British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly Oct 31, 1943

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 THE
BRITISH
COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
OCTOBER,  1943 We
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Published by the Archives of British Columbia
in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
EDITOR.
W. Kaye Lamb.
The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.
ASSOCIATE EDITOR.
WniARD E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C.
(On active service, R.C.A.F.)
ADVISORY BOARD.
J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. F. W. Howay, New V ,-r.
RoatE L. Redo, Vancouver. T. A. Rickard, 1
W. N. Sage, Vaneo
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor.
Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament
Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, EOc. the copy, or $2 the year. Members
of the British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the
Quarterly without further charge.
Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical
Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors
to the magazine. We
BRITISH COLUMBIA
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
" Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. VII. Victoria, B.C., October, 1943. No. 4
CONTENTS.
Page.
An Irishman in the Fur Trade:  The Life and Journals of
John Work.
By Henry Drummond Dee  229
Modern Developments in History Museums.
By Clifford P. Wilson  271-
The Diary of Robert Melrose: Part HI., 1856-57.
(Concluding instalment)      283
Notes and Comments :
His Honour Judge Howay  297
British Columbia Historical Association    297
Contributors to this Issue  299
The Northwest Bookshelf.
Rothery:   The Ports of British Columbia.
By Eleanor B. Mercer  300
The Minutes of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1671-74-
By Sylvia L. Thrupp  301
Coats and Maclean:   The American-Born in Canada.
By G. F. Drummond  303
Index  305 AN IRISHMAN IN THE FUR TRADE:  THE
LIFE AND JOURNALS OF JOHN WORK.
One becomes accustomed to thinking that the early fur-
traders were, in the main, Finlaysons, Frasers, McKays, McTav-
ishes, Mackenzies, and McLeods, who were born and reared in
Scotland. John Work was at least a partial exception to this
rule. He was of north of Ireland stock, although probably
Scottish in origin and Presbyterian by faith. John was born
.about 1792 at Geroddy farm, not far from St. Johnstown, County
Donegal. He was the son of Henry Wark, and the eldest of
a family of six children. Born after him was another boy,
Joseph, who was followed by three sisters and, finally, by the
youngest child, David. Joseph emigrated to America and became a considerable land-owner on the outskirts of Cincinnati.
David was educated for a clerkship in the Hudson's Bay Company, but was disappointed in this ambition by the amalgamation with the North West Company in 1821, when clerks were
being dismissed rather than recruited. He emigrated to New
Brunswick, started a small business at Richebucto, moved to
Fredericton, served in the local Legislative Assembly and Legislative Council, and was appointed to the Canadian Senate at
the time of Confederation. He died as recently as 1905, in his
hundred and second year. David's only child, Miss Helena Wark,
resides in Montreal to-day. Both John and his brother Joseph
anglicized their surname from Wark to Work, but the original
spelling was retained by other members of the family.
Family tradition has it that young John ran away from home
to join the Hudson's Bay Company at their recruiting station in
the Orkney Islands. His contract is dated at Stromness, June
15, 1814, but it seems rather doubtful that a boy of 22 years of
age would have " to run away from home." Be that as it may,
John Work crossed the Atlantic to spend the first few years of
his new life in the vicinity of Hudson Bay. He spent the season
of 1814-15 at York Factory as steward, but was then transferred
to the neighbouring Severn District, where he became second
trader at Severn House.   In 1818-19 he was promoted district
■ British Columbia Historical Quarterly,. Vol. VII., No. 4.
229 230 Henry Drummond Dee. October
•master. Nothing much more than this is known about those
early years. The journals which Work kept during this period
are in existence, in the Hudson's Bay Company Archives in
London, but are as yet inaccessible. Some day they may be produced to add an interesting chapter to an interesting story. We
do know, however, that John was fitting into the Company nicely,
since Nicholas Garry, who had been sent out from England to
implement the coalition between the Hudson's Bay and the North
West companies, described Work as a " Most excellent young
Man in Every Respect."1 It was fortunate for him that this
was so, for it undoubtedly saved him from dismissal, which was.
the fate of many young men during the process of weeding-out
that inevitably followed the amalgamation.2
The coalition made little difference to John Work at first.
He was ranked as a clerk and remained in the Severn District
during 1821-22. He then went to the adjoining Island Lake
District, where he served until 1823.
In July, 1823, John Work, then 31 years of age, left York
Factory to take up new duties in the Columbia District. He was
to spend the rest of his life west of the Rockies, a life which was
to be adventurous but hard, and at times extremely irksome.
Through the thirty-eight years that he lived on the Pacific slope
we can follow his fortunes fairly closely, for this is the period
partially covered by his journals and letters in the Provincial
Archives. Here are treasured the original manuscripts of fifteen
of the journals which he kept in the field. The earliest of the
series commences in July, 1823; the last ends in October, 1835.
Usually when Work was resident at a post, he kept no personal
journal. Naturally this leaves gaps in our record of his life—
gaps which can only be filled by access to the journals of the posts
(1) E. E. Rich (ed.), The Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee. First Series 1825-38. Toronto,
The Champlain Society, 1941. Hudson's Bay Company Series IV. (hereafter referred to as H.B.S., IV.), p. 356.
(2) Governor Simpson planned a ruthless reorganization that would
have involved the dismissal of 250 men. The Governor and Committee
modified this decision to protect " deserving young men " in their employ.
See H.B.S., IV., p. xiii.; and R. Harvey Fleming (ed.), Minutes of Council
Northern Department of Rupert Land, 1821-81, Toronto, The Champlain
Society, 1940. Hudson's Bay Company Series III. (hereafter referred to as
H.B.S., III.), p. 313. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 231
at which he served. Many of these are preserved in the Hud-:
son's Bay Archives, but owing to the war they cannot be consulted at present. It has therefore been necessary to attempt
to fill in the intervals between the journals, as well as the period
after them, by obtaining information from the relatively few
letters from Work which are in existence, and from the many
references to him which are to be found in the papers of his
contemporaries.
The fifteen journals were meticulously kept. They tell of
the day-to-day travels, trials, hopes, and disappointments of the
fur-traders. The keeping of them was due not to the personal
whim of the diarist, but to the specific instructions of his
superiors. They were to embrace methods of trade, the conduct
and character of subordinates,- and the climate, topography, and
vegetation of the country through which their writer passed.3
They were written with a view to being used as guides for others
who might follow the trails blazed by John Work and his companions. Work had a keen, observing eye; as a consequence
his journals are veritable mines of information on fur-trading
practices and on the life and habits of the Indians. Moreover,
before he left home in Geroddy, he had been trained as an operative farmer,4 and he often viewed this vast new country with
a vision of pasture land and fat cattle, of thriving vegetables
and waving grain.
The fifteen journals in the Provincial Archives are not uniform in size. Some are written in standard Hudson's Bay
journals, measuring about 12V£ by 8 inches, while others are on
half sheets folded once. A few are in rough hand-stitched
leather bindings. The ink used was apparently carried in
powder or tablet form, since the writing varies considerably in
colour and density. The twelfth volume must have fallen into
a pool of ink when it was half completed. Entries up to the
accident are partially obliterated by the ink-stain, which extends
in an arc across the bottom corner of the page. Most of these
can nevertheless be read With some difficulty, but transcribers
often gave up the attempt. Amusingly enough, the same transcribers failed to notice that after the accident occurred Work
(3) H.B.S., III., p. 126.
(4) H.B.S., IV., p. 358. 232 Henry Drummond Dee. October
wrote around the ink-stain but not through it. They interpreted
the absence of faint lines through the blot as total obliteration,
breathed a sigh of relief, and simply omitted the bottom quarter
of each page.
Work has been accused of illiteracy in his journals. Quite
the opposite of this is true. He had an extensive and a varied
vocabulary, which enabled him to express himself in interesting
style. The accusation arises for a number of reasons, First,
it is true that his handwriting is crabbed, and many of his words
are deliberately telescoped. It must be remembered that most
of the entries must have been made at night, when Work was
crouched half-frozen over a smoky fire clutching a pen in his
stiffened fingers, or in the intense summer heat of the arid Snake
River country, or in the mosquito-ridden fever camps on the
Sacramento River. Secondly, he used words which are now
obsolete or obsolescent in use or in form. Words have varied
in meaning in a hundred years, and spelling was then more fluid
than it is to-day—facts that editors would do well to remember.
Time and again Work flavours his descriptions with such expressions as " thicketty" woods, through which he travelled in a
" pour " of " weighty " rain, or gazed upon a " jabble " of sea,
lit by flashes of " lightening." Moreover, he used trade expressions which were current in those days, but which were not
familiar to or were unrecognized by those who have attempted
to make transcripts of his journals. For example, the word
apishamore has been rendered variously.5 Marrons, cabrie, and
pluis seem to have utterly defeated editors of the journals.6
Finally, Indian names and expressions proved difficult, not only
because they were hard to trace but because they were spelled
phonetically. John Work was no exception to* the rule that fur-
traders simply rendered these names as best they could. It is
most unfortunate that up to the present the transcriptions of his
journals have been consistently bad. Whole sentences and even
complete paragraphs have been omitted. Mistakes have been
made or blanks left in places where even a small amount of
(5) An apishamore was a saddle blanket, made usually of buffalo calfskin.
(6) Marrons were wild horses; cabrie were prong-horned antelope;
while pluis was an expression of value derived from " peaux," " plus "—
a beaver-skin. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 233
knowledge of the period should have furnished the key to the
problem. As an inevitable consequence, where access to the
original manuscripts was not possible, the printed versions of
these journals suffer badly and are sometimes woefully inaccurate. Indeed it would appear that in no case was the text as
printed collated with the original.7
The earliest of Work's journals in the Provincial Archives
is divided into two parts.8 The first half deals with his voyage
across the continent; the second with his journey from Spokane
House to Fort George9 and thence up the Columbia River again,
where he spent the summer of 1824 superintending a party of
Hudson's Bay employees for whom there was no summer employment and who had been sent up the Columbia to live off the
Indians and the country.
On Tuesday, July 18, 1823, Work left York Factory for the
Columbia. The expedition, the express, consisted only of "two
light canoes, four men in each " ;10 Peter Skene Ogden11 was in
command. The canoes followed the usual route by way of the
Hayes River to Oxford House and from thence to Norway House.
By noon of July 31 they had crossed the dangerous waters at the
northern extremity of Lake Winnipeg, and soon began the ascent
(7) The 14th and 15th journals of John Work, which will be printed in
subsequent issues of this Quarterly, are the first which have been transcribed directly from the originals.
(8) For purposes of identification and cataloguing the original journals in the Provincial Archives have been numbered chronologically
from 1 to 15 (see the checklist appended to this article). The earliest of
the series is thus catalogued as: John Work, Journal 1, (a) York Factory
to Spokane House, July 18-October 28, 1823; (b) Columbia Valley Trading
Expedition, April 15-November 17, 1824 (hereafter referred to as Journal 1
(a) or (6)). For a summary and extracts see Walter N. Sage, "John
Work's First Journal, 1823-1824," in Canadian Historical Association,
Report   .■ .   .   1929, Ottawa, 1930, pp. 21-29.
(9) Originally Astoria, built by John Jacob Astor's Pacific Fur Company.    The present city of Astoria now occupies the site.
(10) Journal 1 (a), entry for July 18, 1823.
(11) Ogden was a former Nor'Wester who, because of his violent attitude towards the Hudson's Bay Company, had been left unprovided for at
the coalition of the two companies. He was later admitted as chief trader
and sent to serve west of the Rockies. He was placed in charge of the
Snake River expeditions at first, and was later given charge of the coastal
trade. 234 Henry Drummond Dee. October
of the Saskatchewan River. Long days, from dawn to dusk,
were spent in the canoes, paddling through the narrow channels
.of the river where the water was shallow and the low muddy
shores were covered with matted reeds and overhung with
clumps of willows. Then they left the main river and penetrated
through a net work of channels to Cumberland House. Here
Ogden and Work spent a very unpleasant day overhauling their
outfits and securing provisions. It was the height of the fly
season and, wrote Work, " We are like to be devoured.   .   .   ."12
From Cumberland House their way lay along the usual brigade route, which followed a chain of lakes, small rivers, and
portages to the Churchill River, and thence west to Lac Ile-a-la-
Crosse. On the way it was found that two of their five bags of
pemmican, that staple of fat and dried meat used by the fur-
traders, were mouldy and the contents rotten. No game could
be secured along the route, so the party spent anxious days until
they overtook the west-bound Caledonia Brigade and secured an
additional supply of food from it. At Ile-a-la-Crosse Work may
have seen James Douglas, for it is altogether likely that Douglas
was there at the time.13
The express pushed on westward up the Beaver River, which
flows into Lac lle-a-la-Crosse, until they arrived at Moose Portage. For some time now the men had been tiring, not only
because of long days spent at paddle and pole, but again because
of the food supply. Four hundred pounds of dried meat had
been taken aboard to be their staple diet. By now the fat bits
had all been eaten and only the worst pieces remained, tough and
hard as shoe leather. Here at Moose Portage they had expected
to find a supply of provisions awaiting them, but of this there
was no sign. In his journal Work indicated that he felt that
there was but little chance of meeting with Indians and no chance
of game because most of the woods had been destroyed by fire.
Since the next cache lay a distance of ten days' travel away, and
since it, too, might be bare, Ogden decided to send Work ahead
to Edmonton in charge of a small party.
Before Work reached Edmonton, he and his men had a terrible time.   Twice they lost their way and floundered through
(12) Journal 1 (a), entry for August 5, 1823.
(13) See Walter N. Sage, Sir James Douglas and British Columbia,
Toronto, 1930, p. 26. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 235
the woods. Beset with rain by day and frost by night, numbed
by cold, gnawed by the pangs of hunger, they finally wandered
into Edmonton on September 3, tired and " wet to the haunches."
They had been eight full days on the journey, and Ogden had
expected them to make the return trip in not more than ten.
Because of Indian wars, Edmonton itself was short of provisions,
but Work managed to secure some pemmican and dried meat
and a few horses to transport the load. Six days later Work
arrived back at Moose Portage to find that Ogden and his party
had gone ahead to a near-by Indian encampment, where they,
too, had secured food. With relief, Work wrote in his journal:
".   .   .   the horses will not be required for eating."14
On September 18 they reached the Athabaska River. What
a welcome change were its deeper waters from the shallow
boulder-strewn streams of the past few weeks! The river was
too swift for paddles, but not too deep for poles, so that progress
was rapid. Day by day as they proceeded the appearance of
the country changed. Poplars gave way to pines. Rapids were
more frequently encountered and the banks were getting higher
and steeper. About noon on the 24th they arrived at Fort
Assiniboine, which was just in the process of being built. As
they continued up-stream from the fort, Work noted seams of
coal in the river-bank, but in his journal, if not in his mind, he
failed to speculate on their later importance to the country.
On October 1 he caught his first glimpse of the Rockies, and
two days later arrived at Rocky Mountain or Jasper House.
" This house," wrote Work, " is built on a small Lake very shallow, and embosomed in the mountains whose peaks are rising up
Vound about it on three sides."15 On October 8 they reached
Moose Encampment and entered the eastern end of Athabaska
Pass. The trail was exceedingly rough and difficult, being encumbered by burnt and fallen trees, by steep banks and swamps.
On October 13 they reached the end of the Portage at Boat Encampment, on the " Big Bend " of the Columbia River.    Here
(14) Journal 1 (a), entry for September 10, 1823.
(15) Journal 1 (a), entry for October 3, 1823. This post, located where
the Athabaska opens into Second, or Burnt, Lake, was built originally by
the North West Company. See Frederick Merk, Fur Trade and Empire,
Cambridge, Mass., 1931, p. 29w; also A. G. Harvey, " The Mystery of Mount
Robson," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, I. (1937), p. 222. 236 Henry Drummond Dee. October
they found that Chief Factor Kennedy16 had been waiting for
them for twenty days. In spite of the difficulties of the route
over the mountains, Work expressed his opinion that the roads
were in " unprecedented good order."17
At Boat Encampment the party embarked, not in canoes, but
in the wooden boats which were typical of travel on the Columbia
River in fur-trading days.18 Their journey down the Columbia
was rapid and uneventful. They safely passed the dreaded
Dalles des Morts, which are some distance above the present
city of Revelstoke. At Upper Arrow Lake Work had his first
view, certainly not his last, of the Pacific salmon. From their
size these must have been spring salmon which were on their
way up the river to spawn and die, their life-cycle completed.
"... They are remarkably fine," he remarked, " when they
first enter the river. . . . The natives are now splitting and
drying these dead and dieing fish for their winters provisions."19
The express arrived at the junction of the Spokane River and
the Columbia on October 21. From this point Ogden and Work
took horses and rode to Spokane House, which was situated on
the north bank of the main Spokane River, just a little above the
junction with the Little Spokane. This fort was the outfitting
point for the Snake River expeditions, and had two outposts lying
to the east—Flathead and Kootenay houses.20 At Spokane Work
spent his first winter on the Pacific coast.
No doubt the months passed pleasantly enough in the novelty
of his new surroundings. When spring came, he left Spokane
with the fur brigade to journey down the Columbia to Fort
(16) Chief Factor Alexander Kennedy was appointed to the Columbia
in 1822, with headquarters at Spokane House. He travelled east in the
spring of 1825.
(17) Journal 1 (a), entry for October 12, 1823.
(18) These boats were about 30 feet long, with a 5%-foot beam, clinker
built, and pointed at both ends. They were capable of carrying eight men
and a load of fifty-five pieces of goods (a piece weighed 90 lb.). Planks of
cedar formed their outer skin. Since nails were scarce, they were only
used to secure the planks to stem and stern-piece. The overlapping seams
were " gummed " with pitch to render the craft watertight.
(19) Journal 1 (a), entry for October 17, 1823.
(20) The old fort lay about 10 miles north-west of the present city of
Spokane. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 237
George.21 It was his first trip down the broad river with which
he was to become so familiar. The season was well advanced
and Work had time to notice and record that shrubs and plants
along the route were in full flower. He protested against the
driving wind which at times roughened the Columbia and partially blinded the travellers with drifting sand. As the brigade
dropped below Walla Walla and traversed" the series of obstructions called Celilo Falls and the Little and Great Dalles, which
stretch for 14 miles, Work described the awe-inspiring sight
which stretched before him: " The river is confined to a narrow
span bordered on each side by steep rocks between which the
water rushes with great violence and forms numerous whirlpools
which would inevitably swallow any boat that would venture
among them."22 He was pleased to find the countryside growing
green and to see oaks, pines, and poplars appearing on the hillsides. At the confluence of the Columbia and the Willamette he
noticed the tides which run up the river some 90 miles from
the sea.
At Fort George, John Work received instructions to conduct
a party of men up the Columbia in order to feed them by trading
with the Indians for provisions. The latter consisted very largely
of salmon, fresh and dried, some sturgeon, and an occasional
dog or horse. The annual ship had not yet arrived from England and supplies were short. With Work went Francis N.
Annance.23 From the 17th of May until July 24 the party
wandered up and down the banks of the river, moving from one
Indian encampment to another. It is typical of Work's thrifty
nature that he leaves us an estimate of the daily cost of feeding
his party, the sum being 3s. 2d. per day to keep a total of thirty-
five men, two clerks, and twelve women. Traffic with the Indians
was not confined to food. " As usual," wrote Work, " some
women arrived in the evening for the purpose of hiring them-
(21) Journal 1 (6), entry for April 15, 1824.
(22) Ibid., entry for May 10, 1824.
(23) Francis Noel Annance entered the employ of the North West
Company in 1820, and became a clerk and interpreter for the Hudson's Bay
Company after the coalition. He was one of McMillan's party to explore
the Fraser in 1824. He was a member of the expedition which established
Fort Langley in 1827, and retired in 1834. 238 Henry Drummond Dee. October
selves to the people for the night."24 The men traded their
tobacco and even their buttons for these creatures, until it was
estimated that only two dozen buttons were left in camp.
By July 24 Work was back at Fort George in order to assist
in getting the brigade ready for the interior. There was still no
sign of the annual supply ship from England, but Chief Factor
Kennedy had decided that the departure of the brigade could be
delayed no longer. As junior officer, Work was detailed to accompany the men to a spot a few miles from the fort, where they
could enjoy their " regale " of rum before beginning the arduous
journey ahead. The senior gentlemen arrived the next morning,
and the brigade set off for Walla Walla, its first stop.
Work left the party there and journeyed by horseback to
Spokane. A few days later he set off with Finan McDonald26
on a trading expedition to the Flathead country. It was a flying
trip to meet the Indians at their summer rendezvous just above
Pend d'Oreille Lake, on Clark's Fork River. Upon their return
they received news that the long-expected supply ship had at last
arrived in the river. Ogden and Work set out immediately for
Fort George in order to secure much-needed provisions. There
was need for haste and they drove their men hard. Work was
back at Spokane Forks when on October 27, 1824, a west-bound
express arrived from York Factory bringing Governor Simpson,
Dr. John McLoughlin, and James McMillan.
This was Simpson's first inspection trip to the west. He was
intent upon retrenchment and reform, and had come to see for
himself the state of affairs in the Columbia District. By the time
he visited Spokane House definite plans were forming in his
mind, some of which were to affect Work's own future. Simpson
proposed to send out the Snake River expedition in November,
instead of in the spring, so that it could proceed much farther
afield than formerly. It might even penetrate into Northern
California, and perhaps return by way of the Umpqua and Willamette rivers to Fort George. Several of Ogden's and Work's
historic expeditions were planned with this in mind.    Simpson
(24) Journal 1 (6), entry for May 29, 1824.
(25) Finan McDonald, clerk, was at Spokane House when Simpson
passed in 1824. He was then sent to command an expedition into the
Umpqua Valley.    He remained in the Columbia until his retirement in 1827. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 239
was anxious to make the posts as self-sufficient as possible.
" It has been said," he wrote, " that Farming is no branch of the
Fur Trade but I consider that every pursuit tending to leighten
the Expence of the Trade is a branch thereof."26 Lastly,
Simpson sought information about the lower reaches of the
Fraser River, with a view to establishing a post there which
should take the place of Fort George as the headquarters of the
Columbia District. He hoped that, if the lower Columbia became.
American territory by the impending settlement of the boundaries west of the Rockies, the Fraser River might become an
alternative route to the vast hinterland north to New Caledonia.
Work travelled down the Columbia in Simpson's party to
Fort George. There Simpson placed James McMillan27 in charge
of an expedition to explore the Fraser. Work was one of the
party, which consisted in all of thirty-nine men. From the
mouth of the Columbia they made a portage overland to Shoalwater Bay, in order to avoid the open water around Cape Disappointment. From there they began a tedious and difficult journey northward, paddling along the outer beaches of bays and
dragging the boats behind exposed promontories for miles at a
time. The usual November weather, with heavy rain and strong
westerly winds, prevailed. Finally they turned eastward, up the
tortuous Chehalis River, and thence north up the narrow Black
River, paddling through deep water and scrambling through
shallows and over obstructions of driftwood. Time and again
they chopped a path through the tangles for their boats.
At length a further portage brought them to the head of Puget
Sound. Thence they paddled through the islands north to
Semiahmoo Bay, where they took shelter while waiting for the
weather to moderate in order to permit them to cross to Point
Roberts, which Indians told them formed the southern side of the
entrance to the Fraser River. Abandoning this idea because of
continued bad weather, they proceeded along the eastern shore
of the bay to the Nicomekl River. From the headwaters of this
crooked little stream they portaged to the Salmon River, down
(26) Merk, Fur Trade and Empire, p. 50.
(27) James McMillan, a former Nor'Wester, was appointed Chief
Trader at the coalition, in 1821, He accompanied Simpson on his first trip
west in 1824, and explored the lower reaches of the Fraser later in the
year.   He established Fort Langley in 1827, and retired in 1839. 240 Henry Drummond Dee. October
which they paddled to its junction with the Fraser. " At this
place," wrote Work, " it is a fine looking River at least 1,000
yards wide, as. wide as the Columbia at Oak Point. . . . From
the size and appearance of the River there is no doubt in our
minds but that it is Frazers."28
The expedition explored the Fraser as far as Hatzic Slough,
and saw the Cheam Peaks in the distance. Because of the wintry
weather, McMillan decided not to attempt to penetrate the canyon
to Kamloops; moreover, the Indians represented these middle
reaches as being easily navigable.29 Then began the return journey, the first stage of which took the party down the Fraser to
its mouth.30 On Monday, December 20, they paddled out of the
estuary and saw Point Grey to the north. Their course lay south
around Point Roberts and back to the head of Puget Sound.
Once over the portage to the Black River the party separated.
McMillan, Work, and Laframboise, the interpreter, accompanied
by six men, set out to find a route overland to the Cowlitz River
and thence to Fort George. This led to the discovery of the
Cowlitz Portage, which later became an established Hudson's
Bay route from the Columbia to Fort Nisqually. The rest of the
party returned by the outward route.
As a result of this expedition Simpson left the Columbia in
hopes that the Fraser River would provide a highway from New
Caledonia to the sea. As a beginning, Fort Langley was built in
1827-28. Not until Simpson returned and travelled through the
Fraser Canyon in 1828 did he see for himself the impracticability
of this projected route.
Meanwhile Work remained on the lower Columbia, where, in
the spring of 1825, he was employed in moving goods and equipment from Fort George to a new post called Fort Vancouver,
almost opposite the mouth of the Willamette River.   It lay on
(28) Journal 1 (b), entry for December 16, 1824.
(29) It seems strange that neither McMillan nor Simpson was familiar
with Simon Fraser's exploration of the Fraser in 1808.
(30) At one time one of the rivers flowing into the Fraser from the
north was known as the Work River. This appears to have been the Stave
River of to-day. See Denys Nelson, Fort Langley 1827-1927, Vancouver,
B.C., 1927, p. 10; also Archibald McDonald, Peace River: A Canoe Voyage
from Hudson's Bay to Pacific . . . in 1828, Ottawa, 1872, entry for October
10, 1828. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 241
the north side of the Columbia, which would keep it in British
territory if the Columbia became the boundary between the
American and British possessions. During this time Work made
the acquaintance of the famous botanist David Douglas,31 who
had just arrived from England. Later Douglas was to accompany Work on some of his expeditions, and the two became firm
friends. Douglas noted in his diary a number of specimens
which Work had generously collected for him.32
In June, 1825, John Work was assigned to the interior
brigade. Simpson had originally intended that he and Thomas
McKay33 should take charge of an expedition to the Umpqua
country. On reconsideration, Simpson felt that Work did not
have the necessary experience, so Finan McDonald was sent in
his stead, while Work returned to Spokane House to take temporary command " until the arrival of some Commissioned Gentlemen from the other side."34
When the brigade reached Walla Walla, a trading party was
sent up the Snake River to secure horses for the New Caledonia
pack-trains. John Warren Dease35 commanded this expedition,
of which Work was a member. The party went as far up the
Snake as its junction with the Clearwater, and managed to secure
112 animals. Work and six men were left to drive these horses
overland to Spokane and Okanagan, while the remainder of the
expedition returned by canoe to Walla Walla.
(31) David Douglas spent the next two years on the Columbia. In 1827
he travelled overland to Hudson Bay and thence to England. He returned
to the Pacific in 1829, and was accidentally killed in the Hawaiian Islands
in 1834.
(32) See David Douglas, " A Sketch of a Journey to the North-Western
Parts of the Continent of North America," in Companion to the Botanical
Magazine, Nos. 15, 16, and 17, London, 1835-6, p. 89.
(33) Thomas McKay (d. 1850) was the son of John McLoughlin's wife
by a previous union with Alexander McKay, a former Nor-Wester, who lost
his life in the massacre of the Tonquin.
(34) Merk, Fur Trade and Empire, p. 135.
(35) Chief Trader John Warren Dease was in charge of Nez Perces
(Walla Walla) when Simpson passed in 1824. See Merk, op. cit., p. 53.
From there he was transferred to Spokane, and then to Colvile. He died in
1830, en route back to Colvile from Fort Vancouver, where he and McLoughlin had had a quarrel.   See H.B.S., IV., pp. xcix.-c. 242 Henry Drummond Dee. October
At Spokane Work received a note from Governor Simpson
instructing him to abandon Spokane House and to remove all
goods and supplies to a new post at Kettle Falls, which was to be
built under his direction. Work was ordered further to see that
the Kootenay and the Pend d'Oreille rivers were examined with
a view to sending out the Kootenay and Flathead outfits by water
rather than by pack-horse. Governor Simpson had first thought
of Kettle Falls as a possible alternative to Spokane House when
he passed the falls on October 26, 1824. The soil was good and
fish were plentiful. Moreover, the 60-mile pack-horse trail from
the Columbia to Spokane House could be avoided. Simpson personally selected a site:
... a beautiful point on the South side about 3/4ths of a Mile above the
Portage where there is abundance of fine Timber and the situation elegible
in every point of view. An excellent Farm can be made at this place where
as much Grain and potatoes may be raised as could feed all the Natives of
the Columbia and a Sufficient number of Cattle and Hogs to supply his
Majestys Navy with Beef and Pork. ... I have taken the liberty of
naming it Fort Colvile.   .   .   .36
Work dispatched his subordinate, Thomas Dears,37 to commence construction of the new fort, while he himself went to
conduct the summer trade with the Flathead Indians, as in the
previous year. When returning he was compelled to travel
slowly and cautiously, for the canoes were overloaded. Rapids
could only be run with half-cargoes; the remainder of the goods
had to be carried down the boulder-strewn banks. Back at Spokane House, Work spent a short time in routine operations and
then, on the last day of August, 1825, he repaired to Kettle Falls
to see how Dears had been getting along with the new fort.
To Work's disappointment little progress had been made, but it
was not long before his energetic nature began to make itself felt.
A pit was dug for whip-sawing lumber, a cart was constructed to
haul logs and timber, and the men were distributed over a wide
variety of tasks.   When Work left for Spokane on September 4,
(36) Merk, Fur Trade and Empire, p. 139. Andrew Colvile was a director and later Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company.
(37) Thomas Dears entered the Hudson's Bay Company service as a
clerk in 1817. After serving at York Factory, Island Lake, and other posts,
he was appointed to the Columbia. From thence he went to New Caledonia,
where he served until he retired in 1836. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 243
he felt reasonably sure that the stores building, at least, would be
completed for use that fall. However, he was doomed to disappointment, for when he returned to Colvile later to meet the east-
bound express, he found that not a timber of the building was
yet up. Dears had been peculiarly inept, and Work's exasperation crept into his journal: " Certainly there is little work done
for the number of men & time they were employed."38 Meanwhile instructions had arrived from Chief Factor McLoughlin
directing Work to stop construction, since the site was on the
south side of the Columbia and therefore lay in territory which
might soon become American. Directing Dears to stop work as
soon as he had collected the timber for the storehouse, Work
returned to Spokane House. It seemed to him that there was no
other spot at Kettle Falls, on either side of the river, where a
fort could be built. Perhaps for this reason McLoughlin's order
was later rescinded and work on Fort Colvile recommenced.
At Spokane, Work spent the fall of 1825 in preparing for the
long winter ahead. Firewood was collected. Corrals were built
for the horses. Charcoal-pits were dug, filled with wood, and
fired. Houses were repaired against the winter cold and then
neatly whitewashed. In November, Work began to assemble the
outfit for the Flathead trade which he was to accompany, while
,J. W. Dease came from Walla Walla to take charge of Spokane
House. On the 14th, Work and eight men set out for Flathead
House,39 which he found to be a scene of desolation. The buildings were still standing, but doors and windows were gone.
The floors had been torn up by Indians in search of small treasures, and many of the broken parts had been burned. However,
organized activity soon remedied this situation. Squares of
scraped skin were fitted to form windows, mats were placed on
the roofs to keep out the wet, new doors were made and hung,
and the party settled down to spend the winter.
Indian bands came and went, and from them Work learned
a little of their love of pomp and ceremony.    A chief arrived with
(38) John Work, Journal 4, June 21, 1825-June 12, 1826, entry for September 19, 1825.
(39) Flathead House was situated near the site of the existing railway
station at Eddy, Montana, on the main line of the Northern Pacific Railway.
See T. C. Elliott (ed.), " Journal of John Work, 1825-1826," in Washington
Historical Quarterly, 5 (1914), p. 183, n. 101. 244 Henry Drummond Dee. October
his people and fired a salute to the fort. Not knowing this custom, Work omitted to fire a salute in return. The chief was a
little put out, but Work hastened to placate him with the promise
that the fort would fire a salute as he departed. " I understand,"
he wrote, " it is pleasing to the Indians to receive this mark of
respect. As the expense is but trifling we intend returning their
salutes when they arrive in future."40 It was by such small gestures as well as by its wisdom in larger matters of policy that
the Hudson's Bay Company kept the friendship and respect of the
natives.
On January 4, 1826, in obedience to a request from Dease,
Work set out for a brief visit to Spokane. No hint appears in
Work's journal as to the reason for the visit, but later entries
show that Work did not consider it to be of much importance.
During this winter Work first makes mention of his wife, Josette
Legace, a Spokane woman, who was to share his fortunes and to
care for his children. In February, before spring had come, and
while trading was still incomplete, Dease ordered Work back to
Spokane House to make out the annual accounts for that place.
In considerable exasperation, openly expressed in his journal,
Work obeyed. The trip from Flathead House was an exceedingly
difficult one, for although the river was partially frozen over the
ice was too weak to bear the weight of the men and they had to
resort to stumbling along the shores. Over the Skeetsho Portage,
from the Pend d'Oreille River to Spokane, snow lay 3 feet deep,
through which the party stumbled on foot until, at an Indian
camp, they were able to secure snow-shoes.
Work was kept busy at Spokane making up the accounts and
assisting in preparations to abandon the post. On April 7, 1826,
the last pack-train left the old fort. No expressions of regret at
leaving are found in Work's journal. Instead there appears a
longing for spring, until on the last day of. March he could write:
" The ground about the fort is getting quite green, and the bushes
are putting forth their leaves and some small plants flowering."41
From 1826 to 1830 John Work's life centred around the new
fort at Colvile. It is not to be inferred that he was there all or
even most of the time, for he was constantly on the move in the
(40) Journal 4, entry for December 9, 1826.
(41) Ibid., entry for March 31, 1826. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 245
district of which Colvile was the centre. In June, 1826, he
accompanied the New Caledonia brigade, under the command of
Chief Factor William Connolly,42 from Okanagan to Fort Vancouver. In the party was James Douglas, making his first journey south, and David Douglas, the botanist, with whom Work
renewed his earlier acquaintance. They remained at Vancouver
for three weeks only, since the supply ship had arrived and stores
were available. On July 14 the brigade arrived back at Walla
Walla, and once more Work was sent on a trading expedition up
the Snake River to secure horses for the use of the New Caledonia
outfit. When the horses were collected, the two clerks, John
Work and James Douglas, were detailed to drive them north.
With them was David Douglas. For a while their paths lay
together, but at the site of Spokane they parted, Douglas with the
bulk of the herd proceeding to Okanagan, and Work to Colvile.
From Colvile that same summer Work pioneered a new route
to the trading-grounds on Clark's Fork. In the fall, after the
east-bound express had passed, he planned to examine the navigability of the lower reaches of the Pend d'Oreille River. But his
journal breaks off on September 15,43 two days before he was
scheduled to start, so that we have no means of knowing whether
he made the expedition or not.
From September 15, 1826, to May 20, 1828, when his next
journal starts, we know little about John Work's activities.
David Douglas saw him when he passed with the annual express
in April, 1827. In January, 1828, from Fort Colvile, he wrote to
his old friend Edward Ermatinger,44 and he was still there when
the east-bound express passed on April 11, 1828. During these
years his health had been bothering him. Sore eyes had tormented him to the point of blindness; and although he was
recovering, his sight was still weak enough to make writing a
great effort.    In 1828 he suffered from quinsy, from which he
(42) Chief Factor Connolly was in charge of New Caledonia from 1824
to 1831.    James Douglas married his daughter Amelia.
(43) John Work, Journal 5, July 5-September 15, 1826, entry for September 15, 1826.
(44) Work to Ermatinger, Colvile, January 2, 1828 (original in Provincial Archives). Edward Ermatinger, with his brother Francis, was
apprenticed to the Hudson's Bay Company in 1818. He remained in the
service for only ten years, and then retired to St. Thomas, in Upper Canada. 246 Henry Drummond Dee. October
had scarcely recovered when he was attacked by a bull on the
farm at Colvile, " The effect of whose blows," wrote his garrulous
friend, John Tod, " he is never likely to get the better [of ]. . . ."45
In May and June, 1828, he made another trip to Fort Vancouver, with Connolly and the New Caledonia brigade. On this
expedition the dangers the fur-traders ran in their travels became apparent. At Priest's Rapid, between Okanagan and Walla
Walla, one of the boats was overturned and three of the men were
drowned.
That winter, Work was again stationed at Colvile. In March,
1829, he paid his respects to Governor Simpson when the latter
passed the post on his way east. In the summer, Work met Connolly for a third time at Okanagan and accompanied the brigade
to Fort Vancouver. There he became one of a punitive expedition sent against the Clatsop Indians, who were alleged to have
murdered the crew of the wrecked brig William and Ann and to
have plundered her cargo.46 Work did not care for his baptism.
of fire: " . . . It is very well," he wrote, " to sing' 0 for the life
of a soldier' and laugh and talk about these affairs, but trust me
my friend it is no jest being engaged in them   .   .   ,"47
When Work returned up the Columbia he found that Dease
had been taken seriously ill and had to go to Fort Vancouver.
Work assumed command of the Colvile District and took up his
headquarters at the Flatheads, leaving Francis Heron48 in charge
at Colvile. It was not an unwelcome change: " . . . I am rid of
the farm and pigs," he wrote, " a circumstance I by no means
regret.   .   .   ."49
On his return to Colvile in April, 1830, Work left for Walla
Walla and Fort Vancouver in charge of a herd of horses. The
reason for this expedition remains obscure.   There is no evidence
(45) Tod to Ermatinger, McLeod's Lake, February 14, 1829, in Papers
of Edward Ermatinger, 1826-1843 (transcript in Provincial Archives).
(46) See H.B.S., IV., pp. Ixxvii., 71-3.
(47) Work to Ermatinger, Flat Heads, March 19, 1830 (original in
Provincial Archives).
(48) Heron entered the service of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1812.
Not until 1829 did he come to the Columbia District, where he was stationed
at Colvile until 1835. He received his commission as Chief Trader in 1828,
and retired in 1839.
(49) Work, loc. cit. 1943      ,       An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 247
in his journal50 or letters to prove that these animals carried all
or even part of the annual returns. In all probability they were
intended to swell the herd at Fort Vancouver, or for use in the
Umpqua expeditions, or to begin a pack-train across the Cowlitz
Portage to Puget Sound, now that Fort Langley was completed.
He left Colvile with five men and thirty-five horses. The party
followed the valley of the Colvile River and crossed to the source
of the Chimakine, which flows into the Spokane River and thence
south. According to T. C. Elliott the route which they followed
later became the regular wagon route between Colvile and Walla
Walla.51 They l6st but one horse on the journey. At Walla
Walla another sixteen horses were secured, and the whole band
was made to swim the Columbia to the north bank. From this
point west to Fort Vancouver the party pushed along that side of
the river. At times they kept close to its banks and at others
they wandered inland in search of a better road. Certainly from
Work's description, no expedition had forced its way through
that wilderness before. Not without a little pride he was able to
state that on Monday, May 31,1830, he had arrived at Fort Vancouver with forty-eight of his fifty horses.
It is reasonable to suppose that John Work spent that summer
at Fort Vancouver. In August he was appointed to succeed
Peter Skene Ogden as leader of the annual Snake River trapping
expedition, while Ogden himself was to undertake the difficult
task of founding a post on the Nass River, far to the north.52
When he set out on his new mission Work was accompanied by
Josette Legace, his " little rib." She and her growing family
were to share the hardships and dangers of this and many later
expeditions. The Snake River party consisted of forty-one men,
and seventy-four women and children. They had with them 272
horses to carry their provisions, traps, and leather lodges. Their
journey lay south-east from Walla Walla, over the Blue Mountains, slanting in an easterly direction towards the Snake River.
Their method of travelling is interesting. Each day the camp
drifted from 10 to 25 miles in a predetermined direction, where it
(50) John Work, Journal 7, April 80-May 81, 1880.
(51) T. C. Elliott (ed.), "Journal of John Work . . . 1830," in Oregon
Historical Quarterly, X. (1909), p. 297.
(52) See H.B.S., IV., p. lxxxv. 248 Henry Drummond Dee. October
was hoped beaver might be plentiful. From the main camp
small groups of trappers fanned out and set their traps in
near-by creeks and little lakes. Sometimes these parties were
away for two or three days; sometimes they were merely out
overnight. Quite often traps were set near the main camp itself.
In succession, they passed the Powder and the Burnt rivers until
they reached the main Snake River, which they crossed to the
east side. Here a small party was detailed to hunt the Weiser,
Payette's, and Salmon rivers, with instructions to be back at
Walla Walla by July 10, 1831. The main camp followed up the
Boise River, to avoid the great loop of the Snake to the southward.
Difficulties of the trail beset them. Occasionally an individual was sick. Sometimes the camp would pause while a
woman was taken in labour. Only two days were allowed her,
and then the camp moved on. Work was philosophical about
these delays. He sympathized with the troubles of his people
and made concessions where possible, but, as always with him,
duty came first. " In our present mode of life," he wrote, " a sick
person is wretched indeed as he cannot possibly be properly
attended to notwithstanding the trouble and delay occasioned to
the rest of the party."53 More serious dangers often faced them.
Constant guard had to be maintained against hostile Indians,
especially the Blackfeet. Horses were tethered or corralled at
night—a necessity Work deplored, since it gave the animals but
little opportunity to feed on the scanty grass of the arid country.
In spite of every caution two of his men were ambushed and
killed, and another wounded. That night Work wrote in his
journal:
Thus are people wandering through this country in quest of beaver continually in danger of falling into the hands of these ruthless savages and
certain of losing their lives in the most barbarous manner, independant of
the privations and hardships of every other kind they subject themselves to.M
Finally the party came to Malade River,55 which flows into the
Snake.   They had been trapping a considerable number of beaver,
(53) John Work, Journal 8, August 22, 1880-April 20, 1881, entry for
September 24, 1830.
(54) Ibid., entry for September 25, 1830.
(55) The Malade River (Work's Sickly River) was so named by Donald
MacKenzie because his men were made sick by eating beaver there. Alexander Ross reports a similar experience. See Oregon Historical Quarterly,
XIII. (1912), p. 368w. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 249
but not as many as they had hoped. Work decided to lead them
north to the headwaters of the Salmon River. On the way, they
were followed by a party of American trappers, which they
managed to lose by evasive action. It was now the middle of
November, and ice and snow were gradually gathering, even in
the more sheltered valleys. The day-long marches were especially hard on the women and children. Even some of the more
poorly-clad men suffered intensely. Few beaver had been found, .
so the party turned south once more to the Snake River. Work
intended to spend the winter in the vicinity of Blackfoot Hill,
where many of the friendly Snake Indians were encamped and
where buffalo might be secured for food. Here, huddled in their
leather tents, the party spent the long winter months. Usually
they were able to keep the camp supplied with meat, but it was
coarse, fatless, and stringy. Close watch was kept for marauding Blackfeet, and also over their amicable but none too honest
neighbours, the Snake Indians.
Somehow the winter passed, and on March 18, 1831, they
were on the move again. For some weeks Work's party trapped
the tributaries flowing into the Snake River from the south, such
as the Portneuf, the Bannock, and the Raft rivers. He even sent
two men over the mountains to trap near the Great Salt Lake.
Later he divided his party again, sending eight men to hunt the
east fork of the Owyhee River while the main party pushed south
to the Humboldt. The waters of the latter were flooded, and
not only was the party without furs to show for its labour, but
it had become so short of food that the horses were being slaughtered.    Even the best hunters could find no game.
In the last days of June the expedition headed north and west
towards home, hunting and trapping as they went. They passed
west of the Snake River by Malheur Lake and the Silvies River,
and thence over the mountains to John Day's River. On July
18, John Work, riding ahead of the party, reached Walla Walla.
He and his companions had travelled upwards of 2,000 miles in
their pursuit of fur. Work himself was disappointed in his
returns. They were not good, but for this Work was in no way
to blame. The whole area had been pretty thoroughly exploited
by Ogden's men, and American competition made a good catch
even more difficult. 250 Henry Drummond Dee. October
With the bitter came the sweet. " In compliance with your
Instructions," wrote McLoughlin to the Governor and Committee
in October, 1831, " I have had the pleasure to deliver Mr. Works
commission to him. . . ,"56 This was John Work's appointment as a Chief Trader, dated in London November 3, 1830, and
received at Fort Vancouver while he was still in the wilderness.
Poor Work, for some years he had despaired of promotion. In
March, 1829, he had written Edward Ermatinger that he was
determined to leave the service.57 John Tod expressed his sympathy for his old friend: " . . . if he remains much longer in
the Country neglected I fear he'll die of the spleen."58
Work accompanied the returns from Walla Walla to Fort
Vancouver where, in August, 1831, he was preparing an expedition to the Arrow Stone River.59 McLoughlin did not want
Work to proceed on this expedition, believing that the area was
exhausted. Moreover, an epidemic of malaria had broken out
in the lower Columbia, and the supply of able-bodied men was
insufficient to penetrate into such a hostile country. However,
Work pressed his request and McLoughlin reluctantly agreed,
with the proviso that the expedition should hunt the branches of
Clark's Fork and give the district trapped the previous season
a rest. To strengthen the small force Work took along a cannon
with which to rout hostile tribes.
The party left Vancouver for Walla Walla on August 16 or
17, 1831. Some of the men were already ill with malaria and
as these recovered more were stricken. ". . . Every boat was
like a hospital. . . ," wrote Work.60 At Walla Walla they were
delayed not only by waiting for the sick to recover but by an
insufficiency of horses. A cloud seemed to hang over the party
from the start. Even Work felt it, for he wrote to John McLeod:
" I escaped with my scalp last year, I much doubt whether I shall
(56) McLoughlin  to  the  Governor  and   Committee,  Fort  Vancouver,
October 20, 1831, in H.B.S., IV., p. 230.
(57) Work to Ermatinger, Colvile, March 28, 1829   (original in Provincial Archives).
(58) Tod to Ermatinger, New Caledonia, April 10, 1831 (in Ermatinger
Papers).
(59) The name applied by Work and his contemporaries to Clark's Fork.
(60) Work to Ermatinger, Fort Vancouver, August 5, 1832 (original in
Provincial Archives). 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 251
be so fortunate this trip."61 In spite of the dangers, his wife
and three small daughters accompanied him. From September
11 to the 26th they journeyed eastward to near the present town
of Weippe, in Idaho. Then they travelled by the famous Lolo
Trail to the Bitterroot River. From this point the expedition
crossed to Hellgate Canyon. Work then proceeded up the Hell-
gate River, which flows out of this defile, to the Big Blackfoot
River. While in this neighbourhood he received information
that a large party of Americans had hunted the branches of the
Missouri, which he had planned to trap. It was disappointing
news. He was now in territory belonging definitely to the
United States, and it is more than surprising that he planned to
hunt there, in view of strict orders against such poaching which
had been issued from the Company's headquarters.62 But it was
the presence of American trappers and an ambush by Blackfeet,
who killed two of his men, that deterred Work, and not orders
from London.
On November 2 he began to direct his expedition southward
to the Big Hole and Beaverhead rivers. These drain a basin of
land in Montana about 100 by 150 miles in extent, where Work
intended to hunt buffalo to keep the expedition in food. This
was the country of the dreaded Blackfeet and he was very uneasy.
One evening the Indians attacked just at dusk, but the camp was
not caught napping. The cannon was loaded and fired and the
surprised Indians melted away into the darkness. Only one of
Work's people was wounded. In the succeeding days the party
began a retreat westward up the Beaverhead River to the mountains. Once more they had a brush with the Blackfeet, and this
time escaped unscathed. On December 15, 1831, they crossed
the Lemhi Pass in 2 feet of snow and followed down the Lemhi
River. Work had intended to move down the Lemhi to the
Salmon, but he had been told that a large party of Americans
were camped at the junction of these two rivers. So the expedition turned south along the mountains and again crossed into
the Blackfoot country by way of the Bannack Pass, and retraced
their steps toward the Big Hole River.
(61) Work to John McLeod, Nez Perces, September 6, 1831 (original in
Provincial Archives).
(62) See H.B.S., IV., p. lxiv. 252 Henry Drummond Dee. October
At daybreak on January 30, 1832, they were attacked by 300
Blackfeet, who kept up the onslaught until noon. Two of Work's
party were wounded, two friendly Indians were hurt, and one
was killed. Work himself was wounded in the arm. Their
precious cannon was again called into action but burst on the
third discharge. However, five or six of the Blackfeet were
killed, including the chief of the attacking party. Once more
the expedition retraced its steps to the mountains, and crossed
by the Bannack Pass to the west.
Until June 23, 1832, they hunted through the maze of mountains and streams in the Salmon River area of Idaho, some
distance north of the country that they had trapped the previous
season. They had but little success, and now had reached a
branch of the Weiser which they followed down to the main
Snake River. Here they crossed by a skin canoe with but one
casualty—a Company mule which was drowned. It was to be
expected that Work would follow the usual route back to Walla
Walla, but he could not resist one last attempt to add to the
paltry number of beaver-skins which they had managed to secure.
He decided to push westward up the Burnt River in an attempt
to cross the mountains to John Day's River and make a circuitous
route to Walla Walla. The party reached the latter river but
without many additional beaver. All they succeeded in doing
was to add to their ill-fortune, since one of the trappers disappeared en route. Hunt as hard as the conscientious Work could,
this unfortunate man was not to be found63 and the expedition
proceeded to Walla Walla without him. Two of the three parties
which Work has sent out also arrived safely. Neither secured
any beaver. A group of four men which had left them to descend
the Salmon River had met with disaster. Two of the party were
drowned; the others lost everything they had, even their clothes,
but with the help of friendly Indians managed to reach the fort.
" Mr. Work's Returns are very poor," wrote McLoughlin to
the Governor and Committee, " yet I owe it to him to state that
though such is the case, I am satisfied that he did the utmost
(63)  In the course of the expedition the following year it was ascertained that the man had been murdered by Indians. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 253
that could possibly be done in this instance, as also, I believe,
in every other instance in which he had any duty to perform."64
This tribute to his faithfulness may have helped Work to forget
the difficulties of a dangerous and rather profitless journey.
" I am going to start with my ragamuffin freemen to the
Southward towards the Spanish settlements," wrote Work in
August, 1832, " with what success I cannot say."65 He had been
at Fort Vancouver since his return from the Blackfoot Country,
and now, less than a month later, was preparing to set out again
on his peregrinations in the wilds. Once more Mrs. Work and
her children faithfully accompanied her husband, in spite of his
decision to the contrary.
From Fort Vancouver the expedition ascended the Columbia
to Walla Walla. Malaria again dogged their footsteps and here
the number of cases increased sharply. Thinking that the fort
might be the source of infection, Work moved his camp a few
miles down river to the Umatilla. On September 8 the expedition got under way, leaving behind Work's able assistant,
Francois Payette, who was too ill to proceed. The party moved
steadily south through the Blue Mountains until they reached
John Day's River, following the same route outward as on the
return journey in the spring of 1831. From John Day's River
they crossed to the Silvies, which they followed south. Work
had planned to trap the country eastward to the Humboldt River,
but in view of the lateness of the season he decided to push south
to the Sacramento as quickly as possible. For some days, therefore, their journey lay through desert country and along the
edge of almost dry salt or alkali lakes, where fresh water was
scarce. On one occasion they marched 32 miles, a two days'
journey, because no water was to be found at the first water-hole.
On October 21 the party reached Goose Lake. Passing this lake
they came to the headwaters of Pit River, which flows into the
Sacramento. From this point they were never far from the
main river, as they pushed southward on its eastern side, exploring each little stream and tributary as they went. High water
forced them to construct dugout canoes to use in their search
for beaver, but so far very few had been taken.
(64) McLoughlin to the Governor and Committee, Fort Vancouver,
October 28, 1832, in H.B.S., IV., pp. 103-4.
(65) Work to Ermatinger, Fort Vancouver, August 5, 1832 (original
in Provincial Archives). 254 Henry Drummond Dee. October
On December 7, to Work's surprise and anger, two messengers from Michel Laframboise appeared in camp on their way
to Fort Vancouver with letters. Laframboise had been sent
south to hunt the coast, and had apparently disregarded his
instructions and come inland to hunt the Sacramento, which had
been assigned to Work. Moreover, he had built canoes just
across the river from Work's camp and, since the spring, had
hunted the river to its mouth. To add to Work's annoyance a
party of Americans was reported to be trapping these lower
reaches. As senior officer, Work sent instructions to Laframboise to meet him to discuss future plans. In the meantime
Work moved down-stream to the Sutter Buttes,66 which rise out
of the valley floor between the Sacramento and the Feather
rivers. It was not until Work was returning from an expedition
up the latter river that Laframboise, driven by starvation, condescended to unite his party with Work's and to accept the
latter's leadership. The united parties returned to the Buttes
and camped there for a month, slaughtering elk by the hundred
and waiting for the high water to abate. Towards the end of
February they moved north, crossed to the west bank of the
Sacramento and proceeded towards the Cascade Mountains.
Arriving at the foothills, Work decided to divide his party. Half
were to push on with their traps after the American party whose
tracks they had discovered. The other half were to remain with
Work and move south towards San Francisco. For about a week
Work's party prospected the shores of San Francisco Bay for
beaver. It was Easter, and some of his Roman Catholic Canadians went on Easter Sunday to mass at the Sonoma Mission.
It will be remembered that Work was not a Catholic, and, as his
subsequent dealings with the personnel of the Mission were not
very happy, his remarks in his journal are not very complimentary to that institution.
'Having decided that it would be impossible to hunt the bay,
Work began to push north along the sea-shore, exploring and
trapping the area to which Laframboise had been assigned.67
(66) Identified by Alice Bay Maloney in "John Work of the Hudson's
Bay Company," California Historical Society Quarterly, XXII. (1943), p.
102.
(67) The party sent out to follow the Americans had in the meantime
returned. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 255
On April 18 the party reached Bodega Bay, upon which stood
the Russian settlement of Fort Ross. The governor objected to
the presence of the party at first, but later became quite cordial
and gave Work a good dinner and the benefit of his knowledge
of the hundred miles of coast north of the fort. It was not a
promising picture, but the indomitable Work decided to push on.
Not until he had nearly reached Cape Mendocino did he realize
the futility of his efforts. The foreshore consisted of nothing
but rugged and steep gullies, and no large rivers were to be
found.
Once again Work decided to split his party. Michel Laframboise was to make his way north as best he could from the Eel
River, where they were now encamped, while Work cut overland
south-east, back to the Sacramento Valley. Work first crossed
by way of the Russian River and Clear Lake to the eastern foothills of the Cascades. From this point several attempts were
made to push eastward to the Sacramento River, but each was
blocked by impassable marsh country. However, he finally
reached the Sacramento farther to the north, followed it down,
and crossed at a point below the Feather. By this time it was
the beginning of June, and Work pushed on southward until
July 18, when he reached his most southerly point, the Stanislaus
River.68 During this time the whole party had taken but few
beaver and in Work's opinion the skins were of indifferent
quality. The heat was almost insupportable, and night after
night was spent in sleepless exasperation because of clouds of
mosquitoes. Moreover, they were annoyed by Indian horse
thieves from near-by villages, who, ignorant of the quality of
Hudson's Bay men, thought they could steal with impunity.
As they began their return journey, Work's party attacked
and defeated two of the guilty villages, recovering in the process
a good many of their horses. The journey north was an uneasy
one; disease dogged their footsteps. They passed Indian villages
which were nearly depopulated, and in which the dead or dying
lay in the bushes around the lodges. Already va few of the
expedition had been stricken. Later whple families were laid
low.    Some wished to stop, and Work had to fight dissension.
(68) See A. B. Maloney, "John Work," California Historical Quarterly,
XXII. (1943), p. 102. 256 Henry Drummond Dee. October
He contended that it would be folly to linger when they had no
medicine. Moreover, he was hopeful that the mountains might
cure these attacks, and in any event Fort Vancouver was not
more than a month's journey away.    They must push on.
On August 26, Work began to keep a list of the people who
were ailing.69 So far only one person had died, but the list
shows that as many as seventy-five people were ill. Among them
were his wife and children, and Work himself was affected. To
make matters worse their trail was being dogged by hostile
Indians, who were aware of their plight.
When they reached the Pit River they turned west to the
Klamath and then to the Rogue. Their progress was pitifully
slow, being only 8 or 10 miles per day. A second member of the
party succumbed, one of the men who had become so weak that
for some days past he had been tied on his horse. From the
Rogue River their way led north to the Umpqua. On October
13 they met Laframboise, who had been sent to look for them,
since rumours had reached Fort Vancouver that the party had
been slaughtered by Indians. Work's hope that the sick would
improve as they moved north through the mountains was realized. Many were still weak, but the danger was past. By
this time they were moving down the trail beside the Willamette
River. The last day of October, 1833, saw all the people and
baggage safe at Fort Vancouver. The most arduous journey
Work had ever undertaken was safely over. The expedition
was not a financial failure, in spite of the fact that Work brought
back only 1,023 beaver and otter after fourteen months in the
field. Chief Factor McLoughlin estimated that it would yield
a profit of £627.70
Work was too ill to resume active duties in the field that year
and stayed at Fort Vancouver during the winter, where he was
probably attended by Dr. Meredith Gairdner, who had arrived
(69) The writer discovered these hitherto unidentified manuscript sheets
inset as pages 12—16 in Fort Simpson, Correspondence outward, September
6, 1841-October 11, 1844 (original in Provincial Archives). Careful checking with the register of people on this journey, as contained in Journal 11,
along with the fact that the totals of persons who were ill correspond with
the totals as given in Journal 12, proved them to concern this expedition.
The sheets in question are now inset in Journal 12.
(70) H.B.S., IV., p. 358. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 257
on the Columbia in May, 1833.71 In the following spring Work
left on a short trading and trapping expedition to the Umpqua
country, which lies beyond the headwaters of the Willamette
River, and through which he had passed on his return the previous fall. The general route followed by the party lay to the
west of the Willamette and crossed its tributaries on that side.
Throughout the journey one is struck by the fact that Work's
journal ceases to be one of a fur-trader or trapper and becomes
one of a farmer or prospective settler. Whether this change of
attitude was unconscious or deliberate it is hard to say. Simpson
states that he " was bred an operative Farmer,"72 which may be
explanation enough. Certainly the contrast is striking between
the meagre description given as he passed there in October, ill
with fever, and the detailed account of the country as it lay
before his eyes in all the beauty of May.
On his return from the Umpqua in July, 1834, Work was
sent to make a report on coal deposits found in the vicinity of
the Cowlitz River.73 He was no sooner back from this venture
than he was directed to take charge of the coasting trade, in place
of Peter Skene Ogden. He left Vancouver on December 11,1834,
on board the Lama, commanded by Captain W. H. McNeill.74
The ship dropped down river to Fort George, where she anchored
beside the Dryad which, with Ogden aboard, had made port the
previous day. The Dryad brought news that the Russians would
not permit the Hudson's Bay Company to establish a post on the
Stikine River, so that there had been nothing for Ogden to do
but to return.75 Unfortunately Ogden had been on his way up
river by boat as the Lama came down, and Work had missed him.
Work therefore returned to Fort Vancouver for new orders.
(71) J6id.,p.344.
(72) Ibid., p. 358.
(73) McLoughlin to William Smith, Fort Vancouver, November 19, 1834,
in H.B.S., IV., p. 132.
(74) McNeill was an American citizen who had joined the Hudson's Bay
Company in 1832, after the Company purchased his brig, the Lama. His
career was associated with the coastal trade. He became a Chief Trader
in 1840 and a Chief Factor in 1856.
(75) On this whole episode see H.B.S., IV., pp. ciii. et seq.; also Donald
C. Davidson, " Relations of the Hudson's Bay Company with the Russian
American Company on the Northwest Coast, 1829-1867," in British Columbia
Historical Quarterly, V. (1941), pp. 33-51. 258 Henry Drummond Dee. October
Back again at Fort George, he re-embarked in the Lama, which
was forced to lie just inside Cape Disappointment, awaiting a
favourable opportunity to cross the Columbia Bar and put to
sea. It was not until twenty days later that wind and wave
permitted the vessel to slip out. On the way north, Work visited
Fort McLoughlin, which had been started in 1833 and which
was now nearly complete. A few days later the Lama arrived
at Fort Simpson, which had been moved the previous summer
from the Nass River to a position at the tip of the Tsimpsean
Peninsula, on McLoughlin Bay.
Work did not take up permanent residence at the fort immediately, but set out in the Lama on a trading expedition to learn
something of the territory over which he had control. He visited
Indian villages on the islands adjoining Dixon Entrance. He
entered the Nass River and dropped anchor near the old fort.
He explored and traded among the islands which strew the coast
from Fort Simpson to Fort McLoughlin. He traded at Nahwitti
Harbour, on Vancouver Island, where Fort Rupert was to be
built later. He touched the Queen Charlotte Islands in his
efforts to secure fur. Much of this time he was dogged by
American vessels. Competition was so keen that prices at one
time rose to a peak of one blanket, five gallons of rum, and ten
heads of tobacco for a single beaver-skin. Between times Work
visited the fort, or allowed McNeill to carry on with the Lama
while he kept a supervisory eye on the post's development.
In August, 1835, the Lama, with Work aboard, set sail for
Fort Vancouver with the returns. On the way south she touched
at Fort McLoughlin and Fort Langley. Work left the ship off
Port Townsend, at the entrance to Puget Sound, and proceeded
by canoe to Fort Nisqually, and thence by the Cowlitz Portage
to the Columbia and Fort Vancouver. McNeill was directed to
bring the vessel around to the River as soon as possible.76
In January, 1836, Work returned to Fort Simpson, where his
control seems to have been that of a field superintendent subject
to change at the whim of John McLoughlin. Upon the arrival
of the steamer Beaver, later in 1836, Chief Factor Duncan Fin-
(76) Work's early experiences on the Northwest Coast have been dealt
with very briefly, as his journals for 1834-35 are to be printed, with an
introduction and notes, in subsequent issues of this Quarterly. 1948 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 259
layson77 was given command of the coastal shipping. After his
departure, James Douglas began to carry out much the same
duties, so that between the two, Work found his powers restricted. However, until 1840 he was regularly employed at
Fort Simpson, and brought the coast returns down each fall.
In the winter of 1837-38 mutiny broke out on the steamer
Beaver, which was lying at Fort Simpson. In its initial stages
the trouble seems to have been confined to two members of the
crew whom Captain McNeill had flogged for insolence. Subsequently the whole crew mutinied and Work was called in to deal
with the problem. Nothing that he could do would induce the
men to serve under McNeill, who was a Yankee. Finally, with
Work acting as Master, and McNeill as a passenger, the vessel
was brought south to Fort Nisqually. There four of the men
were taken into custody, McNeill was reinstated in command, and
Work returned to Fort Simpson. Although the matter was
settled, it did not reflect much credit on Work's executive ability.
Later we will see how McNeill was to continue to be a thorn in
Work's flesh.
An agreement reached with the Russian American Company
in 1839 greatly improved trading conditions on the Northwest
Coast. For one thing it practically ended the exasperating competition of American ships. Extravagant prices and unlimited
sale of liquor could be discontinued. This agreement also led to
the organization of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, since
it created a market for farm produce. While on the Columbia
in 1839 Work assisted in surveying property for the Agricultural
Company's farm at Cowlitz, a survey which assisted the Hudson's
Bay Company in establishing its claims before the joint commission after the Oregon boundary question had been settled in 1846.
James Douglas went north to Sitka to carry out details of
this agreement with the Russians. On his return to Fort Vancouver he found his commission as Chief Factor awaiting him.
At the same time Captain McNeill was made a Chief Trader.
Between McNeill as shipmaster-trader on the one hand and
(77) Duncan Finlayson, who was McLoughlin's equal in rank, seems to
have been sent out as his second-in-command, with the idea of succeeding
him at some-later date. He left the Columbia in 1837. See H.B.S., IV.,
pp. xcviii. et seq. 260 Henry Drummond Dee. October
Douglas as supervisor of trade with the Russians on the other,
Work lost control of everything of importance except Fort Simpson. Worse still, he was frequently left in ignorance of future
plans for the management of the northern posts and shipping.78
His letters show that he felt a shadow had been cast upon his
reputation. Certainly he suffered an eclipse; between 1840 and
1845 he was immured at Fort Simpson.
To make matters worse he got into a rousing quarrel with
John McLoughlin over trade policies in 1844. McLoughlin
blamed Work for not sending the Beaver to a northern rendezvous during the winter. Work's reply was that he had to keep
her at hand to compete with American vessels in Queen Charlotte
Sound, and that in any event the Indians had been visited in the
summer and did but little hunting in the winter. McLoughlin
also accused Work of having allowed the Beaver to loiter in the
south while American competitors stole the northern trade.
Work was now thoroughly roused. He had sent the Beaver
south with three men involved in the murder of John McLoughlin,
junior, thinking to help his superior bring the murderers to y
justice.79 He had told the Captain of the Beaver not to linger,
but his orders had been disregarded. Work did not feel himself
to blame, and considered that McLoughlin's final thrust, a set
of six notes which set down standing rules for the steamer, was
a gratuitous insult.    His reply to McLoughlin is worth quoting:
I have been some 20 years under your orders and you have not before
found it necessary to censure me for any deviation from instruction.
You write to me in detail as if I had never known anything at all about
the business or indeed taken any interest in it. Nevertheless your Instructions shall be adherred to to the letter so far as it rests with me; but I shall
decline being responsible for the result.so
Work took the precaution of stating his side of the case in a letter
to Simpson; but by 1844 McLoughlin's star was on the wane,
and his criticism of Work does not appear to have affected the
latter's future in the Company.    In 1846, the same year that
(78) Work to McLoughlin, Fort Simpson, February 26, 1844, in Fort
Simpson, Correspondence outward (original in Provincial Archives).
(79) This matter is dealt with at greater length in Henry Drummond
Dee, John Work: A Chronicle of His Life and a Digest of His Journals
(M.A. thesis in University of British Columbia Library) ^ pp. 268-9.
(80) Work to McLoughlin, April 27, 1844, in Fort Simpson, Correspondence outward (original in Provincial Archives). 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 261
McLoughlin's resignation took effect, Work was appointed Chief
Factor. The same year, too, the Columbia District was divided
into three parts and placed under a Board of Management.
Ogden was to have charge of the Interior; Douglas, of the depot
and shipping; and Work of the Coast, including Fort Simpson,
Fort Stikine, Fort Langley, and the steamer Beaver. The Board
consisted at first of Ogden and Douglas; Work's name was added
in 1849.81
Work continued to make Fort Simpson his headquarters until
November, 1851, but after 1846 he no longer confined himself to
year-round residence at the fort. Once more he began to make
frequent trips to other posts and to engage in other activities.
In 1847-48 he accompanied Douglas to Fort Langley, to discuss
a new route for the fur brigade from the interior by way of the
Fraser River, since the treaty of 1846 had placed the old one in
American territory. In 1849 he was busy abandoning Fort
Stikine and establishing Fort Rupert, near the northern tip of
Vancouver Island, for the purpose of mining coal. When, in, the
following year, the miners became discontented and hard to
handle, Work was sent for. He made the trip south to Victoria
and then back to Fort Simpson, a distance of 1,500 miles, by
canoe.
Work's attention had turned from furs to coal-mining; it
was now to be centred on gold. In 1850 he dispatched a small
party by canoe from Fort Simpson to the Queen Charlotte
Islands, to investigate a report that the Indians had discovered
gold there. They did not reach the goldfields, but made the
important discovery that the Queen Charlottes consisted of two
large islands, instead of one, and that a clear passage existed
between them. Subsequently Work himself made the dangerous
crossing by canoe to Englefield Bay, on Moresby Island. He
discovered the gold vein, and was convinced that further investigation might prove profitable. An attempt by the Beaver to
reach the site by way of Skidegate Inlet failed, so a later expedition, including Work and McNeill, set out in 1851 in the brig-
antine Una. They remained fifteen days, scrambled with the
Indians for the gold after each blast was set off, and then gave
up in disgust.    One other incident remains to be told in. connec-
(81) See H.B.S., IV., p. 358. 262 Henry Drummond Dee. October
tion with John Work and the Queen Charlottes. The news of
the discovery reached California, where it caused a minor rush.
One of the ships which came north, the Susan Sturgis, was
boarded and her crew overpowered by the Indians. Chief Factor
Work succeeded in ransoming the crew, but was too late to save
the vessel, which was looted and destroyed.
The summer of 1852 was Work's last at Fort Simpson. Since
1849 he had been spending the summer only at that northern
post. Now he was to take up residence at Fort Victoria, as a
member of the Board of Management for the Western Department. He had never enjoyed life at Fort Simpson and admitted
that only his ambition had induced him to go there. The years
had taken their toll of his health. It must be remembered that
he was already 42 when he left to take up his duties on the
northern coast. His photograph gives the impression that he
was a sturdy, thick-set individual; but in 1838 John Tod spoke
of him as having become " quite bald, hollow-cheeked & slender
limbed."82 It was not very long before he was known as the
" old gentleman."88 The illness which he had contracted on the
Sacramento had left its effect upon him. He had been ruptured
by an accidental fall in the summer of 1840, while clearing land
for the garden, and had aggravated this condition a month later
by jumping down from a fallen tree. Three years later he was
troubled by a cancerous growth on his lip. Dr. Kennedy at
Fort Simpson treated it without success. Finally the surgeon
of the British sloop-of-war Modeste removed the growth by
operation. Added to all these troubles were rheumatism, a heart
condition, and his old problem of sore eyes, which nearly blinded
him. Well might Work grumble about " the privations of the
Service & this * Cursed Country.' "84
Most of the time at Fort Simpson he had his family to comfort and cheer him. They did not accompany him north at first,
but on December 31, 1836, his wife and the two youngest girls
joined him, leaving the two eldest in school at Fort Vancouver.
(82) Tod to Ermatinger, Fort Vancouver, February 28, 1838 (in Ermatinger Papers),
(83) Same to same, Cowlitz Plains, February, 1840   (in Ermatinger
Papers).
(84) Ibid. 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 263
The latter were entrusted to the care of American missionaries
at Willamette when the school at Vancouver was closed because
of McLoughlin's quarrel with the Reverend Herbert Beaver.86
Work was very proud when the girls were able to pen their little
letters to him. In 1841 his wife went south and brought the
pair back with her. At Fort Simpson six of Work's eleven
children were bdrn—three girls and three boys. In 1849 he sent
his whole family to Victoria, so that those of school age might
receive the rudiments of an education. The following year the
faithful Josette accompanied her husband north to Fort Simpson
with the three youngest, but all of them were soon to be settled
on Vancouver Island.
As late as 1850 Work was still undecided as to where he
would settle after leaving Fort Simpson. It seems apparent
that he had a yearning, not to return to Ireland, but to move to
some more settled part of the world than the Pacific Coast, where
life was less crude and creature comforts were more easily come
by. It must be remembered that he was 22 years of age when
he left the old land, with habits of life not so easily blotted out
nor forgotten. Letter after letter to Edward Ermatinger tells
of his hopes of moving to Upper Canada and settling beside his
friend. When he decided finally that he must remain west of
the Rockies, he determined to try Vancouver Island, although he
was loath to face the difficulties of hacking a farm out of the
bush. So he took up residence " in Mr. Finlayson's house at
Rock Bay, without a particle of furniture."86 From this time
on, Work's activities were to be threefold—as a public servant,
as a Chief Factor of the Company, and as a private farmer.
His name was included in a list of persons suitable to be
justices of the peace for Vancouver Island, which Sir John Pelly
submitted to the Colonial Secretary in 1848. In April, 1853,
Douglas, then Governor, announced that he had " appointed John
Work Esqre, a gentleman of probity and respectable character,
and the largest land holder on Vancouver Island, to be a member
(85) See G. Hollis Slater, " New Light on Herbert Beaver," in British
Columbia Historical Quarterly, VI. (1942), pp. 13-29.
(86) Work to Tolmie, Fort Victoria, March 14, 1853  (original in Provincial Archives). 264 Henry Drummond Dee. October
of [the Legislative] Council."87 The appointment was confirmed
from London in 1854. Until his death, Work remained a faithful member of this body. He became senior member, and during
May and June, 1861, acted for the Governor. Judging from the
minutes, he seems to have missed but one meeting in 8 years.
He appears to have been a member of local road commissions
appointed to investigate a route from Victoria to Sooke, and to
supervise the construction of a road along the east bank of Victoria Arm. He supported Douglas's appointment of David Cameron to the office of Judge, an appointment which aroused a storm
of protest but which was upheld by the Colonial Office.88 He
again supported Douglas when mandatory directions were received by the Governor to set up a popular assembly on Vancouver Island, although a letter written at the time to Edward
Ermatinger shows that he had serious doubts as to the wisdom
of the move:
I have always considered such Colony & such a government where there
are so few people to govern as little better than a farce and this last scene
of a house of representation the most absurd of the whole. . . . The
principle of representation is good, but there are too few people and no body
to pay taxes.    .    .    .89
During this time Work was still a Chief Factor in the employ
of the Company. Both he and Douglas felt that one of the
main impediments to colonization on Vancouver Island was the
rule by which settlers could not purchase land in lots of less than
20 acres. To obviate this inconvenience, Douglas and Work,
acting as trustees for what was known as the Fur Trade Branch
of the Hudson's Bay Company, in 1856 purchased land for the
purpose of disposing of it afterward at the original cost of £1
an acre, in small allotments to bona-fide settlers, who were unable
to purchase larger blocks.90   When Douglas severed his connec-
(87) Douglas to Newcastle, Victoria, April 11, 1853 (original letterbook
copy in Provincial Archives). H.B.S., IV., p. 358, wrongly gives the date
of this appointment as 1857.
(88) For an account of this episode see Sage, Sir James Douglas and
British Columbia, pp. 186-8.
(89) Work to Ermatinger, Victoria, August 8, 1856 (original in Provincial Archives).
(90) The indentures covering these purchases are in the Department of
Lands, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. See also Berens to Lytton,
London, March 4, 1859, in Record Office Transcripts, H.B.C., Vol. 728, pp.
111-112 (in Provincial Archives). 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 265
tion with the Company in 1858, to become Governor of both
Vancouver Island and British Columbia, Company affairs passed
into the hands of a new Board, consisting of Alexander Grant
Dallas, John Work, and Dugald McTavish. One of Works tasks
in this capacity was that of advancing the land claims which the
Hudson's Bay Company pressed upon the British Government
after 1858.
Work's own purchases of land in and around Victoria were
sufficient to make him the largest land-owner on Vancouver
Island. His property, as recorded in the Department of Lands,
totalled 1,304.23 acres, which does not include acreage deducted
for roads, swamp, and rock.91 The home farm at Hillside consisted of 583 acres. Another large area lay across the low-lying
lands of Shelbourne Street and stretched up over Mount Tolmie.
A third portion consisted of an area stretching along the foreT
shore from Gordon Head to Arbutus Bay. The first census of
Vancouver Island shows that Work was Victoria's greatest producer of potatoes. Only the Douglas farm at Fairfield produced
more wheat. The Victoria Gazette for October 22, 1858, contained the following item on Work's prowess as a farmer:—
We yesterday were shown a couple of pumpkins raised on the farm of
Mr. John Work, a mile and a half from Victoria, which, in consequence of
their enormous size and weight, are worthy of special note. The largest
one weighs 108% and the other 68 pounds.
Work's only other business venture seems to have been the purchase of one share in a sawmill in 1861.    The venture failed.
The home of the Works at Hillside was noted for its hospitality. The family was a large one, so that a few extra guests
made little difference and were always welcome. The house was
a gathering-place for young men who came to dance or to ride
with the older girls. Work's youngest child, named Josette, after
her mother, was born on September 15, 1854. Henry, the second
son, died in 1856 at the age of 12, as the result of an accident,
according to family tradition. The other two boys, John and
David, did not enjoy enviable reputations. " The family of our
late departed friend Work, I regret to say," wrote John Tod,
" seem overwhelmed with grief at the reckless profligacy of the
elder Son   .   .   .   the other Son, altho sufficiently temperate, as
(91) Official Land Register, Victoria District (in Department of Lands,
Victoria), pp. 3, 13-16, 30'. 266 Henry Drummond Dee. October
regards drink, is Yet in my opinion, a much more dispicable
character than his brother."92
All of the girls married.93 In 1849 Work decided to have his
own marriage solemnized by the Church of England. His first,
marriage to Josette Legace had taken place according to the
custom of the fur trade. The later ceremony was performed by
the Reverend Robert Staines, Chaplain to the Hudson's Bay Company. James Douglas and John Tod signed the marriage certificate as witnesses. Josette made her mark, for she could not
write.94
The year 1861 was Work's last. His strenuous life, his
injuries, and his illnesses, had aged him prematurely, for he was
only 69. Loyally and obstinately he clung to his association with
the Company, much to the exasperation of his friend Tod:
". . . it is pittiful," observed Tod, " to see him still clinging
to the service, as if he would drag it along with him to the next
world."95 In October Work was attacked by a recurrence of the
fever which had sapped his strength on his return from the
Sacramento.   For two months he was confined to his bed and,
(92) Tod to Ermatinger, Oak Bay, November 12, 1868 (in Ermatinger
Papers).
(93) The dates of the marriages were as follows (the daughters are
listed in order of age; the authority for the date given in each instance is
cited in brackets) :
Jane, to Dr. W. F. Tolmie, February 19, 1850 (Register of Marriages
at Fort Vancouver and Victoria).
Sarah, to Roderick Finlayson, December 14, 1849 (ibid.).
Letitia, to Edward Huggins, October 21, 1857 (Edward Huggins to
Eva Emery Dye, March 14, 1904;   copy in Provincial Archives).
Margaret, to Edward H. Jackson, February 5, 1861, (British Colonist,
February 7, 1861).
Mary, to James Allen Graham, September 5, 1860 (British Colonist,
September 7, 1860).
Catherine   (Kate), to  Charles W.  Wallace, Jr., February 5,  1861
(British Colonist, February 7, 1861).
Cecilia  Josephine,  to   Charles   Septimus  Jones,   October   12,   1870
(British Colonist, October 13, 1870).
Josette (Suzetta), to Edward Gawler Prior, January 30, 1878 (Victoria Daily Standard, January 31, 1878).
(94) November 6, 1849. Register of Marriages for Fort Vancouver and
Victoria (photostat copy in Provincial Archives).
(95) Tod to Ermatinger, Vancouver Island, July 27, 1861 (in Ermatinger Papers). 1943 An Irishman in the Fur Trade. 267
finally, on the 22nd of December, he died. To the funeral came
Governor Douglas and his suite, the Members of the Legislative
Council, the Speaker and Members of the Assembly, and many
relatives and friends. It was proof of the general esteem and
affection in which he was held. To-day his tombstone may be
found in Pioneer Square, in the shadow of Christ Church Cathedral. His wife lived until the winter of 1895-96. At her death
the Legislature passed the following resolution:—-
That the members of this Legislature having heard with regret the death of
Mrs. Work, wife of the late Hon. John Work, a member of the Council of
Vancouver's Island from 1853 to 1861, who before her demise was the oldest
resident of British Columbia, and will be remembered for her usefulness in
pioneer work and many good deeds, beg to express their sympathy with the
relatives of the deceased.96
John Work's will,97 which is a voluminous and wordy document, appointed his son-in-law, Roderick Finlayson, and his
nephew, John McAdoo Wark, as his executors. The bulk of the
home farm at Hillside was left to his wife; the other land was
divided fairly equally among his sons and daughters. Interestingly enough, one of the witnesses of the will was the pioneer
Presbyterian Minister, John Hall.98
The memory of John Work has been almost erased by time,
but his name and those of his family have been perpetuated in
place-names in British Columbia and in and about Victoria.
Behind Fort Simpson is a long inlet named Work Channel. Old
maps of Victoria show a Work Street, on the northern shore of
Rock Bay. This has been swallowed up in the continuation of
Bay Street. A comparison of maps would seem to indicate that
the Wark Street of to-day probably runs close to the site of the
old home at Hillside. Work Point Barracks bears his name,
while John, Henry, and David streets were named after his sons.
Work was not a great man, but he was a capable, conscientious, and loyal subordinate.    He lacked the hard, calculating
(96) N. de B. Lugrin, Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island, 1848-1866,
Victoria, B.C., 1928, pp. 63-4.
(97) The will was discovered in the Court-house in Victoria, B.C., by
Mr. Isaac Burpee, to whom the writer is indebted for many of the intimate
details concerning Work and his family. A copy of the will has been
deposited in the Provincial Archives.
(98) See J. C. Goodfellow, "John Hall: Pioneer Presbyterian in British
Columbia," in British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VII. (1943), pp. 31-48. 268 Henry Drummond Dee.
coldness which made for success in such men as James Douglas.
Unfortunately he was ambitious, and through the later years
when promotion came but slowly, he became critical and somewhat bitter. His friend Tod often accused Work of a want of
decision, of not cutting the Gordian knot which bound him to the
country. But in the perspective of the years this is seen to have
been due not to indecision, but rather to his affection for his wife
and family, coupled with the knowledge that any attempt to
transplant their western natures to the older, less tolerant east,
might end in misery and disaster. He was extremely capable as
a leader of small expeditions in the field, where his physical
courage, his great endurance, and endless loyalty stood him in
good stead. Time and again the parties in his charge were saved
by his caution, forethought, and attention to detail. From the
pages of his journals, faithfully kept from day to day, may be
gleaned a wealth of detail of early fur-trading days on the Pacific,
found nowhere else in history.
Henry Drummond Dee.
Victoria, B.C. APPENDIX.
THE JOURNALS OF JOHN WORK.
The following is a checklist of the original journals of John Work which
are preserved in the Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C. Printed versions
are indicated in the notes following each entry.
1. (a.)  York Factory to Spokane House, July IB-October 28,1823.
(6.) Columbia Valley Trading Expedition, April 15-November 17,
1824.
For a summary and extracts see Walter N. Sage, " John
Work's First Journal, 1823-1824," in Canadian Historical
Association, Report . . . 1929, Ottawa, 1930, pp. 21-29;
also Walter N. Sage and T. C. Elliott, " Governor George
Simpson at Astoria in 1824," in Oregon Historical Quarterly,
XXX. (1929), pp. 106-110, in which the entries for October
18-November 17, 1824, are printed verbatim.
2. Journal of a Voyage from Fort George to the Northward, Winter
1824, November 18-December 30, 1824.
Deals with the McMillan expedition, which explored the
lower Fraser River. See T. C. Elliott (ed.), "Journal of
John Work, November and December, 1824," in Washington
Historical Quarterly, III. (1912), pp. 198-228.
3. Journal, March 21-May 14,1825.
During these months Work was engaged in moving goods
and equipment from Fort George to Fort Vancouver.
4. Journal, June 21, 1825-June 12, 1826.
Deals with Work's activities at Spokane House, the building of Fort Colvile, and trading in the Flathead country. See
T. C. Elliott (ed.), "Journal of John Work, June-October,
1825," in Washington Historical Quarterly, V. (1914), pp.
83-115; "Journal of John Work, Sept. 7th-Dec. 14th, 1825,"
ibid., pp. 163-191; " Journal of John Work, Dec. 15th, 1825,
to June 12th, 1826," ibid., pp. 258-287.
5. Journal, July 5-September 15, 1826.
Work left Fort Vancouver with the New Caledonia brigade
on July 4; was sent up the Snake River on a horse-trading
expedition; drove the horses thus secured to Fort Colvile,
and then made a brief trading expedition to the Flatheads.
See T. C. Elliott (ed.), " The Journal of John Work, July 5-
September 15, 1826," in Washington Historical Quarterly, VI.
(1915), pp. 26-49.
269 270 Henry Drummond Dee.
6. Journal, May 20-August 15, 1828.
See William S. Lewis and Jacob A. Meyers, " Journal of
a Trip from Fort Colvile to Fort Vancouver and Return in
1828," in Washington Historical Quarterly, XL (1920), pp.
104-114.
7. Journal, April 30-May SI, 1830.
The journal of Work's " difficult and troublesbme journey "
from Colvile to Fort Vancouver, with a band of horses. See
T. C. Elliott (ed.), " Journal of John Work April 30th to May
31st, 1830," in Oregon Historical Quarterly, X. (1909), pp.
296-313.
8. Journal, August 22, 1830-April 20, 1831.
9. Journal, April 21-July 20,1831.
See T. C. Elliott (ed.), "Journal of John Work, covering
Snake Country Expedition of 1830-31," in Oregon Historical
Quarterly, XIII. (1912), pp. 363-371; XIV. (1913), pp. 280-
314. The first instalment, covering Journal ii, was printed
from notes taken from a copy of the original in the Hudson's
Bay Company Archives, London, by Agnes Laut. These are
extremely scanty, and consist of no more than a few scattered
entries, culled from a lengthy and detailed journal.
10. Journal, August 18,1881-July 27,1882.
See William S. Lewis and Paul C. Phillips, The Journal of
John Work A chief-trader of the Hudson's Bay Co. during his
expedition from Vancouver to the Flatheads and Blackfeet of
the Pacific Northwest . . . and Life of Work, Cleveland,
1923, 209 pp.
11. Journal, August 17, 1832-April 2, 1838.
12. Journal, April 3-October 31, 1888.
These journals, which cover the expedition to the Sacramento, are being edited by Mrs. Alice B. Maloney for publication in the California Historical Society Quarterly.
13. Journal, May 22-July 10, 1884.
See Leslie M. Scott (ed.), "John Work's Journey from
Fort Vancouver to Umpqua River, and return, in 1834," in
Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXIV. (1923), pp. 238-268.
14. Journal) December 11,1834-June 80,1885.
15. Journal, July 1-October 27, 1885.
These journals, which deal with Work's activities on the
Northwest Coast, are being edited for publication in the
British Columbia Historical Quarterly. MODERN DEVELOPMENTS IN HISTORY
MUSEUMS.*
During the last fifteen years or so a new concept has been
formed of the function of history museums. Their original purpose was to preserve and exhibit any object of an historical
nature, and let it go at that. They were looked upon as an
enlarged version of the private curio cabinet, in which the
objects were arranged haphazardly, with no thought of historical sequence.
As time went on, objects of a non-historical nature found
their way into the collection, and were tolerated there because
they were donated by one of the museum's trustees, or because
they were part of a private collection presented on the condition
that it be kept intact as a memorial to the donor.
Gradually, the word " museum " came to mean a storehouse of
relics and curios, full of dust and mustiness, a place to be avoided
except when one was showing a visiting relative the sights of
the city. The objects were crowded together in poorly lighted
cases and explained by labels that were dusty and illegible.
There was little order, either in the cases themselves or in the
museum as a whole, and the so-called display became an example
of what has been well described as " visible storage."
I use the past tense here because these conditions are no
longer true of all history museums. But, of course, they are
still true of many museums in the United States as well as in
Canada. While museums of art and science have forged ahead,
using all the latest methods of display and lighting and labelling,
and carrying out their functions with originality and imagination, the history museums have lagged behind.
I recall one striking example of this in a city in Massachusetts. There the public library and the art, science, and history
museums are all under one management, and all grouped delightfully around a little green square. The first three institutions
are models of their kind, the science museum even possessing
one of the four planetariums in the entire United States.   But
* An address delivered before the Victoria Section of the British Columbia Historical Association, April 19, 1943.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VII., No. 4.
271 272 Clifford P. Wilson. October
the methods of the history museum have progressed not one inch
since the 1890's.
I said that the new concept of history museums has been
formed in the last fifteen years or so. Actually, it was proclaimed over fifty years ago by the great American museist,
Dr. George Browne Goode. He saw what an effective tool the
museum could become in the cause of popular education, and he
made the celebrated statement that "an efficient educational
museum may be described as a collection of instructive labels,
each illustrated by a well selected specimen."
No doubt he was heartily laughed at by most of the museum
people of his day. But time has shown how right he was. The
great science and history museums of the world now answer to
that description exactly. They hold that the purpose of exhibiting an object is to illustrate a fact. Now, as history is made up
of a series of facts, or incidents, which occurred in a certain
order, the obvious way to arrange the material in a history
museum is in that same order. To arrange it otherwise is like
printing a book beginning with, say, chapter twelve, following
it with chapter five, then skipping to chapter fourteen, and so on.
A case in point is the small museum of the Royal Canadian
Mounted Police at Regina, which I visited on the way from Winnipeg, and which has never had the benefit of any direction but
that of amateur enthusiasts. One exhibit, a most interesting
one, shows the entire equipment of a mounted policeman in the
earliest days of the Force; but you go through about two-thirds
of the museum before you find it. Its rightful place as Exhibit
A is taken by a case of Eskimo material which, considering the
Arctic was the last region in Canada to feel the influence of the
Mounties, should have been placed towards the end.1
Naturally, it is impossible to arrange everything in chronological order. One has to pay attention to classification, too,
showing a case of firearms of different periods, for instance, or
one of lamps. But if the case itself is arranged in chronological
order, the story it is supposed to tell will be that much clearer.
Again, territorial arrangement is often advisable. A museum
of the Canadian Indian might be arranged chronologically. But
the story would be far more comprehensible if it were divided
(1)  This arrangement has since been changed. 1943     Modern Developments in History Museums.       273
into cultures, or grouped under such headings as transport,
weapons, costume, and the like.
Museum directors of to-day have found it necessary to alter
their methods, not only because their visitors have less time on
their hands than the visitors of fifty years ago, but also because
the visitors of fifty years ago had a keener interest in the subject.
Perhaps some of you have read a book issued by the American
Association for Adult Education entitled The Civic Value of
Museums. It was written by T. R. Adam, a Scotsman living in
New York, and was published in 1937. Because he tackles the
problem forcefully and from what I believe was an entirely
original view-point, I'm going to take the liberty of quoting
from his book at some length.
The social pressure that made some form of cultural participation almost
obligatory for ambitious people [in the 19th Century] appears to have
changed its direction toward the petty fields of sport and entertainment.
The Linnaean societies and pre-Raphaelite groups of our grandfathers have
been replaced by our country clubs and bridge parties.
During the last decade the museum has rallied its powers to overcome
the lethargy of the public toward firsthand knowledge of art and science.
In the days when it was fashionable to have a mind of one's own, to explore
the outskirts of science or art with the aid of an independent intelligence,
the halls of a museum were used by the general public as a private laboratory or art gallery. Visitors brought an interest already sharpened to
a study of the exhibits. Questions of arrangement and setting were of
secondary importance. With the dying of public curiosity in personal study
and the almost religious acceptance of the rounded dogmas of intellectual
authority, the museum entered a period of twilight gloom. Its visitors
were easily satisfied with the secondhand authority of books and lectures;
a display of firsthand material puzzled their docile minds. Having lost
their personal interest in questioning and experimenting, an array of
objects that would have proved challenging to their forbears became meaningless and irritating.
The task of the museum has been to arouse once more public appreciation of firsthand material, to create understanding of the original sources
of learning. To do this, exhibits have had to be made dramatic and colorful in their own rights. Our word-drugged minds have had to be lured
into contemplating things as concrete objects. If a visitor walks through
a gallery, say of ancient sculpture, and forms firsthand impressions of the
beauty or ugliness of the objects and of the character of the people depicted,
he has made a personal judgment on a cultural matter. Whether he perceives truth or error, he has engaged in independent thinking about basic
materials. This effort runs contrary to the modern trend where specialization is all-important and the average person finds it more convenient to
accept second- or even fifthhand information about original facts.   .   .   . 274 Clifford P. Wilson. October
The courage and skill of museum officials within the last fifteen years
have brought the exhibition of objects to a fine art. To some extent they
have borrowed the technique of early religious instruction; their material
has been dramatized, creating a pageantry of objects that affects the mind
directly through the eye. The purpose of exhibition always must be to
stimulate the visitor to make judgments of his own concerning original
material. This is a far harder task than to load a docile mind with predi-
gested information or theories in neat verbal bundles. The power of the
modern museum to fascinate millions of visitors annually with the lure of
the. original object is a vital part of our educational system. If critical
intelligence is to survive in a civilization flooded by propaganda and intellectual authoritarianism, the longing for firsthand information must be kept
alive in some quarter. The new technique of museum exhibition has
aroused a response from the general public that proves it is meeting a true
need in our cultural life.2
Now, you will notice that Mr. Adam stresses the point that
exhibits have to be made dramatic and colourful. And this is
only natural. The museum of to-day exists in a world where
public appreciation of the art of display has been brought to the
highest level. People accustomed to store-windows where every
trick of lighting, colour and arrangement has been brought into
play, are going to find most museum exhibits pretty uninspiring
by comparison. So the museist has to learn something of the
tricks of the trade.
In the first place, he must not crowd a display case with
objects, no matter how interesting or how beautiful they may be.
The most arresting store-windows have not more than two or
three large objects in them to hold the attention of the passer-by.
Tests made with a stop-watch at the Buffalo Museum of Science
have shown that the average visitor spends only half as much
time over a case crowded with objects as he does over the same
case when half the objects are removed. In other words, each
object gets four times as much attention as it did when it was
in a crowded case. Put one of Cellini's masterpieces, or a rare
document, in a case filled with bric-a-brac, and most people will
give it only a passing glance. But put it in a well-lit case by
itself, and it will get the attention it deserves.
Think, for instance, what a magnificent display could be
made of the priceless Indian material in the basement of the
building next door [the Provincial Museum].   There is a col-
(2)  T. R. Adam, The Civic Value of Museums, New York, 1937, pp. 7-9. 1943     Modern Developments in History Museums.       275
lection which in most respects is as fine as any in the American
Museum of Natural History or the Museum of the American
Indian. But, on account of lack of facilities, the display can
only be described as " visible storage."
The museist of to-day must be not only a scholar, but a showman too. If he is not a good showman, he would do well to ask
the assistance of some one who is. To quote Dr. Arthur C.
Parker, author of the standard work on the subject, A Manual
for History Museums: " There must be something in the museum
that seems to pulse with life, that thrills the beholder, that
enables him to see he is a part of history. Museums must not
be dead things,, nor have the atmosphere of a funeral parlour.
We must so plan our presentation of history that we dramatize
our theme, and make the visitor feel that he is one of the actors."3
The modern history museum also differs from its forerunners
in lighting and labelling. With the development of new types
of illumination, the museum of to-day has some wonderful opportunities to make its exhibits not only well lighted but, sometimes,
dramatically so. Artificial lighting is preferred to daylighting
because it can be properly directed, while documents can be displayed under it without fading. The colours of native handicraft, such as beadwork and painting, which were chosen to be
seen in daylight, look their best under the white fluorescent
light; while a really arresting presentation of a single object,
like a costumed figure, or a rare piece of craftsmanship, can be
made by spot-lighting it.
As regards labelling—in the old-time museum, the tendency
was to present as much information about the object as possible.
Those were the days when people had the leisure, and the interest, to read through such lengthy dissertations. But to-day few
museum visitors have either the time or the desire to read labels
more than three lines long. Dr. Parker, who is director of the
Rochester Museum of Arts and Sciences, tells of one museum
director playing a joke on a member of his staff who had written
a label about fifteen lines long. He had the label copied exactly,
except that half way through he inserted a sentence reading as
follows: " Any visitor who reads as far as this may come to the
(3) Arthur C. Parker, A Manual for History Museums, New York, 1935,
p. xi.
4 276 Clifford P. Wilson. October
office, where a reward of one dollar will be paid him." Though
the label was on view for months, no one ever claimed the
money!
Writing labels is an art in itself. Your museum visitors are
roughly divided into two groups: those with a casual interest
in the subject, and those who really want to learn something
about it. For the first group, the label heading of three or four
words is generally enough. For the second group, the heading
is merely an introduction to what follows, like the heading in
a newspaper story. If the object exhibited is a map or a picture, or anything else the character of which is obvious, it is
naturally superfluous to head the label MAP or PICTURE, or
whatever it is. Yet it is amazing how often this is done. Headings, above all, should be simple and arresting, and may often
be cast in the form of a question, to lead the reader on.
Some of you may be interested in hearing about the setting-
up of the new Hudson's Bay museum in Winnipeg, in which we
have tried to follow the principles of modern museum technique.
Heaven forbid that I should set myself up as an authority on
the subject. I simply followed the suggestions of real authorities, and copied the methods of other museums, and the result,
judging from the museum's popularity, has been successful.
Last year we had a record registration of over 46,000, which
means that the actual attendance was well over 100,000.
Dr. L. V. Coleman's Manual for Small Museums* and Dr.
Parker's Manual were my two bibles. To give me new ideas,
the Hudson's Bay Company sent me on a two weeks' tour of
the best museums from New York to Chicago, and then gave
me carte blanche in the reorganization.
All the material from the Vancouver store museum—part of
which had been exhibited in Victoria—was shipped down to
Winnipeg to be incorporated in the new layout. The room to
house the museum was part of the Winnipeg store, measuring
about 100 by 45 feet. I had to design new cases—three kinds
of them—and new lighting, and, of course, plan the layout.
Incidentally, I found that several people had been giving accession numbers to the material, so that there were nine sets in all,
which had to be reconciled into one. But that was a job which
could wait.
(4)  New York, 1927. 1943     Modern Developments in History Museums.       277
We set the carpenters to work building the display cases, of
which ten were wall cases, five centre cases, and seven table cases.
The store carpenters erected partitions in front of all the windows to block out the daylight, and the electricians put up
a band of lights all the way round the room, shaded by a vertical board 7 feet above the floor. As the wall cases were 7 feet
high, you could put one of them anywhere against the wall and
it would be automatically lit from above through the top glass.
.On the wall between these the pictures and documents were to
hang, also lit by the same band of lights. Alcoves were formed
by putting centre cases end-on against the wall, with a special
light-box on top.5
I should say that, previous to making the tour in the United
States, I had written a short outline of the story the museum
had to tell, and had formed some ideas of what objects would
be needed to illustrate it. When I got to Winnipeg, I made a
survey of the collection, and was then able to determine which
points in the story could be illustrated by which objects.
It is a rule of modern museum technique that every object
should be capable of illustrating a fact, and that any object
which cannot do so should be discarded. There are, however,
two exceptions to this rule.
If an object calls attention to a fact, or serves in a really
constructive way to bring the past closer and make it more real,
it may well be included in the chosen material. A sword picked
up on a battlefield cannot possibly illustrate any fact except that
swords of that type were used in the battle. But it can serve
a much more useful purpose by calling attention to the " instructive label" which, in turn, calls attention to the battle.
The second exception to the rule may be represented by an
object that is definitely in the class of " relics." Your modern
museist abhors a " relic " as something coated thickly with the
sugar of sentiment. Dr. Parker states that, as the objects
shown are merely tools in the visualization of ideas, it isn't
really necessary to exhibit a single relic or antique. This is
an important point, because if copies of originals are permissible
in a history museum the task of that museum is made much
lighter and its possibilities greatly expanded.
(5) Photographs of the museum will be found in The Beaver for September, 1937. 278 Clifford P. Wilson. October
When I was planning the Hudson's Bay Company Museum,
one of the things I wanted to do was to exhibit a case of trade
goods of 1748. I had a list of trade goods in that year, with
their respective values in beaver. But I had no merchandise
dating from that period, with the possible exception of a couple
of firearms and a sword-blade. Next to that case I intended
to show some furs, such as were traded in 1748. Now, of course,
furs nearly two hundred years old were impossible to find. But
the furs that were available were exactly similar and, therefore,
illustrated the point just as well. By the same token, modern
copies of those old trade goods were also just as good for illustrating the type of merchandise bartered for the furs. So I
went ahead and installed my copies, and the result, I was told,
was one of the most interesting displays in the museum.
There are some instances, however, where a copy is quite
useless. To behold an accurate copy of the pen with which the
Declaration of Independence, for example, was signed, leaves
one only mildly interested. But to be confronted with the very
pen itself, conjures up in the mind's eye one of the most momentous events in the history of mankind. Even a person of the
dullest imagination must surely see the fingers of those great
men grasping that quill, and with it, writing the beginning of
a new chapter in world history.
Another important principle by which the museist must abide
is the determination not to show everything in his collection.
If he does that few people will bother to visit his museum more
than once—firstly, because they will say they have seen all there
is to see, and, secondly, because the multiplicity of material will
bewilder them. I have seen several museums—and I have no
doubt you have too—which exhibited two or three identical
objects side by side, just because they had two or three in the
collection. If they had had fifty of them, they would doubtless
have exhibited fifty. The same is true, to a lesser extent, of
things that come in pairs, like moccasins and leggings and gloves.
The only excuse for exhibiting more than one of a pair is to
attain balance in the display.
Another good reason for not showing everything at once is
that the material kept in reserve can be used to change the
exhibits from time to time. Imagine how popular store-windows
would become if they always looked the same.   One museum in 1943     Modern Developments in History Museums.       279
the United States, which carried out regular changes, put up
a sign reading: " If you have not visited this museum in the
past six months, you have not visited it." If the local public,
rather than the tourists, know that a museum's exhibits are
constantly changing, they will be much more likely to go there
instead of putting off their visit until next week, or next month,
or next year.
When I got to Winnipeg after my tour of museums I found
that the Company already had a large storage collection of
material from which the exhibits could be freshened up from
time to time. The immediate task, then, was to choose the
material for the first layout. So I took my story, divided it into
chapters, listed the main points in it, and then selected objects
to illustrate those points. The chapters represented the various
sections in the museum. There was the founding of the Company, the early developments in Hudson Bay, the exploration
and expansion inland, the strife with the North West Company,
the Union of 1821, and the further expansion that succeeded it.
From here the story was divided territorially into the Eastern
Woodlands, the Prairies, the Arctic, the Mackenzie area, the
interior of British Columbia, and the Pacific Coast, arranged
in the order in which the Company penetrated those various
regions. Then came the surrender of the West, the period after
1870, and, finally, the twentieth century. The introduction to
the whole story was a case of moving cut-out figures, representing the chief episodes in it, and passing slowly before the
visitors' eyes on the rim of a large wheel. And as this was
placed at the door, it also served as a summary of the story
which the outgoing visitor had just seen.
The final exhibit of all was a model trading-post, with a counter, in which were shown typical trade goods of a certain period.
The room was painted in cream with a chocolate-brown trim,
and so were the cases. The tendency in old museums was to
have the cases looking dark and imposing with mahogany. But
one goes to a museum to see the exhibits, not the cases, which
are merely a necessary evil designed to exclude the corrupting
influences of moth and dust and people's fingers. Our aim then,
was to make the cases as inconspicuous as possible.
This layout lasted about a year, when about half of it was
changed.    Since then it has been altered twice—which is not as 280 Clifford P. Wilson. October
often as I would have liked. But it is due for another overhaul
in June.
Our attendance has been rising steadily, despite the demands
of the war and the decrease in tourists. Part of our attendance
is, of course, made up of school children, but we are just as keen
in interesting the adults—if not more so. Mr. Adam's book,
from which I quoted at length awhile back, makes it plain that
the museum has become one of the strongest potential forces in
adult education to-day. I stress the word " potential " because,
although the technique of the museum has been so greatly improved during the last few years, the public is still backward
about making use of its facilities. Certainly, the history museum
appeals to a greater section of the public than do the other kinds.
Mr. Adam gives it as his opinion that more people would maintain intellectual interests in adult life through the study of history than through the pursuit of art, literature, or science. And
he goes on to point out that a history museum combining expert
scholarship with skilled showmanship is admirably suited to act
as a focal centre for popular education, if it receives the support
of outside organizations.
Paul Marshall Rea, another of the leading museists south of
the border, and author of The Museum and the Community,
points out that museums are " potentially popular universities
that may enrol the whole population almost literally from the
cradle to the grave."6 The museum is, in fact, rightly called
" the poor man's university."
Its value in the education of children is generally accepted
without question. But there are some powerful dissenting voices.
Dr. Goode was opposed to paying too much attention in the
museum to the needs of the young, deeming it of more value
to adults. " I should not organize the museum primarily," he
wrote, " for the use of the people in their larval or school-going
stage of existence. . . . School-days end, with the majority
of mankind, before their minds have reached the stage of growth
most favorable for the assimilation of the best and most useful
thought."7 Dr. Benjamin Gilman, author of that forward-looking
(6) Paul M. Rea, The Museum and the Community, p. 31.
(7) Quoted in Benjamin  Gilman, Museum Ideals,  Cambridge, Mass.,
1923, p. 285. 1943     Modern Developments in History Museums.       281
book Museum Ideals, is inclined to support this view. " School
classes marshalled through museum halls," he says, " may afford
gratifying statistics; but the invisible census of educational
result would make the judicious grieve." And he continues:
" There is solid psychological ground for the objection to indiscriminate museum visits by school classes. The perils should
not be blinked by museum authorities, but should suggest the
enquiry whether . . . the attempt to turn school children into
habitues of museums does not rest upon the assumption that,
whatever the adult can assimilate to his profit, can, and should,
be presented and expounded to the young."8
Most schools to-day include museum visits as part of their
curriculum. When I was at the Newark, New Jersey, museum,
one of our most regular duties was to lead groups of school
children through the exhibits, explaining the points which we
thought would be of most interest to them. We always tried to
make their visit appear as little like school-work as possible;
but, at the same time, we had a feeling that when they got back
to school, the teachers were going to examine them on what
they had seen and learned—and that, of course, would immediately classify their visit as work, rather than recreation. As
Dr. Gilman rather succinctly puts it: " Unless a museum is to
fail essentially in its teaching office, its instruction must be
accomplished in holiday mood, without drudgery for the docent
(or teacher) and without tasks or tests for the disciple."9 The
point is, that the adult must remember the museum as a place
where he enjoyed himself as a child, and so will return to it
again and again.
Visual education is certainly important, but tactile education is often more so. Most large museums in the United States
have lending collections, which are sent round to the schools
for the children to handle as well as see. At Newark our lending collection consisted of over ten thousand objects, the distribution of which required a staff of six. At Rochester, to
add to the number of " expendable " objects in the Indian collections, they lend original objects to craftsmen on the near-by
Iroquois reserve for copying.   These copies are then loaned out
(8) Ibid.,p. 287.
(9) 76id.,p.288. 282 Clifford P. Wilson.
to the schools, and if they are lost or damaged it doesn't matter
very much.
All in all, if we want public support for the history museum
it is through the field of education that we must make our
appeal. And parents who take an interest in the museum
because it helps to educate their children may, quite unconsciously, absorb a good deal of information themselves. So
much, in fact, that they may become really interested in the
history of their community and of their country. That is the
end towards which we must work.
Clifford P. Wilson.
Winnipeg, Manitoba. THE DIARY OF ROBERT MELROSE.
ROYAL EMIGRANT'S ALMANACK
concerning
FIVE YEARS SERVITUDE
under the
HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY
on
VANCOUVER'S ISLAND
PART III.
(Concluding instalment.)
1856.
Divine service held by the Rev1 E. Cridge.1   Great drinkings
at night.
Fresh weather.
Showers and high wind.
All arrived to work.
Showers.
One Sow killed.    Showry.
Every thing very quiet.
S.B. " Beaver " arrived from a cruise up the Sound.
S. S. " Otter " arrived from San Francisco.
Remarkable fine weather.
Frosty.
Rev1 E. Cridge performed divine service.
William Stephens dropped work.
Slight Showers.
S. S. " Otter " arrived from Nanaimo.   A Ball held for the
benefit of James Tait.
No preaching to day.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Fort Simpson.    Rain.
Rain.
(1)  Rev. Edward (later Bishop) Cridge, chaplain for the Hudson's Bay
Company.   See entry for April 1, 1855.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VII., No. 4.
283
January,
Tu.
1
We
2
Th.
3
Fr.
4
S.
6
Mo.
7
We.
9
Fr.
11
Sa.
12
We.
16
Sa..
19
S.
20
Mo.
21
We.
23
Fr.
25
S.
27
We.
30
Th.
31 284 Diary of Robert Melrose. October
1856—Continued.
February.
Fr.    1    A Subscription paper sent through for the benefit of John
Davy.
S.      3    No Sermon to day.    Caleb Pike and Elizabeth Lidgate proclaimed for marriage.
Mo.   4    Quarter's pay due.
Tu.    5    No Mails arriving on account of the Indian war.2
Th.    7    Cap. Wishart3 gained a law-plea over And. Hume.    Mr Mc-
Kenzie4 one over W. Millingto[n].
Fr.    8    George Greenwood % D.    The Author whole D.    7 Men run
off from the " Ps. [Princess] Royal."   4 Men escaped out
of the Bastion belonging to the " Pss. Royal."
Showers.
Mr Clark5 dropped his preaching altogether.
Barque " Princess Royal " sailed for England.  Slight showers.
Slight Frost.
Rev"1 E. Cridge performed divine service.
Mra Downie gave birth to a female child.    Cold winds.
The long-looked-for mail arrived.
One Boar killed.    American  S.  Frigate " Active" visited
Port.
Fr.  22    Caleb Pike and Elisabeth Lidgate married.    S.S. "Otter"
arrived.
James Downie commenced to make bricks.
Mo. 25    Rain.    Garden Park fenced in.
Tu. 26    Mr Thorn engineer, and his son started to work.
Th. 28    Frosty mornings.
March.
Mo.    3    Foggy mornings.
Tu.    4    Recruiting commenced to form a local militia corps.   Volti-
geurs.6
We.   5    Great dread of an Indian attack.
Sa.
9
S.
10
Tu.
12
Sa.
16
S.
17
Mo.
18
We.
20
Th.
21
(2) The war between the Americans and the Indians in Washington
Territory and parts of Oregon, which had broken out in 1855. The situation continued tense for several months. See Douglas to Tolmie, April 21,
1856: " I am sorry to have very bad accounts of the war, the Indians appear
to have the upper hand and really exhibit a degree of courage and sagacity
which make us tremble for the empire of the whites."
(3) Captain David D. Wishart, of the Hudson's Bay barque Princess
Royal.
(4) Kenneth McKenzie, bailiff in charge of Craigflower Farm.
(5) Charles Clarke, schoolmaster at Craigflower.
(6) The corps formed at this time was known as the Victoria Colonial
• Voltigeurs.   The total number of men enlisted is not known, but eighteen
members took part in the expedition to Cowichan later in the year.   See
entry for August 20, 1856, infra. 1943
Diary of Robert Melrose.
285
1856—Continued.
March.
Th. 6 American Screw Steamer " Massachusetts " 4 guns visited
Esquimalt harbour.7
Fr.    7    Sloop " Sarah Stone " arrived with the mail.
Sa.     8    S. S. " Otter " sailed San Francisco.
Mo. 10    Frosty mornings.
We. 12    Brig " Recovery " arrived from the Sandwich Islands.
Fr.  14    A fleet of 30 Indian canoes arrived from the North.
Sa. 15 John Russel commenced taking money for his rations. Mr
Moffat a clerk, and Miss McNeil a chief-traders daughter,
married.8
S.    16    Rev"1 E. Cridge performed divine service.
Tu. 18    S.B. " Beaver " & Brig " Recovery " sailed Nanaimo.
We. 19 Schooner " Jessie " sailed along with Mr McKenzie for potatoes.
Th. 20    Rain.
Fr.  21    Good Friday kept as a holiday.    Heavy Showers.
Sa.  22    Sch. " Jessie " arrived with a small cargo of potatoes.
Tu. 25    Sch. " Jessie " sailed.    Showers.
We. 26    Great Ball held at Victoria, riff-raff excluded.
Fr. 28 S. S. " Otter " arrived from San Francisco. Mr Clark gave
a great dinner.
Sa. 29 Sch. " Jessie" arrived. Joh. Russel % D. Dun. Lidgate
%D.
S.    30    Mr McKenzie gave a great dinner in opposition to Mr Clark.
Mo. 31    Ja. Stewart % D.    Jo. Vine % D.
Brig " Recovery " arrived from Nanaimo.
April.
We.   2    Sch. " Jessie " sailed.
Th. 3 Brig " Recovery" sailed San Francisco. High wind with
rain.
5 Steam Boat " Beaver " sailed on her trading expedition.   Rain.
6 Heavy rain.
8    A Batch of the Bob-tail giving false alarms at night.9   Frosty.
Fr.  11 One Bull killed.
S.     13 Duncan Lidgate whole D.    John Instant % D.
We. 16 Cold showery weather.
Fr.  18 Heavy rain.
(7) This barque-rigged vessel originally belonged to the United States
Navy, but had been handed over to the War Department. She was one of
several vessels sent to Puget Sound because of the Indian troubles.
(8) Hamilton Moffatt, of Fort Rupert, and Lucy McNeill, daughter of
Captain W. H. McNeill.
(9) The meaning of this curious entry is obscure. Possibly the reference is to " ragtag and bob-tail," meaning thereby the riff-raff of the'
Craigflower community.
Sa.
S.
Tu. 286 Diary of Robert Melrose. October
1856—Continued.
April.
Fresh beef served out.
Rev1 E. Cridge performed divine service.
American sloop of war " Decator " visited.1"
Mr Tod a retired Chief Trader impeached with cattle stealing.11
Sloop " Sarah Stone " seized for smuggling grog.
Pump of Engine broke.
Mr McKenzie removed into his new house.12   heavy showers.
Four sheep killed.
American Sloop of war " Decatur " sailed Puget Sound.
Very warm weather.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Bellvue [San Juan Island] with a cargo
of horses.
Great discoveries of gold in different parts of the Island.13
John Instant % D.   Brick-kiln burnt off.
Refreshing rain.
One sheep killed.
American S. S. " John Hancock " visited Esquimalt.
Brig " Recovery " arrived from San Francisco.   Five sheep
killed.
John Instant dropped work.
Mrs. Captain Cooper gave birth to a female child.
Duncan Lidgate, John Instant, & Robert Laing apprehended
for shooting into Mr McKenzie's house.14
Three sheep killed by dogs.
Five sheep killed.
Victoria Races celebrated on Beacon Hill.   Duncan Lidgate,
John Instant, and Robert Laing bailed out of prison.
S.    25    Refreshing   showers.   Brig   " Recovery"   sailed  Sandwich
Islands.
Sa.
19
S.
20
Mo.
21
Tu.
22
Sa.
26
We.
30
May.
Th.
1
Fr.
2
S.
4
Tu.
6
We.
7
Fr.
9
Sa.
10
S.
11
Mo.
12
Tu.
13
Fr.
16
Sa.
17
S.
18
Tu.
20
Th.
22
Fr.
23
Sa.
24
(10) The Decatur (as the name should be spelled) took a prominent part
in the war against the Indians. She was at Seattle and helped to defend
the settlement when it was attacked in February, 1856.
(11) The reference is to John Tod, one of the best-known officers of the
Hudson's Bay Company. No particulars of the charges made are available,
and no reference to the case has been found in the records of the Courts.
(12) This dwelling, now known as the Old Craigflower Farmhouse, is
still standing and in good repair. It was sold to private owners by the
Hudson's Bay Company only a few years ago.
(13) Promising placer deposits in the vicinity of Sooke were causing
some excitement at this time.   See Douglas to Tolmie, May 1, 1856.
(14) The Court records relating to this case are incomplete, and give no
additional details.   See entries for May 24, May 31, and June 5, infra. 1943 Diary of Robert Melrose. 287
1856—Continued.
May.
Mo. 26 John Instant removed to Esquimalt bay. One sheep killed
by dogs. William Brown & wife removed to Craig
Flower.
Showery weather.
Four Sheep killed.
Another examination held on D. Lidgate, J. Instant, and
R. Laing.
Commenced sheep shearing.
Refreshing showers.
Dun.  Lidgate fined 5£.    Jno.  Instant.    Joseph Armstrong
killed by a horse draging him along the ground.
5 Sheep killed.    Mrs. Cridge gave birth to a male child.
Coroner's inquest held on the body of Joseph Armstrong.
A law passed to form a house of representatives.16
Very warm weather.
Five Sheep killed.
James % D.    The Author % D.
Revd E. Cridge performed divine service.
James Newburgh disappeared.16
Very warm.
Five sheep killed.
Ineffectual search made for the person of James Newburgh.
High winds.
Another ineffectual search made for the person of James
Newbird.
Schooner " Alice " sailed Sandwich Islands.
Five sheep killed.
John Bell made his marriage feast whole company notoriously
drunk.
Doctor Helmkin [Helmcken], and Mr. T. Skinner elected for
the Esquimalt district—with [out] any opposition.
Licence's for selling grog granted £120 per annum.
Five Sheep killed. George Greenwood and Andrew Hume,
fighting.
American S. S. " John Hancock " visited Esquimalt.
(15) On this date the Council of Vancouver Island and Governor Douglas fixed the qualifications for candidates and voters, and defined the districts in which members of the new House of Assembly would be elected.
(16) The man's body was found a year later. See entry for June 23,
1857.
We.
28
Fr.
30
Sa.
31
June.
Mo.
2
We.
4
Th.
5
Fr.
6
Mo.
9
We.
H
Fr.
13
Sa.
14
S.
15
Tu.
17
Th.
19
Fr.
20
Sa.
21
Mo.
23
Th.
26
Fr.,
27
Sa.
28
July.
We.
2
Th.
3
Fr.
4
Mo.
7 288 Diary of Robert Melrose. October
1856—Continued.
July.
Tu.    8    Mr. Yates, Mr. Longford, Mr. Pemberton, Mr. Thorn, and
Mr. McKay nominated for the Victoria district, three
to be chosen out of the five.17
Fr.  11    Mr. Yates, Mr. Longford, and Mr. Pemberton elected for the
Victoria district.
Five Sheep killed.
Mr.   Yates,   Mr.   Longford,   and   Mr.   Pemberton   declared
[elected].    Refreshing rain.
Five Sheep killed.    Showers.
Refreshing rain.
Heavy showers.
Brig " Recovery " arrived from the Sandwich Islands.
Barque   " Agnes   Garland"   arrived  from  England.     Five
Sheep killed.
Another well sunk 33 feet deep.
Extraordinary warm.
Mr. Clark's school examination held on-a royal scale.18
Sa.
12
Mo.
14
Fr.
18
S.
20
Mo.
21
We.
23
Fr.
25
Sa.
26
Tu.
29
Th.
31
August.
Fr.
1
Sa.
2
Mo.
4
Th.
7
Fr.
8
Mo.
11
Tu.
12
Th.
14
Fr.
15
Sa.
16
Mo.
18
Tu.
19
Five sheep killed.
James Wilson % D.
The Author whole D.    Quarters Pay due.
Mr. Charles Clark and Miss Boatwood married.
Four sheep killed.    Commenced to harvest.
H.MS S. " Monarch " 84 guns arrived in Esquimalt harbour.19
H. Ms S. " Trincomalee " 22 guns arrived     do. do.
The Members for the House of Assembly sworn in.
Cattle killed every day for the ships.20
Four Sheep killed.
Barque " Agnes Garland " sailed China.
Mrs. Liddle gave birth to a female child.
House of Assembly met.
(17) Four of the candidates were: James Yates, E. E. Langford (not
Longford), J. D. Pemberton, and J. W. McKay. Thorn has not been identified; but see entry for February 26, 1856, supra, which may refer to the
person in question.
(18) The Craigflower School was inspected both by Governor Douglas
and by the Rev. Edward Cridge. The latter submitted a written report for
which see D. L. MacLaurin, " Education Before the Gold Rush," British
Columbia Historical Quarterly, II. (1938), pp. 258-60.
(19) Flagship of Rear Admiral H. W. Bruce, Commander-in-Chief,
Pacific Station.
(20) Meaning for the ships of the Royal Navy. 1943 Diary of Robert Melrose. 289
1856—Continued.
August.
We. 20 Thomas Williams shot through the arm by an Indian.21
S. 24 Attended divine service on board H.M.S. " Monarch."
Tu. 26 Royal salute fired for Prince Albert's birth day.
Th. 28 Robert Anderson's child died.
Fr. 29 S. S. "Otter" taken H.M.S. "Trincomalee" in tow up to
Coweigan.
Sa. 30 Sheep killed.
S. 31 Colonial Church consecrated.22
September.
Tu.    2    Very showery weather.
Th.    4    The Indian hung who shot Thomas Williams.
Fr.    5    Sheep killed.    Showers.
Sa.     6    S. S. " Otter " & H.M.S. " Trincomalee " arrived from their
Coweigan expedition.
S.      7    Mr. Cooke gunner H. M. S. " Trincomalee " held a Prayer
.  meeting School room.
Mo.    8    Mrs. Barr gave birth to a male child.
Tu.    9    S. S. " Otter " sailed Nisqually.
Fr.  12    Mrs. Muir gave birth, a female child.
Sa.   13    S. S. " Otter " arrived from Nisqually with cattle.   .
S.     14    Mr. Cooke held his Prayer meeting.
Tu. 16    Foggy mornings.
Sa.   20    Fresh Beef served out.
S.    21    Mr. Green Chaplain H.M.S. "Monarch" held divine service
in the School house.
Mo. 22    James Liddle's child baptized by the Rev. Mr. Green.
Tu. 23    H.M.S.   " Monarch"   sailed   San   Francisco.     James   Class
started to work.
We. 24    Thomas Hervey died.
Fr.  26    All the corn got in.
Sa.   27    Mrs. Muir (Isabella Weir) died.23    Fresh Beef served out.
S.    28    Mr. Cooke held his Prayer meeting.
(21) " Thomas Williams an English subject and settler in this Colony
having been wantonly fired at and dangerously wounded by an Indian of
the Somina Tribe who inhabit the upper Cowegin valley," Douglas requested
Admiral Bruce to send a force to apprehend the would-be murderer.
Douglas to Bruce, August 25, 1856. An expedition was at once organized
and left in the Hudson's Bay steamer Otter and H.M.S. Trincomalee. See
entries for August 29, September 4, and September 6. Some 400 sailors
and marines took part; eighteen members of the Victoria Voltigeurs
accompanied them.    The murderer was apprehended, tried, and executed.
(22) The Victoria District Church, the predecessor of Christ Church
Cathedral.    The original building was destroyed by fire in 1869.
(23) Mrs. Andrew Muir. For her marriage see entries for January 15
and January 31, 1854, supra. 290 Diary of Robert Melrose. October
1856—Continued.
September.
Tu. 30    Mrs. Muir buried.   William Newton and Miss [Emmaline]
Todd married.   Trincomalee Ball.
October.
We.   1 S. S. " Otter " sailed San Francisco.
Th.    2 Matthew Rolland imprisoned for one year for stealing cattle.
Fr.    3 Very showery weather.    Mrs. Whyte gave birth to a female
child.
Sa.    4 Fresh Mutton served out.
S.      5 American S.S. " Massachusetts " visited Esquimalt.
Mo.   6 H.M.S. " Trincomalee " sailed coast of Mexico.
Tu.    7 Terrible high wind.
We.   8 Showers.
Fr.  10 Two Sheep and one Pig killed.
Mo. 13 Mr. Blinkhorn died.24
Tu. 14 Mrs. Veitch gave birth to a female child.
Th. 16 Mrs. Montgomery gave birth to a still-born male child.   Mr.
Blinkhorn buried.
Fr.  17 One Bullock killed.
S.     19 Steam Boat " Beaver " arrived from her trading expedition.
Mo. 20 S. S. " Otter " arrived from San Francisco.   Very frosty.
Th. 23 Heavey rain.
Fr.  24 Two pigs killed.
Sa.  25 9 Sheep poisned.
S.    26 Revd E. Cridge performed divine service.
Mo. 27 Very wet day.
We. 29 Peter Bartleman and Mr. Skinner at law.
Th. 30 Showers.
Fr.  31 Three Sheep killed.
November.
Sa.     1    One Pig killed.   Andrew Hume, James Wilson, & The Author
taking money for their rations.
Brig " Recovery " arrived from Sandwich Islands.
Heavy rain.
Quarters pay due and settled.
New marked [market] opened, one pig sold.    One Bullock
killed.
Severe frost.
Duncan Lidgate taking money for his rations.
S. S. " Otter" sailed Nisqually.
(24) Thomas Blinkhorn, who had come to Vancouver Island as an
" independent settler" in 1851, and had taken charge of a farm at Met-
chosin owned by Captain James Cooper. Blinkhorn was appointed magistrate for Metchosin District in 1853, and held the office at the time of his
death.  -
Mo.
3
Tu.
4
Th.
6
Fr.
7
Sa.
8
Mo.
10 1943 Diary of Robert Melrose. 291
1856—Continued.
November.
Th.  13    Mrs. Hume gave birth to a male child.    One Bullock killed.
Fr.   14    Mrs. Pike gave birth to a still-born child.
Sa.   15    Fine weather.
Mo. 17    Steam Engine removed to the new building.
Matthew Rolland liberated from prison.
We. 19    S. S. " Otter " arrived from Nisqually with cattle.
Th. 20    Hurricane of wind and rain.
Sa.  22    Heavy rain.
S.    23    Rev1 E. Cridge performed divine service.
Tu. 25    American S. S.  " Massachusetts" arrived with 80  Indian
prisoners on board.
We. 26    Rain.
Th. 27    The Indian prisoners sent away north.
Sa.   29    Monthly Ration pay.
S.    30    William Thomson and Margret Lidgate proclaimed for marriage fi. [rst] time.
December.
Mo.    1 Frosty.
We.   3 Two Bullocks killed.    Showry.
Sa.    6 Heavy rain.
Mo.    8 James Downie started to the thrashing.
Tu.    9 Dreadfull storm of wind and rain.
Fr.  12 Very frosty.
Sa.   13 Rain.
Mo. 15 Heavy fall of snow 8 inches deep.
We. 17 Hard frost.
Fr.   19 William Thomson and Margret Die married.    Rain and snow.
Sa.  20 Captain Cooper's household effects sold by public auction.25
Very rainy.
S.    21 Showers.
Mo. 22 Captain Cooper's sale continued.    Showers.
Tu. 23 Heavy  Showers.    Two  horses  drowned  at  the  Esquimalt
bridge.
Th. 25 Christmas kept as a holiday.
Fr.  26 Mrs. McKenzie gave birth to a male child.
Sa.   27 Monthly ration pay settled.
S.    28 Revd E. Cridge divine service in the school-room.
Tu.. 30 Heavy fall of snow.
(25) Following the death of Thomas Blinkhorn (see entry for October
13, 1856) Cooper sold his farm at Metchosin, and later sold his household
effects, as recorded in this and subsequent entries. He returned to England
in 1857, where he gave evidence before the Select Committee investigating
the affairs of the Hudson's Bay Company. He was appointed Harbour
Master for British Columbia in 1859. 292 Diary of Robert Melrose. October
1857
January.
Th.    1 New Year's day kept as a holiday.
Fr.    2 Severe frost with drift and snow.
Mo.    5 Chief Judge and Sherriff. confirmed.
Tu.    6 Hoar frost.
We.   7 S. S. " Otter " sailed Nanaimo.
Sa.   10 Severe frost lasted from the first.
Mo. 12 Captain Cooper sold out entirely.
We. 14 Theatre opened at Victoria.
Th. 15 Barque " Princess Royal " arrived from England.
S. S. " Otter " sailed San Francisco.
Sa.   17 Heavy rain.
S.     18 Rain.
Mo. 19 Rain.
Tu. 20 One Bullock killed.    Rain.
We. 21 Rain.
Th. 22 Rain.
Fr.  23 Rain.
Sa.   24 Rain.    Monthly Ration Pay settled.
S.    25 Revd E. Cridge held divine service.    Rain.
Mo. 26 Brig " Recovry " arrived from Sandwich Islands.    Rain.
Tu. 27 Rain.
We. 28 Rain.
Th. 29 Rain.
Fr.  30 Brig " Recovry " and S. B. " Beaver " sailed Fraser's River:
Rain.
Sa.   31 Rain.
February.
Mo.   2 Rain.
Tu.    3 Rain and Snow.
We.   4 Quarter Pay due.    Rain.    One Bullock killed.
Th.    5 Rain.
Fr.    6 Hard frost.    Thrashing mill set agoing.
Sa.    7 Snow and rain.
S.      8 Twenty-one sheep killed by wolves or panthers.
Tu. 10 Rain.
We. 11 Rain.
Th.  12 Rain.
Fr.   13 Sch. " Morning Star " arrived from Sock.    Rain.
Sa.   14 Mr. Clark received a respectable round from Mr. McK[enz]ie.
Rain.
Mo. 16 Rain.
Tu.  17 Presentation of Silver Plate to Dr. Helmkin [Helmcken] on
  board the " Princess Royal."26
(26)  No mention of this presentation is found in Helmcken's reminiscences, and its significance is not known. 1943
Diary of Robert Melrose.
293
1857—Continued
February.
We.
Th.
Fr.
Sa.
S.
Mo.
Tu.
Th.
Fr.
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
26
27
Rain.
Four pigs killed.   Rain.
Rain.
Monthly ration pay due.    Rain.
Revd E. Cridge held divine service.    Rain.
Frosty.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Nisqually.
American S. S. " Massachusetts " arrived Esquimalt.
Slight Frost.   New Flour-mill started.
Fine weather.
Barque " Princess Royal " sailed for London.
S. S. " Otter " arrived Nisqually.
Mrs. Souel gave birth to a female child.
Three pigs killed.
Showry.
Rain.
Rain.
Three pigs killed.
Very wet.
Rain.
Mr. W. McDonald and Miss C. Reed married.27   Heavy rain.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Nisqually.    Rain.
Rain.
One Pig killed.   Rain and snow.
Monthly Ration Pay settled.   Rain.
Mrs. McKenzie, Mrs. Veitch, Mrs. Whyte, and Mrs. Hume's
children baptized by the Revd E. Cridge.
S. S. " Otter " arrived.
S. S. " Otter " chartered by the American Government for a
cruize on the Sound.
Showery.
Four Pigs killed.
S. S. " Otter " arrived.
March.
Tu.    3
Th.    5
Fr. 6
Mo. 9
We. 11
Th. 12
Fr. 13
S. 15
Mo. 16
Tu. 17
We. 18
Th. 19
Fr. 20
Sa. 21
S.    22
Mo. 23
Tu. 24
We. 25
Fr. 27
Tu. 31
April.
Fr. 3 Two Pigs killed.
Mo. 6 S. S. " Otter " sailed Nisqually.
Th. 9 S. S. Otter arrived.    Nisqually.
Fr. 10 Good Friday kept.    One Bullock killed.
Tu. 14 Mrs. Deans gave birth to a male child.
Fr. 17 One Bullock killed.
(27) William John McDonald, a well-known Victoria pioneer (who was
afterwards Senator), and Catherine Balfour Reid, daughter of Captain
J. M. Reid. 294
Diary of Robert Melrose.
October
April.
Sa. 18
Mo. 20
We. 22
Fr.  24
Sa.
Tu.
25
28
We. 29
May.
Mo.
Tu.
Th.
Fr.     8
Sa.    9
4
5
7
Mo. 11
We. 13
Fr. 15
Sa. 16
Mo. 18
Tu. 19
We. 20
Th. 21
Fr. 22
S. 24
Mo. 25
We. 27
Fr. 29
Sa. 30
S.    31
June.
We. 3
Fr. 5
Mo. 8
Fr. 12
Sa.   13
We. 17
Fr. 19
Sa. 20
Mo. 22
Tu. 23
1857—Continued
Monthly Ration Pay settled.
Mr. McKenzie gained a law-plea over Mr. Clark.
Mark Cole put a pistol bullet through a Canadian's leg.
One Bullock killed.
S. S. " Otter " arrived.
Very warm weather.
Mrs. Kelly gave birth to a male child.
Quarter's Pay due and settled.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Nisqually.
S. S. " Otter " arrived with Mr. Dallas and Mr. Munroe.
Three Sheep killed.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Nanaimo, Mr. Douglas, Mr. Dallas, Mr.
Pemberton, & Mr. Cridge.
Hot and sultry.
Refreshing showers.    S. S. " Otter " arrived from Nanaimo.
Three Sheep killed.
Showers.    Monthly ration pay settled.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Nisqually.
Brig " Recovery " arrived Sandwich Islands.
S. S. " Otter " arrived Nisqually.
Heavy rain.
Four Sheep killed.
Rev> E. Cridge held divine service.
Victoria races celebrated on Beacon Hill.
Very hot and sultry.
Three Sheep killed.
Great concert held in the Assembly rooms Victoria.
Heat 110 degrees.
Cool brezzes.
Four Sheep killed.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Columbia River.
Three Sheep killed.
H.M.S.S. " Satellite " 20 guns arrived in Esquimalt.
Monthly Ration pay due.
John Hunter started to work.
Four Sheep killed.
S. S. " Otter " arrived from Columbia River.
American Steamer "Active " arrived at Victoria.
The skeleton of James Newbird found.28
(28)  The man had disappeared a year before.
1856, supra.
See entry for June 17, 1943 Diary of Robert Melrose. 295
1857—Continued
June.
Th.
25
Mrs. Cridge gave birth to a male child.
Fr.
26
Five sheep killed.
S.
28
Confirmation of young communicants by the Bishop of Ore
gon.29
Mo.
29
Refreshing rain.
Tu.
30
Rain.
July.
We.   1    H.M.S.S. " Sattelite " and American Steamer "Active " sailed
Olympia.
Five Sheep killed.
S. S. " Otter " arrived from Nisqually with cattle.
S. S. " Otter " sailed Fraser's River.   Mrs. Downie gave birth
to a male child.
H.M.S. " Sattelite " arrived from Olympia.
Four Sheep killed.
S. S. " Otter " arrived.    Monthly Ration pay.
Revd E. Cridge performed divine service.
Lecture by the Indian Missionary.30
Four Sheep killed.
Mrs. Yates gave birth to a male child.    Mrs. Yates's daughter
Agnes died.
Mrs. Greenwood gave birth to a female child.
Lecture by the Indian Missionary.
Four Sheep killed.
Divine service held by the Indian Missionary.
S. S. " Otter " sailed San Francisco.
Four Sheep killed.
[The End.]
(29) The Rev. Thomas Fielding Scott, elected missionary bishop of
Oregon and Washington for the Protestant Episcopal Church in October,
1853.
(30) William Duncan, of Metlakatla fame, who came to the Pacific
Coast in the service of the Church Missionary Society. He travelled in
H.M.S. Satellite, and arrived at Esquimalt on June 13, 1857; see entry for
that date.
Fr.
3
Sa.
4
Mo.
6
Tu.
7
Fr.
10
Sa.
11
S.
12
We.
15
Sa.
18
S.
19
Mo.
20
We.
22
Fr.
24
S.
26
Tu,
28
Fr.
31 NOTES AND COMMENTS.
HIS HONOUR JUDGE HOWAY.
As this number of the Quarterly went to press word was received of the
death, on October 4, of Judge F. W. Howay, leading authority on the history
of the Pacific Northwest. Amongst his innumerable honours and offices,
Judge Howay was first President and an Honorary Member of the British
Columbia Historical Association. Suitable reference to his life, and to the
remarkable contribution he made to the historical knowledge and literature
of this Province, will be made in the January issue.
BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.
Victoria Section.
Owing to the restrictions on the use of cars, no Field Day could be
organized this summer, but its place was taken by a most successful garden
meeting, held in the beautiful grounds of " Molton Combe," home of Mrs.
W. Curtis Sampson, on July 10. A large number of members and friends
of the Section attended. The Hon. Mr. Justice Robertson, Chairman of the
Section, presided. The speaker was Lieut.-Comdr. Gerald S. Graham,
R.C.N.V.R., formerly Professor of History in Queen's University, and now
of the Royal Canadian Naval College, Esquimalt. His subject was The
Making of a Nation: Problems of Canadian Unity since Confederation.
Commander Graham first noted the geographical difficulties that faced the
young Dominion in 1867, and especially after 1871, when British Columbia
joined the union. Because of the lack of roads and railways the Dominion
consisted of three tenuously connected parts; and this " absence of communications left a social and political gulf between Maritimes, Canada, and the
Pacific Coast which no amount of common sentiment for the Imperial connection could bridge." It must be remembered, too, that Confederation
itself was due in great part to outside influences, notably the American Civil
War and the menace of American expansion. There was no widespread
popular demand for Confederation in the Canadas; but the union of Upper
Canada and Lower Canada had not proven a success, and the larger scheme
offered a means of bringing it to an end. " It would be a mistake," for this
and other reasons, " to say that a nation was born in 1867." Confederation simply assembled the materials from which, through the years, a nation
might perhaps be made. Commander Graham stressed the part played by the
West in the evolution of the Dominion: " ' Without the West,' one historian
has remarked, ' the eastern communities would have lost that stimulus of a
common feeling that came from sharing its development.' It was westward expansion which first developed a genuine consciousness of nationhood
in the United States. The peopling of our own prairies provided a similar
fillip to Canadian national consciousness." Turning next to the subject of
Empire and foreign relations, the speaker showed how outside factors had
continued to influence the Dominion's character, just as they had done much
to bring about its initial organization.   While refusing to consider either
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VII., No. 4.
297 298 Notes and Comments. October
independence or annexation, Canada nevertheless insisted more and more
upon complete control of her own affairs. By 1914 she had attained a constitutional status that " defied definition," but which was to lead ultimately
to the Statute of Westminster. Commander Graham concluded: "In the
present and the future, the chief task will be to resist disintegration from
within. Once again, as in Durham's time, far-seeing leadership will be
necessary to surmount the ever-growing sectionalism, based on economic,
social, and racial divergences between the provinces, and only when defence
or ' provincial rights ' is jettisoned for some more positive principle of action
in the interests of the nation as a whole, will the ideal of the Fathers of
Confederation be fully realized."
Mr. F. C. Green, Vice-Chairman of the Section, moved a vote of thanks
to the speaker. The address was followed by community singing and a
social hour. Before adjournment, Dr. T. A. Rickard paid tribute to Mrs.
Fitzherbert Bullen, granddaughter of Sir James Douglas, and for many
years an active member of the Section, who was that week celebrating her
80th birthday. All present joined in extending their good wishes upon the
occasion.
The memory of Sir James Douglas was honoured by the Section at a
ceremony held at his graveside, in Ross Bay Cemetery, on August 15, the
140th anniversary of Sir James's birth. The observance was suggested by
Mr. B. A. McKelvie, President of the British Columbia Historical Association, and was planned as a part of the celebration of the centenary of the
City of Victoria. Mr. McKelvie had been asked to be the principal speaker
of the day, and he paid eloquent tribute to Douglas and his work. " We
have," he said, " gathered here not to mourn the death of Sir James, but to
recall accomplishments of his life. . . . These attain an increasingly important place in our history when viewed in the perspective of the passing
years. In doing him honour we honour ourselves." About fifty members
and friends were present at the ceremony, and many societies seized the
opportunity to honour the memory of Sir James by placing wreaths on his
grave. At the conclusion of the programme Rev. T. H. Laundy, pastor of
the Church of our Lord, from which Sir James was buried, delivered the
invocation and pronounced the blessing.
The first meeting of the autumn season was held in the Provincial
Library on the evening of Friday, September 17. The Hon. Mr. Justice
Robertson presided and introduced the speaker of the evening, the Hon. Mr.
Justice Sidney A. Smith, of Vancouver. Mr. Justice Smith has long been
interested in the history of ships and the sea, and spoke to the Section on
The Opening-up of British Columbia Coast Lines. The speaker comes of
a sea-faring family, himself holds a Master's ticket, and spoke with a knowledge and eloquence that held the large audience enthralled. He first went
far back in Canadian history, and dealt with some of the pioneer voyages
of the great mariners who first traced the coast-line of the continent.
Coming nearer home, he gave a vivid impression of the work of Cook and
Vancouver, touching incidentally upon the fascinating subject of place-
names and their derivation.    Turning next to trade routes, he showed how 1943 Notes and Comments. 299
the world's commerce moves for the most part along relatively few well-
beaten ocean pathways, and indicated the significance of this fact in the
maritime development—past, present, and future—of our own Pacific Coast.
In his preliminary remarks Mr. Justice Smith made a strong plea for better care for the famous Tilikum, the Indian canoe in which Captain Voss
sailed unescorted across 48,000 miles of ocean. In its present position in
Thunderbird Park it is being damaged by vandals, and he asked that it be
better protected or moved to a safer spot.
Vancouver Section.
The first meeting of the season was held in the Grosvenor Hotel on the
■ evening of Thursday, September 30. Mr. A. G. Harvey, Chairman of the
Section, presided. Over sixty members attended and listened with interest
to the informative and amusing address on Early Days in New Westminster
delivered by Mrs. Clarence D. Peele. Herself a native daughter of New
Westminster, Mrs. Peele was thoroughly familiar with her subject, and
adorned the early history of the city with a wealth of diverting stories.
Turning first to the earliest days, she told of the coming of the Royal
Engineers, the selection of the site of the city, and the gradual growth of
the old capital on the Fraser. Then came the union of the colonies, and,
soon after, a bitter blow, when the capital of the United Colony of British
Columbia was moved to Victoria. Recovering gradually, New Westminster
became the metropolis of the mainland, only to have this position taken
from it a generation later by the growth of Vancouver. Finally came the
great fire of September 10, 1898, which may be said to have marked the
end of the old city. Rising indomitably from its ruins, New Westminster
has in forty years grown into the beautiful and prosperous city of to-day,
■and, incidentally, in normal times the greatest exporting centre in the
Province. Even in its modern dress the Royal City has taken care to
treasure its distinctive traditions, and May Day and the anvil battery carry
on to-day, as they have done for more than seventy years. New Westminster is the oldest incorporated city in British Columbia, and, as Mrs.
Peele reminded her audience, had, amongst other things, the first public
library in the Province.
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE.
Henry Drummond Dee, M.A. (British Columbia), is Vice-Principal of
Victoria High School.
George F. Drummond, M.A. (St. Andrew's), M.Sc. (London), is Associate Professor of Economics in the University of British Columbia.
Eleanor M. Mercer, M.A. (British Columbia), B.L.S. (Washington), is
a member of the staff of the Library of the University of British Columbia.
Sylvia L. Thrupp, Ph.D. (London), is Instructor in History in the University of British Columbia. She is the author of A History of the Cranbrook District of East Kootenay (1929), The Worshipful Company of
Bakers, A Short History (London, 1933), and other studies.
Clifford P. Wilson, B.Com. (McGill), is Curator of the Hudson's Bay
Company museum, Winnipeg, and editor of The Beaver. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF.
The Ports of British Columbia. By Agnes Rothery. New York: Double-
day, Doran & Company, Inc., 1943.    Pp. 279.    Illustrated.    $3.
Armchair travellers will welcome this addition to a recent trend in
writing. American publishing firms are adding to their lists of travel and
guide books, titles which fall into neither category. The " Rivers of
America " series (Farrar & Rinehart), and the Doubleday, Doran " Seaport "
series, of which this book is a recent volume, seek to depict America through
local character portraits. Often the author of such a study is a resident
of the region concerned, but Miss Rothery is a well-known travel writer
who came to British Columbia expressly to gather material for her book.
The result of this circumstance is a mixed blessing; very few British
Columbians could view Vancouver and Victoria with the eyes of an outsider,
as Miss Rothery has done. But, on the other hand, few residents would
make the errors that she has done. She uses wrong dates, names, and
figures (by omitting a digit she even places the population of the Province
at 78,000).
How many Vancouverites are familiar with the details of the lumber
and fishing industries which are so important to this port? Mr. R. L. Haig-
Brown has, of course, presented much more intimate and vivid accounts of
these crafts, but Miss Rothery gives us interesting material. We are apt
to think of Vancouver as another Seattle or Portland, but this visitor has
been quick to notice the differences. Any British Columbian will enjoy her
account of Victoria. She went there prejudiced against its " little bit of
England" reputation, but came away charmed by its gardens, its shops,
and its people. Evidently Victorians are better hosts than mainlanders, for
her impressions of the Island are much more personal.
Strangers should, of course, benefit most from this book. The author
uses an effective method of presenting her material; while omitting her
personal adventures, she progresses easily from the " stoutly Canadian"
store windows of Cordova Street, to the want ads asking for cat chasers,
.to an excellent account of the lumber industry in woods and mills; from the
dome of the Parliament Buildings to the political structure of British
Columbia, and its background; or from the Provincial Archives to Captain
Vancouver's voyages.
Readers who have yet to visit British Columbia will gain a fairly sound
impression of the southern part of the Province—its wealth, its beauties, its
faults.    True, such readers will not learn that New Westminster and Prince
Rupert are also great ports, and they will not be able to travel far with the
end-paper map which places Vancouver's City Hall in Victoria and omits all
rivers.    However, such omissions, while in some cases rather serious, are
not sufficiently so to condemn the book.    The Ports of British Columbia is
a most useful and readable work.
Eleanor B. Mercer.
The University of British Columbia.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. VII., No. 4.
300 The Northwest Bookshelf. 301
Minutes of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1671-1674.    Edited by E. E. Rich,
with an introduction by Sir John Clapham.    Toronto:   The Champlain
Society, and London:   The Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1942.   Pp.
lxviii., 276.
It was apparently not until October, 1671, that any very formal minutes
of the Hudson's Bay Company court and committee meetings were preserved,
and it was not until November of that year that accounts were summarized
in ledgers; whatever rough records of the previous four years' activity had
existed were soon afterwards mislaid.    The first series of minutes have now
been edited, together with extracts from the early ledgers, and the full text
of the charters of 1670 and 1675.    Sir John Clapham has supplied a brisk
and entertaining introductory essay, Miss Alice Johnson, of the Company's
Archives Department, has added valuable biographical notes, and the whole
is printed in that luxurious style to which members of the Champlain Society
have become accustomed, and which continues miraculously unaffected by
war-time difficulties.    The only possible improvement in form that could be
suggested would be the insertion of chapter headings to emphasize the topics
dealt with in the introduction.
Both the specialist and the general reader will find a quantity of fresh
detail in this volume, enabling them to picture more clearly the organization
of the Company, the outfitting of its ships, and the personnel of the early
expeditions. The notes, for example, round out the biography of that
eccentric Quaker, Charles Bayly, who was released from imprisonment in
the Tower to enter the Company's service, and became the first resident
governor of Rupert Land. Arrested in Bristol for giving too much voice
to his religious opinions, he had written to Charles II. exhorting him to
reform his wanton ways. The king must have enjoyed his letter immensely,
and may have had him removed to the Tower as a joke. There is no
evidence that Bayly had any influence at Court. He proved an able servant
of the Company, his religion in no way interfering with the supply of arms
to the Indians. Another servant, William Lydall, had lived for many years
in Russia. One of the seamen, John Hawkins, who sailed on the first three
voyages, is described as having learned to speak the language of the Hudson's Bay country very well, and was therefore re-engaged as a trader for
a three-year term.
From the point of view of the economic historian, the chief importance of
the minutes and accounts lies in the information that they furnish as to the
Company's original sources of capital. Even in the optimistic atmosphere
of the Restoration it was not easy to raise funds for so speculative a venture
as the exploration and development of a remote northerly region. The
wealthy city merchants and bankers concentrated upon safely established
lines of trade, dealings in land, and the growing business in short-term government loans. The latter, as the less cautious financiers discovered one by
one, was far from risk-free. Yet the majority of the investors of the day
were inclined to underestimate risks arising from political affairs, while
displaying little confidence in trade expansion. The shareholders of the
new company were drawn mainly from a small circle of imaginative noble- 302 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
men and officials who were more or less distinctly looking forward to the
building of empire through trade. Seven of the eighteen whose names are
given in the first chapter had served on one or other of the councils on trade
and plantations that the Restoration government had fostered. One of
them, Sir Peter Colleton, was a Barbados planter with interests also in the
Carolinas and in the Bahamas. He and four others of the eighteen were
members of the Royal Society; this indicates that they had probably a very
deep interest in geography and exploration. As a result of the extravagant
mode of living that was then fashionable, however, few of these early
imperialists could raise very large sums of money. Baron Arlington, who
was said to employ a hundred domestic servants in his country house alone,
subscribed only £200. Prince Rupert himself put up only £270. Actually,
the first subscriptions to materialize were obtained from Sir Robert Vyner,
banker and tax-farmer, and one of his associates. Vyner was at the time
perhaps one of the richest men in England, but he subscribed only £300,
and doled out the money, with evident reluctance, in seven small instalments,
between 1667 and 1670. In 1675 the nominal share capital amounted to
£10,550, including one share of £300 credited to the' Duke of York, who had
paid in nothing. By far the largest shareholder at that time was Sir James
Hayes, Prince Rupert's able and energetic secretary, who had gradually
built up a holding of fl^OO.   This gave him eighteen votes.
The records fail to give any very detailed picture of the Company's
business operations. It is plain that beaver prices were kept high by careful
spacing of sales, but no balance-sheet was drawn up for any of the voyages.
Wages and salaries paid to seamen and other servants were supplemented
by generous provisioning of ships and forts; the rations included fruit and
vegetables as well as lime-juice, and the allowance of beer was three quarts
a day. In trade goods there was a preference for knives, hatchets, and
guns; cloth shipped out was of good quality. From the first there was
constant concern over losses through private trade on the part of the Company's servants; this was impossible to suppress and difficult to control.
In these early years, in fact, it might be said that the employees were the
only people who made anything by the trade. The only shareholders who
received any return were some half dozen who occasionally advanced sums
at interest for operating expenses, thus becoming a kind of debenture-
holders. Hayes was the chief of these, but he turned back all that he made
in this way into the Company stock. The Earl of Shaftesbury, the next
largest shareholder, and one of the most active in the direction of Company
affairs, made nothing out of his investment. As Sir John Clapham writes
of him, " He and all the best of the adventurers, and those most loyal to
the Company, strike one as reasonably disinterested imperialists and patrons
of pioneering enterprise, as the worst gamblers in exploration and empire."
Sylvia L. Thrupp.
The University op British Columbia. 1943 The Northwest Bookshelf. 303
The American-Born in Canada. A Statistical Interpretation. By R. H.
Coats and M. C. Maclean. Toronto: The Ryerson Press; New Haven:
Yale University Press; London: Oxford University Press, 1943. (The
Relations of Canada and the United States.) Pp. xix., 176. $3.75.
Within recent years there has been a growing interest and a growing
literature in the field of Canadian-American relations. Not the least
important of these relations has been the interchange of nationals. Though
we are sometimes prone to think of the migration as a one-way movement,
or preponderantly an exodus of Canadians drawn by the enlarged opportunities of their southern neighbour, it has been a to-and-fro movement with
permanent settlement on both sides. Here we have an authoritative volume
on the influx to Canada of Americans over many decades and their absorption into Canadian life. Its authors, R. H. Coats and M. C. Maclean, have
done a thorough job, not only in the statistical presentation of the data
culled from Canadian census tabulations but more particularly in their
interpretation of the statistical analyses. Dr. R. H. Coats is too well known
to need introduction here; until recently Director of the Bureau of Statistics,
Mr. Coats directed and edited the compilation and analysis of the data in
collaboration with his Chief of the Branch on Social Analysis, Mr. M. C.
Maclean, who unfortunately died before the completion of the work.
This volume is one of three which deal with different approaches to
Canadian-American migration. The historical aspects of the subject have
been dealt with by the late Professor Marcus Lee Hansen in a work, entitled
The Mingling of the Canadian and American Peoples, while the counterpart
of the present volume, namely, the settlement of the Canadian-born in the
United States has been written under the title, The Canadian-Born in the
United States by Dr. Leon E. Truesdell, Chief Statistician for Population
of the Bureau of the Census, Washington, D.C.
The present work is divided into two parts. Part I., for which R. H.
Coats is entirely responsible, is an interpretation of the basic statistics
which comprise for the most part the body of Part II.
The Canadian population, according to the 1931 census, was 10,376,786,
of which 2,307,525 or 22.2 per cent, were born outside Canada. It is interesting to note that American nationals held second place in the rank of
immigrants; England provided 7.0 per cent., the United States 3.3 per cent.,
and Scotland 2.7 per cent. The question is asked: " What criterion shall
we apply to these 344,574 American-born in Canada, as a whole and in their
various aspects and characteristics, in order to interpret what their presence
means in the country to which they have come? It is essential to observe
and analyse them by age, sex, conjugal condition, racial origin, and all the
other rubrics of the Census . . . but clearly the overlying criterion of
a phenomenon like immigration is distribution, the evenness or unevenness
of their scatter or spread. . . ." This will show in turn how the immigrant conforms to the social and economic behaviour of his new environment,
whether he stays in racial pockets, whether he specializes in certain occupations or activities, whether he marries from his own race or from others,
whether he accepts the mores of the natives, whether he maintains a racial 304 The Northwest Bookshelf.
or cultural identity distinct from or resistant to the influences of his new
home. Assimilation is more than intermixture. It is acceptance of standards of behaviour, of social, economic, and political activities, and of civic
responsibility; it is this which makes an immigrant not just an economic
adventurer but a citizen of a living community. The task which the authors
set for themselves is just this, to find out by appropriate demographic
measurements and statistical techniques the answers to such questions.
The job is extremely well done. For those who want verification in figures,
well, the data are there; for those who want logical deduction the inferences
are there, clearly drawn and unmistakable; and, above all, for those who
want something more than bald statistical analysis there is an insight which,
coupled with a fine style, enlivens and holds the interest. This is something
more than a case study in immigration; it is an interpretation of the
complex factors which build a nation out of diverse assimilations. The
American-born immigrant is in Canada to stay. " The even distribution,
however, of the American-born over Canada spells, on the face of it, that
they are at one and the same time disseminating their influence widely and
themselves becoming Canadianized."    (P. 37.)
Throughout the book the technical illustration of the statistical data is
very well done. The two frontispiece maps showing the percentage distribution of the American-born throughout Canada by counties and census
divisions are supplemented by charts and graphs showing not only the
distribution of the American-born but their relationship to the distribution
of other foreign-born for 1931 and other selected periods. For example,
the "control group" of immigrants used throughout the study is the Scottish
racial group which appears, in spite of a reputation for clannishness, to be
more evenly distributed throughout the Dominion than any other racial
group. The American-born group, traced by racial origin, Canadian and
otherwise, comes in spite of differences close to the Scottish distribution.
This book is a welcome addition to the expanding body of literature on
Canadian-American relations and its reliance on factual analysis gives it
a place of special importance in this widening field of study.
G. F. Drummond.
The University of British Columbia. INDEX.
Abernethy, Thomas, 126, 129, 217
Addresses presented to His Excellency A. E.
Kennedy, C.B., 226
Allen, C. W., 177, 186-187
American-Born in Canada, The, review of,
308, 304
Anderson, A. C, 49
Anderson, Eliza Norman M. W., 123, 124
Anderson, Robert, 129-132, 216, 289
Anderson, Simon, 40
Angus, H. F., Howay, F. W., and Sage,
W. N., British Columbia and the United
States, review of, 62-64
Annance, F. N., 287
Archbishop Seghers; The Martyred Archbishop oi Vancouver Island, 191-196
Armstrong, Joseph, 287
Arrow Stone River, 260
Astoria, 233
Barclay, Dr. Archibald, 116
Barr, 216, 127, 289
Bartleman, Peter, 128, 181, 188, 200-203, 206,
208, 210-212, 290
Bastedo, John, 40
Bates, Thomas, 138, 212, 217
Beard, Geraldine, ed., A Check List of Washington Imprints, review of, 69
Beaver, Rev. Herbert, 263
Bel], A. D., 177, 178, 186-188
Bell, Christeena, 126, 129
Bell, John, 127, 128, 287
Bellevue Island, 134
Bishop, R. P., Pacific Station Records, 139,
140
Blinkhorn,-Thomas, 204, 290, 291
Boats, Columbia River, description of, 286
Boatwood, Miss, 288
Bolduc, Father J. S. Z„ 86, 87, 116
Bonson, L. F., 64
Book of Small, The, review of, 64, 66
Borden, Sir Robert, 164, 162, 164
Brewer, W. J., 64, 66
British Colonist, 172-174, 177, 180, 182, 184,
186, 189, 190
British Columbia and the United States, review of, 62-64
British Columbia Gazette, 171, 176, 177
British Columbia Historical Association, 57-
69, 141-143, 219, 220, 297-299
British Columbian, 174-176, 182, 189
Brondel, Bishop, 192
Brown, Bob, 213-216
Brown, G. W„ Building the Canadian Nation,
review of, 68, 69
Brown, J. G., 40, 42
Brown, T. A., 150
Brown, William, 287
Building the Canadian Nation, review of, 68,
Burrell, Martin, 149, 150, 164
CC1 and CCS; Canada's First Submarines,
147-170
Cadboro Point, 76
Cameron, David, 40, 41, 199, 264
Cameron, Malcolm, 182
Camosack, Port of, 83, 84, 88
Camosum, 87, 88
Canada's First Submarines, 147-170
Career of H.M.C.S. " Rainbow," The, 1-80
Cariboo Sentinel, 186
Carr, Emily, The Book of Small, review of,
64,65
Carter, Robert, 40
Cary, G. H., 174, 182
Celebration of the Victoria Centenary, 136-
138
Centenary, Celebration of the Victoria, 135-
138
Chambers, Coote M., 180
Check List of Washington Imprints, A, review of, 69
Checklist of Crown Colony Imprints, A Third,
226, 227
Cheeseman, Mrs., 124
Chevigny, Hector, Lord of Alaska, review of,
222, 223
Christ Church Cathedral, Victoria, 289
Clark, Mrs., 213
Clarke, Charles, 208, 209, 212, 214, 216, 284,
286, 288, 292, 294
Clark's Fork, 250
Class, James, 289
Coats, R. H., and Maclean, M. C, The American-Born in Canada, review of, 308, 804
Cochrane, Charles, 40
Cole, Mark, 294
Colvile, Andrew, 242
Comiaken Quartz Mining Company, 184
Congregational Church, 36
Connolly, William, 245, 246
Cooke, 289
Cooper, Capt. James, 200, 217, 286, 290-292
Cornelius, Mrs., 202
Craigflower Farm, 126-134, 199-218, 283-295
Craigflower School, 204, 206, 208-210, 288
Cridge, Bishop, 211-218, 217, 283-287, 290-
296
Crittle, John, 126, 202
Daily British Colonist and Victoria Chronicle,
190
Dallas, A. G., 265, 294
Dame, Harry, 213
Davidson, Sir Charles, 164, 166
Davy, John, 284
Deans, George, 127, 180-182, 293
Deans, James, 202-204, 206-209, 212
Dears, Thomas, 242, 248
Dease, J. W., 241, 248, 244, 246
DeCosmos, Amor, 173, 174, 177, 184, 188-190
305 306
Index.
Dee, H. D., An Irishman in the Fur Trade,
229-270
DeLacy Trail, 60, 63
Demers, Bishop, 115, 191
Diary of Robert Melrose, The, 119-134, 199-
218, 283-295
Dougall, Maitland, 157
Douglas, David, 241, 245
Douglas, Sir James, 182, 294;   character, 93-
101;  founding Fort Victoria, 75-78, 82-91,
110,  114-116;   Government Printing,  171.
173,175 ; Governor, Queen Charlotte Islands,
126; John Work, association with, 234, 245,
259-261,  263-268;  liquor traffic,  120,   121,
129
Douglas, Martha, 100, 101
Douilet, Emanuel, 200
Downie,   James,   125,   127-129,   200-208,  210,
212, 213, 284, 291, 295
Draper, W. N., Early Trails and Roads in the
Lower Fraser Valley, 49-56
Drewry, E. R., Historical Units of Agencies
of the First World War, review of, 70
Drummond,   G.   F.,   The   American-Born   in
Canada, review by, 308, 804
Duncan, William, 296
Early Government Gazettes, The, 171-190
Early Trails and Roads in the Lower Fraser
Valley, 49-66
Elliott, T. C, death of, 197, 198; The Letters
of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver,
review by, 66-68
Elliott (1882-lSiS); Thompson Coit; A tribute, 197, 198
Ellis, W. H., 190
Ermatinger, Edward, 246, 260, 268, 264
Ermatinger, Francis, 246
Esquimalt as a Naval Base, 198, 140
Evans, Dr. Ephraim, 41
Evening Express, 177, 185-187
Evening News, 189
Evening Telegraph, 182, 188, 188
Finlayson, Duncan, 75, 258, 259
Finlayson, Roderick, 87, 90, 91, 108, 110, 114,
263, 266, 267
First Presbyterian Church, Victoria (see First
United Church)
First United Church, Victoria, 40-44
Fisher, Helen,'126, 208
Fitzherbert, Vice-Admiral Sir Herbert, 139
Five Letters of Charles Ross, 18AZ-JU, 108-
118
Fort Victoria, The Founding of, 71-92
Forts and Trading-posts, Adelaide, 76, 88;
Albert, 88, 111; Assiniboine, 286; Camosum, 87, 88; Colvile, 242-247; Flathead
House, 243, 244, 246; George, 288, 236-240,
257, 258; Jasper House, 236; Langley, 74,
77, 78, 239, 240, 247, 268, 261; McLoughlin,
78, 80, 84, 87, 104, 108, 110, 114, 117, 268;
Nisqually, 73, 74, 77, 78, 82, 84, 89, 112, 258,
259;  Rocky  Mountain   House,   235;  Ross,
256; Rupert, 75, 126, 258, 261; Simpson,
75, 78, 80, 258-263, 267; Spokane House,
236, 241-244; Stikine, 78, 80, 84, 111, 114,
261; Taku, 78, 80, S4, 87; Vancouver, 71-
75, 77, 80-82, 89, 90, 94, 240, 241, 245-247,
250, 268, 256-269, 262; Victoria, 71-92, 96,
97, 103, 110, 111, 118-117, 119-122, 125-184,
262, 263
Founding of Fort Victoria, The, 71-92
Fraser, Simon, 72
Fraser River, Exploration of, 289, 240
Fraser Valley, Early Trails and Roads in the
Lower, 49-66
Fuller, J. F., 192-196
Fur Trade, An Irishman in the, 229-270
Gairdner, Dr. Meredith, 266, 267
Gazettes, The Early Government, 171-190
Gideon, 204
Gold, Queen Charlotte Islands, 261, 262; Vancouver Island, 286
Gonzalo Point, 76
Goodfellow, J. C, John Hall: Pioneer Presbyterian, 31-48
Goudy, Mrs. John, 133
Government Gazette—British Columbia, 176
Government Gazette for the Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia, 172-
174, 181, 183
Government Gazette—Vancouver Island, 177,
178, 184-188
Government Gazettes, The Early, 171-190
Graduate Historical Society, 59, 60, 220
Graham, J. A., 266
Grand Lodge of Antient, Free and Accepted
Masons of British Columbia, By-laws of the
District, 226
Grand Lodge of British Columbia AJ". £
A.M., A.S., at its second annual communication. Proceedings of the Provincial, 227
Green, Rev., 289
Green, Rev. J. S., 86
Greenland, review of, 144-146
Greenwood, George, 125, 183, 214-216, 284,
287, 296
Grout, John, 124
Guthrie, William, 126
Guthrie, Mrs. William, 203
Hall, James, 35
Hall, John, 131, 200, 218, 216
Hall, Rev. John, 81-48, 267
Hall, John, Pioneer Presbyterian in British
Columbia, 31-48
Hall's Prairie Road, 63, 56
Harries, J. B„ 184
Harries, W. A., 177, 184, 186, 190
Harris, Mrs. D. R., 100, 101
Haun, Capt., 8, 17, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29
Hazen, J. D., 163, 164
Healy, Capt., 195
Helmcken,  Dr. J.  S., 91, 96,  132, 200, 211,
287, 292 Index.
307
Heron, Francis, 246
Hervey, Thomas, 289
Higgins, D. W., 178, 186, 188-190
Higgins, Mrs. Edith L., 101
Historical   Units   of  Agencies  of   the   First
World War, review of, 70
History Museums,  Modern Developments in,
271-282
is, 203
Holloway, Robert, 186
Hose, Rear-Admiral Walter, 10, 11, 14-16, 18,
26
Howay, F. W., death, 297; W. N. Sage and
H.   F.   Angus,   British   Columbia  and   the
United States, review of, 62-64; Thompson
Coit   Elliott   (1882-19iS),   197,   198;   The
Trans-Mississippi West, review by, 144
Hudson's Bay Company, Forts, 71-92
Hudson's Bay Company Brigade Trail, 49, 50,
53
Hudson's Bay Company, 1671-1674, Minutes
o/ the, review of, 301, 802
Huggins, Edward, 266
Hume, Andrew, 128, 131, 210, 211, 213, 216,
287, 290, 291, 293
Humphrey, Jack, 183, 202, 205, 206
Hunt, Vice-Admiral Sir Thomas, 139
Hunter, John, 294
Hyack Engine Company, No. 1, Constitution,
Bye-Laws and Rules of Order, 226
Illustrated London News, 179
Imprints, A Third Checklist of Crown Colony,
226, 227
Instant, John, 133, 200, 201, 204-207, 210-217,
285-287
Irishman in the Fur Trade, An, 229-270
Irvine, Mrs., 132
Irving, Mrs., 210
Jackson, E. H., 266
Jamieson, Rev. Robert, 81
Jeal, George, 210, 211
Jeal, Mrs. George, 213
Jeal, James, 203
John Hall:   Pioneer Presbyterian in British
Columbia, 31-48
Johnson, B. L., 157, 159
Johnstone, 133
Jones, Bertram, 152, 156, 157
Jones, C. S., 266
Kelly, Mrs., 294
Kennedy, Dr., 262
Kennedy, A. E., 177
Kennedy, Alexander, 236, 288
Kennedy, James, 51
Kennedy,   His  Excellency  A.   E.,   Addresses
presented to, on assuming the Government
of Vancouver Island, 226
Kennedy Trail, 51, 53
Keyes, Adrian, 147, 166, 167, 159
Kilgour, Joseph, 40
King, E. H., 172-174, 180-188
Kingsmill, Admiral, 156
Kirkland, John, 64, 56
Kirkland and McLellan Road, 53, 56
Korkorin, 194
Laframboise, Michel, 240, 254-256
Ladner, W. H., 55
Laing, Robert, 286, 287
Lamb, W. Kaye, British Columbia and the
United States, review by, 62-64; The
Founding of Fort Victoria, 71-92; San
Juan Archipelago, review by, 223-225
Lambert, Warren, 186
Langford, E. K, 204, 217, 288
Lascelles, Horace, 186, 186
Lawrie, John, 184
Legace, Josette (see Work, Mrs. John)
Legends of Stanley Park, review of, 69
Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver, review of, 66-68
Liddle, James, 127, 128, 181, 204, 206, 212,
288, 289
Lidgate, Duncan, 131, 204, 206-208, 211, 212,
214, 216, 218, 285-287, 290
Lidgate, Elizabeth, 284
Lidgate, Margret, 291
Liquor traffic, 120, 121, 129, 203, 213
Litster, William, 56
Logan, Dr. J. A., 31, 34, 36, 37, 44
Logan, Capt. W. H., 148-151
Long, T. H., 188, 189
Lord of Alaska, review of, 222, 223
Loury, Alexander, 40
Loxley, Lieut., 189
McAulay, Mrs., 210
McBride, Sir Richard, 149-152, 154, 159, 162-
164
MacCauly, Mary, 128
McCleery, Fitzgerald, 88
McCleery, Samuel, 40
McClure, Leonard, 172, 173, 180-188, 188
McDonald, Finan, 238, 241
Macdonald, Mrs. Joseph, letter to, 106-109
McDonald, W. J., 298
McDonough, Charles, 64
McKay, Alexander, 241
McKay, J. W., 288
McKay, Thomas, 241
McKelvie,  B.  A.,  Legends of Stanley Park,
review of, 69; Sir James Douglas, a New
Portrait, 93-101
McKenzie, David, 184
MacKenzie, Donald, 248
McKenzie, Kenneth, 125, 126, 134, 204, 206,
208, 211, 212, 214, 215, 216, 284-286, 291-
294
Maclean, M. C, and R. H. Coats, The American-Born in Canada, review of, 808, 304
McLellan, A. J., 53, 66, 66
McLeod, John, 250
McLoughlin, Dr. John, 71-76, 77, 78, 80-82,
84, 85, 89, 94, 288, 241, 248, 250, 262, 268.
266, 258, 260, 261, 263 308
Index.
McLoughlin, John (Jr.), Ill, 112, 114, 260
McLoughlin,   John,   The  Letters  from  Fort
Vancouver, review of, 66-68
McMillan, J. E., 189, 190
McMillan, James, 238-240
McNeill, Lucy, 285
McNeill, Capt. W. H., 75-77, 267-259, 285
McNeill, William, 128, 203
McRoberts, Hugh, 37, 88
McTavish, Dugald, 265
Malade River, 248
Mann, Thomas, 40
Map of the Cariboo and Omineca Gold Fields
(1870. 1871), 227
Marriott, Frederick, 171, 172, 178-180
Martin, John, 40, 41
Mary Annunciata, Sister, Archbishop Seghers,
191-196
Melrose, Ellen, 119
Melrose, Robert, 119-134, 199-218, 283-295
'Melrose, The Diary of Robert, 119-134, 199-
218, 283-295
Mercer, E. B., The Ports of British Columbia,
review by, 300
Methodist Church, Victoria, 38
Miller, Hunter, San Juan Archipelago, review
of, 223-225
Millington, W., 284
Mills, J. P., 205
Minutes   of  a   Preliminary   Meeting   of   the
Delegates . . . to the . . . Yale Convention,
226
Minutes of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1671-
1671,, review of, 301, 302
Mitchell, W. L., 178, 182-185, 187, 188
Modem Developments  in History Museums,
271-282
Moffatt, Hamilton, 286
Montgomery, Joseph, 130-132, 290
Moody, Col. R. C. 174-176, 181
Morning News, 189
Morris, Enoch, 134, 201
Mott, Capt., 90
Muir, Andrew, 200, 289
Muir, Mrs. Andrew, 289, 290
Muir, John, 211
Munroe,  294
Museums,  Modern Developments in History,
271-282
Navy, Canadian, 1-30, 147-170
New Westminster Home Guards, Rules and
Regulations, 111
New Westminster Times, 173, 174, 180, 182
Newburgh, James, 287, 294
News Letter, 172, 179
Newspapers, B.C., 171-190
Newton, William, 290
Nias, G. E., 173, 174, 188, 184
Nimmo, James, 41
" Occasional Paper," The, 227
Ogden, P. S., 233-235, 238, 247, 267, 261
Oughton, William, 184
Pacific Station Records, 189, 140
Parson, 214
Paterson, J. V., 148, 149, 151, 152, 165, 162-
164
Patterson, W. D., Map of the Cariboo and
Omineca Gold Fields (1870, 1871), 227
Payette, Francois, 253
Pemberton, J. D., 288, 294
Phillipps-Wolley, Clive, 139
Phillips, George, 139, 140
Pike, Caleb, 284, 291
Porter, Robert, 209, 211
Ports of British  Columbia,   The,  review of,
300
Pound, Sir Dudley, 189
Powlett, Capt. F. A., 19, 20
Presbyterian in British Columbia, John Hall:
Pioneer. 31-48
Presbyterianism in B.C., 81-48
Printing, Government, 171-190
Prior, E. G., 266
Puget Sound Agricultural Company, 259
Pugsley, William, 168, 164
" Rainbow," The Career of H.M.C.S., 1-30
Reed, T., 201
Reid, C. B., 298
Reid, George, 40
Reid, Capt. J. M., 293
Rich, E. E., ed.. The Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver, review of,
66-68; Afinutes of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1671-1671,, review of, 301, 302
Rickard, T. A., Greenland, review by, 144-
146;   Lord of Alaska, review by, 222, 223
Roads in the Lower Fraser Valley, Early
Trails and, 49-56
Roads to Sooke, 204
Robaut, Aloysius, 192, 193, 195
Robertson, A. R., 188
Robson, John, 174-176, 182, 189
Rolland, Matthew, 290, 291
Ross, Alexander, 248
Ross, Charles, 87-91, 103-105, 209 ; letter to,
117, 118 ; letters from, 105-117 ; memorial
to, 220, 221
Ross, Mrs. Charles, 106, 107
Ross, Donald, letter to, 109-112
Ross, Francis, 105
Ross, Walter, 209
Ross family, 104, 105, 108, 109, 111, 118
Ross, Five Letters of Charles, 103-118
Rothery, Agnes, Tlie Ports of British Columbia, review of, 300
Routes of Travel, Fraser Valley, 49-56
Royal Engineers, 174, 175, 181
Russel, Isabella, 125
Russel, John, 127, 128, 133, 199, 201, 202,
208-210, 212, 214, 217, 285
Russian American Company, 257, 259 Index.
309
Sage, W. N., F. W. Howay, and H. F. Angus,
British Columbia and the United States,
review of, 62-64
Salmon, 236
San Juan Archipelago, review of, 223-225
San Juan Isjand, 134, 199
Sanders, G. H., 40, 41
Sargison, A. G., 190
Scarborough, J. A., 113
Scott, J. T., 56
Scott, Rev. T. F., 295
Scott Road, 53, 56
Sedgewick, G. G., The Book Of Small, review
by, 64, 65
Seghers, Archbishop, 191-196
Seghers, Archbishop: The Martyred Archbishop of Vancouver Island, 191-196
Semiahmoo Road, 53-56
Semiahmoo to Langley Trail, 50, 51, 53
Ships, Active, 130-132, 205, 206, 214, 284,
294, 295; Agnes, 214, 215 ; Agnes Garland,
288; Alexandria, 14; H.M.S. Algerine, 4,
6-8, 12, 14-16, 21, 139, 147, 166; Alice, 217,
287; Almirante Latorre, 150 ; Antofagasta,
154-156; Archimades, 200; H.M.A.S. Australia, 7, 26; Bear, 195; Beaver, 75, 77, 78,
80, 84, 85, 87, 111, 126, 127, 131, 184, 202,
207-212, 217, 218, 258-261, 283, 285, 290,
292; Black Duck, 214; H.M.S. Bonaven-
ture, 139; H.M.S. Brisk, 214; CCl, 147-
170; CCS, 147-170; Cadboro, 82, 88, 111,
113, 127-131, 203-208, 210, 211; H.M.S.
Canada, 150 ; Cetriana, 8; Cocfc Watt, 201;
Colinda, 205, 209, 211; Condor, 139; H.M.S.
Cornwall, 24; Cortes, 35; U.S.S. Decatur,
286 ; Delhi, 19 ; Diamond, 84, 111, 113, 114;
H.M.S. Dido, 214; Domitila, 44; Dresden,
24, 26; Dryad, 257; H.M.S. Egeria, 139;
Emden, 7, 8; Empress of India, 4; Enterprise, 55 ; Fanny Major, 199, 201; Florencia,
181; H.M.S. Formidable, 189; H.M.S. Forward, 185; H.M.S. Glasgow, 24; H.M.S.
Grafton, 139 ; H.M.S. Hogue, 139 ; Honolulu,
126, 127, 129, 133, 134, 201, 204; Idzumo,
8, 12, 17, 19, 20, 29; Iquique, 154-156; Isabella, 73, 74; Jessie, 214, 216, 217, 285;
John Hancock, 286, 287; H.M.S. Kent, 24;
Komagata Maru, 4, 6, 8; Lama, 257, 258;
Leipzig, 7-25, 28-30, 147, 166, 167, 170;
Leonor, 28; Lord Western, 134; McBride,
155; Major Tompkins, 205, 210, 211; Marquis of Bute, 211, 212; Mary Dare, 125,
126, 128, 130, 131, 133, 134; Mary Taylor,
126, 127; Mason, 208; U.S.S. Massachusetts, 285, 290, 291, 293; Matilda, 200;
U.S.S. Milwaukee, 153; H.M.S. Modeste,
262 ; H.M.S. Monarch, 215, 288, 289 ; H.M.S.
Monmouth, 23; Afomino Star, 292; H.M.S.
Newcastle, 12, 19, 20, 29; H.M.C.S. Niobe,
1, 4, 157, 158; Norman Morison, 119, 122-
126; Nurnberg, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18-
21, 23-25, 147, 166; H.M.S. Orbita, 160;
Oregon,  28; Otter,   130-134,  199-205,  207-
Ships—Continued.
218, 283-286, 289-295 ; Paterson, 155 ; U.S.S.
Peacock, 80 ; H.M.S. Pi«ue, 206, 207; H.M.S.
President, 206, 207, 216; Prince Albert,
205-208 ; Prince George, 2, 15, 16; Princess
Royal, 35, 208, 209, 218, 284, 292, 293;
H.M.C.S. Rainbow, 1-30, 139, 147, 157.167;
Recovery, 126, 131, 199, 200, 208, 209, 211,
212, 214, 216, 217, 285, 286, 288, 290, 292,
294; Rose, 127, 128, 199, 200, 205, 207, 209,
211; Salvor, 151, 162; San Francisco, 207;
Sarah Stone, 200, 285, 286; H.M.S. Satellite, 294, 295 ; Saucy Jack, 201; Saxonia,
26, 27; H.M.S. Shearwater, 2, 4, 6-8, 12,
14-16, 21, 139, 140, 147, 158, 160, 161, 165,
166; Sir James Douglas, 38; Sitka, 206,
207; Susan Sturgis, 262; Swallow, 133;
H.M.A.S. Sydney, 30; Thomasine, 203;
H.M.S. Trincomalee, 128-130, 132, 215, 216,
288-290; Tyra, 45; Una, 261; Vancouver,
90, 125, 127-129, 131, 134; H.M.S. Viraoo,
127-130, 206, 207; Water Lilly, 213, 217;
William, 126; William and Ann, 73, 74,
246; William Allen, 201; Yankee Scow,
203, 207, 209, 211, 213
Shooter, Edward, 128
Simpson, Mrs., 215
Simpson, Sir George, 71-73, 77, 80, 85, 93,
94, 238-242, 246, 257; letter from, 117,
118; letters to, 105, 106, 113-117
Simpson, Jonathan, 123
Sir James Douglas, a New Portrait, 93-101
Skewton, Lady Lavinia, pseud., The " Occasional Paper," 227
Skinner, Thomas, 202, 204, 213, 287, 290 '
Smith, James, 213
Smith, John, 210-213
Society for the Furtherance of British Columbia Indian Arts and Crafts, 60, 61
Somerville, Rev. Thomas, 44; Oration . . .
Inauguration of the New Masonic Hall, 227
Souel, Mrs., 293
So ward, F. H., Building the Canadian Nation,
review by, 68, 69
Staines, Rev. R. J., 97, 125, 200, 201, 203,
266
Staines, Mrs. R. J., 97
Stanley Park, Legends of, review of, 69
Stave River, 240
Stefansson, V., Greenland, review of, 144-146
Stephens, William, 215, 216, 283
Stevens, I. I., 200
Stewart, Commander J. D. D., 1, 2
Stewart, James, 125, 127, 128, 131, 133, 200,
208, 209, 213, 285
Storey, Admiral W. O., 156
Submarines, 147-170
Submarines, CCl and CCB, Canada's First,
147-170
Tait, James, 128, 131, 132, 208, 212-214, 283
Telegraph Trail, 61-53 310
Index.
Third Checklist of Crown Colony Imprints,
A, 147-170
Thompson, William, 66
Thompson Coit Elliott (1862-1848), 197, 198
Thomson, William, 291
Thorn, 284, 288
Thrupp, S. L., Minutes of the Hudson's Bay
Company, 1671-1674, review by, 301, 302
Tod, Emmaline, 290
Tod, John, 246, 250, 262, 265, 266, 286
Tolmie, Dr. W. F., 266; letter to, 112, 118
Tosi, Father P., 192, 198, 196
TYaus and Roads in the Lower Fraser Valley, Early, 49-66
Trans-Mississippi West, review of, 144
Treca, Tather, 195
Tribune, 186
Tucker, G. N., Canada's First Submarines,
147-170; The Career of H.M.C.S. "Rainbow," 1-30
Turner, George, 54
Vancouver Daily Post, 178, 188
Vancouver Island Gazette, 171, 172, 178, 179
Vancouver  Island House of Assembly,  287,
288
Vancouver Times, 177, 187, 188
Veitch, William, 127-129, 181, 182, 134, 201,
202,  204-206,  208,  210,  212,  213,  216-217,
290, 298
Victoria Centenary, Celebration of the, 186-
188
Victoria Colonial Voltigeurs, 284
Victoria Daily Chronicle, 178, 182, 187-190
Victoria Daily Standard, 188, 190
Victoria Gazette, 172-174, 179, 180, 188
Victoria Press, 174, 182, 190
Victoria, The Founding of Fort, 71-92
Vine, John, 216, 218, 286
Walker, 198, 194
Walker, W. T., 157
Wallace, C. W.  (Jr.), 266
Wallace, George, 177, 186, 186
Wark, Helena, 229
Wark, J. M., 267
Wark Street, 267
Washington   Imprints,   1858-1876,   A   Check
List of, review of, 69
Watts, Sir Philip, 164
Weir, Isabella, 200, 289
Weir, John, 128, 182, 188
Weir, Robert, 125, 129-181
Weir, William, 128, 129, 181-188
Whatcom Trail, 49, 50, 58
White, Rev. Edward, 89, 43
Whyte, Herriot, 126
Whyte,  James,   128, 126,  180,  181,  184, 201,
202, 204, 206, 218, 290, 298
Wilkes, Commodore, 80
Williams, Dick, 203
Williams, Thomas, 203, 206, 206, 289
Wilson, Alexander, 36, 40
Wilson, C. P., Modern Developments in History Museums, 271-282
Wilson, C. W., 49
Wilson,   James,   127,   128,   181-184,   200-204,
206-217, 288, 290
Winther, O. O., The Trans-Mississippi West,
review of, 144
Wishart, Capt. D. D., 124, 284
Wolfenden,   Madge,   The Early  Government
Gazettes, 171-190
Wolfenden, Col. Richard, 175, 176, 181
Wood, Lieut. R. H., 152
Woodward, William, 54
Work, Catherine, 266
Work, Cecilia J., 266
Work, David, 266-267
Work. Henry, 265, 267
Work, Jane, 266
Work, John, .76, 77, 229-270;   Journals, 230-
283, 269-270
Work, Mrs. John, 244, 247, 253, 262, 268, 266
Work, John (Jr.), 265-267
Work, Josette, 265, 266
Work, Letitia, 266
Work, Margaret, 266
Work, Mary, 266
Work, Sarah, 266
Work, An Irishman in the Fur Trade, 229-
270
Work Channel, 267
Work Family, 229, 266-267
Work Point Barracks, 267
Work River, 240
Work Street, 267
Wright, John, 40, 41
Yale, J. M., 96, 115
Yale Convention,  Minutes of a Preliminary
Meeting of the Delegates, 226
Yale Road, 58, 56
Yates, Agnes, 295
Yates. James, 201, 214, 288, 295
Young, W. A. G., 176
VICTORIA, B.C.:
Printed by Chables F. Banfield, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesly.
1943.
500-1048-6307 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Organized October 31st, 1922.
PATRON.
His Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia.
OFFICERS, 1943.
Hon. H, G. T. Perky     - Honorary President.
B. A. McKelvie  President.
J. 0. Goodfellow  Past President.
A. G. Harvey  1st Vice-Preside
Mrs. Curtis Sampson    - tnd Vice-President.
Madge Wolfenden     .... Honorary Treasurer.
H. T. Nation  Honorary Secretary.
MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL.
Mrs. M. R. Cree.      Helen R. Boutilier.      F. W. Howay.      Robie L. Reid.
T. A, Rickard.      Kathleen Acnew.       W. N. Sage.
Willard E. Ireland W. Kaye Lamb
(Provincial Archivist.) (Editor, Quart
A. G. Harvey H. B. Robert
(Vancouver Section). (Victoria Section.)
E. M. Cotton
(New Westminster Section).
OBJECTS.
To encourage historical research and stimulate public inter'
to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics,
es, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to
publish historical sketches, studies, and documents,
MEMBERSHIP.
Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year
commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing
receive the British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge.
Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives,
Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.

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