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Provincial Archives,
ParUament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. CONTENTS OF VOLUME XX
Articles:                                                                                                       Page
The "All-Red Route," 18931953:  A History of the Trans-Pacific Mail
Service between British Columbia, Australia, and New Zealand.
By J. H. Hamilton          1
Old Mines in the West Kootenay.
By Elsie Turnbull    147
William Richard Scott, Missionary Misfit and Heroic Slum Priest.
By Andrew Forest Muir . 165
The Kootenay Reclamation and Colonization Scheme and WilUam Adolph
Baillie-Grohman.
By Mabel E. Jordon  „     187
The Victoria Voltigeurs.
By B. A. McKelvie and Willard E. Ireland      221
Notes and Comments 127, 241
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Rich: Moose Factory Journals 1783-85.
Rich: Black's Rocky Mountain Journal 1824.
Rich: Eden Colvile's Letters 1849-52.
By Willard E. Ireland     141
Index      249
ERRATA
Page 129, line 23: For Thompson read Thomson.
Page 130, line 30: For El Hambro read Alhambra. INDEX
Adams, Vice-Consul, 173
Adelaide Steamship Company, 70, 71
Ainsworth, Capt. George J., 150-152, 188, 189,
210
Ainsworth, Capt. John C, 150-152
Ainsworth, 189
Alberta and British Columbia Exploration
Company Limited, 204, 205
Aldridge, Walter Hull, 156
Alexander, W. P., 179
"All-Red Route," 1893-1953, The, 1-126
Allan Line, 55
AUen, 183
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions, 182
Anderson, Henry, 151
Anderson, R., 179, 183
Armstrong, J. E., 108
Arnott, W. H. Young & Company Ltd., 99,
100
Arundell, Capt. R. E., 35
Ashby, Capt. A. L., 81
Aspinwall, William Henry, 6, 7
Aspinwall, 5
Atkinson, William, 220
Atlantic and Pacific Corporation, 8, 9
Auger, Celeste, 234, 235, 237
Auger, Nicholas, 224
Austin, Charles, 172
Austin, James Walker, 172
Australasian and American Mail Steamship
Company, 9
Australasian-Pacific Mail Steam Packet Company, 3
Australasian, Sandwich Island and Canadian
Steamship Line, 23
Australasian Steam Navigation Company, 10
Australian and New Zealand Shipping Company, 32
Australian Steam Navigation Company, 9
Baillie, 232
Baillie-Grohman, Mrs. Florence, 207-209
BaiUie-Grohman, Vice-Admiral H. T., 190, 209
BaiUie-Grohman, W. A., 147, 150, 158, 159,
187-209;   letters from, 212-217
Baillie-Grohman, William Adolph, The Kootenay Reclamation and Colonization Scheme
and, 187-220
Baker, James, 203, 204
Balan, 239
Baldwin, Dwight, 178
Beardmore, William & Company, 70
Beatty, Sir Edward, 94-96, 114
Beaver Harbour, 7, 8
Beazley, Ernest H., 4
Beazley, James, 4
Begbie, Matthew Baillie, 151
Bennett, R. B., 94, 112
Bewley, Edward N., 114
Big Ledge, 147, 149, 150, 158, 200
Bird, Capt., 37
Black Bear tunnel, 157
Black Star Line, 4
Black's Rocky Mountain Journal 1824, review
of, 142-144
Blanshard, Richard, 221-224, 230
Blayan, Timothy, 228, 230
Blenkinsop, George, 230
Blinkhorn, Thomas, 237
BluebeU mine, 147-152, 158-163, 188, 189, 200,
212
Bluebell Mountain, 189
Blueberry Creek, 156
Bordeau, Oliver, 153
Borden, Robert L., 74, 75
Bottineau, Basil, 229, 230, 236-239
Bouchl, D., 239
Bouche\ George, 230
Bourgeois, Joseph, 153, 154
BoweU, Sir Mackenzie, 45
Bowerman, George, 152
Brawn, T. W., 124
British American Company, 155
British Columbia Emigration Society, 168, 169
British Columbia Historical Association, 127-
136, 241-246
British Columbia Marine Railway Limited, 54,
59, 75
British Columbia Smelting and Refining Company, 155, 156
British Columbia Sugar Refining Company, 53
Brown, David E., 18
Brown, John, & Company, 69, 75, 121, 122
Brown, Peter, 225, 226
Bruce, W. H., 238
BuUen, Douglas, 54
BuUen. H. F„ 75
Bullen, W. Fitzherbert, 54, 75
Bullen, Mrs. W. Fitzherbert, 75
Bullen's Ways, 75
Bunce, Sheriff, 155
Burdett-Coutts, Baroness, 168
Burns, Philp & Company, 43, 50, 51
Burrard Drydock Company, 75
Bushby, George, 75
Cadboro Bay, 231
Caird & Company, 59, 120
California, New Zealand and Australia Steam
Navigation Company, 9
Cameron, Malcolm, 219
Campbell, D., 219
CampbeU, John H., 219
Canadian Australasian Line, 92, 95, 96,  108,
110, 112, 114, 115, 123-125
Canadian Australasian Royal Mail Line, 4, 64,
108
Canadian Australian Line, 1, 8, 14-16, 22, 23,
32, 43, 47, 50, 57, 58, 65-67, 102-106
Canadian Australian MaU Line, 38
Canadian   Australian   Royal   MaU   Steamship
Company, 38, 40, 41, 50, 105, 108
Canadian Australian Steamship Company, 19
Canadian Government Merchant Marine, 93
Canadian Metal Company, 152
Canadian Pacific Railway Company, 11, 18-23,
33, 40, 43-45, 52, 55, 61, 73, 74, 84, 92-96,
101, 113, 123, 156
Canal Flats, 190, 199, 201, 202
Centre Star mine, 153, 154, 156, 157
249 250
Index
Chapman, Rev. J. W., 62
Charbonneau, Joseph, 230, 234, 235, 237
Cheney, Martha, 237
Chevrier, Lionel, 116
Chicamen Mountain, 162
China Shipbreakers Limited, 62
Christ Church Cathedral, Victoria, 171
Christmas Hill, 226
Church of England in Hawaii, 166, 167, 169,
171, 173-178, 181
Church of the Holy Innocents, Lahaina, 174-
177
Clark, E. W., 181
Clemens, Samuel, 35-37, 172
Cliff mine, 154
Coal, Vancouver Island, 7, 8
Cockett, 178
Coffer-dam, Esquimalt, 54
Coker, Edward, 230
Colon, 5
Columbia   and  Kootenay  RaUway,   150,   189,
191
Columbia Lake,  187,   191,  193-195,  199, 202,
215, 217, 218
Columbia mine, 154
Columbia River, 189, 191, 192, 195, 196, 198,
199, 201, 202, 210, 215, 218, 219
Colvile, Eden, London Correspondence Inward
from, 1849-1852, review of, 144, 145
Congregational Church, HawaU, 178, 179, 181,
182
Conkite, John, 220
Conner, J. W., 219
ConnoUy, Matthew, 238
Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company,
152, 156, 157, 189
Constable, Guy, 192, 193
Cook, Ed., 219
Cook, Mount, 13
Cooke, P. B., 58, 124
Coppe, 179
Corbin, Austin, 155
Corbin, D. C, 154
Cote, J. B. Z., 219
Courtney, George L., 40
Cowichan expedition, 226-229, 231, 238, 239
CraigmUe, Lord, 96
Crawford, E., 123
Crown Point mine, 154
Cucucusis, A. P., 220
Cunard Line, 2
Daniels, 178
Davis, T., 192
Dawson, George M., 148, 159
Deaville, A. S., 26
Deer Park Mountain, 152, 153
Denny, Peter, 49
Denny Brothers, 49, 52,55,57, 59,119-121
Dewdney, Edgar, 162
Dewdney TraU, 152, 162
Dickenson, Henry, 173, 177, 178
Doan, Henry, 163
Douglas, David, 147, 148, 158, 159
Douglas, Sir James, 222-239
Dvkes. Kootenay, 205, 206
Eastman, B. L., 152
Ebony, 238
Elder, Dempster & Company, 71
Elder, John, & Company, 10, 38, 69, 83, 118
Elkington, J. J., 182
Elwyn, Thomas, letters to, 212, 213
Emma, Queen, 167, 175, 179
English-Canadian Company, 153
Enterprise mine, 154
Esquimalt Marine RaUway, 75
Evening Star mine, 154
Fairfield Shipbuilding & Engineering Company
Limited, 10, 81-84, 86, 100, 118, 120
FarweU, A. S., 158, 190, 193, 210-212, 214;
instructions to, 211
Female immigration, 168-171
Fernie, WUliam, 149, 150, 162, 163, 212
Ferrier, Janet, 175, 177
5th Siding—see Golden
Flat Bow Lake, 160, 161
Forster, George, 154
Forts and trading-posts, ColvUe, 147, 148, 160;
Rupert, 222, 230; Vancouver, 7, 147; Victoria, 221, 230
Foster, Sir George, 17, 110, 111
Fowler, S. S.. 149, 152, 162, 163
Franklin, Lady (Jane Griffin), 167,168,182
Fraser, J. S. C, 156
Fry, Dick, 150
Furness, Withy Company, 71
Galena Bay, 150, 152
GaUows Point, 227
Garrett, Rev. A. C, 168
Gaudin, Capt. James, 35
Georgia mine, 154
Gertrude mine, 154
Geyer, Karl Andreas, 148, 159
Gibson, John, 219
Goat River, 214
Golden, petition from citizens, 218-220
GoUedge, Richard, 238
Goode, Rev. WUliam, 166
Gopher mine, 154
Gourlay Brothers, 69
Gracie, Beazley & Co., 4
Grand Pacific Hotel, Suva, 53
Great Western mine, 157
Grenham, Thomas, 231, 232
Grohman—see Baillie-Grohman, W. A.
Grohman Narrows, 199
Gulick, L. H., 181-183
Haffner, George, 219
Hamilton, J. H., The "All-Red Route," 1893-
1953, 1-126
HammU (.also HammUl), Thomas, 149, 150,
188,189,212
Hanna, Frank, 155
Hany, J. B., 219
Harbour Steam Company, 49
Hariand & Wolff, 87, 121
Harris, C. C, 172, 173, 183
Harvey, A. G., 148, 159
Hawaiian Reformed Catholic Church, 172
Hawkins, L. S., 77
Hearst, George, 149, 158, 161-163 Index
251
Heinze, F. Augustus, 154, 156
HeUenic Mediterranean Lines Ltd., 86, 120
Helmcken, Dr. J. S., 225, 229, 230, 239
Hendryx, Dr. W. A., 151, 152
Henry, Joseph, 219
Herd, Capt J. W., 78
Hillhouse, Dr. Percy, 84
HUliard, 232
HUls, George, 168
Hipa, Martha, 181
Holland, Sydney, 98
Home of the Epiphany, Lahaina, 174, 177
Homestake mine, 153
Hoover, Newlin, 153
Howay, F. W., 159
Howie, W. D., 75
Howland & Aspinwall, 6
Huddart, James, 1, 14-21, 23, 32, 38-50, 53,
65, 67, 101-105, 118, 121, 123
Huddart, James, and Co., 41, 42
Huddart, Parker & Co., 14, 16, 47, 48, 69, 122
Huddart, Peter, 47
Hunter, 42
Hutson, W., 230
Ibbotson, Rev. Edmund, 174, 175, 181
Idaho mine, 153
Imperial Steam Navigation Company, 45
Industrial Female CoUege, 177
Iolani, 174
Ireland, W. E., Black's Rocky Mountain Journal, 1824, review of; London Correspondence Inward from Eden Colvile, 1849-1852,
review of; Moose Factory Journals, 1783-
85, review of, 141-145
Iron Colt mine, 154
Iron Horse mine, 154
Iron Mask mine, 154
Irons, J. C, 80, 82, 93, 123, 124
Irvine, John, 219
Isaacs, David, 79
Johnstone, 78, 79
Jollibois, J. B., 224
Jones, Emma Elizabeth, 172
Jones, John, 49
Jones, WiUiam Ap, 172, 173, 183
Jordon, Mabel E., The Kootenay Reclamation
and Colonization Scheme and William
Adolph Baillie-Grohman, 187-220
Jumbo mine, 154
Juano, Private, 238
Kaauwai, WiUiam HoapiU, 172, 173, 179
KaheU, Emilie, 181
Kamehameha IV, King, 166, 167, 173-175, 179
Kamloops Museum Association, 136, 137
Keave\ Tom, 238, 239
Kehane, AUce, 181
Kekuanaoa, Mataia, 175
KeUy, Edward, 150, 151, 188, 212, 213
Kemble, OUver, 99, 100
Kettle FaUs, 148
Kicking Horse River, 218
Kittson, WUliam, 159
Kootenay Chief mine, 149
Kootenay Flats, 187, 190, 193, 196, 203, 206,
207
Kootenay Lake,   147-150,   152,   158-163,  187,
188, 191-195, 199-202, 212-214
Kootenay Lake Syndicate, 191, 194, 213, 215-
217
Kootenay mine, 154
Kootenay Mining and Smelting Company, 151
Kootenay, Old Mines in the West, 147-163
Kootenay     Reclamation     and     Colonization
Scheme and  WilUam Adolph  Baillie-Grohman, The, 187-220
Kootenay Reclamation Committee, 204
Kootenay Reclamation Farm, 205
Kootenay River, 148, 150, 151, 159, 187-199,
201, 202, 210, 211, 213-215, 217-219
Kootenay Syndicate Limited, 196, 200, 205
Kootenay   VaUey   Power   and   Development
Company Limited, 206
Kootenay VaUeys Company Limited, 200, 202-
205
Kukui, Mrs. Kawena, 180
Kuper, Capt. A. L., 226
Kyrke, Venables, 192, 200
Lahaina, 172-179, 181-183
Lambrick, Peter, 219
Lang, F. C, 220
Lang, Robert, 196, 219
Lang, T. Burton, 219
Lardo Creek, 214
Laurier, Sir WUfrid, 108, 109
Lavoie, L., 239
Law, Charles F., 220
Law, George, 6
Lebeau, Joseph, 219
Lemon, John, 224
LeRoi Gold Mining Company, 154
LeRoi mine, 154
LeRoi Mining and Smelting Company, 154-157
Lewis, 203
LeWise mine, 154
Leyson. 152
Lib' May Gold Mining Company, 153
LUy May mine, 153
Lome, Marquis of, 200
Low, Bert, 219
Lower Columbia Lake, 160
LunaUlo, WiUiam Charles, 176
McDonald, Archibald, 148, 149, 160, 161
McDonald, Hugh, 219
Macdonald, W. J., 236, 238
McFee, WUliam, 73
McGUUvray's Portage, 187
McGUlivray's River, 148, 161
Macintosh, C. W., 155
Mclntyre, Peter, 219
McKay, J. W., 227, 235, 238
McKelvie, B. A., The Victoria Voltigeurs, 221-
239
McLoughlin, John, 160, 161
McMillan, George, 220
McNeill, Henry, 237-239
McNeill, Capt. W. H., 237
Macrae, Kenneth, 28 252
Index
MaU service, 5-10, 13-16, 18, 21-28, 33, 44-46,
63-65, 72, 85, 102-115, 117
Makura Globe, 63
Makura Journal, 63
Makura News, 63
Makura Post, 63
Marin, W. H., 77
Martin, Capt. W., 78
Mason, Rev. George, 176, 177, 181
Massey, W. F., 107
Matson Line, 60, 91, 112-115
Matson Navigation Company, 92
Maurice, Louis, 234, 235, 237
Mayflower mine, 154
Menzies, Robert Gordon, 116
Metal Mountain, 162
Mica Creek dam, 206
MUitia,   Vancouver Island—see  The  Victoria
Voltigeurs, 221-239
Mffls, Sir James, 49-52, 75
MUls, WiUiam, 49
Mines in the West Kootenay, Old, 147-163
Miroon, John, 220
Missionary   Misfit   and   Heroic   Slum   Priest,
William Richard Scott, 165-186
Monte Cristo mine, 154
Montigny, Tapisse, 230
Montret, Louis, 230
Moodie, H. R., 219
Moose Factory Journals,  1783-85, review of,
141, 142
Morel, Leon, 239
Moresby, John, 226, 227
Morgan, Capt. G. B., 90
Morigeau, B., 220
Morley, Arnold, 45
Morris, Joe, 153
Motor-ships, 82, 83
Mountain View mine, 154
Muir, Andrew Forest, William Richard Scott,
Missionary Misfit  and Heroic Slum Priest,
165-186
Nahaolelua, Paul, 173
Nanaimo River, 227
Neale, J. M., 180
New Westminster Historic Centre, 137
New York, London and China Steamship
Company, 9
New Zealand and Australian Steam Navigation Company, 14, 15
New Zealand Direct Line, 28
New Zealand Shipping Company, Limited, 20,
38-43, 50, 68, 105, 118
Newbird, James, 230, 234, 235, 237
Nickalls, Florence, 207
Nickel Plate mine, 154
Northern Pacific Steamship Company, 30
O'Brien, Thomas, 219
Oceanic Steamship Company,  11,  13, 28, 43,
50, 51, 63, 104, 106
Oil fuel, 75, 76
Old Mines in the West Kootenay, 147-163
Oppenheimer, David, 24, 25
Opunui, Lucy, 181
Oregon Navigation Company, 188
Orient Line, 23, 24, 125
Pacific MaU Steamship Company, 6, 7, 10, 11,
69, 74
Pacific Steam Navigation Company, 2, 3
Pakee, 239
Palliser, John, 200
Panama, Isthmus of, 1-6, 8, 25, 26, 39
Panama, New Zealand and AustraUan Royal
MaU Company, 8
Parker, T. J., 47
Pearce, Sir WiUam, 10
Pemberton, J. D., 5, 229, 230
Peninsular and Oriental Line, 2, 23, 73, 87, 96,
121
Phillips, Capt. J. D. S., 34, 35, 68, 69
Pilot Bay, 151, 152
Pilot Bay Smelting Company, 149, 161
Pingston, Capt. A., 149, 162, 163
Plaque, TraU, 137-140
Polk, J. K., 6
Port Stanley, 170
Presque Isle, 160
Protection Island, 227
Puaolii, Mary, 181
Puget Sound Agricultural Company, 228
Quontany, Thomas, 230
Rae, Dr. John, 200
Rae, John M., 219
Rates, transportation, 14, 15, 53
Red Mountain, 153, 157
Red Mountain RaUway, 154
Reformed CathoUc Church, 178, 179, 183
Restarick, Henry Bond, 175
Rich, E. E., ed. Black's Rocky Mountain Journal 1824, review of, 142-144; London Correspondence Inward from Eden Colvile,
1849-1852, review of, 144, 145; Moose Factory Journals 1783-85, review of, 141, 142
Richmond ConsoUdated Mines Company, 153
Riondel, Count Edouard, 152
Ridpath, Col. W. M., 154
Roach, John, 10
Robertson, George Morison, 172, 173
RobiUiard, 237
Robins, Rev. C. M., 167
Robson, John, instructions to Gilbert Malcolm
Sproat, 210
Roche, Jessie, 174, 175
Roman Catholic Church in Hawaii, 178
Rooke, Emma, 167
Roosevelt, Theodore, 206, 208
Rosebery, Lord, 45
Rossland, 153-155, 157
Rossland Power Company, 156
Routes, trans-Pacific, 101-110, 117
Rowland, M., 229
Royal Dutch Lloyd, 69
Royal Mail Lines, Limited, 2, 82, 83
Royal MaU Steam Packet Company, 2, 3, 8
Rykert, J. C, Jr., 204
St. Elmo mine, 154
St. Eugene mine, 156
Salter, George Leonard, 206
Salvage, 31, 32, 78-80
Sansum, Lieut. Arthur, 226, 228
Satakarata, Francois, 229, 230
Savage, 112 Index
253
Scott, C. M. S., 171, 172, 181
Scott, WilUam Richard, 165-186
Scott,  Mrs. WilUam Richard,   169,   171,  173,
177, 180
Scott, William Richard, Missionary Misfit and
Heroic Slum Priest, 165-186
Seddon, R. J., 104
Selous, 203
Shaughnessy, Sir Thomas, 52
Shaw, SaviU Company, 28, 119
Ships,   Abyssinia,  22;    Alameda,   11,   13,  22;
Annerly, 202;   Aorangi I, 13, 20, 38-44, 46,
50, 51, 64, 65, 67-70, 118;   Aorangi II, 11,
12, 58, 62, 77, 81-85, 87, 92, 93, 96-101, 115,
116, 118; Aotearoa, 12, 13, 59, 81, 82;
Arawa, 28, 29, 119; AustraUa, 10, 23, 28;
Avenger, 81; Awatea, 12, 87-90, 96, 119;
Beaver, 225-230; Black Swan, 3; Brighton,
55; H.M.S. Britannia, 209; U.S.S. Bush, 89;
California, 7; H.M.S. Charybdis, 54; Chile,
2; City of Melbourne, 10; City of New
York, 10; City of Sydney, 10; Claymore, 79;
Colima, 10; Columbia, 160; Constance, 4;
Cubana, 170; Cyphrenes, 9; Cyrenia, 86,
120; Dakota, 9; Dartford, 58; Dinorls, 3;
Emeu, 3; Empress of Asia, 74, 84, 95;
Empress of Britain, 88, 95; Empress of
Japan, 95; H.M.S. Flora, 54; Foremost 17,
80; Fort Victoria, 71; Forty Nine, 163;
H.M.S. Forward, 171; Hauraki, 12; Himalaya, 33; John Duthey, 35; Kangaroo, 3;
Kilaueu, 174; ATing jBdwarrf, 55; King Egbert, 77; Lombard!, 89; Loongana, 12, 55;
Lome, 30; Lurline, 115; McGregor, 9;
Maheno, 53, 55, 56, 59, 60, 119; Mai/af, 67,
122; Makura, 57, 59-63, 65, 72, 73, 77, 85,
113, 119, 120; Manuka, 13, 57, 58, 120;
Marama, 13, 56-61, 67, 77, 85, 110, 112, 120;
Mararoa, 11-13; Marie Celeste, 99; Mariposa, 11, 13, 63, 115; Maunganui, 13, 86,
113, 120; Menura, 3; AHa>e, 192, 193, 195,
200, 202; Mikado, 9; Mineola, 31, 32;
Mfowera, 14, 15, 18-20, 22-25, 27-34, 41-44,
51, 59, 65, 67, 88, 102, 103, 120-122; Moana,
13, 51-55, 57, 72, 102, 121; Moeraki, 57;
Mongol, 9; Monowai I, 13, 52, 121; Monowai II, 73, 87; Monterey, 115; Moses Taylor, 9; Mud Hen, 192, 193; Nebraska, 9;
Nevada, 9; Niagara, 12, 57, 59-61, 69, 73-
81, 83-86, 92, 93, 115, 121, 122; Norman
Morison, 222; Oratava, 24; Oregon, 7;
Orion, 78; Otter, 233; Paloona, 69; Panama, 7; Penybryn, 73; Peru, 2; Port Kingston, 71, 122; Pride, 89; Prince Alfred, 26;
Prince Robert, 89; Prince Rupert, 54; Prire-
ce« Louise, 34; Princess Patricia, 55; Princes Victoria, 52, 53; Queen, 55; Queen
Alexandra, 55; Queen Afary, 88; H.M.S.
Ramillies, 209; Razmak, 73, 87, 121; Recovery, 226, 228, 229; Rotomahana, 12, 33,
55; Smyrniote, 182; Sonoma, 71; Strathnevis, 30-32; TaW//, 62, 69, 71-73, 87, 121,
122; Tor/ar, 9; H.M.S. Tne/te, 226; H.M.S.
Tribune, 170; Tynemouth, 169, 170; PYwca
<fa Gama, 10; Ventura, 71, 73; Victorian,
55; Virginian, 55; Wathemo, 66; Waima-
rino, 66;   Warrimoo, 14, 15, 18-20, 27, 32-
38, 41, 42, 51, 52, 65, 67, 101, 102, 105, 121,
122; Willochra, 69-71; Fanfcee, 171; Zealandia 7, 10, 13, 69; Zealandia 11, 69, 70,
122;  Zeelandia, 69
Shirley, Catherine Workman, 171
Simpson, Sir George, 223
Smelters, B.C., 154-156
Smet, P. F. de, 147, 200
Smith, Sir Ross, 72
Smithe, WUliam, 189, 190, 196, 212; instructions to Arthur Stanhope FarweU, 211
Society for the Propogation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts, 182
Songhees Indians, 224, 225
Spalding, W. R., 26
Spitzee mine, 157
Spreckels, J. D., 13
Sproat, GUbert Malcolm, 148, 158, 159, 188,
210-212;   instructions to, 210
Sproule, R. E., 150, 151, 158, 163, 188, 189
Sproule Creek, 189
Staley, Rev. T. N., 167, 168, 171-179, 181, 182
Staley, Mrs. T. M., 171, 175, 176
Stephen, Alexander, & Sons Ltd., 60, 69, 1)9,
122
Stevens, H. H., 94, 113
Stitt, WiUiam, 52
Stott, Capt., 22, 28, 31
Strath Line, 30
Strathcona, Lord, 44
Subsidies, shipping, 15-21, 26, 37, 41, 45, 46,
53, 63, 65, 90-94, 98, 101-117
Sullivan mine, 156
Swan, C. S., & Hunter Co., 32, 39, 42, 118,
121
Swan, Hunter & Wigham Richardson Limited,
42
Tamaree, 60
Thompson, David, 187
Thompson, Ross, 155
Thompson, Sir John, 45
Thurston, Sir John, 102
Tod, John, 228, 235
Tolmie, WiUiam Fraser, 7
Tongass Indians, 231, 232
Topping, Col. E. S., 154, 155
Toyo Kisen Kaisha, 74
TraU, 152, 155
Trail Creek, 153, 155
Trail Creek Tramway, 154
TraU Monument, Industry at, 137-140
Tremblay, Alexis, 219
Tucker, 100
Turbine ships, 55, 56, 119
TurnbuU, Elsie, Old Mines In the West Kootenay, 147-163
Union Bay, Vancouver Island, 8
Union Royal MaU Line, 113
Union Steam Ship Company of New Zealand,
1, 2, 4, 11-14, 33, 43, 44, 49-60, 63-67, 69-
77, 81, 82, 84, 86, 87, 91-97, 102-104, 107,
108, 112-115, 118-124
Union Steamships Ltd., 4
United Salvage Proprietary, 78
Upper Kootenay River Canal, 192 254
Index
Vancouver Chamber of Shipping, 124
Vancouver Island, defence of, 221-239
Vancouver Merchants Exchange, 124
Vernon, F. G., 202
VersaiUes, Pierre, 230
Vickers Armstrong, 87, 119
Victoria Voltigeurs, The, 221-239
Virginia mine, 153
Voltigeurs, The Victoria, 221-239
Walkapu, 178
Wailuku, 178
WaUsend Slipway  and  Engineering Company
Limited, 42
War Eagle mine, 153, 156
Ward, F. W., 23, 24
Ward, J. G., 37, 103, 106, 107, 109
Way, 29
Webb, WiUiam H., 9
Weeks, R. I., 212
West Kootenay, Old Mines in the, 147-163
West  Kootenay Power and Light  Company,
206
Whipple, George Brayton, 175
Whipple, Henry B., 173
Whipple, Henry Benjamin, 175
White, Thomas, 196
White Bear mine, 157
Whitefield, Capt. W., 58
WUd Horse Creek, 150, 187
William Richard Scott, Missionary Misfit and
Heroic Slum Priest, 165-186
Wffliams, Capt. J. P., 78
WUUams, Thomas, 238
Work, John, 159, 230, 234, 235
Wright, Whittaker, 155, 156
Yarrow, Sir Alfred, 75
Yates, James, 239
Printed by A. Sutton, Printer to the Queen's Most ExceUent Majesty
in right of the Province of British Columbia.
1961
900-1159-1038 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Organized October 31st, 1922
PATRON
His Honour Frank Mackenzie Ross, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia.
OFFICERS, 1956
Hon. Ray G. Williston       .... Hon. President.
Russell Potter  President.
Mrs. A. D. Turnbull  Past President.
Dr. W. N. Sage  1st Vice-President.
Mrs. Rupert Haggen  2nd Vice-President.
Mrs. K. C. Drury  Honorary Secretary.
Miss Patricia M. Johnson   - Honorary Treasurer.
MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL
Captain C. W. Cates. F. M. Ethertdge. Dr. J. C. Goodfellow.
Mrs. J. H. Hamilton.      Dr. Margaret A. Ormsby.      Mrs. R. B. White.
J. K. Nesbitt Norman Hacking James Armstrong
(Victoria Section). (Vancouver Section). (West Kootenay Section).
William Barraclough      W. A. Burton Leo Mader
(Nanaimo Section). (East Kootenay Section), fBoundary Section).
Mrs. John Freeman John Buckley
(Gulf Islands Section). (White Rock Section).
Willard E. Ireland
(Editor, Quarterly).
OBJECTS
To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history; to
promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics, natural
features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to publish historical
sketches, studies, and documents.
MEMBERSHIP
Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year
commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing receive the
British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge.
Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.

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