British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical News 1981

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 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL
NEWS
VOLUME 14, NO. 4 THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Honorary Patron:   His Honour, The Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia,
Henry P. Bell-Irving
Honorary President: Anne Stevenson, Box 4570, Williams Lake, V2G 2V6 392-4365 (res.)
Officers
President:
Barbara Stannard, #211-450 Stewart Ave., Nanaimo, V9S 5E9
754-6195 (res.)
1st Vice President:
Winnifred Weir, Box 774, Invermere, VOA 1K0
342-9562 (res.)
2nd Vice President:
Leonard C. McCann, #2, 1430 Maple St., Vancouver, V6J 3R9
736-4431 (bus.)
Secretary:
Frances Gundry, 255 Niagara St., Victoria, V8V 1G4
385-6353 (res.)
387-3623 (bus.)
Treasurer
J. Rhys Richardson, 2875 W. 29th, Vancouver, V6L 1Y2
733-1897 (res.)
Recording Secretary
:Margaret Stoneberg, Box 687, Princeton, VOX 1W0
295-3362 (res.)
Members-at-Large:
Naomi Miller, Box 1338, Golden, VOA 1H0
344-5000 (res.)
Catou Levesque,  10420 Cambie Road, Richmond, V6X 1K5
273-0254 (res.)
Past-President:
Ruth Barnett, 680 Pinecrest Rd., Campbell River, V9W 3P3
287-8097 (res.)
Ex Officio:
John Bovey, Provincial Archivist, Victoria, V8V 1X4
387-3621 (bus.)
Patricia Roy, Co-editor, B. C. Historical News
477-6911, local 4793 (bus.)  [to 30 June I981J
Terry Eastwood, Co-editor, B.C. Historical News
387-6671 (bus.) [to 30 June 198lJ
Man-r<"»n nassiriy, fin-fiditorf B.C. Historical News |from 1 July 1981J
Chairmen of Committees
Constitution and
By-laws
Historic Trails:
John D. Spittle, 1241 Mount Crown Rd., North Vancouver, V7R 1R9
Finance
H. R. Brammall, 4649 W. 12th, Vancouver, V6R 2R7
228-8958 (res.)
Cover Photograph:
Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, courtesy Provincial Archives of British
Columbia. BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL NEWS
Vol.   14,     No.   4 Summer 1981
Second-class mail registration number 4447
Published fall, winter, spring and summer by the British Columbia Historical
Association, P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B. C. V8W 2Y3 (Printed by D.A. Fotoprint Ltd.,
747 Fort Street, Victoria, B, C. V8W 3E9.)
Correspondence should be addressed to P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B. C. V8W 2Y3
Subscriptions: Institutional $15.00 per year; Individual (non-members) $7.00 per year
The B. C. Historical Association gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance
of the Ministry of the Provincial Secretary.
Valedictory
This marks the last issue of the jB .JC. Historical News to be
edited under our direction. We wish to thank the B.C.
Historical Association and its executive for their co-operation
and our writers and reviewers for their contributions. We are
delighted that Maureen Cassidy has accepted the position of
editor and we look forward to the new features she plans to introduce.
T.E. - P.R.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Gilbert Malcolm Sproat and the Origins
of the Agent-General's Office Sheila Keeble  1
Impressions of Father A.G. Morice, OMI G. S. Andrews  7
Dewdney's Second Contract: The Seven Mile Cutoff R. C. Harris  9
Book Reviews:
Distant Dominion by Barry Gough Brian Young 13
The Nootka Connection by Derek Pethick Freeman Tovell 14
Martin, The Story of a Young Fur Trader
by Imbert Orchard Georgiana Ball 15
Tough Timber by Myrtle Bergren Allen Seager 17
Railroaders by Robert D. Turner Ken Pedlow 18
Town and City by Alan Artibise Bob Smith 19
Convention Report Anne Yandle 21
President's Report Ruth Barnett 22
Reports from the Branches 24
Recent British Columbia Books Frances Woodward 27
Local Histories for sale 28
CONTEST  31 -1-
Gilbert Malcolm Sproat and the Origins
of the Agent-General's Office
The creation of the office of Agent-General in London was solely the
result of the efforts of Gilbert Malcolm Sproat to obtain a comfortable
'official' niche for himself. Sproat, a Scottish farmer's son, had come out
to British Columbia in the early 1860's as the representative of a British
company that intended to set up lumbering operations on Vancouver Island.
Sproat's interests were not confined to business. He undertook amateur
exploring expeditions, studied Indian customs, and was an accomplished amateur
litterateur. He also took an active part in local affairs in Victoria frequently
chairing the political debates and public meetings which were the mainstay
of the cultural life of the colony. He seems to have at least toyed with the
idea of holding political or administrative office but these ambitions came to
nothing.  Perhaps because of this, Sproat returned to England in 1865 where
he retained a keen involvement in British Columbian matters through the "London
Committee for watching the affairs of British Columbia" of which he was chairman.
Sproat apparently continued to desire a public role.  In 1865, shortly
after Sproat's departure, the Colonist, never his ally, snidely suggested that
he was about to reap the benefits of nepotism when a relative of his, a Mr.
Laing, then the Indian Finance Minister in Britain, seemed set to succeed
Mr. Gladstone as Chancellor of the Exchequer.  The report was probably a figment of the Colonist's fertile editorial imagination but it must have reflected
a belief in some quarters that such cold-blooded careerism was in character.
Nothing came of it and Sproat later insisted that he had declined Parliamentary
candidature on the grounds that "it would not pay the candle." This disclaimer
occurred in a series of notes that Sproat compiled to support his next bid for
office—this time as Governor of British Columbia.^ In this 1869 document,
Sproat dismissed other conventional routes to prominence. The Colonial service
was "glittering—theatrical, without much real power" (surely a revealing objection.) But Sproat obviously craved a less humdrum existence than that of
an ordinary Victoran businessman, declaring: "I am pretty well off—but my life
does not suit my tastes."
This desire for appointment was responsible for Sproat's inventions of
the Agent-Generalship—a job tailor-made for his own peculiar talents. The
genesis of the idea is probably to be found in a letter to the Colonist in 1869
Colonist, August 6, 1862, p.3; February 6, 1865, p.3.
2
T. A. Rickard, "Gilbert Malcolm Sproat," British Columbia Historical
Quarterly, I (January 1937), 23.
3
Colonist, November 7, 1865, p.3.
4
G.M. Sproat Papers, Provincial Archives of British Columbia. -2-
signed "from an occasional correspondent"^ but almost certainly attributable
to Sproat from stylistic evidence and from the similarity of the argument
to that of Sproat's later writings,  In this letter he outlined a scheme for
an agent who would lecture in England and Scotland "on British Columbia and
Vancouver Island as a field for emigration; not to raise delusive expectations
about gold." In order to circumvent the notorious apathy of the local authorities, he proposed that the merchants and businessmen of Victoria should finance
the agent for a year until the government perceived the importance of the job
and took over control. This suggestion does not seem to have met with any
great response, so in November 1871 Sproat sent the Lieutenant-Governor of
the newly-created province a more detailed elaboration of his proposal.
Sproat's renewed initiative would seem to have been provoked by a
Dominion Government immigration conference held in Ottawa in September 1871
which granted the individual provinces the right to
appoint such Immigration Agents in Europe, and
elsewhere beyond Canada, as they think proper:
and such Agents, on requisition to that effect,
will be duly accredited by the Dominion Government. (7)
This statement regularised the post-Confederation situation on immigration
matters. It is most unlikely that without Sproat's persistence the provincial
government would have felt impelled to take the initiative of appointing such
an Agent. Once the opportunity presented itself, the Lieutenant-Governor,
J. W. Trutch, and the provincial government probably considered that the appointment would be a useful sop to the British community which had been defeated by
the Canadian element over Confederation. The office would reinforce the
traditional and sentimental links with Britain.
Certainly Sproat's perseverence paid off finally, and in July 1872 he
was offered the job of "Emigration Agent in England."" Sproat quickly transformed the title into the more grandiose "Agent-General" and this was granted
belated official sanction in 1873.9
Sproat had a very comprehensive view of the role of the Agent-General
springing from his observations of the work of similar agents stationed in
London by the Australian, New Zealand and South African colonies. These agents
endeavoured to direct public attention to their far-flung lands; acted as
social ambassadors; and arranged for the transportation of special shipments of
poorer emigrants.  Sproat was more astute than many of his contemporaries in
5
Colonist, May 14, 1869, p.2 (Letter from Manchester).
G. M. Sproat Papers, Letter to His Honour, the Lieutenant-Governor of
British Columbia, November 3, 1871, P.A.B.C.
British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Journals, 1872, Sessional Paper 4,
Article 8.
Provincial Secretary's Office, July 26, 1872.
9
British Columbia Gazette, April 12, 1873. -3-
noticing the parallels between the problems facing the Antipodean colonies
and British Columbia. Long and expensive sea voyages discouraged the emigration
of poorer families who were more likely to join the stream of emigration to the
United States and Eastern Canada. Nevertheless, Sproat maintained, the distinctive and personal system of agents had helped these colonies make great
strides in attracting settlers.
Sproat claimed that the promotion of emigration should be the Agent-
General's first priority. His own description of the work involved was very
thorough:
... to select immigrant families—to give them
information as to the province—to advertise for
tenders for conveyance and to enter into contracts
with shipowners—to inspect the accommodation arid
provisions—to see the emigrants comfortably on
board . . . and to make the fact of a superior class
of settlers having gone to British Columbia, as
public as possible. (10)
Sproat seems to have hoped that the provincial authorities would organise the
dispersal of the newcomers to the vacant agricultural lands, but, in practice,
only a rather tenuous bond existed between the action of the Agent-General and
the provincial government.
Sproat thought that the cheapest and most efficient way to secure
settlers was for the Agent-General to visit particular localities to lecture
on the province rather than to "sow advertisements broadcast at a great expense
and remain in his office in London to 'select' those who appeared there."
Sproat and his contemporaries who had experienced the transitory
inundation of the gold rush were naturally very wary of a rapid influx of
population. Typically, they believed that a period of slow, sure development
was required, with the establishment of a core of farming families. Faster
progress could not be envisaged until the completion of the Pacific Railway.
The second area of the Agent-General's duty was to seek free and favourable publicity:
In Colonial conferences, in emigration meetings . .
also at public dinners, the public see the name, the
office and the colony of the Agent-General mentioned,
and begin to realise the existence of grand English
communities in other parts of the world, who send
representatives to England, quite equal to their own
English M.P.s in culture and business ability. (11)
In addition, despite his disapproval of indiscriminate advertising, Sproat thought
G. M. Sproat Papers, Letter to the Lieutenant-Governor.
11 Ibid, p.7. -4-
the name of the province (and of course of its agent) should be placarded
freely in public places such as railway stations.
In practice, Sproat's major contribution was his production of an
immigration handbook on the province. z The pamphlet was a cheap, short
but nonetheless comprehensive account which detailed the numerous openings
for "practical farmers" from the British Isles. Later writers frequently
plundered its information.
Sproat also undertook a considerable amount of correspondence in
English newspapers, leaping to the defence of the province when it was
libelled by American reports. According to a letter to the Colonist, the
office in London flourished:
The office itself, in a central situation, was the
daily rendezvous of persons interested to have the
latest information of all that concerned the province.
All the local papers were filed and the walls placarded
with maps, scraps, cuttings, and public notices. And
so much was Mr. Sproat's time taken up in answering
inquiries, corresponding, lecturing, etc., that he had
to give three fourths of his salary to a gentlemen to
assist him.  (13)
But Sproat's conscientiousness was not necessarily enough to reconcile many
to the expense of the London office.
On balance, provincial opinion began to regard the experiment as
uneconomic. Even at the beginning of Sproat's term of office, the Colonist
had cast doubts on the need for an office in London (though San Francisco
was a different matter) and had insisted that the Dominion Government already
possessed adequate facilities for publicising the province in Britain.
The Colonist argued that the provincial government would be better occupied
in devising a new land policy on American lines with local immigration
officials to supervise the settlement of new arrivals.  Sproat's work could
be all too successfully sabotaged by local inertia.
The downfall of the London office occurred only after Sproat had
managed to become implicated, perhaps unwittingly, in a series of political
controversies.  In 1874, accusations were made about the illegal sale of crown
lands on iron-rich Texada Island, allegedly advertised at the Agent-General's
office. Sproat was supposed to have acted in complicity with Amor DeCosmos
(an unlikely situation in view of their obvious hostility to each other) for
their mutual advantage, though Sproat denied all knowledge of the plot. ^
There was also a rather messy scandal over the awarding of contracts for the
dry-dock at Esquimalt in 1875.  Sproat was accused of helping to 'fix' the
tenders to the profound disadvantage of provincial taxpayers.
12
13
14
15
16
G. M. Sproat, British Columbia: Information for Emigrants (London:
issued by the Agent-General, 4, Lime St. Sq., E.C., 1873 and 1875).
Colonist, March 12, 1876, p.2 (Letter signed J.D.P.—J.D. Pemberton?)
Ibid. October 11, 1872, p.2.
Ibid. May 1, 1873, p.3 (This argument recurs frequently).
Ibid. December 22, 1875, p.2. -5-
Between these fairly important disputes, there was an acrimonious
'slanging match' in the columns of Victoria's newspapers during Sproat's
brief visit to the province in the autumn of 1875.  Sproat was charged with
voicing opposition to British Columbia's remaining in Confederation because
of the non-fulfilment of terms. ' This basic issue was soon swamped by the
more immediately fascinating question of how much money Sproat was paid as
Agent-General—a subject about which Sproat was surprisingly cagey.
Curiously, Sproat himself often asserted that the Agent-Generalship
brought him no financial reward:
My services, as Agent-General, to three successive
Governments of this province have probably been of
small value, and may be correctly estimated by the
amount of my remuneration which . . . amounts precisely to nothing.  (18)
The underlining of "as Agent-General" is, however, indicative of a semantic
quibble. As Sproat continued:
There is paid to me, or rather through my hands, as an
Emigration Agent, a small sum of $85 a month (less
income tax) with an allowance for clerical and office
expenses, but no portion of that money goes into my
pocket. The bulk of it is paid to my excellent assistant.  (19)
But Sproat had, of course, originally been appointed as an "Emigration
Agent"—"at a salary of $1,000 p.a. & travelling expenses."   $85 per month
is approximately $1,000 per annum, so it sounds as if Sproat was trying to
minimise the expense by these hair-splitting definitions of his various
•jobs'.
In the light of Sproat's assertions, it is interesting to note that
both the Colonist and the provincial government believed the costs involved
to be much greater.  In 1873, the Colonist (quoting what it claimed was an
official source) maintained that the office had cost $800 for only four months
and that "the salary of the Agent-General in England is*200 sterling per
annum."21 In 1876, the Colonist claimed that the office had been voted $2,000
but that this had been exceeded by nearly 100 per cent. Thus, the Agent-General
17
18
19
20
Ibid.  September 19, 1875, p.3 marks the start of the row.
Ibid.  October 2, 1876, p.3; August 31, 1876, p.3
Ibid.
Letter from Provincial Secretary's Office, July 26, 1872.
1 Colonist, September 10, 1873, p.3. -6-
"cost the country in 1875 nearly or quite $4,000.00."22 It should, however, be borne in mind that the Colonist was no friend of Sproat's and was
anxious to highlight the burden.
The financial commitment was the pretext for the abolition of the post
by an incoming provincial government in 1876.  Sproat claimed that the new
Finance Minister had confused the figures and unintentionally doubled the cost
of the job.23 But, both the Colonist and the Victoria Daily Standard
applauded the new government for dispensing with "a very expensive and useless
piece of official furniture."2^
Certainly, it cannot be said that Sproat's enterprise was attended
with great success, even allowing for the short time he had to put his plans
into operation. Whatever his ability to encourage individuals to emigrate to
the province, his plans for special shipments of poorer agricultural emigrants
never materialised. Probably Sproat, like many later Agents-General, found
that the semi-ambassadorial side of the job was a welcome distraction from
the drudgery of seeking out settlers.  Indeed, it seems likely that Sproat had
deliberately created a job that gave him the kind of automatic ingress into
respectable society so valuable in Victorian London for a relative outsiderlike himself—hence his anxiety for the official title of Agent-General rather
than mere "Emigration Agent".
But by no means all the blame for the rather lack-lustre performance
of the Agent-General falls on Sproat's shoulders. Provincial governments at
this period were notoriously penny-pinching and short-sighted with little or
no interest in a bold and imaginative plan for attracting settlers.  In many
ways a successful settlement programme would have been a grievous embarrassment
to the provincial government, embroiled as it was in conflict with the Federal
authorities over the non-fulfilment of the railway terms of Confederation.
A steady stream of immigration would have seriously undermined the provincial
outcry. This is presumably why suggestions, easily implemented, for a more
generous land policy and local immigration officers to aid newcomers fell on
stony ground. It is interesting to note that the Agent-Generalship was only
re-established on a regular basis in 1883 when the Canadian Pacific Railway
was nearing completion and the rift with Ottawa temporarily healed.
22
Ibid. March 12, 1876, p.2.
23
Ibid. August 31, 1876, p.3.
Ibid. March 9, 1876, p.3, Victoria Daily Standard, September 1, 1876, p.3
Sheila M. Keeble, who received lerB.A. from the University College of Wales,
Swansea, recently earned an M.A. in History at the University of Victoria
for her thesis, "The Search for Settlers; Some Aspects of British Columbia's
Immigration Policy, 1871 - 1914." -7-
Impressions of A. G. Morice, 0Mb 1859 - 1938
Priest, Historian, Linguist, Ethnologist and Geographer
Extraordinary
Father Morice is perhaps best known in the West for his History of
the Northern Interior of British Columbia (Toronto, 1904). This edition,
long out of print, is prized by collectors. Happily, a reprint appeared in
1978, edited by the Rev. Gaston Carriere, OMI, Ottawa. Morice wrote numerous
other less well known works, covering the history, ethnology, linguistics
and geography of the West. His map of "The Northern Interior of British
Columbia" was published by the provincial government in 1907, a praiseworthy
'first' for the area covered.
Adrien Gabriel Morice was born in Mayenne, France, 1859. A paternal
ancestor was English, a soldier serving in France cl611. His early education
was obtained at Mayence, the Oblate College of Notre Dame de Sion, near Nancy,
he became novice in the Oblate Order at Nancy 1877. He pursued further studies
at Autun, Bourgogne, where he developed an interest in archeology. He became
a Brother Oblate in 1879, and was selected for missionary duty overseas,
leaving for New York in June 1880. After Reaching San Francisco by rail, he
continued by ship to Victoria and thence to Mission in the Fraser valley near
Matsqui. After two years there, he was ordained Priest and posted to the
mission Saint Joseph, near Williams Lake. His success with the Chilcotins and
their language motivated his assignment to Fort St. James in 1885 by his
superior, Mgr. D'Herbonnez. After some twenty years there, he was recalled iri
1905 to the Juniorat des OMI in St. Boniface, near Winnipeg in which vicinity
he spent the remainder of his life, devoted to his researches and writing.
The following memoir was written during convalescence in the Victoria
Military Hospital, October 1945, at the request of Dr. Kaye Lamb, (then)
Head Librarian at the University of British Columbia:
Apropos my tenderfoot years roaming the interior of British Columbia,
consorting with trappers, fur buyers, frontiersmen and rum-runners; spanking
pack-horses on the upper Fraser, through the Pine pass, and on the Nose
Mountain trail across the Wapiti and Big Smoky to Jasper, and beyond over
the Goat River trail to Barkerville and Quesnel; teaching dusky Metis in the
Peace River country and in Big Bar Creek of the Cariboo, ... it was natural to
have acquired and studied with fascination the amazing map and the history
authored by the Reverend Father Adrien Gabriel Morice, OMI.  These experiences
inculcated an admiration for that versatile old missionery of Fort St. James
and a lively curiosity as to the manner of man he was.
Hard on the foregoing, Morice's map and history were taken east to
Toronto's academic dormitories - to warm and refresh a student's soul, homesick for his"Great Northwest".  In May, 1929 returning to B.C. the first time
in three years, for a summer survey job, I learned that Father Morice was in ■
retirement at Winnipeg, where a stop-over was planned.  A companion of RC faith
arranged a visit to Morice through the dignitaries of his Church.
Presenting ourselves, speculatively, at the door of a modest house on
Austin Street in Winnipeg's "north end", the housekeeper bustled off to ascertain if the Reverend Father would find it convenient to receive us. Presently, -8-
from a door along the corridor, the old man appeared, the black robes of
his Order smoothing his stalky physique in a comfortable, appropriately oblate,
outline.  Full grey beard and hair, punctuated to a full stop on top by a
jaunty black skull cap, sandwiched the mobile features of his smiling face,
set with brown Latin eyes, - bright and intelligent. He beckoned us to chairs
in his book-lined study and seated himself with one arm hooked over his chair-
back in a restless almost fidgety attitude.
Explaining I had used his map while threading my pack-horses along Omineca
and Nechako trails, and had studied his "History of the Northern Interior . .",
I could not entirely conceal my admiration of his works. The old man's face
brightened with growing interest and pleasure. He jumped up, grasped my hands
and regarding me with earnest radiance, exclaimed "How happy you make me! ...
it is the first time ... yes! you are the first ... to come from there ... to
seek me out here ... in appreciation of my work". Questions followed rapidly.
"When were you last in Fort St. James, - and Fort McLeod? ... Did you have
trouble bringing your horses over Pine Pass? ... Where did you cross the
Parsnip? ... could you ford, or had you to swim? ... What was the condition of
the old trail from McLeod to St. James? ... was my map of assistance? ... was
it accurate and complete?" ... and many other questions, some of which I
could not answer. My visit had released a spate of recollections in the
Father's mind, giving him obvious pleasure.
It was my turn to ask the old explorer how he had made his map ....
In his parochial and exploratory travels over that enormous area, some
300 miles in diameter, he carried only compass, aaneroid barometer, chronometer and a length of cable (for soundings). He used magnetic azimuth for
rough triangulation. Over frozen lakes he made paced traverses on snowshoes,
cutting holes in the ice he made soundings for depth.  By canoe he used his
chronometer to proportion distance between landmarks along the shore.  From
mountain tops with a skilled eye he sketched what he could see but not reach.
Hidden features were put on his manuscript by advice from his faithful native
guides, in whom he found a highly developed topographic sense and an intimate
knowledge of the country.
With just pride Father Morice related that he had been advised in
correspondence with the surveyor Frank C. Swannell, BCLS, DLS, of Victoria,
that subsequent surveys by him for the B. C. government had confirmed the
accuracy and detail of Morice's map in commendable terms.  Did I know Swannell?
I had to deny that pleasure ... visible disappointment ... (Fate decreed I
was to initiate a lasting friendship with the Swannell family the next summer).
Conversation rambled on to other topics of historic and ethnographic
connotation with B.C.'s northern interior; his work presently in hand, his
magnum opus on the Carrier language; his library and archives; and eventually
to the loneliness and seclusion of his retirement, so far removed from his
happy hunting ground of earlier years in northern B. C.  He could not
restrain hints that his historical, ethnographic and related pursuits had met
with some discountenance by his superiors in the Order, such preoccupations
being vicarious to his sectarian obligations? Later, his housekeeper confided
that the tycoons of the Church were content for the sake of peace, to let
Father Morice live, as we found him, in privacy and detachment, to work unfettered at his chosen researches.  His bright eyes, quick responses and -9-
enthusiasm bespoke a man ripe in experience and learning, still possessed
of a large unspent store of energy. ...
***
My next visit with Father Morice was eight years later, in 1937.  This
time my companion was indeed Frank Swannell, whom I felt sure that the old
man would be glad to see, recalling his earlier remarks. However, there were
misgivings as to how we might find our Priest. During the interval he had
suffered a minor stroke.  We were relieved when his housekeeper, on admitting
us to the same house, assured us that the Father, tho' not as robust as of old,
would be glad to see us.  We found him in the same book-filled study and, I
thought, aged and frail.  Forbearing to tax his memory of my own identity, I
introduced Mr. Swannell.  It took a moment for the name to penetrate, .. but
then it dawned on him of a sudden.  He rose, embraced my friend, exclaiming
excitedly "Ah ... Swannell ... it is you ... we meet at last!" They fell into
lively conversation, while I, pretending other business, withdrew.  Returning
an hour later, I found they had covered much ground to mutual satisfaction,
and I was gratified to learn that in the meantime, Father Morice had remembered
his youthful visitor of eight years before,
***
My two brief visits with Father Morice, the first happily while yet in
his full vigour, the second poignantly in his decline, have since been
amplified by acquisition and study of most of his writings.  These have served
to further enhance the lustre of his image.  His auto-biography "Fifty Years
in Western Canada", under the nom  de plume "DLS" may be sadly discounted as
an off-season fruit of his decline, pathetic in the case of a man who had
achieved such high distinction.  It is unjust to condemn the bitterness and
vanities which permeate this book.  In the frustration of premature retirement,
the intense fires which energized his creative achievements, were diverted to
vaporizing hungry clouds of vainglory and igniting flames of controversy ...
Nay, just as those noble mountains on his map are marked by their highest
eminence, let us remember Father Morice by his unique and noteworthy contributions
to the geography, history and ethnology of the Great Northwest.
Lieutenant-Colonel G. S. Andrews is a frequent contributor to the News.
Dewdney's Second Contract: The Seven Mile Cutoff
In 1860, with favourable mining prospects continuing in the Similkameen,
Governor James Douglas ordered that Dewdney's first contract, "the mule road
to Similkomeen," be converted to a waggon road.  As a former trader, Douglas
wished to supply the interior of British Columbia from the Fraser River, rather
than have Americans packing up the former Hudson's Bay Company route along the
Columbia and Okanagan rivers.
While the mule road to Similkameen made use of the first four miles of
the HBC's 1849 horse road from Hope to Kamloops, it did involve two crossings -10-
of the Coquihalla River.  It was difficult to maintain a bridge at either
crossing. Edgar Dewdney was the first to put the proposal in writing. He
and Col. Moody, the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, met in Victoria
early in October 1860. On October 8, Dewdney made a formal submission,
Moody forwarded it to Douglas the next day. Dewdney recommended the road be
built as a waggon road directly and estimated the length as four miles.
Dewdney offered to build the road before the end of 1860 for if290 per mile. He
was also prepared to build it as a mule road at if 76 per mile or as a waggon
road with timber cut 66 feet wide forJf310 per mile.
Dewdney had intended to start work on his negotiated contract in
October 1860, but government approval was slow. Early in November Moody
further explained to Douglas that: "The new road would go over altogether
new ground, from the Hope terminus along the left (south) bank of the Coquihalla,
to join the present mule trail at the mouth of the N'Coulomne Valley, thus
avoiding crossing the Coquihalla at all, and not using, in any way, any part
of the old Hudson's Bay Company Trail."' Douglas was pleased by the plan to
extend the mule trail without crossing the "Quoquehala" as he privately advised
Moody, "it is the very thing which I have been anxious to do ever since the
commencement of the Road in the Spring (of I860) ...I was under the impression
that no practicable line had been discovered."  Despite Douglas' instruction
to Moody, "Pray let that work proceed with as little delay as possible," and
his enthusiasm for a trail that would save the crossings of the Coquihalla,
complications developed.
Moody explained that Dewdney had made his offer before laying off the
crew from his first contract and now suggested that no work be done on a mule
trail if a waggon road were contemplated.  Douglas apparently accepted Moody's
advice for on December 10, 1860 Moody forwarded to Dewdney a contract for the
construction of a twelve foot wide waggon road seven miles in length from
Fort Hope to a point in the N'Columne Valley, on the Shimilkomeen Mule road at
2
3
4
5
6
There was an almost perpetual fund for repairing the bridge at the first
crossing of the Coquihalla. See, for example, a comment in the spring of
1860 when it was argued:
A bridge across the Quequealla would facilitate communication with:
1. The Boston Bar trail
2. The Manson's mountain trail (HBC) to Colville, Kamloops and
the Bonaparte and Thompson Rivers.
3. The proposed new mule road to be explored and if possible
constructed as early as possible to the Semilkimeen mines
(Dewdney's first contract.)
4. The adjoining lands on the north and east of the Coquihalla.
PABC, AE 0r3 0 2 (O'Reilly Collection)
PABC, F461 (1)/3K Edgar Dewdney to R. Moody, 8 October 1860.
PABC C AB 30.7 J book 6 Moody to James Douglas, 9 November 1860.
PABC F485c/9 Douglas to Moody, 20 November 1860.
Ibid.: PABC, F1278, Peter O'Reilly to William Young, 29 November 1860.
PABC, C AB 30.7J Book 6, Moody to Douglas, 27 November 1860. NICOLUM R
*3
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4300 per mile, to be guaranteed for three months after acceptance.
The next day, Dewdney and his partner Moberly accepted the offer.  The
following week Dewdney arrived at Fort Hope "with a train of mules" and
announced his Intention "to commence the making of the road in a few days.1
By early March Dewdney had fifty men on the road10 and before the month's
end, Dewdney and Moberly had "completed nearly three miles of the waggon road
in the direction of the Nicolum valley." Ahead of him encamped at Anderson's
log were Sergeant McColl and his party who were finishing "the laying out of
the entire seven miles."11
Construction continued.  By the end of April Dewdney had completed
four miles of the contract and had the mule trail "so far completed that
animals can pass from Hope to the trail made last year on the other side of
the N'Colomne River." However, as Peter O'Reilly, magistrate and gold
commissioner at Fort Hope, advised William Young, the Colonial Secretary,
"In several places on the third and fourth mile of the road the grade is so
steep and the turns so sharp that if it is not made somewhat wider than the
present specification requires (12 feet), I fear it will be difficult, and
in some places dangerous, for heavy waggon traffic ..."   Nevertheless,
on July 19, 1860 O'Reilly reported that "Messrs Dewdney and Moberly's section
of waggon road is now completed in a most creditable manner ... the grades
have been much eased ... the turns are however in many places still too
sharp to admit of heavy waggon traffic."1
By the time twenty-five miles of waggon road to Similkameen had been
built in mid 1861, interest in gold mining and road building had shifted
towards the Cariboo and the road widening project was abandoned. The partners, Dewdney and Moberly, had built the first seven miles, to a point in
the Nicolum valley: the Royal Engineers, with civilian help, built the
next eighteen miles to Skagit (Rhododendron) Flat, not far from Snass Creek
Bridge.
Completion of Dewdney's second contract did not end expenditures on
the road.  On November 4, 1861, "the most severe storm ... yet ... witnessed
at Hope" caused "more or less damage to every house in town. The hurricane
deck of the Steamer Hope was completely blown away; some large Northern Canoes
that were being repaired for the Up river trade were carried in the air to a
distance of a hundred yards, and smashed to pieces ... over 500 treees on the
PABC, C AB 30.7J, Book2, Moody to Dewdney, 10 December 1860.
10
11
12
13
PABC F461a/1 Dewdney to Moody, 11 December 1860.
PABC, F1278, O'Reilly to Young, 18 December 1860.
PABC, F1279, O'Reilly to Colonial Secretary, 2 March 1861.
PABC, F1279, O'Reilly to Young, 20 March 1861.
PABC, F1279, O'Reilly to Young, 24 April 1861 and 30 April 1861.
PABC, F1280, O'Reilly to Young, 19 July 1861. -12-
the flat were blown down ..." And, continued Peter O'Reilly in reporting
the storm damage, "the waggon road for the first five miles from Hope has
suffered severely."1^ Colonial correspondence and later provincial Public
Works Reports record occasional heavy storm damage and a steady pattern of.
slides, washouts and blowdownsrequiring repair, especially at the deep sidehill cuts.
Some details of Dewdney's Seven Mile Cutoff are given on the sketch
map.15 By 1859, the embryo town of Fort Hope had been laid out along the
Fraser River, entirely north of the HBC's 1849 fort. The first street of the
townsite, Fort Street, was located to just intersect the northwest corner
of the fort (really a trading post).
The line of Dewdney's Seven Mile Cutoff was laid out for Col. Moody by
Sgt. Wm. McColl, Royal Engineers, who made so many of the surveys round Hope
and Princeton.  Sgt. McColl's field book  shows the waggon road to Similkameen
leaving "Columbia House," (presumably an Inn), on Water Street and going up
Park Street to Fourth Avenue, south on Fourth to Wallace, east on Wallace to
Fifth and south on Fifth to its intersection with the HBC trail to the
interior. Beyond this point (Fort Street) the road left the grid pattern of
the new townsite, and headed east over the flats, following the best ground.
(Many years later, the exit from Hope was shifted to Sixth Avenue where it
remains today.)  One and a quarter miles from Water Street, the road crossed
John Coe's 1859 mill lead, a flume or ditch dug along an old channel on the
south side of the Coquihalla delta to power his sawmill in Lot 15, on the bank
of the Fraser.  From the mill lead or race, the road soon entered some heavy
sidehill cuts between mile 2 and mile 5 (the first crossing of the Nicolum
river).  To be seven miles long, Dewdney's contract must have run about two
miles up the Nicolum valley.  McColl's line for Dewdney's waggon road runs just
below the present Hope-Princeton Highway.   Some good stretches of the road
are hot yet covered by modern highway construction.  It is said, however, that
the new four lane Coquihalla highway will take this route from Hope to the
Nicolum, so there will never be a better time than the present to visit Dewdney's
Seven Mile Cutoff.
R.C. Harris
14
15
16
17
PABC, F1280, O'Reilly to Young, 6 November 1861.
A careful traverse along the entire work was made in 1906 by Alfred Johnson,
DLS, in connection with his surveys along the eastern limit of the railway
belt.  The Surveyor General of British Columbia holds a copy of Johnson's
traverse, Dominion Field Book No. 9182.
Surveyor General of British Columbia, Royal Engineers' Field Book No. 28A
and unfinished Plan 18T1 miscellaneous (also numbered "15")
Townships in the Railway Belt; say 1886 onwards.  The west half of the seven
mile road is shown in detail on the many early editions of "Township 5,
Range 26, West of the Sixth Meridian," published by the Surveyor General,
Ottawa.  The Geological Survey of Canada surveyed a fine topographic map of
the Coquihalla Basin in 1916: "Publication No. 1897: Coquihalla River Area:
Issued 1923."  This shows the waggon road from Hope as far east as Beaver
(Outram) Lake. -13-
Book Reviews
DISTANT DOMINION; BRITAIN AND THE NORTHWEST COAST OF NORTH AMERICA, 1579-1809.
Barry M. Gough. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980.
pp. 190, illus., $19.95
Barry M. Gough, visiting Professor of History at Simon Fraser University
and no stranger to the membership or the pages of this journal, has written a
companion volume to his earlier work on The Royal Navy and the Northwest Coast
of North America, 1810-1914. Gough's latest readable and well written volume
with the alluring and alliterative title Distant Dominion is, in the author's
words, not a sequel but rather a "predecessor in terms of the period covered,
1579-1809..." As such, it is a survey of the British maritime activity in the
Pacific and the motivation behind that presence.
In this second volume in the UBC Press Pacific Maritime Studies Series,
Gough traces Pacific maritime history from the initial ventures or "probes" of
Drake, Anson and Byron to the voyages of Cook and Vancouver. Behind these voyages
of exploration and survey was the need for expanded commerce, coupled with that
need was the necessity of finding the long sought Strait of Anian, the fabled
Northwest passage.
The competing interests of Russia, Spain, France and Great Britain
resulted in intensified international rivalry as Great Britain, through her
navy, sought to establish dominance in the Pacific and its commerce. The Royal
Navy was the key to this domination and the Northwest passage the goal of
the marine surveyors—would become the marine highway between the commercial
capitals and markets of Europe and the natural riches of the far-flung outposts
on the Pacific Coast.
Gough proceeds to Captain James Cook and the birth of the maritime fur
trade by recounting how Cook, remembered most for his feats of navigation
and survey, forged the initial commercial link between China and the coast of
what is now British Columbia. The sea otter pelts, which were literally thrust
upon Cook's crews by the natives of the West Coast who possessed an insatiable
demand for metal, brought significant returns in Canton.  As news of this trade
spread, increased international attention was focused on what had previously
been an unknown area: Nootka Sound.
The Nootka Convention officially put to rest all Spanish pretensions that
the Pacific was nothing more than a Spanish lake and with the furling of the
Spanish flag by Manuel Alava in 1795, British sovereignty at Nootka was recognized.
Gough closes his book as the British maritime fur trade, hampered by restrictions,
went into decline and yielded to American interests.  British coffers would fill
again however as the continental fur trade replaced the trade in fur bearing marine
pelts and the Navy would remain dominant on the coast.
Gough's well researched Distant Dominion brings little new information
to the fore; its strength lies in its competence as a survey for it covers the
ground well, assembles the information and relates activities on a far-flung
frontier with events in the capitals of Europe and Asia.
The volume's bibliography and ample footnotes bear testimony to the author's
diligent research.  Though I can accept the reasons behind locating footnotes at -14-
the back of a volume, I must confess to being a bit of a curmudgeon for the
constant flipping of pages to locate explanatory footnotes is a bit of an annoyance.
The book is illustrated with twenty-five familiar reproductions and two clear
maps.  The index is more than adequate.
Distant Dominion will appeal to all readers of maritime history for it
is an extremely well written, solidly researched and eminently readable book.
As such it belongs on the British Columbia bookshelf alongside its companion
volume. Together, these books by Professor Gough present over a three hundred
year survey of maritime history and Royal Navy activity on Canada's Pacific
coast.
Brian A. Young is a member of the staff of the Provincial Archives of
British Columbia.
THE NOOTKA CONNECTION: EUROPE AND THE NORTHWEST COAST, 1790-1795.
Derek Pethick. Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 1980. Pp. 281, illus., $18.95.
This is Mr. Pethick's tenth book on B. C. history and second on the early
sea explorations. Readers who enjoyed First Approaches to the Northwest Coast
(1976) will welcome his sequel. The format is the same: Informative footnotes,
mercifully printed as an appendix, a chronology to guide the reader through the
maze of events, and a short bibliography.
The earlier volume took us down to the First Nootka Convention (1790).
The Nootka Connection — an appropriate title despite its contemporary, under-
worldly connotation, covers the next five years, to 1795, when the Spanish flag
was finally lowered on the fortress of San Miguel defending the entrance to the
northernmost outpost of Spain's American empire. Nootka Sound's twenty year
history as the hub of the Pacific fur trade and focal point of imperial rivalries
had come to an end. Economically and strategically it had ceased to be of importance.
During the brief time span covered by this volume, the fierce competition
between nations and rival commercial interests for sea otter pelts tended to
overshadow the scientific work being done by the Vancouver, Malaspina and other
expeditions. Fur traders seeking new sources of wealth discovered and, with
varying degrees of accuracy, charted bays, sounds, rivers and islands. As the
author says, it is a "complex tale" which he relates in a straightforward manner,
keeping the interconnecting strands of the web clear. Making no claim to
original research, he draws together a great deal of information scattered in
logs and journals, articles, books and other published material to provide a
free flowing narrative.
Mr. Pethick's purpose is two-fold: to "outline the major advances in
geographical knowledge during the period" and "to give the main facts regarding
all the known voyages to the area during these five years", (p.2). Adherence
to this self-imposed limitation unfortunately compels him to eschew the broader
picture and pay insufficient attention to the political, economic and diplomatic
background to the story he tells.  No only is it implicit in his sub-title; it
is an integral part of the events he describes without which motives and actions
are not always evident.  Not that this aspect is ignored.  Rather we want to -15-
understand better, for example, the reasons for the marked disinterest of the
Spanish in the sea otter pelt trade, the consequences of the post-revolutionary
antipathy between the United States and Great Britain for their relations with
Spain, the implications of the expanding Russian presence in the Pacific, the
character of a young United States flexing its diplomatic and economic muscles
in the area, the efforts of an assertive Great Britain to restore its imperial
fortunes after the loss of its thirteen American colonies, and, above all, the
consequences of an over-extended and exhausted Spain, no longer able to support
the effort required to maintain its American empire or diplomatically strong
enough to command respect. On the other hand, the author rightly emphasizes the
significant accomplishments of the Spanish explorers, too long neglected and
unappreciated.  Using inadequate ships and inferior equipment, they added considerably to geographic knowledge and their achievements are placed in their rightful
perspective.
As a volume written for the non-scholar and as a welcome contribution to
the growing literature on the Northwest coast, Mr. Pethick's work would have
materially benefitted from the inclusion in the Index of place names, or alternatively, a glossary to collate the different names often given the same place
(e.g., Port Mulgrave and Yakutat Bay, Port des Francais and Lituya Bay). A major
ommision, however, is a map or maps which, in addition to containing place names,
would show the routes travelled by the more important explorers and fur traders
and so spare the reader the inconvenience of constant recourse to an atlas.
Vancouver's general map is reproduced but (in this reviewer's copy at least) is
almost illegible.
Freeman M. Tovell, a former member of the Department of External Affairs, teaches
courses on Canadian foreign policy at the University of Victoria.
MARTIN, THE STORY OF A YOUNG FUR TRADER.  Imbert Orchard.  Victoria: Provincial
Archives of British Columbia, 1981, Pp. iii, 76, illus., maps. $3.00.
(Sound Heritage, No. 30).
Martin Starret grew up and lived his young adult years in two frontier
areas of British Columbia—in the Lower Fraser Valley near Hope during the
1880's and 1890's and in the Bulkley and Babine Valleys during the first decades
of the twentieth century.  During numerous recording sessions in the 1960's
Starret recounted his early life to Imbert Orchard, a CBC broadcaster. The
Provincial Archives of British Columbia acquired the Imbert Orchard collection in
1974 including the Starret recordings.  The editors of the Sound Heritage Series
persuaded Orchard to transcribe Starret's autobiography into a volume for the
series.  The result is this edited, generally chronological, 75-page account of
Martin Starret's early Life.
Starret's parents met and married in Hope where his mother, Clara Smith,
the daughter of an R.P. Rithet Company tugboat captain, taught school and his
father, William Starret, was road superintendent.  Martin was born on the "stump
ranch" where his family "eked out a living" with the help of an assortment of
temporary jobs held by his father.
The arrival of the CPR on the other side of the Fraser River and the consequent loss of river traffic had relegated Hope to almost ghost town status before -16-
Martin Starret was born there in 1888.  Because of its new comparative isolation,
Hope and its environs remained a frontier backwater while its lower river
neighbours progressed. Starret's reminiscences of the arrival at Hope of cattle
herds driven by cowboys carrying six-guns over the Dewdney Trail, in his father's
days and his own, vividly reveal the frontier life.
The Starret family split up when Clara decided to return to teaching.
She took Martin, his brother and two sisters to Victoria and left them with her
parents. Unhappy in Victoria, Martin rejoined his father on the ranch, soon
quit school altogether, and spent his adolescence acquiring the skills of a
back-woodsman. He prospected with his father, trapped, worked with survey crews,
and on ranches in the Skagit and Nicola valleys. In the meantime his mother
taught school at Ladysmith, Rivers Inlet, Bella Coola, Lower Nicola and Metlakatla.
In 1909 she wished to join her brother, Charles Smith, in his business as a
trader at Hazelton.  In response to Clara's request that one of her sons join
in the venture also, Martin moved north.
Martin Starret's biography moves at a much faster pace from this point
in his life, beginning with his arrival on the Camosun at Prince Rupert, his
reunion with his mother at Metlakatla and their journey up the Skeena River on
the Port Simpson. Starret's descriptions of the land and the people, livened
with conversation fragments, invoke the ambience of the era. His accounts of
the day-to-day relationships between the Indians and whites, between fur trader
and fur trader, between the Roman Catholic priests and Protestant laymen, and
between priests and the Indians contribute to our understanding of British
Columbia frontier society.  Starret's personal experiences were not extraordinary;
their value lies in their being recorded experiences typical of the era.
This volume represents only a portion of the Orchard-Starret interviews.
I hope that the editors of the Sound Heritage Series will publish a companion
volume containing Starret's stories of the colourful characters he knew; they
are now available only on the cassette Travellers of the North. References to
such characters as Johnny Boyd, Father Coccola, Cataline and R.S. Sargent make
the reader want to know more. And I hope Starret revealed more of Clara Starret's
story in the interviews. I suspect she lived a remarkable life.
However, the Sound Heritage Series editors should avoid certain editorial
weaknesses in future volumes.  The obvious one is the title itself.  The use
of the first name only, the prerogative of kings, is pretentious and, in this
case, misleading since Martin can be considered a surname also. The original
editor, Imbert Orchard, interspersed Starret's stories with background information-
a necessary device in editing personal accounts. However, by not offsetting
Orchard's editorial comments in different type and/or a wide right margin, the
series editors created an irritation instead of an aid, particularly in Part One
where there are many lengthy comments.  They did leave a wider left margin, but it
does not provide the change necessary to allow the reader to shift easily from
one writer's view to another's.  Finally, because it is not a part of Starret's
recorded reminiscences and because it occurred in 1966, the story "A Babine
Journey" properly belongs to the Epilogue.  Its inclusion at the beginning of the
book is another impediment to a reader's immersion into Starret's life story.
Aside from these minor annoyances, Starret's stories are edited to form a
smoothly cohesive life history.  The stories themselves are always interesting
and sometimes fascinating.  The series editors should be commended for the -17-
appropriateness of the many archival photographs which illustrate this volume and
for their well-researched explanatory footnotes.  This story of a young fur
trader has a deserved place on British Columbia history shelves.
Georgiana Ball recently completed an M.A. thesis at the University of Victoria
on the History of Wildlife Management In British Columbia.
TOUGH TIMBER: THE LOGGERS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA—THEIR STORY. Myrtle Bergren.
Vancouver: Elgin Publications, 1979. Pp. 250, illus. (Reprint of 1967 edition)
t
Students of British Columbia history will welcome the re-issuance of
Tough Timber, originally published by Progress Books of Toronto, by a local
house, for the work was and is a significant contribution to the altogether too-
slim volume of literature on British Columbia's labour past. Professional
historians have begun to address the historigraphical lacunae encountered in
the context of B. C. labour studies in general, and workers in the forest
industry in particular.* However, Tough Timber may be justly described as
"working class history" in the true sense of the term; that is, history
written by and about workers themselves.  Myrtle Bergren, whose fertile pen
was tragically stilled by her death in 1980, was not an academic historian but
a popular writer with personal roots in the very communities—the logging camps
of Vancouver Island—whose experience the book explores.  Moreover, Tough
Timber is much less an ordinary monograph based on documentary research than a
finely crafted literary-historical framework through which members of those
communities—pioneers of the union movement in the woods circa 1925-50, interviewed by Bergren in the 1960's, many of whom must now also be gone—tell
their own story.  The book is a series of very personal, very human, and very
evocative memoirs, spliced together effectively with the aid of such items as
selections from the loggers' contemporary press by the author.  It offers real
insights into the social and cultural history of the working-class communities,
as well as a vivid account of the rise and tortured triumph of unionism in the
forest industry, basically in the 1930's and 40's, from the perspective of the
organizers.
Tough Timber stands even more in a class by itself by virtue of its preeminent status within the venerable tradition of radical working-class history
in British Columbia.  Though the discourse is subtle, and its polemic may be
lost on some readers, Tough Timber is in fact an explicitly "Marxist" book, and
its underlying assumption is never far from the surface: the rise of unionism in
the forest industry cannot be seen merely as a protest against "conditions,"
nor in terms of the triumph of modern "rational" institutions, but as a profound
(and painful) re-alignment of class forces in B. C. society.  In Bergren's view,
it was part of a larger process, as yet, of course, unfinished.
*see Jerry Lembke, "The I.W.A. in British Columbia- 1942-51", (Labour/le
travailleur #6 1980) for a fully-documented scholarly account touching on
many of the themes which inform the work under review. \
-18-
Tough Timber has already earned deserved praise for its literary
and other merits. As for its deficiencies—which are obvious to the specialist
or professional historian—these cannot be judged by the ordinary canons of scholarship. Essentially, the book is a document in and of itself: the historical
statement of those Scandinavian and Slavic immigrants, ex- coal miners and other
just plain working men and women who constituted the unique radical popular subculture which flourished in the coastal logging communities during the 1930's
and 40's.  They really did believe, with Myrtle Bergren, that "with their power
they might, if they wished, and became, united, take the means of production
into their own hands and use it for the benefit of all, instead of leaving that
power to the few who owned it." (p. 227). These people were unlucky in many ways.
After building, at truly enormous sacrifice, their precious union, they had it
taken away from them by the American-based bureaucratic machine. Casting their
lot, for the most part—for good and valid historic reasons it must be stressed—
with the Communist Party sowed the seeds of future catastrophes. The disaster
of the Cold War virtually smashed their movement. Thanks to the late Myrtle
Bergren, however, they cannot be simply (and for some, conveniently) ignored by
posterity.
Allen Seager, a specialist in labour history, teaches at Simon Fraser University.
RAILROADERS: RECOLLECTIONS FROM THE STEAM ERA IN BRITISH COLUMBIA.  Robert D.
Turner. Victoria: Provincial Archives of British Columbia. 1981. Pp. iii, 91,
illus., maps, $3.00 (Sound Heritage, No. 31)
This booklet, another in the Provincial Archives' Sound Heritage series,
is primarily a selection of reminiscences of eighteen men employed in a variety
of working level occupations in steam railroading in British Columbia between
1910 and 1960. In transcribing the interviews and editing the volume which, as
he rightly says, "highlights much of the joy, labour, frustration and humour of
railroading," Robert D. Turner has not prepared a documentary history but has
portrayed the personal feelings, attitudes and first hand experiences of men who,
in many cases, spent their entire working lives on the railroads which were
crucial to the development of the province and the nation.
Turner has emphasized the railroaders' individual perspectives on their
various occupations rather than trying to present them as representative examples.
For instance, each of the four in engine service worked on a different railway —
the Kettle Valley, the Canadian Pacific, the Canadian National and the Pacific
Great Eastern (now the British Columbia Railway) — and each provides a distinct
outlook on his crucial position as an engineer or fireman.  Four other men offer
insights into the vast system of logging railroads which once served extensive
areas of the Pacific Coast. The booklet also includes stories from a conductor,
a locomotive foreman, a shop foreman, a despatcher, two station agents, a railway Post Office operator and workers on track construction and maintenance. One
common element does emerge from these accounts, the pride of these men in their
personal abilities and accomplishments in an activity characterized by extremely
hard work and, at times, considerable danger. One of the most dramatic tales
is Bill LaChance's recollection of the night of March 4, 1910 when he survived
the direct impact of a snowslide in the Rogers Pass which killed the other
sixty-two men on his work train.
The varied oral history narratives are interspersed with an excellent
selection of photographs. Using his tremendous knowledge of the subject, Turner -19-
has written explanatory paragraphs to provide a context for the narratives and
to supplement the railroaders' own vivid and colourful descriptions of techniques
and procedures. This well-organized publication also provides a comprehensive
list of relevant sources in the Provincial Archives, especially the original
recordings and transcripts on which it is based. The only major deficiency is
the acknowledged absence of representatives of railroad management and administration. For those interested in steam railroading and who find the oral
history perspective a valuable one, this booklet is an excellent starting point
for further research.
Ken Pedlow works for the Heritage Conservation Branch of the Provincial Secretary's
Ministry.
TOWN AND CITY: ASPECTS OF WESTERN CANADIAN URBAN DEVELOPMENT. Alan Artibise, ed.,
Regina: Canadian Plains Research Centre, 1980, xix, pp. 455, illus., soft cover
$15.00.
About a century after O.Henry asked "What is a City?" and sixty years after
a majority of Canadians became city dwellers, the study of Canadian urban development can now be said to have established its legitimate niche in Canadian historical and geographical thought. Town and City, an anthology of fifteen
scholarly articles, is a major contribution to this burgeoning genre of literature
probing the nature of urban growth, in this case, within the western Canadian
milieu.
The purpose of Town and City, as editor Alan Artibise explains, is several
fold: to establish the study of western Canadian urban development in its own
right and extend its inquiry beyond the antiquarian's arena; to account for the
creation and growth of towns and cities in the west; and to complement long-
established approaches to the western Canadian past - fur-trade, native and
agricultural studies - by showing that "towns and cities introduced a dynamic
and aggressive element into the West and played a key role in transforming a
sparsely settled fur-trading expanse into a settled and well-integrated region"
(introduction). To these ends, fifteen articles are offered within four topical
headings:  the general economic framework, the gestation and birth - sometimes
still-births - of prairie towns, the emergence of cities, and urban social
problems.
In the first essay, Paul Phillips lays out the parameters of the prairies'
economy from the fur-trading era until the recent past.  He demonstrates how
prairie urban browth boomed or stagnated in sympathy with the fortunes of the
grain export trade since the 'raison d'etre' of communities was to provide the
services to facilitate that trade.  Phillips also addresses the more gradual
growth following the "Laurier boom," the decline of the west's regional metropolis, Winnipeg, and the rise of such new staples as minerals, oil and gas.
Robert A. J. McDonald sketches the outlines of British Columbia's export economy
for the period 1886-1914 and explains that Vancouver rapidly supplanted Victoria
as British Columbia's regional metropolis because Vancouver was ideally situated
to assume control of the existing maritime trade and to coordinate the new and
growing transcontinental trade.
Town and City assesses the prairie urban development schemes of the
Hudson's Bay Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway, which were intent on
selling and improving the value of their large land holdings and/or stimulating -20-
settlement in order to provide traffic - settlers and goods westbound, grain
eastbound. The results were sometimes mixed - urban creations such as
Elphinstone, Millwood, Newdale, and West Lynne did not achieve the rank of
Canada's premier cities. Town planners employed by the HBC and CPR were not
imaginative; they resorted to the grid pattern which observed the topography
only to the extent that city lots and streets were not sited in the middle of
prairie rivers. The common consideration in the planning was the proximity
of town sites to transportation services.
Town and City is not, however, preoccupied with only the distant, impersonal, or corporate, stimuli for urban development. Several essays in its second
and third sections underscore the central role of far-sighted and acquisitive
town builders, those Board-of-Trade, Babbitt-of-the-north types who got there
first, whether it was in Minnedosa, Manitoba, or Carmangay, Alberta, and proceeded to attract railways and the other essential services that would insure
the patronage of local farmers. Paul Voisey's "Boosting the Small Prairie
Town" shows the war-of-all-against-all among small towns in southern Alberta,
each struggling for advantage by bribing firms ("offering bonuses" to locate
in their towns, by building roads and telephone exchanges to draw within their
orbs local farmers, and by propagating their towns' images by methods that
might well have provided some of the essentials in the early education of
Joseph Goebbels. Literature and hucksters commissioned by boards of trade in
the Palliser Triangle abolished the poor quality of the soil and the severity
of the Canadian winter. Ample rainfall was created. Baseball teams were
recruited and fairs imported to provide entertainment for the locals and increase the profit margins of the businesses they patronized. With only a
little reflection the reader makes the connections with contemporary parallels -
the endless parade of public subsidies for tourist information centres, museums,
Kingdomes, downtown renewal schemes, and convention centres, all designed by
"community spirited" local elites who treat their towns as "cash flow" attractions,
It is unfortunate that Town and City does not include a British Columbia case
study of boosterism; most any town would have sufficed, given an interested
scholar.
The reader will also encounter major articles on the rise of Edmonton,
Calgary, and Saskatoon as well as Victoria's "functional character." The
articles on Calgary's Children Aid Society and Vancouver's unemployed show
that city councils' agenda were not totally dominated by boosterism, "growth,"
and gimmickry. The reader will gather that Town and City is wide in scope and
treatment. Over a hundred maps, illustrations, and statistical tables have
been included. The editor provides a general introduction, introductions for
each of the work's sub-sections, a useful index, and a bibliography. Town and
City, along with Stelter's and Artibise's The Canadian City, comprise the
essential reference works on the subjects they entertain and suggest numerous
topics and approaches for much prospective scholarship.
Bob Smith, teaches History at Fraser Valley College, Chilliwack, B. C. -21-
Convention Report
REPORT ON THE ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION,
held at Cranbrook, May 28th - 30th, 1981.
Pacific Western Airlines scheduled an extra flight on the Cranbrook -
Vancouver run, on May 31st. We suspect that the B. C. Historical Association
contingent to the Annual Convention might have had some influence in this regard.
Whether it did or didn't, the number of registrants was large - approximately
120 - from as far afield as Williams Lake and Port Alberni.
The early birds who arrived on Thursday morning had an opportunity to
acquaint themselves with the town of Cranbrook - its historic houses, its
Railway Museum, and its Tamarack Mall. The wine and cheese party was in full
swing on Thursday evening when a Vancouver group arrived and set up its anxiously
awaited bookstall of local histories supplied by both member and non-member
historical societies and individuals. Throughout the Convention people swarmed
round this bookstall like bees round a honey pot, buying and autographing.
On Friday two busloads of us set out early for the nine-hour bus trip
arranged for the day by our host, the Historical Association of East Kootenay.
The route, through the Columbia Valley in the Rocky Mountain Trench, has been
called one of the most beautiful drives on the continent. Our enthusiastic
leaders missed no opportunity to point out the significance of historic sites
and other spots of interest, which included St. Eugene Mission built by Father
Coccola from his share of the proceeds from a mining claim; the mountain town
of Kimberley, famous for its Sullivan mine and Bavarian decor; Canal Flats and
the Baillie-Grohman Canal; and the curious geological formation known as the
Voo-Doos. At Fairmont Hot Springs the nimble-footed were able to have a quick
swim before lunch - a sumptious buffet which featured buffalo ribs and a grand
array of other dishes. Dusty Dehart, a chief of the Shuswap tribe, was the
guest of honour. Dusty, a pretty teen-ager, was dressed in buckskin jacket and
skirt, and beaded moccasins and headband, all the work of various members of
her family.
After lunch, we headed for Windermere, with its "stolen church", Invermere,
summer home of many Albertans, and Athalmer, the three commonly referred to as
the three "Meres". At the site of David Thompson's Kootenai House, Malcolm
McPhee told us about the trials of this first white man to enter the area. Later
we inspected Father de Smet's cross of 1845 where it is preserved in the Shuswap
mission church. Lastly we visited Radium Hot Springs for various kinds of refreshment and then headed back to Cranbrook for an evening of archaeology.
Gordon Mohs and Steve Cassidy, of the B. C. Heritage Conservation Branch,
addressed the evening assembly on two local activities - a recent archaeological
dig nearby, and a programme to preserve the Cranbrook petroglyphs.
The Annual General Meeting occupied the best part of Saturday morning; in
the afternoon we went to Fort Steele Historic Park, some for guided tours, others
to amble round in the sunshine, take a trip on the steam train "Dunrobin", and
shop in Kershaw's General Store for such turn-of-the-century items as rocking
chairs and homemade soap.
The culmination of another successful B. C. H.A. Convention was the -22-
Saturday night banquet, for which the Inn of the South provided a splendid
buffet. Of the assembled diners, two deserve special mention - Angela McCoy,
representing the St. Mary's Indian Band at St. Eugene Mission, and Ken Leeming
of Victoria, who, despite crutches, travelled to Cranbrook to accept an Honorary
Life Membership in the Association.
The speaker for the evening, Winnifred Weir of Invermere, treated the
large crowd to a delightful account of the activities of Frank Armstrong and
his paddlewheelers on the Upper Columbia River. Mrs. Weir's anecdotes of the
few short years of the paddlewheelers were an appropriate light-hearted ending
to the Convention.  The grand finale was a concert by a group of local entertainers. On Sunday those who were not attending an early morning Council meeting
took off by air, bus and car, a few lucky ones continuing to vacation in the
delightful Kootenays.
We send our best regards to Jack Roff who took ill suddenly after the
conference. We hope it will not be too long until he is up and around again.
Ann Yandle.
Report of the President
May 30, 1981.
To me the British Columbia Historical Association should act as a
catalyst and a coordinator of the activities of historical societies at the
local level and it should provide services to its members. In my two year
term of office I have worked towards these goals.
The vitality of an organization may be judged by the extent of the
involvement of its members. This past year has seen six executive Council
meetings, one special meeting as well as committee meetings.
According to Past-president Robin Brammall, the B. C.H^A. recorded an
active group of standing committees which dealt with marine history, that of
native people, mining, education, geneaology, and historic sites. Times change
and today's committees have been established in recognition of contemporary
demands. One outstanding service of the past B. C. H. A. was the organization
of the British Columbia Museums Association.
At the 1980 Annual General Meeting a gift designed to assist members
in publishing was accepted and a Publications Assistance Committee was set up
to administer it. Our seminar chairperson instituted a programme designed to
encourage the writing of local history.  To set to work with the new editor
of the British Columbia Historical News beginning with the Fall issue of
Volume 15, is a News Policy Committee.  To the incoming president may I suggest
an Archives Committee designed to publicize notable accessions of our various
archival institutions, the chairperson of which to study the complete minutes
of our association, the early records of which have been deposited in the
Provincial Archives of British Columbia.
If the B. C. H.A. is to become more effective it must draw into its orbit
more local groups working in the historical field. To this end, the B. C. H. A. -23-
seminar chairperson is planning a workshop in the Fall to be held under the
joint auspices of the Cultural Services Branch of the Ministry of the
Provincial Secretary and Government Services and of our own association.
To our pleasure, we received microfilm copies of Volumes 1 - 13 of the
News, made by Micromedia Limited in Toronto, and received a cheque in royalties,
We agreed to continue the contract originally made with our late editor, Philip
Yandle.
My term of two years as president has been bedevilled by the threatened
bankruptcy of our publication because the upward revision of dues seems most
difficult. I must acknowledge, gratefully, the financial support which the
Heritage Conservation Branch of the office of the Provincial Secretary has
given us. In addition to subsidizing in part our News, it gave us a grant
with which to conduct a subscription drive last Fall aimed at public institutions.
This was an attempt to give some stability to the financing of the News.
Council agreed to producing a more attractive format of the News, and we received
a grant to assist in this changeover to take place with Volume 15 under the
direction of our new editor.
i
To allow for long term planning towards the goals which I have outlined,
we applied for and received a grant from the British Columbia Heritage Trust
which will subsidize in part, three years' publication of the News. Our
incoming president can, now, give more attention to a needed revision of the
by-laws, improving communication between member clubs and the B. C. H.A. executive and Council, encouraging better use of the News by member societies and
for increasing the membership.
I appeal to all presidents and secretaries to be vigilant in mailing in
to the subscription manager additions and deletions caused by deaths, etc. to
the mailing list. We cannot afford to waste our dues!
I shall be retiring from this office today. While doing so, I wish to
acknowledge the support and assistance given me by the officers and Council
members. It has been both a gratifying experience and a learning experience
and may my successor find it so, as well.
Ruth Barnett
Addenda - June 5, 1981.
May I express my satisfaction in the election of Barbara Stannard as our
president. Her record as both a convention chairperson and as chairperson of
our seminars augurs well for successful leadership. The fact that the Nanaimo
Historical Society, which she represents, has made donations which set up both
our convention fund and our seminar fund and augmented the Publications Assistance
Fund speaks for itself. Ms. Stannard has invited me to serve as chairperson of
the News Policy Committee, so I look forward to continued activity in the B.C.H.A.
A tribute is due the hardy members of the Vancouver Historical Society
who devoted long hours to the sale of books on local history at Cranbrook. It
was a splendid effort and we trust that it will be taken up in turn by our member
societies.
The 1981 Convention Committee and the executive of the East Kootenay Historical Society deserve their laurels. They saw us leave with fond remembrances Convention Snaps
1. Jill Rowland and Helen Akrigg
Vancouver
2-.   Donald New
Gulf Islands
3. Dusty Dehart
4. Leonard McCann and Robin
Brammall, Vancouver with
the Conductor of "Dunrobin"
Photographs by Anne Yandle -24-
of much well-told history, of the beauty of the Columbia Valley, and of
bountiful provisions, especially those provided by the buffalo.
R.B,
Reports from the Branches:   An Annual Roundup
The main theme of the past year for the ALBERNI DISTRICT MUSEUM AND
HISTORICAL SOCIETY was collecting the history of early schools, old mills,
churches and other institutions from the time of the first settlers. The
Society hopes to use this information in its next publishing project, the
Alberni Valley History.  Society members meet weekly to clip newspapers and
file reports, personal papers, maps and other archival materials. The Society
welcomes donations of diaries and such documents as stock certificates relating
to the early days of the area and especially to the mining industry. The
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society also suggests historical street
names for new subdivisions.
The BURNABY HISTORICAL SOCIETY reports that 1980-81 was a year of "ups
and downs" — the "downs being the problem of finding a meeting place during
the CUPE strike and a very small attendance at the February meeting when
driving conditions were bad. The "ups" included a varied programme of films,
field trips, lectures, a dinner party,   . placing a portrait of Robert Burnaby
in the Municipal Hall and the sending of the society's publication on the
History of the Fraser River to the printers.
Members of the CHEMAINUS VALLEY HISTORICAL SOCIETY undertook several
expeditions during the year to the museums in Courtenay and Cumberland and to
the ceremonies marking the publication of Chronicle of Ladysmith and District.
The Society arranged to tidy up the Pioneer Cemetery on Kuper Island which
was donated to them some years ago and presented a picture of Eliza Smith,
a pioneer mid-wife, to the Chemainus General Hospital. In the future, the
Society hopes to establish a museum.
By the time this issue of the News is published, THE COWICHAN HISTORICAL
SOCIETY should have moved its collection of 2,000 items and artifacts into the
basement of the City Hall in Duncan where they will open a museum. Other
branches with similar plans should take heart. W.J.H. Fleetwood, the secretary
of the Society reports: "It has been an uphill fight for us, rather unbelievable,
considering this opulent area has been settled since 1848 and never had a
museum, although the Society had a two month summer museum in 1979, and a small
museum display in a pioneer home of the 1895-1915 era from September 1979 to
September 1980. We had been offered two very unsuitable buildings by the
Municipality of North Cowichan and had to decline on both. The building we wanted
was the old Christian Science church, architecturally termed 'pseudo neo-classical',
and in keeping with what a museum should look like. Our bid of $110,000.00
,coincided with a bid from a private contractor. The Cowichan Valley Regional
District, controlling owner of the building, took his bid in preference to ours,
as it would bring in more tax dollars! The City of Duncan, after many pleas
from our Society, finally agreed to lease the basement of the City Hall to us
for three years, as part of a Federal government plan of a Downtown Core Rejuvenation Programme." -25-
DISTRICT 69 HISTORICAL SOCIETY is still working towards its objective
of establishing a museum but in the meantime is endeavouring to collect and
preserve as many items as possible. At a Museum Day in February, local collectors
joined Society members to provide an interesting show for the general public.
The Town Council has also constructed a showcase in the foyer of the Parksville Community Hall where exhibits are displayed. An archaeological display
by Graham Beard was the first to be set up in the new showcase and drew much
interest.
Hosting the provincial convention of the B. C.H.A. was but one of the many
activities of the EAST KOOTENAY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION during 1980-81. The
Association has been especially active in field projects although uncertainty
about the diversion at Canal Flats and delays in the renewal of a lease, the
lack of information about registration of the Fort Steele cemetery and difficulty in obtaining funds for repairing the Indian Mission church delayed some
work. Nevertheless, the Association also put up signs at Wild Horse and Perry
Creek and took them down prior to the hunting season.
The GOLDEN & DISTRICT HISTORICAL SOCIETY has persuaded the Town of Golden
and the Regional Board to provide a small grant to operate the museum for the
1981-82 fiscal year. The museum will be open daily from June 26th through
Labour day and will be staffed by volunteer and student workers under the
direction of curator, Naomi Miller. During the summer the Society hopes to
complete the restoration of the old log schoolhouse from Brisco. A small work
party of members has taken rubbings from grave markings at Donald Cemetery
which Evans Products deeded to the Society. The CPR, however, charges an
annual rental for access to this historic cemetery where one tombstone proclaims,
"Accidentally killed by an engine near Glacier Hotel, June 17, 1893." Among
the guest speakers in Golden were Dr. and Mrs. Akrigg who presented a workshop
on "Writing History for Publication." Members of the Society's Book Committee
are preparing an enlarged and improved Golden Memories, a story of pioneer
families in the Columbia Valley. Society members have also entered a float in
the Labour Day parade for the last two years. The prize-winning 1980 entry,
"History of Wash Day" featured Sam Tuey's laundry, a wash tub and wash board,
and other means of cleaning clothes as demonstrated by members who rode on the
back of a flatdeck truck.
As well as hearing talks on subjects as diverse as missionary work in
Sierra Leone, the history of the telephone in British Columbia, the native
Indians of Saturna Island and the West Kootenay during the First World War,
the GULF ISLANDS BRANCH has sponsored an essay contest for local school children.
The NANAIMO HISTORICAL SOCIETY has enjoyed a varied programme of talks
on various aspects of the community's history including the mining industry,
sports, musical activities and the changing face of the downtown core. A new
feature has been a brief "Memories" time at each meeting during which members
can contribute their recollections of the past on such subjects as school days,
the hospital, the railway, and the corner store. According to Pamela Mar, the
president, the 1980 observance of Princess Royal Day, honouring the pioneers who
arrived in Nanaimo on November 27, 1854 was marked by two special happenings.
"Visitors from Washington, descendants of a founding family, met for the first
time their relatives from Nanaimo. Each stepped forward to answer the family's
name at the roll-call, not knowing that the other was present. They stared a
moment, then shook hands - a moving memory for all. We also had representatives
of the Hudson's Bay Company present to give the address, to mark the Company's -26-
return to Nanaimo."
On March 27, 1982 the Nanaimo Historical Society, in cooperation with
Malaspina College, will sponsor a symposium on the early days of the Hudson's
Bay Company on the west coast of North America. For further information
write: Miss Elizabeth B. Norcross, c/o Nanaimo Historical Society, P.O.
Box 933, Nanaimo, B. C. V9R 5N2.
The SOCIETE HISTORIQUE FRANCO-COLOMBIENNE was formed in 1976 to preserve historical documents relating to the French exploration and settlement
of the province. Members of the society, however, soon found it necessary to
dig deep to find traces of the first French settlers, the nomadic voyageurs.
As well, the Societe seeks "to educate the public on their own history and
heritage, to spread a better knowledge of the past which made our present,
and to diffuse what we learn through researches and interviews the best we
can." In response to a frequent question, "why FRANCO-Colombienne?"
Catou Levesque replies, "The expression FRANCO-COLOMBIEN identifies the
French in B. C. To shorten the expression French in British Columbia, we
use Franco-Colombien. It is as simple and as trite as that!"
The VANCOUVER HISTORICAL SOCIETY recently heard talks on the barrel-
making business on the west coast and on the Chinese in the Gold Rushes.
At the Incorporation Day Dinner on April 6th, Gerald Rushton reminisced
about his experiences on the Union Steamships. The April tour took members
to Westminster Abbey at Mission.
The editors assume that the branches which did not submit reports are,
nevertheless, alive and well. Perhaps they will submit an account of their
activities before September 15, 1981, the deadline for the next issue of the
News.
A News Note
The second B. C. Studies Conference will be held from October 30 to
November 1, 1981 at Simon Fraser University. There will be sessions on the
mining industry, gold rush society, archaeology, social policy, photography,
museums and archives, the arts, education and child rearing and politics.
There will also be walking tours of New Westminster, Fort Langley and Heritage
Village, Burnaby. For further information write: B. C. Studies Conference,
Continuing Studies, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, B. C. V5A 1S6 or phone
(604) 291-4771 or 291-4565. -27-
Recent British Columbia Books
ACKERY, Ivan.  Fifty years on theatre row. North Vancouver, Hancock House,
1980. 250 p., ill. $14.95.
BOOK BUILDERS OF 'KSAN.  Gathering what the Great Nature provided: food
traditions of the Gitksan, by the people of Ksan. Vancouver, Douglas &
Mclntyre, 1980. 128 p., ill. $18.95.
CARSWELL, Sally. The story of Lions Gate Hospital: the realization of a
pioneer settlement's dream 1908-1980. West Vancouver, Keith & Sally Carswell
1980. 249 p., ill $8.95.
CHRISTY, Jim. Rough road to the North: travels along the Alaska Highway.
Toronto, Doubleday Canada; New York, Doubleday, 1980. 197 p., ill. $11.95.
COTTON, Peter Nieve. Vice regal mansions of British Columbia. Elgin, 1980.
128 p., ill $19.00
CURRIE, Laurie. Princeton, B. C. (Princeton) Similkameen Spotlight Pub. Co.
Ltd., 1979. 131 p., ill.
EDWARDS, Isabel K., and Lars Belmonte. Ruffles on my longjohns. North Vancouver
Hancock House, 1980. 313 p., ill $40.00
GIBSON, Gordon. Bull of the woods, by Gordon Gibson with Carol Renison.
Vancouver, Douglas & Mclntyre, 1980. 288 p., ill $16.95.
JOHNSON-CULL, Viola, comp. Chronicle of Ladysmith and district, with editorial
assistance by Miss E. Norcross, Ladysmith, Ladysmith New Horizons Historical
Society, 1980, xv, 392 p., ill. $4.00
KEATE, Stuart. Paper boy. Toronto, Clarke Irwin, 1980. 300 p. $15.95
KEREMEOS HISTORY PROJECT GROUP. South Similkameen saga; Mae McCague, editor,
n.p., Lawrence Currie, Similkameen Spotlight Publishing Co. Ltd., 1978 (iv)
142 p., ill. $6.85.
KNIGHT, Rolf. Along the No. 20 Line: reminiscences of the Vancouver waterfront.
Vancouver, New Star Books, 1980. 231p., ill.
LATHAM, Barbara, and Cathy Kess, editors. In her own right; selected essays
on women's history in B.C. Victoria, Camosun College, 1980. vii, 202 p., ill.$10.00
MEILLEUR, Helen. A pour of rain: stories from a west coast fort. Victoria, Sono
Nis Press. 1980, 270 p., ill. $8.95
NAKANO, Takeo Ujo. Within the barbed wire fence: a_ Japanese man's account of
his internment in Canada; with Leatrice Nakano, with an afterword by W. Peter
Ward. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1980. x, 126 p., ill. $10.00
RUSHTON, Gerald and Leonard McCann. Echoes from the whistle: an illustrated
history of the Union Steamship Company. Vancouver, Douglas & Mclntyre, 1980.
160 p., ill. $24.95. -28-
WEIR, Winnifred Ariel. Tales of the Windermere.  Invermere, 1980. 188 p., ill.
WILKS, Claire Weissman. The magic box: the eccentric genius of Hannah Maynard.
Toronto, Exile Editions Limited, 1980. 150 p., ill. $19.95.
WOODCOCK, George. A picture history of British Columbia. Edmonton, Hurtig
1980. 224 p., ill. $18.95.
A List of Local Histories etc. sold by the Vancouver Historical Society at the
Annual Convention
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society, Box 284, Port Alberni, B.C. V9Y 7M7.
Place names of the Alberni Valley. (1978) $4.25
Pioneer women of the Alberni Valley. (1980?) $1.00.
Hastinotes. $1.00/package.
Burnaby Historical Society, c/o Mrs. Una Carlson, 6719 Fulton Ave., Burnaby,
B.C. V5E 3G9
The Fraser's history; from glaciers to early settlements. (1981) $4.00
Campbell River & District Museum, 1235 Island Highway, Campbell River, B.C. V9W 2C7
A voyage of discovery (Captain Vancouver). (1975?) $1.00.
Yesterday's promises; a history of the district of Port Hardy. (1978) $2.75
District 69 Historical Society, P.O. Box 74, Parksville, B. C. VOR 20.
Parksville then and now. (1979?) $1.00.
Golden & District Historical Society, P.O. Box 992, Golden, B. C. VOA 1H0.
Columbia Valley pioneer recipes. (1979) $3.00.
Kinbasket country (1972). $3.00.
Redgrave-Nakimu. (1975?) $1.25.
Hastinotes $3.00/package.
Postcards. $1.00/package.
Gulf Islands Branch, B.C.H.A., c/o Mrs. M. Ratzlaff, P.O. Box 35, Saturna
Island, B. C. VON 2V0.
A daytripper's guide to Mayne Island (1980?) $1.00.
Gulf Islands" patchwork (1979?) n.p.
The Mayne Island recipe book (1980?). $5.00
100th anniversary of Mayne Island post office. (1980) $1.00.
Our favourite recipes (Saturna Island Elementary School). (1980?) n.p.
Hope & District Historical Society, c/o Mrs. Fran Thomas, R.R. 2, Hope, B.C. VOX 1L0
Golden moments in the memory of a town. (1980) $2.50.
Hastinotes. $2.00/package -29-
Jewish Historical Society of British Columbia, 950 W. 41st Ave., Vancouver, B.C.
V5Z 2N7.
The architecture of Jewish settlements in the Prairies. (1975) $3.95..
Pioneer Jewish merchants of Vancouver Island, (periodical reprint)
(1980) $1.00.
Pioneers, pedlars, and prayer shawls; the Jewish communities in B. C.
and the Yukon. (1978) $15.00.
Wapella farm settlement; the first successful Jewish farm settlement in
Canada. (1975) $3.00.
Kamloops Museum Association, 207 Seymour St., Kamloops, B. C. V2C 2B7.
Bunch grass beef. (1978) $1.00.
Chase - the man and the village (1980). $2.00.
The dispossessed - interior Indians in the 1800's (1978) $1.50.
Kamloops, 1914-45. (1975) $4.00.,
The mighty company - the Hudson's Bay Company. (1973) $1.00.
Savona's ferry. (1980) $2.00.
Ship ahoy. (1973) $1.00.
Why that name? (1978) $2.50.
Postcards. 10c each or 3 for 25c
Kimberley Book Club, c/o Mrs. T. A. Leighton, P.O. Box 15, Marysville, B.C. V0B 1Z0.
Mountain treasures; the history of Kimberley, B. C. (1979) $20.00.
Nanaimo Historical Society, P.O. Box 933, Nanaimo, B. C. V9R 5N2.
Nanaimo retrospective. (1979) $6.50
The warm land. (1975) $7.95.
Nechako Valley Historical Society, P.O. Box 1318, Vanderhoof, B. C. V0J 3A0.
Vanderhoof - the town that wouldn't wait. (1979) $16.45.
North Shore Museum & Archives, 209 West 4th, North Vancouver, B. C. V7M 1H8.
Hastinotes. $2.65/package.
Prints. $3.71 each
Richmond '79 Centennial Society, 6911 No. 3 Road, Richmond, B. C. V6Y 2C1.
Richmond; child of the Fraser. (1979) $17.95.
Centennial coins.
Societe Historique Franco-Colombienne, 9, East Broadway, Vancouver, B. C. V5Z 1V4
Courrier de la Nouvelle-Caledonie. (1976-77) $1.00.
Le fait Francais en Colombie-Britannique. (1978) $2.00.
Regard sur Maillardville. (1980) $5.00
South Peace Historical Society, P.O. Box 3000, Dawson Creek, B. C. V1G 4P2.
Petticoat pioneers of the South Peace; the life stories of fifteen
pioneer women of the South Peace. (1979) $5.00. -30-
Vancouver Historical Society, P.O. Box 3071, Vancouver, B. C. V6V 3X6.
Schools of old Vancouver. (1971) $1.00.
Shakespeare in Vancouver, 188901918. (1971) $1.00.
Vancouver history, 1979-80. $1.00 per issue.
Vancouver's Svenskar; a history of the Swedish community in Vancouver.
(1970) $3.00.
Victoria Branch, B. C.H.A., c/o Frances Gundry, 255 Niagara, Victoria, B. C.
V8V 1G4.
Family capsules. (1980) $1.00
Victoria historical sites. Free.
British Columbia Provincial Archives, Victoria, B. C. V8V 1X4.
SOUND HERITAGE SERIES
Bright sunshine and a brand new country (Okanagan Valley) $3.00.
Fighting for labour. $3.00.
In the Western mountains. $3.00.
Lillooet stories. $3.00.
The magnificent distances (early aviation). $3.00.
Martin: the story of a young fur trader. $3.00.
Men of the forest. $3.00.
Opening doors: Vancouver's East End. $6.00.
Railroaders (Steam). $3.00.
Season's greetings from British Columbia's past. $3.00.
Toil and peaceful life (Doukhobors of the W. Kootenays). $3.00.
A Victorian tapestry (Victoria, 1890-1914). $3.00.
The Modern Room; Emily Carr gallery of the Provincial Archives of
B. C. (1981) $1.00.
Cranbrook Archives, Museum & Landmark Foundation, Box 400, Cranbrook, B.C. VIC 4H9.
Cranbrook heritage report (1979) $7.50.
The railway museum at Cranbrook. (1979) $4.50.
Good Medicine Books, Box 844, Invermere, B.C. VOA 1K0.
Blackfoot craftworker's book. $6.00.
Charlo's people. $3.00
Good medicine in Glacier Park. $2.00.
Indian summer. $6.00.
My Cree people. $3.00.
Rails in the Canadian Rockies. $35.00.
Rails in the Mother Lode. $19.50.
Teachings of nature. $4.00.
The ways of my grandmother. (1980) $13.25.
Imredy, Peggy, 2132 Yew St., Vancouver, B. C. V6K 3G7.
A guide to sculpture in Vancouver. (1981) $4.50.
Ladner, Edna G., 7398 Jubilee Ave., Burnaby, B. C. V5J 4B6.
Mosaic fragments. (1980) $5.00.
Marriott, B., 115 Douglas Place, Courtenay, B. C. V9N 2M5.
Fifty-seven years in the Comox Valley. (1979) $3.00. -31-
St. James' Church, 303 East Cordova St., Vancouver, B. C. V6A 1L4
Every good gift; a history of St. James' Vancouver. (1981) $10.00.
Turnbull, Elsie, 3250 Ripon Road, Victoria, B. C. V6R 6G7.
Topping's Trail. (1964) $5.00.
Trail between two wars. (1980). $6.00.
Weir, Winnifred, Box 774, Invermere, B.C. VOA 1K0.
Tales of the Windemere. (1980) $8.95.
Contest   ...
On June 15, 1981 as they were preparing this issue for the printer the
editors noted that sixty years ago to that day, the province of British Columbia
opened branches in Vancouver and Victoria of an enterprise that soon became a
large contributor to provincial revenues.  Indeed, by September 1921, the
branches were earning an estimated average profit of $40,000 per week. Today,
branches of that enterprise exist in practically every community in the province.
Our question is: What government enterprise first opened its doors
on June 15, 1921-?
For the correct answer we offer a prize of a copy of The Invasion
of Canada by Pierre Berton.
Entries should be addressed to "Contest", P.O. Box 1738, Victoria, B. C.
V8W 2Y3 and should arrive before September 15, 1981.
If there is more than one correct answer, we will draw for the prize winner. MEMBER SOCIETIES
(The   individual   societies   listed   below   are
responsible   for   the   accuracy   of   address,   etc.)
Alberni District Museum and Historical Society,  Mrs.   C.  Holt,   Box 284,  Port Alberni,
V9Y  7M7.       723-3006.
Atlin Historical Society, Mrs. Christine Dickenson, Box 111, Atlin, VOW LAO.
BCHA, Gulf Islands Branch, Elsie Brown, R.R. No. 1, Mayne Island, VON 2J0
BCHA, Victoria Branch, Frances Gundry, 255 Niagara, Victoria, V8V 1G4.  385-6353.
Burnaby Historical Society, Una Carlson, 6719 Fulton Ave., Burnaby, V5E 3G9.  522-8951.
Campbell River & District Historical Society, Julie O'Sullivan, 1235 Island Highway,
Campbell River, VOW 2C7.
Chemainus Valley Historical Society, Mrs. B. W. Dickie, Box 172, Cheaminus, VOR 1K0.
246-9510
Cowichan Historical Society, P. 0. Box 1014, Duncan, B. C. V9L 3Y2.
Creston & District Historical and Museum Society, Margaret Moore, Box 253, Creston,
V0B 1G0  428-4169.
District #69 Historical Society, Mrs. Mildred Kurtz, Box 74, Parksville, VOR ISO.
248-6763.
Elphinstone Pioneer Museum Society, Box 755, Gibsons, VON 1V0.  886-2064
Golden & District Historical Society, Fred Bjarnason, Box 992, Golden, VOA 1H0.
Gulf Islands Branch: BCHA, Mrs. M." Ratzlaff, Box 35, Saturna Island, B. C. VON 2V0
Historical Association of East Kootenay, Mrs. A.E. Oliver, 670 Rotary Drive, Kimberley,
VOA 1E3.  427-3446.
Kettle River Museum Society, Alice Evans, Midway, V0H 1M0.  449-2413.
Ladysmith New Horizons Historical Society, Mrs. B. Berod, Box 130, Ladysmith, B. C.
VOR 2E0
Maple Ridge & Pitt Meadows Historical Society, Mrs. T. Mutas, 12375-244th Street,
Maple Ridge. V2X 6X5.
Nanaimo Historical Society, Linda Fulton, 1855 Latimer Road, Nanaimo, V9S 2W3.
Nootka Sound Historical Society, Beverly Roberts, Box 712, Gold River, V0P 1G0.
North Shore Historical Society, Doris Blott, 1671 Mountain Highway, North Vancouver
V7J 2M6.
Princeton & District Pioneer Museum Society, Eleanor Hancock, Box 281, Princeton, B. C.
VOX 1W0
Sidney and North Saanich Historical Society, Mrs. Ray Joy, 10719 Bayfield Road, R.R. 3,
Sidney, V8L 3P9.   656-3719.
La Societe historique franco-colombienne, 119,  East Broadway, Vancouver, V5Z 1V4
Trail Historical Society, Mrs. M. PoWell, 1798 Daniel Street, Trail, V1R 4G8 368-9697
Vancouver Historical Society, Irene Tanco, Box 3071, Vancouver, V6V 3X6.  685-1157
Wells Historical Society, Ulla Coulsen, Box 244, Wells, V0K 2R0.
Williams Lake Historical & Museum Committee, Reg. Beck, Box 16, Glen Drive, Fox
Mountain, R. R. //2, Williams Lake
Windermere District Historical Society, Mrs. E. Stevens, Box 784, Invermere, VOA 1K0

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