British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly Oct 31, 1946

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OCTOBER, 1946 3e
Published by the Archives of British Columbia
in cooperation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
W. Kaye Lamb.
The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C.
J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. T. A. Rickard, Victoria.
W. N. Sage, Vancouver.
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor.
Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament
Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, 50c. the copyj or $2 the year. Members
of the British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the
Quarterly without further charge.
Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical
Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors
to the magazine.
The Quarterly is indexed in Faxon's Annual Magazine Subject-Index. We
" Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. X. Victoria, B.C., October, 1946. No. 4
From Hand-set Type to Linotype.
By Burt R. Campbell  ... 253
Burrard of Burrard's Channel.
By W. Kaye Lamb  273
John Jeffrey: Botanical Explorer.
By A. G. Harvey.   _ _   281
McLoughlin's Statement of the Expenses incurred in the
"Dryad" Incident of 183b.
With an introduction by W. Kaye Lamb  291
Notes and Comments:
Note by the Retiring Editor of the Quarterly  299
British Columbia Historical Association  299
Okanagan Historical Society  300
Original letter by Captain George Vancouver 301
Sketch of Nootka Sound in 1792 __ 302
The A. J. T. Taylor Arctic Collection  302
Howay Bibliography:   Some Additions  303
Contributors to this Issue    304
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Caughey: Hubert Howe Bancroft, Historian of the West.
By W. Kaye Lamb  305
Horan:  " West, Nor"West."
By D. Geneva Lent  307
Sullivan:  Cariboo Road.
By Sidney Pettit  308
Author's Note.—The writer's connection with the
newspaper field dates back to 1891, and has given him
opportunity to gain at first hand a knowledge.of the many
changes in the mechanical end of newspaper production
which have taken place in the last half century. One of
the fast diminishing group of printers who went through
the days of hand composition, he has since 1905 been a
keyboard operator, and thus has experienced both the old
and new stages of news production.
From this personal experience, more than from
research, is drawn the information which it has been his
endeavour to impart. To the many newcomers to newspaper publication in British Columbia, and the younger
generation of printers, this effort is dedicated.
The existence of newspapers is now taken so completely for
granted that few people ever stop to think of the many operations involved in their production. Even those few rarely think
beyond the gathering and editing of the news, which is the work
of the editorial department. But there would be no newspapers
if type were not set and printing-presses operated, and this
mechanical end of the business is too frequently overlooked.
Much skill and ingenuity have been spent upon the invention
and operation of the type-setting machines and printing-presses
found in a modern newspaper office, and the story of their
development is more interesting than most people realize.
It is usual to refer to British Columbia as a young country,
but it is old enough to have a printing history that extends well
back into the period when type-setting by machine was little
more than an inventor's dream. The first printing-press known
to have entered what is now British Columbia arrived about
1856, and the first newspaper appeared in 1858. In those days,
and for several decades thereafter, the first mechanical operation in the production of a paper was the composition by hand
of all news matter, and also of all advertising. This meant the
assembling of small type by picking up each separate letter from
type-cases divided into numerous small compartments.    These
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. X., No. 4.
253 254 Burt R. Campbell. October
letters were placed in a composing " stick," usually 13 ems
(slightly over 2 inches) in width, and tightly spaced. Sticks,
which were held in the hand, varied from 2 to 2*4 inches in
depth, gauged largely by the length of the compositor's thumb.
When the stick was filled, the type was dumped on a shallow
tray or " galley," designed to hold a long column, as is still done
to-day, but which rested on a slanting table instead of flat, so
that the type rested against one side of the galley.
Though somewhat pleasant work, type-setting by hand was
a slow process compared with to-day's mechanized operation,
about nine column-inches per hour being a better than average
output. As the lines of type were easily spilled, or " pied " as
the printer called it, a tapering side-stick was placed along the
side of the type-column, and locked by wedge-shaped wooden
quoins, a block of metal being placed at the bottom.
Proofs were then taken, read, marked for errors, and any
necessary corrections or alterations made—a tedious task if
many changes were required.1 Placing of the type in the page
form then followed, and again careful handling was essential.
When the columns were filled and " justified " (i.e., made the
exact length required by the insertion of thin strips of lead),
tapering foot-sticks and side-sticks were called into use, together
with wooden quoins. It was here that a now almost forgotten
instrument came into play—a shooting-stick. This was a boot-
shaped metallic stick with which the quoins were driven in
tightly by the aid of a mallet.
Advertising differed greatly from that of to-day, consisting
mainly of the name of the dealer and a list of the chief lines
carried.   Rarely changed, these advertisements at times featured
(1) The writer is reminded of an incident dating back to the early days
of the Ladysmith Leader, then (winter 1901-02) published by Thomas
Graham. J. H. Hawthornthwaite, leader of the Socialist party in the
British Columbia Legislature, was just coming into bloom, and his name was
not so familiar to printers as it later became. He addressed a meeting in
Ladysmith which was fully reported in the handwriting of Mr. Graham, the
copy being divided between Jim Stevens and myself. When the proofs were
returned it was found that both of us had misspelled " Hawthornthwaite "
by omiting the second " th." Much thin- and wide-spacing resulted in the
correcting, as it had not then become the practice to letter-space words in
reading matter. 1946 From Hand-set Type to Linotype. 255
oddly unseasonable articles. Several style faces of type were
used in one advertisement, and almost invariably lines were
punctuated, sometimes with commas, but more generally a main
line ended with a period—a style now followed by many sign-
Fifty years ago but little type was on the point system, the
smaller faces most in use being known as nonpareil, minion,
brevier, bourgeois, long primer, pica, and great primer; these
correspond respectively with the 6-, 7-, 8-, 9-, 10-, 12-, and
18-point faces of to-day. Larger sizes were spoken of as two-
line, three-line, etc., the equivalent of our 24- and 36-point.
Offices were equipped with but few fonts of any series, the
tendency being toward variety of size rather than of face.
Practically all composition on daily papers was done on a
piece-work basis, the compositor being paid so much per thousand ems (the square of the type in use). This not only
encouraged the worker to speed up for monetary reasons, but
had a tendency to create competition. Type-setting contests
were a feature of the period; and many details about them and
other aspects of competition in the trade are given in the interesting volume entitled Fast Typesetting, published in New York
in 1887 by William C. Barnes, Joseph W. McCann, and Alexander
Duguid, all three of whom had established type-setting records.
The book describes several contests in which more than 2,000
ems per hour were set on wide measure. An international typesetting match, held on May 10, 1871, with eleven contestants,
27-em measure, gave results ranging from 1,323 ems to 1,822.
How keen competition was is shown by the challenge issued in
December, 1877, by the Cincinnati Enquirer, which threw down
the gauntlet to any number of compositors, from one to ten, for
$500 to $1,000 a side. Competitions were not confined to the
United States, as we are told that a match was held in 1881 in
Winnipeg between Thomas C. Levy, of that city, and James
McCaw, of the Toronto Globe, for a prize of $1,000 and the championship of Canada. In this contest the type was nonpareil
(i.e., 6-point), 17% ems to lower-case alphabet; the measure,
30 ems wide; and the time, seven hours; there were no conditions as to spacing, etc. Levy won, having set 13,700 ems
against McCaw's 12,240. 256 Burt R. Campbell. October
Coming nearer home, and to the period 1890-92, there were
in Vancouver two outstanding type-setters—George G. Henderson of the World, and Alfred W. Finbow of the News-Advertiser
—who were reputed to be the " swifts " in their respective
offices. In 1892 Henderson became part-owner of the Vernon
News, where he remained until the turn of the century. Mr.
Finbow moved to Kamloops in 1893 as a partner in the Inland
Sentinel, remaining until 1896. He is now living in Hamilton,-
The writer never heard of competitions between Mr. Henderson and Mr. Finbow, but he was privileged to work alongside them in Vernon and Kamloops respectively. Mr. Finbow
had an easy motion, while Mr. Henderson, who was an asthmatic,
wheezed slightly each time he reached for a letter, and this was
somewhat trying for a work-mate until he became accustomed
to it.   Mr. Finbow later became a keyboard operator.
Returning to the subject in hand, the next step in the production of the newspaper was in the hands of the pressman,
usually a printer of utility accomplishments. But preparations
for the following day remained to be made, and these required
distribution of type by each compositor until his case was amply
filled. This of course was a much more speedy performance
than assembling type, as several letters could be handled at one
time. It was restful to sit on a stool while distributing type,
but when composing the type-setter usually stood, so that he
could move about as freely and quickly as possible.
In the 1880's and 1890's, and even later, many attempts were
made to produce line-casting machines for the printing industry.
But of all the machines produced there are but two which have
survived as being well adapted to the composition of news matter. Some few others- are in use in advertising departments,
but the rest have passed into oblivion.
The most outstanding of all is the Linotype, a product of the
Mergenthaler Linotype Company, of Brooklyn, New York. It
was on July 3, 1886, that the first of this company's machines,
the inspiration of one Ottmar Mergenthaler, a watchmaker, went
into commercial use on the New York Tribune.   A somewhat 1946 From Hand-set Type to Linotype. 257
crude device, with but little resemblance to the almost human
machine of to-day, this early model had a vertical rather than
a reclining magazine, and the matrices were delivered to this
for distribution by the first, and only, elevator.
Many improvements have been made throughout the years
until the Linotypes of to-day, with their multiple and auxiliary
magazines, are capable of meeting all requirements up to most
head-letter sizes. These multiple machines are now the most
widely used, but there are still some models with single magazines in service, that known as the No. 5 being the most
After the successful introduction of the Brooklyn-built Linotype the Canadian Linotype Company was formed, with a factory in Montreal. The product of this company closely
resembled the American machines of 1890.
It would seem that credit for installation of the first typecasting machines in British Columbia must be given to the
Vancouver News-Advertiser, though the Victoria Times was a
close second. The News-Advertiser machines, four in number,
made their appearance in the latter part of February, 1893.
They were known as the Rogers Typograph, and their place of
origin is not known to the writer. Their construction was vastly
different to the Linotype, the magazine section consisting of a
network of wire racks on which were stored elongated matrices,
which were assembled by means of a keyboard. Though a step
forward, the Rogers Typograph was not sufficiently successful
to survive for long. Mr. Dan Cameron, of the Vancouver
Province, one of the few remaining operators who used a typograph, says:—
The Rogers Typograph was built for power or hand operation. If run
by hand, it took three turns of the side handle to cast a line. The [melting]
pot, situated on the left side, came forward on the first turn, the line was
cast on the second revolution and was ejected on the third, as the pot went
back into position. The matrices were of varying length and ran down
individual wires, the spacebands being round and justifying to various
widths. The left hand was used in the throwing back of the top and the
distribution of the mats. The Rogers was capable of recasting ten lines a
August of 1893 found four Linotypes of Canadian manufacture in place in the Vancouver World office.   As we shall see, 258 Burt R. Campbell. October
these were the second Linotypes to come to British Columbia.
The dates of the installations at the News-Advertiser and World
are confirmed by the following entries from An Outline History
of Typographical Union No. 226, Vancouver, B.C., 1887-1988,
by George Bartley, which are based on the minutes of the
Putting machines in News-Advertiser was no longer a secret, as four
Rogers machines were at the C.P.R. freight sheds. (February 26.) Union
was assured that none but union men would be employed to operate them.
Those who claimed to know something about them being used on small
papers prophesied their failure (and hoped they were).
On June 20, President D. Jameson, Secretary A. Porter, George Bartley
(scale committee), were instructed to wait on proprietors re machine scale.
On June 22, new machine scale adopted for one year. . . . Agreement
signed for one year by J. C. McLagan (World) and F. L. Carter-Cotton
(News-Advertiser). Organizer C. E. Hawkes, Seattle, assisted committee
in negotiations.
Four Mergenthalers [i.e., Linotypes] installed in World in August.
Conditions in the printing trade the following year (1894)
are described by Mr. Bartley, and apparently use of machines
was felt:—
During the year Vancouver suffered from a very keen depression. Real
hard times made themselves felt, which were also perturbed by the throes of
an acrimonious political controversy of a provincial general election, held in
July. Wages in all trades, except printing, were reduced. Work for printers was curtailed by fifty per cent., hand work being replaced by machinery.
. . . World cut down from six to five columns, eight pages, employing two
operators instead of four (Sepember 10).
The introduction of type-setting machines met with anything
but favour from the printers of the day, who foresaw nothing
but the ruination of their trade. However, when hand-compositors were given an opportunity to learn the operation of the
new devices the expected calamity did not materialize to any
extent. With the return of better days it was not long until
larger papers were produced. Advertising increased, and both
the hand-compositor and the machine operator were found to
be necessary for handling the work.
After using the Rogers Typographs for some time the News-
Advertiser replaced them with Linotypes of Canadian make, and
two of the first-named machines went to the New Westminster
British Columbian. What became of the other two of the
original four is not known.    Of the Columbian machines, sub- 1946 From Hand-set Type to Linotype. 259
sequently replaced by a Linotype, one went to the Kamloops
Standard, where it remained in use until, for a third time, it was
replaced by a Linotype. Mr. Dan Cameron understands that
the other was sent to Atlin. So far as the writer knows these
changes ended the life of Rogers machines in British Columbia.
Not being as familiar with doings on Vancouver Island as
on the mainland, the writer found himself without definite dates
as to the installation of type-setting machines in Victoria. He
therefore appealed to an old friend, Mr. F. W. Laing, who, with
the aid of Mrs. C. R. McNamee, of the Provincial Library, succeeded in finding the needed data. Search through the files of
the Victoria Times finally brought to light an editorial in the
issue dated May 23, 1893, which read in part as follows:—
The Times of to-day presents to the public a special holiday number, on
account of which it may be allowed to indulge in a little self-gratification.
As many of our readers know, the Times some weeks ago discarded the old
system of setting type by hand and employed typecasting machines known as
Linotype. Today we devote a portion of our space to the description and
illustration of the working of this machine. We may also say that the Times
is the first paper in all Canada west of Ontario to make use of this great
improvement in the printer's art. With one exception, it was the first on
the whole Pacific coast to employ the Linotype machines.   .   .   .
The date upon which the Colonist commenced to use typesetting machines was not so easily discovered. The only clues
which I could give Mr. Laing were that the change might have
been made about 1898, and that the hand-set type was worn
rather close to the shoulder before it was discarded. With the
latter point in mind, Mr. Laing sought the technical assistance of
Charles F. Banfield, King's Printer, and together they made a
search of the Colonist files for clearer type faces. Another clue
was received from Mr. Alec Swainson, who located a man who
said that machines were introduced on the day the Colonist plant
was moved to the paper's present premises, on Broad Street.
This was found to be March 15, 1898. Commenting on the
search of the Colonist files Mr. Laing says:—
By the process of elimination we found that at the end of February, 1898
the type was all hand set but that on March 18 there were two items set by
machine, one was the Shipping News and the other a legal advertisement.
From that we followed through and found that each day there was a larger 260 Burt R. Campbell. October
amount of material machine set until March 23, 1898, when the editorials
were machine set but there was the bulk of the material hand set. There
was nothing in the form of reading matter saying that new buildings were
occupied nor that machines had been introduced for typesetting. From
that we concluded that the Colonist management made the introduction of
the machines and the occupancy of the new building subject for no comment.
Under the circumstances then, I think that you will agree with me and
Mr. Banfield [that] the Colonist commenced the use of machine typesetting
first on March 18, 1898, in a small way, depending for most of the work to
be done by hand. That leads us to believe that there was only one machine
or at best two, and that the operators were being trained slowly on the work.
It was in March, 1898, that the Vancouver Province entered
the field as a daily, after publication of a weekly in Victoria for
four years. For a start it had but one Linotype, operating two
shifts, but this was soon found to be inadequate and an increase
was made.
Rossland and Nelson, each of which at one time boasted two
dailies and a weekly, were fairly early to introduce Canadian-
built Linotypes.
The early days of this century found the three Vancouver
daily papers—the News-Advertiser, World, and Province—each
with four Canadian Linotypes in its printing-office. The machines, nearly all equipped with but one mould, and that a solid
one of single-column measure, were not well adapted to advertising work. The matrices were for the most part single-letter,
and the points (commas, periods, and quotes) on a three-to-em
body, as in type cases, which perhaps was an improvement on
those of to-day, as they were not so subject to bending.
The first Mergenthaler (that is, American-built) Linotype to
reach British Columbia was installed by the Vernon News in
August, 1906; this was a Model 3 single magazine interchangeable. At first it was equipped with but one magazine. Others
were later added, but, unlike the Model 5, which was first placed
on the market that year, it was a two-man change, the magazine
frame lifting with the magazine to the rear.
In the early summer of 1907 the Vancouver Province added
to its plant a No. 4 American-made machine. This was one of
the earlier multiple machines, which had been designed the
previous year.   Like that of the Vernon News, it was delivered 1946 From Hand-set Type to Linotype. 261
with a couple of parts lacking, because their importation would
have given the Canadian Linotype Company grounds upon which
to claim infringement of patent. This made it awkward for the
operator, for the missing parts included the first elevator jaw
duplex rail levers. The slots for these were filled with type
metal, and successful transfer of a black-face line was always
in doubt, such lines often spilling on the floor. At the Province
these difficulties were overcome by acquiring the parts by black
market methods through United States sources, although this led
to litigation. In Vernon, the writer took over operation and
care of the News' machine on December 1,1907, and soon entered
into correspondence with the American agency, requesting
delivery of the missing parts. (I was familiar with the workings of American Linotypes from a sojourn in Washington State
in 1906.) Stalling for time, the replies were evasive; like the
• Chinaman, they " no savvied " what was wanted. Within a few
months, however, the Canadian Linotype Company was taken
over by the Brooklyn firm, and the Montreal factory closed.
No difficulty was then experienced in getting delivery of the
required parts.
Another make of machine which, being cheaper, was designed
to meet the requirements of country offices, was the Monoline.
This, like the Rogers Typograph, was equipped with elongated
matrices suspended on wire racks; but it was a much smaller
and more compact machine. Monolines did duty in the offices
of the Nanaimo Free Press, Nanaimo Herald, Ashcroft Journal,
Kamloops Inland Sentinel, Revelstoke Mail-Herald, Vernon
Okanagan, and perhaps elsewhere. But as time went on they
all were replaced by Linotypes.
About 1915 the American Linotype Company placed on the
market a " baby " machine, patterned after the regular design,
but with a magazine carrying but fifteen letters instead of
twenty- or twenty-two letter fonts. These, though serviceable
on narrow measure, were not completely satisfactory and gained
but a small foothold. British Columbia installations included
the Revelstoke Review, the Merritt Herald, and the Kelowna
Courier. 262 Burt R. Campbell. October
Another make of machine was introduced to the trade about
1910, and while successful in its sphere, did not altogether meet
newspaper requirements. This is known as a Monotype, and
consists of two units—a keyboard and a caster. Its use is largely
the casting of type for case use, and the production of leads and
slugs. There are three of these in the Province—one at the
News-Herald, Vancouver, and two at the Victoria Colonist.
It was about 1915, at a time when Linotypes were largely
replacing other makes of line-casting devices, that a new manufacturing firm sprang up in Brooklyn. This was the Intertype
Corporation, and its product from the start was almost identical
to the Linotype in principle. Slight alterations served to evade
patent infringements.
Unlike most of its predecessors, the Intertype came to stay,
and as the years have passed it has undergone many changes and
improvements, until it is now an established rival of the Linotype. Two of the later makes of Intertype were installed a few
years ago at Chilliwack. Two more found homes in the office of
the Penticton Herald, following a fire at that plant, and eleven
others are in use at different points. Early models of these
machines were installed in Vernon and Penticton in 1921, but
both have since disappeared.
For advertising display purposes, the needs of the newspapers
have been well met by the introduction of the Ludlow line-casting
machine. This calls for the use of cases which contain brass
matrices, instead of type-metal letters. These are assembled in
a holder or stick by hand, and from the matrices are cast the
large lines, but on a narrow body, which requires supporting
blank spaces underneath.
In the case of a Ludlow line the matrices, after the cast, are
at once distributed to the case. The type metal goes to the
melting pot to be used over again, as in the case of Linotype and
other metal. These machines have long been in use in some of
the daily newspaper offices, and one was installed by the Kamloops Sentinel in 1928.
While we would seem to have covered a rather varied field of
type-casting machines, there is yet another machine which for a
short time did duty for the Summerland Review, the only one of
its kind known to have entered the Province.   By name a Uni- 1946 From Hand-set Type to Linotype. 263
type, this was a type-assembler rather than a type-caster, and
used a specially prepared font of type, accommodating only one
' size. On this machine two operators were required, one manipulating the keyboard, which released the type from an upright
magazine on to a carrier which conveyed it to the composing-
stick, where the second person justified the already spaced lines.
The completed line was then passed to a galley. For distribution,
five or six inches of assembled type was placed in a distributer
container, from which it was fed one line at a time into a revolving cylinder. Each type had a different combination of nicks on
one side, and the cylinder in its revolution paused sufficiently over
the entrance to each letter channel of the magazine to permit of
the type keyed therefor to drop into place. The Unitype, which
cost almost as much as a single-magazine Linotype, is said to have
been installed by a foreman who objected to working in a room
where there was molten metal. Being too costly to operate, it
was replaced by a Model 14 Linotype, and after being stored in
the office for a few years was destroyed by fire in 1923.
Earlier in this story Canadian Linotypes were said not to
have been altogether adapted to advertising work, due to having
but a one-measure mould. (Lines over 13 ems had to be treated
as twin slugs.) At the News-Advertiser office in Vancouver one
Linotype, known as the " ad. machine," was equipped with a universal mould—that is, changeable as to thickness and length of
slug. For length of line a series of pins varying in em lengths
was used to adjust the left jaw. This so-called " ad. machine "
had only one magazine, but three fonts of matrices (7-, 9-, and
11-point). All three were used each night, requiring many runnings in and out of mats. To facilitate this, machinist Pal
Proulx, now of the Vancouver Sun, made a guide which he
attached to the distributer frame, a device which greatly assisted
the placing of matrices on the bar. Nevertheless, the procedure followed by the operator who ran this particular machine
remained a complicated one. He would start the night's work
setting advertising material in 11- or 9-point, as required. Then,
about lunch time, he prepared to set up the editorials of the publisher, F. Carter-Cotton, which usually arrived written across
part of an official envelope, and running line-for-line with the
9-point type.    Finally a change was made to 7-point, for the 264 Burt R. Campbell. October
latter part of the night was devoted to setting news matter.
Such was the nightly routine of the writer in 1907, and one can
readily realize what all these changes cost in unproductive time.'
That same year the Canadian Linotype Company sought to
keep pace with its American rival by bringing out an improved
machine designed to simplify magazine changes. This was
brought about by use of an overhead carrying track, from which
the magazine could be suspended and carried to a rack—a contrivance very similar to that used in a dairy barn for a vastly
different purpose. The only one of these machines to reach
British Columbia arrived at the News-Advertiser office at the
close of 1907, and after a short tryout was discarded. What
became of it I know not.
So far as newspaper work is concerned to-day, machine-
composition is mostly done by Linotype, Intertype, Ludlow, or
Monotype, all of which in improved form are well adapted to the
work. A tabulation made in March, 1945, showed that there
were 190 of these type-setting machines in British Columbia.
Of this total 165 were Linotypes, 15 were Intertypes, 7 were
Ludlows, and 3 were Monotypes.2
In early days heating the metal for any of the line-casting
machines, to a working temperature of 525-550 degrees Fahrenheit, was a problem in many of the smaller cities. In the larger
ones gas was used as a rule. Coal-oil was given a trial in the
early stages, but proved anything but satisfactory. Gasoline
was an improvement, and after much experimenting was found
to give good results. A storage-tank would be buried at a safe
distance from the office and connected by a hollow wire with the
machine's burner. Gasoline of the better quality (Queen) could
be had by the 10-gallon case, and at 40-lb. pressure a good flame
could be maintained. Later came the electrically heated pots,
which were adopted as soon as a community had a twenty-four-
hour electric power service.
Having dealt at considerable length with type-setting, we
must pass along to the next stage in newspaper production—that
of the printing or presswor"k.
(2)  For this tabulation, see appendix. 1946 From Hand-set Type to Linotype. 265
Most papers in their earliest stages were produced on what
was commonly known as a Washington press. This consisted of
a stoutly built frame, the upper portion of which carried a platen
of sufficient size to accommodate two pages of a paper. This
was equipped with a lever handle which, by means of knuckles,
furnished the impression squeeze. On the under-side was a track
which carried the bed on which rested the type forms, this being
moved back and forth by a small crank. The sheet of paper was
placed on a frisket which, after the inking of the forms by a
second man from the opposite side of the press, was dropped on
to the type and run under the platen. A stout pull by the pressman then made the impression. Reversing the motion of the
crank, the sheet was removed after lifting the frisket.
Such a press, operated by two men, was capable of turning
out 250 copies of one side of a four-page paper per hour, but to
attain this result there was not much time for " soldiering."
Needless to say, an active man of some weight had a decided
advantage over a lighter one in operating the lever. To-day
there are but few of these pioneer presses left, but the odd one
still does duty as a proof-press.
To trace the numerous presses which have played their part
during the growth of cities and newspaper circulations would
require much research. Of different designs, they met the
requirements of past days, and paved the way to the high-speed
cylinder presses of to-day. These modern marvels, printing
from large rolls of paper instead of the single sheets of earlier
days, call into service another branch of the allied printing trades
—that of the stereotyper. These men, by means of papier-
mach6 mats, reduce the page form of thousands of single lines to
one curved metal plate. These plates in turn are clamped to the
cylinders on the press, and by the passage of a sheet (or strip)
from a roll of paper over these the completed paper results.
In their day such machines as the drum-cylinder Cottrell, the
Wharfedale (of English origin), the drum-cylinder Campbell,
and an occasional Hoe, all did duty in the span of progress.
These were all fed by hand, the Wharfedale differing from the
others in that it was an under-shot instead of over-shot feed;
that is, the cylinder operated in a different direction. Doubtless
a round of the weekly newspaper offices would still disclose many 266 Burt R. Campbell. October
drum-cylinder presses, as well as an occasional flat-bed Duplex
press, producing at one operation an eight-page paper from flatbed forms such as serve in the case of hand-fed machines.
A few details about the first printing-press used in what is
now British Columbia may be of interest. This was a small
French hand-press, brought to Victoria by Bishop Demers, of the
Roman Catholic Church, about 1856. In design it was similar
to the Washington press above described. It differed in size
only, the bed and platen being built to accommodate two small
newspaper pages. This press seems to have been used but seldom
by the Bishop, but when the British Colonist (now the Victoria
Daily Colonist) was founded in December, 1858, the first issues
of the paper were printed on the machine.
After serving its purposes in Victoria, this pioneer press also
led the way in printing in the Interior of the Province. Its first
appearance inland was at Barkerville, during the gold-rush days
of 1865. There it was used for a few years to print the historic
Cariboo Sentinel. After being idle for some time the French
press participated in the founding of the Inland Sentinel at
Emory, near Yale, by Michael Hagan in May, 1880, and later that
year publication was transferred to Yale. As Canadian Pacific
Railway construction moved eastward, so did the Sentinel, which
made its first appearance in Kamloops, which has ever since been
its home, on July 31, 1884. After serving in Kamloops, the old
press was finally relegated to a corner in the Sentinel office,
where it stood until it was presented by the late Dr. M. S. Wade
to St. Ann's Academy, Victoria, where it is a prized historical
The earliest of Southern Interior papers, the Inland Sentinel
(now the Kamloops Sentinel) was the first to have a cylinder
press, one known as a Prouty being installed in the Kamloops
office in 1890. Like the old French hand-press, it had previously
done duty in Victoria. This two-page machine was a most
serviceable one, with a 9-inch travelling cylinder, while the bed,
with return of the cylinder, dropped by means of knuckles. Its
capacity was about 800 sheets per hour—two pages, six columns.
In 1898 the Sentinel purchased a Cottrell, and early that summer
the Prouty moved on to further service in the office of the Kootenay Mail, in Revelstoke.   There it remained until the closing days 1946 From Hand-set Type to Linotype. 267
of 1903, when it was succeeded by an old Wharfedale acquired
from the Vancouver News-Advertiser office, and departed for
Lethbridge, Alberta.
In operating this Prouty the Sentinel staff had somewhat
exceptional power—a Chinaman known as "Jim Jam," a name
given him after he had helped himself to the preserves of a lady
neighbour of the Sentinel. Jim, who between times kept in condition by use of a bucksaw, became so expert on the fly-wheel of
the press that he would make a complete run without a stop)—in
fact, would cuss profusely if a stop were made; he perspired
freely but kept going. If he had to be absent, Jim sent two
Chinamen as substitutes, but their combined efforts did not equal
his.    He was finally displaced by a small steam-engine in 1894.
Though Prouty machines were rare, the Vernon News had a
new four-page machine installed in 1892. This made possible
the completion of the eight-page weekly issue with one run, there
being four pages patent; that is, furnished ready-printed on one
side by a house catering to such work. Here the power was furnished by the combined efforts of the editor and staff of two.
Unfortunately this press saw but comparatively short service, as
the plant of the News was destroyed by fire in 1897.
Many and varied are the presses now in use for commercial
printing, but in earlier days practically all such work was done
on platen machines. • Some of these were commonly referred to
as " Gordon " presses, I know not why, but as time went on a
12- by 18-inch machine manufactured by Chandler & Price
seemed to be a favourite.
Power for operation of printing machinery, whether press or
type-casting machine, was one of the many problems with which
the printer or publisher had to contend. Almost any printer of
the old school can look back on the days when, as a boy, he was
called upon to furnish the motive power for a platen press by
means of a treadle; the writer's earliest recollections are of a
small press, which was easy to run, and of a large one, which
required two men to tramp.
Presently steam-engines were installed, but they were not all
that could be wished for, since, apart from the extra discomfort 268 Burt R. Campbell. October
they caused on a hot summer's day, a permit was required to
enable one to operate them. As an illustration: In 1902 the
writer was a pressman for the Inland Sentinel, in Kamloops, and
his duties included that of serving as engineer of a 6-horse-power
boiler. One day the official boiler inspector came along and
caught us without the necessary permit. Some person in the
office had to appear before him for examination; Dave Jameson
was the foreman, and it was agreed that he should be the victim.
Doing nicely in the oral examination, Dave was given the poser:
" What would you do if you found steam to be rising on the gauge
while water in the glass grew less? " Our foreman was equal to
the occasion and promptly replied, " Send for Charlie Wain."
Mr. Wain was then superintendent at the city power plant, three
blocks away.   The permit was issued!
Gasoline engines, introduced in the earlier days of the century, offered a partial solution of the power problem. When one
of these was installed it usually served as power for all machines
in the office. But for an intricate machine such as a Linotype a
steady flow of power was essential; the throwing on and off of
presses was a cause of too much variation. Even an individual
motor run by water-power was not entirely satisfactory for,
while fluctuations in speed were not numerous, they did occur
from time to time. To cite an example, the filling of street-
sprinkler tanks from a near-by hydrant could cause awkward
variations in pressure. All of which will make evident how great
a boon to printing-offices was the introduction of twenty-four-
hour electric power service, and the use of individual electric
motors which could be relied upon to run at a practically constant
speed. The hours of service were important, for in many Interior
points when electricity was first introduced it was available for
only a part of the day—usually from dusk to midnight. In winter
power was available relatively early in the afternoon, but in
summer the way in which daylight persisted far into the evening
made things awkward for the printer.
A word should be said about the handling of commercial or
job printing.   Job-printers of the early days devoted considerable
attention to commercial work, such as letter-heads, bill-heads
(loose-leaf services were not then in use), etc.   Many of the type 1946 From Hand-set Type to Linotype. 269
faces were of a flowery nature, with scrolled letters. (I have in:
mind the " Koster " series.) Among job-printers were some'
with such a decided flair for curved rules that they were known
as " rule-twisters." Type of all sizes, as also borders, called for
hand setting, and careful handling when the job was completed.
As on newspapers, most presswork was done by a utility printer,
who in most instances was particular as to impression, and made
good use of overlay knife.
To-day the advertising or job hand may be likened to an
architect and builder. Taking up the copy of an advertisement
or job, he proceeds to lay it out by diagram, with allotments for
each department. Then everything is marked as to series and
size of type, with the desired width. The copy is then given to
the Linotype operator, while the advertising man retains the
larger display lines, which will be handled by Ludlow equipment.
Linotype or Intertype machines cast lines of 30-em (5 inches)
width, and for wider use these are placed end to end (twin slugs)
as required. Where a lesser length than the 30-em measure is
used, either a shorter slug may be produced by changing liners,
or, as is mostly done, the unused portion is cut off with a small
circular saw; some machines are equipped with saws.
Borders and rules of varying designs are also cast to 30 ems,
and the advertising or job man has thus at his command a complete ensemble of lines which require but to be assembled or built
together into page or lesser form.
For over half a century branches of the International Typographical Union have been in operation in all principal centres.
With these, printers in small places sometimes maintain affiliations. Throughout, with but few exceptions, relationships
between employer and employee have been most friendly.
When, in 1906, the International Union took steps toward
enforcement of an eight-hour day, Vancouver (and doubtless
Victoria) newspaper printers had for long enjoyed not only an
eight-hour day but one of seven and one-half hours. For a considerable time now the five-day week has prevailed at most points.
This was an important matter during the depression days of a 270 Burt R. Campbell. October
few years ago, and is so at the present time, when many veterans
are in need of employment.
Mention has been made earlier of printers performing the
duties of pressmen. As time went on, and particularly with the
introduction of web presses, the work of pressmen became specialized. This in turn brought about the formation of Pressmen's
Unions. Likewise the stereotypers came on the scene and became
organized. These changes were responsible for still another
organization, when all three unions combined in some of their
activities as the Allied Printing Trades Council.
With employer and employee working in harmony, newspapers of British Columbia have, where depressions were not too
severe, made steady advancement in serving their various communities. It now remains but to carry on and wonder what
changes the next half century may bring about.
Burt R. Campbell.
Kamloops, B.C. 1946
From Hand-set Type to Linotype.
• A list of machines of various makes in offices where newspapers or
periodicals are produced was prepared in March, 1945. Possibly a few
others were in use in strictly job offices.    The list includes:—
Armstrong  Advertiser  	
Ashcroft Journal 	
Courtenay Free Press	
Comox Argus, Courtenay ...
Surrey Leader, Cloverdale
Cranbrook Courier  _.
Creston Review 	
Cumberland Islander 	
Cowichan Leader, Duncan
Enderby Commoner 	
Fernie Free Press 	
Golden Star  	
Grand Forks Gazette 	
Kamloops Sentinel 	
Kelowna  Courier  	
Kimberley News 	
Ladner Optimist 	
Ladysmith Chronicle 	
Merritt Herald  	
Fraser Valley Record, Mission City 	
Arrow Lakes News, Nakusp 	
Nanaimo Free Press 	
Nelson News 	
Omineca Herald, New Hazelton 	
British Columbian, New Westminster ....
Jackson Printing Company, New Westminster 	
Imperial Printers, New Westminster 	
Pacific Canadian Printers, New Westminster 	
North Shore Press, North Vancouver ....
Review, North Vancouver	
West Vancouver News 	
West Coast Advocate, Port Alberni      2
Port Honey Gazette  _     2
Powell River News      2
Powell River Town Crier   2
Prince George Citizen   2
Prince Rupert Daily News   2
Prince Rupert Daily Empire   2
Dibb Printing Company, Prince Rupert 1
Similkameen Star, Princeton   1
Cariboo Observer,  Quesnel   1
Revelstoke Review   1
Peace River Block News, Dawson Creek 1
Rossland Miner   • 1
Salmon Arm Observer   1
Sidney Review  —  1
Interior News, Smithers   1
Trail Times   4
Trail Ad-News   2
Daily Province, Vancouver   25
Vancouver Sun „  17
News-Herald, Vancouver   7
Victoria  Times   *  8
Victoria Colonist   12
Vernon  News   _  2
Nechako Chronicle, Vanderhoof   1
Whitehorse Star   1
Williams Lake News   1
Broadway Printers, Vancouver   2
Lumberman   Printing   Company,   Vancouver   1
Vancouver Sun, Job-printing Dept  5
Wrigley Printing Company, Vancouver... 2
Boden Press, Vancouver   1
University Press. Vancouver   1
Spencer & Tucker, Vancouver   3
Mitchell Printing Company, Vancouver... 2
Diggon-Hibben Company, Victoria   1
Government Printing Bureau, Victoria... 5
Abbots ford, Sumas & Matsqui News  1
Chilliwack Progress -  2
Cowichan Leader, Duncan   1
Kaslo Kootenaian   1
Nanaimo Free Press   1
Penticton Herald   2
Vancouver Sun   2
Victoria Times   4
Boden Press. Vancouver  1
Total  15
Kamloops Sentinel      1
Nelson News      1
Daily Province, Vancouver      2
Vancouver Sun _     2
Victoria Times      1
Total.. 272 Burt R. Campbell.
News-Herald, Vancouver
Victoria Colonist 	
Linotypes    ~  165
Intertypes     15
Ludlows    _       8
Monotypes —       8
Total. _  190
The Vancouver Sun, including its job-printing department, owned 26
machines. (22 Linotypes, 2 Intertypes, and 2 Ludlows); the Vancouver
Daily Province owned 25 (23 Linotypes and 2 Ludlows); the Victoria
Colonist, 14 (12 Linotypes and 2 Monotypes), and the Victoria Times, 13
(8 Linotypes, 4 Intertypes, and 1 Ludlow). BURRARD OF BURRARD'S CHANNEL.
".   .  .  this channel, which, after Sir Harry Burrard of the navy,
I have distinguished by the name of Burrard's Channel   .   .  ."
The brief article on the naming of Burrard Inlet that Sir
Gerald Burrard contributed to the April number of this Quarterly1 brought to light an interesting difference of opinion that
had existed, unsuspected by historians, for at least forty years.
Vancouver's Discovery of Puget Sound, published by Edmond
S. Meany in 1907, was the first book in which an effort was made
to identify the various persons after whom Captain Vancouver
had named geographical features. Professor Meany took it for
granted that Burrard Inlet had been named in honour of Sir
Harry Burrard, the second baronet, who, after his marriage to the
heiress of the house of Neale, became Sir Harry Burrard-Neale.
All subsequent writers, including Captain John T. Walbran,
author of the well-known volume on British Columbia Coast
Names (Ottawa, 1909), have taken the same view. Now it
appears that family tradition has always insisted that the inlet
was named after the first baronet, the original Sir Harry Burrard ; and it is asserted further that Sir Harry the first took so
active and benevolent an interest in Captain Vancouver's career
that he deserves to rank in history as the famous explorer's
To make a choice between these two conflicting points of view
is not easy. The problem would, indeed, furnish an admirable
case-history for investigation by a seminar on the nature and
reliability of historical evidence. Neither side appears to be
able to prove its case conclusively, and one gathers that even
Sir Gerald Burrard himself was of two minds by the time he
had completed his investigation. Nevertheless, for reasons which
it is hoped the paragraphs that follow make clear, the present
writer feels that the weight of the evidence definitely favours
the historians.
(1)  Sir Gerald Burrard, "The Naming of Burrard Inlet," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, X. (1946), pp. 143-9.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. X., No. 4.
273 274 W. Kaye Lamb. October
As Sir Gerald Burrard points out, the time element is an
important aspect of the problem. When Vancouver sailed from
England on April 1, 1791, Sir Harry Burrard, the first baronet,
was not only still alive, but seemed to be in his usual good health.
On April 12, however, he died suddenly, and the title passed to
his nephew, who thereby became Sir Harry Burrard the second.
The all-important question is: When did Captain Vancouver
receive news of the death of Sir Harry Burrard the first?
It is possible, as Mr. L. G. Carr Laughton, the Admiralty
Librarian, has pointed out, that the news overtook him at the
Cape of Good Hope. Vancouver's ships made an extremely slow
passage from England, and it was not until August 17—more
than four months after the death of Sir Harry—that they finally
got away from the Cape, bound for the Pacific Ocean. As this
delay was quite unexpected, it is unlikely that anyone addressed
letters to Vancouver at the Cape, in the expectation that they
would overtake him there; but it is entirely possible that London
"newspapers, which would doubtless announce Sir Harry's passing, arrived before he sailed. Then as now, the Cape was one of
the great cross-roads of the world's commerce. Vancouver himself notes that when he arrived he found " seventeen sail in the
bay." At least three of these had come from England, and others
must have arrived during the five weeks and more that the
Discovery and Chatham remained in harbour.
Nevertheless, the verdict remains " not proven." Vancouver
may have heard of Sir Harry Burrard's death at the Cape, but
it is entirely possible that he did not. And if he sailed in ignorance of it, he was still unaware that Sir Harry was dead when
he explored Burrard Inlet in June, 1792, for no opportunity for
him to receive news from England had occurred in the interval.
For this reason it is important to emphasize another aspect
of the time element that has hitherto been overlooked; namely,
the fact that everything suggests that Captain Vancouver did
not actually name Burrard Inlet at the time he visited it. We
are apt to forget that Vancouver's original manuscript journal
has disappeared, and that all we have available to-day is a printed
narrative based on that journal, compiled for the most part four
or five years after the occurrence of the events described. True,
this narrative was written by Vancouver himself;  it was not 1946 Burrard op Burrard's Channel. 275
farmed out to a hack writer and compiled from logs, diaries, and
other documents, as were many works of the kind, including even
such celebrated volumes as the Voyages of Sir Alexander Mackenzie and Captain James Colnett. But the fact remains that
Vancouver made innumerable changes and additions to his story
as he prepared it for publication, and we know that he inserted
many place-names that were not bestowed until long after he had
surveyed the islands, capes, inlets, etc., in question.
It so happens that there are no less than seven journals
extant, in addition to Vancouver's own printed narrative, that
describe the activities of his expedition during the whole or part
of the summer of 1792.2 They vary in character, but with the
exception of the journal of Archibald Menzies, the botanist,
which was obviously revised at a later date, all of them are
authentic contemporary records. At times they were written
day by day; but interruptions were frequent, and most of them
seem to have been brought up to date at intervals of a week or
more, as time permitted. In these journals the use of place-
names is relatively infrequent, but when a name does occur, it
(2) Two of the seven have been published. See the " New Vancouver
Journal," believed to be by Edward Bell, printed in part in the Washington
Historical Quarterly, V. (1914), pp. 129-37, 215-24, 300-308; the original
manuscript, entitled M.S. Journal kept on board the Armed Tender
"Chatham" during Captain Vancouver's Voyage in the "Discovery" 1791-4,
is in the Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand; there is a complete
transcript in the Provincial Archives. See also Archibald Menzies, Journal
of Vancouver's Voyage, April 8th to October ISth, 1792, Victoria, 1923
(Archives of British Columbia, Memoir V.). The original manuscript of
this journal is in the British Museum; the transcript in the Provincial
Archives covers the period from December, 1790, to February 16, 1794.
Only the portion of the journal relating to the Northwest Coast of America
during 1792 is included in the printed version. The original manuscripts
of the three following journals are in the Public Record Office, London
(there are transcripts in the Provincial Archives): Thomas Aisley Browne,
Log of Discovery (January 1, 1791, to March 26, 1795); Zachary Mudge,
Remarks on Board H.M. Sloop Discovery. Geo. Vancouver Esq., Comdr.
(January 4, 1791, to October 1, 1792); Spelman Swaine, A Log of His
Majesty's Sloop Discovery . . . (September 26, 1792, to July 2, 1795).
A photostat of Thomas Manby's journal (February 10, 1791, to January 22,
1793) is in the Howay-Reid collection, in the library of the University of
British Columbia; and a microfilm of Peter Puget's journal (January 4,
1791, to February 6, 1794) is in the library of the University of Washington, Seattle. 276 W. Kaye Lamb. October
is usually found in all the accounts relating to the locality in
question. In other words, the journals as a group undoubtedly
indicate what place-names were bestowed by Vancouver while
he actually was engaged in his surveys. Birch Bay and Point
Roberts, for example, were certainly named while Vancouver
was in their immediate vicinity. Entry after entry in the various
journals could be cited to prove the point. On the other hand,
although several of the journals either refer to the exploration
of Burrard Inlet, or describe it in some detail, not a single entry
in any one of them refers to the inlet by name. From this it
would appear to be legitimate to conclude that it was not named
at the time it was explored, in June, 1792.
After his visit to Burrard Inlet Vancouver sailed on to the
northward and spent the next two months exploring the narrow
waters lying between Vancouver Island and the Mainland, and
the fjord-like waterways tributary to them. On August 17 he
fell in with the British trading brig Venus, from which he learned
that various Spanish officials and his own supply ship, the
Daedalus, were awaiting him in Nootka Sound. Vancouver thereupon decided to conclude his work for the season and proceeded
without delay to Nootka, where he dropped anchor in Friendly
Cove on August 28.
Here, at last, we know definitely that he received letters from
home. The journal ascribed to Edward Bell states that when the
Chatham arrived " The Master of the Storeship [Daedalus'], Mr.
New, waited on Captn. B [roughton], and brought some Packets
of Letters for us from our friends in England."3 It may be
taken for granted that he had similar packets for the Discovery
and the commander of the expedition. The Daedalus carried
official dispatches from the Admiralty dated in London as late
as August 20,1791, or more than four months after the death of
Sir Harry Burrard. From Spanish sources we know that Vancouver also received letters by two British trading vessels.4   One
(3) " New Vancouver Journal," Washington Historical Quarterly, V.
(1914), p. 223.
(4) See the Viage hecho por los goletas Sutil y Mexicana, Madrid, 1802,
p. 116. In the well-known printed translation by Cecil Jane (Argonaut
Press, 1930), the Spanish pliegos is rendered as letters. Another translation in the Provincial Archives substitutes despatches. The English word
messages would seem to come closest to the Spanish original. 1946 Burrard of Burrard's Channel. 277
of these, the Three Brothers (variously referred t6 in documents
of the time as the Tresbes and the Three Bs), was at Nootka
when Vancouver himself arrived. She had left London in December, 1791, or eight months after the death of Sir Harry.6 The
other vessel, the Butterworth, which had left London in October,
1791, had arrived at Nootka on August 10, but she seems to have
sailed on a trading voyage before Vancouver appeared on the
28th. No doubt the letters she carried had been left with Captain
New, of the Daedalus.6
If the relations between Captain Vancouver and the Burrard
family were as close and friendly as we have every reason to
believe they were, it can surely be taken for granted that a letter
from the Burrards was included in the personal mail Vancouver
found awaiting him at Nootka.
There remains the question as to precisely when Vancouver
bestowed the name Burrard on " Burrard's Channel," as the inlet
was originally called.
Everything suggests that this was done at Nootka, for Vancouver enjoyed neither comfort nor leisure in the weeks following
his visit to the future Burrard Inlet. Much of the survey-work
done theraf ter proved to be hazardous in the extreme, and physically exhausting. It will be recalled that it was at this time that
both his ships got ashore, one after the other. Moreover, Vancouver knew that he would be spending some time at Nootka, and
it would be the logical place to complete charts, make the necessary duplicates, prepare fair copies of journals, consider the
(5) Vancouver himself tabulated the names, sailing dates, etc., of the
various trading ships that visited Nootka or were known to be on the Coast
in 1792. See his official Narrative of the proceedings at Nootka, printed in
the Report of the Provincial Archives Department . . . for the year
.   .   .   191S, Victoria, 1914, pp. 28-9.
(6) This exhausts the list of known sources, but by no means all the
possible sources, from which, Vancouver might have received letters from
England. By 1792 Nootka Sound had become the recognized rendezvous for
the trading ships that were then visiting the Northwest Coast in considerable numbers. Sooner or later almost every maritime trader visited Nootka,
and at times a small fleet lay at anchor there. Thus, on October 11, the day
before Vancouver's ships sailed for California, Archibald Menzies noted in
his journal the presence of " seven English Vessels, a Spanish Frigate &
two American Vessels riding at Anchor in the Cove, besides the two smaller
ones that were building on Shore." 278 W. Kaye Lamb. October
question of place-names, and so on. Vancouver's own narrative
and the various journals make it clear that this is what actually
occurred. When an opportunity offered and Vancouver sent
Lieutenant Mudge to England on October 1, he tells us that he
sent with him " extracts from the most important parts of my
journal, with a copy of our survey of the coast . . ." Three
months later, when Lieutenant Broughton was sent to England
from Monterey, he was able to take a complete transcript of the'
journal and a set of charts and drawings recording the results of
Vancouver's survey for the whole of the 1792 season.
The probability would thus certainly appear to be that Vancouver placed the name " Burrard's Channel " on his preliminary
chart while he was at Nootka Sound, and that before he did so
he had received letters from England informing him of the death
of Sir Harry Burrard, the first baronet. Indeed, it may well have
been the news of Sir Harry's death, which would naturally bring
his memories of the family vividly to mind, that prompted him
to use the place-name " Burrard " at that particular time.
Mr. Carr Laughton has pointed out that the designation " of
the navy " " definitely points to the younger Sir Harry, for his
uncle never did hold any appointment which would justify his
being so described." Nor is this the only reason for supposing
that the second baronet was the person honoured. Sir Harry the
younger had entered the Royal Navy in 1778, and he and Vancouver had been shipmates in H.M.S. Europa. Sir Gerald Burrard points out that when Vancouver sailed in 1791, young Burrard was only a promising young officer of 25, with his career
before him, whereas the elder Sir Harry was a person of importance and influence. But shipmates and friends mean much to
a sailor. Moreover, there was only eight years' difference in age
between Vancouver and the younger Harry, and at 33 Vancouver
would surely have more in common with a naval lieutenant of
25 than with an old gentleman of 84.
It is true that Vancouver never saw Sir Harry Burrard the
second while he bore that title, for by the time he arrived back in
England in 1795, the second baronet had married and assumed
the name Burrard-Neale. Why, it has been asked, was the inlet
not named Burrard-Neale, if it was the second baronet that Vancouver wished to honour?   The reason is obvious.   If, as sug- 1946 Burrard of Burrard's Channel. 279
gested above, the inlet was named in the autumn of 1792, the
second baronet was then correctly referred to as Sir Harry Burrard, for his marriage did not take place until 1794. In the
interval the chart bearing the name had been forwarded to the
Admiralty, and, once adopted, the place-name would naturally
remain unchanged.
In conclusion it should be added that the writer is perfectly
aware that the case here presented is based entirely upon circumstantial evidence. But it has this great strength and virtue: it
is at variance with no single known fact bearing upon the whole
complicated and intriguing problem.
W. Kaye Lamb.
The first botanists to visit the Pacific Northwest came with
the maritime expeditions of discovery, usually combining nature
study with the duties of medical officer. Although its subsidiary
nature and the circumstances under which it was carried on made
their botanical work intermittent and sketchy, a good deal was
Most successful of them was Archibald Menzies, surgeon with
Captain Colnett, 1786-90, and surgeon-naturalist under Captain
Vancouver, 1791-95. He had the novel experience of botanizing
at Nootka for a month, guarded by a sister-in-law of the famous
Chief Maquinna.1 Among his many discoveries were the salal,
the large-leafed maple, and the arbutus named after him (Arbutus Menziesii Pursh) .2
Menzies' discoveries and those of Lewis and Clark to the
south created much interest in Britain and were an incentive to
the Horticultural Society of London (now the Royal Horticultural Society) to send its botanical collector, David Douglas, on
a special mission. He spent several years (1825-27, 1830-33)
in the Northwest and California, and sent home a host of plants
and seeds. He is remembered in the Douglas fir, Douglas spiraea
(hardhack), Douglas phlox, and many other plants. He worked
mostly in what is now American territory, with his headquarters
at Fort Vancouver, on the Columbia River, his only travels to
the north being a journey with the Hudson's Bay express up the
Columbia and through Athabaska Pass, and another journey
from Fort Okanagan to Fort St. James and return.3
To follow up Douglas's work, Sir Joseph Paxton, of Crystal
Palace fame, sent out two young gardeners, Robert Wallace and
Peter Banks.    They came through Athabaska Pass in 1838 but
* The writer is indebted to Mr. J. W. Eastham, plant pathologist, British
Columbia Department of Agriculture, Vancouver, B.C., for assistance in
preparing this article.
(1) Menzies' Journal of Vancouver's Voyage, April to October, 1792,
ed. by C. F. Newcombe; biographical sketch by J. Forsyth, Victoria, 1923,
p. xiii. (Archives of British Columbia, Memoir V.).
(2) Ibid., pp. 132-52.
(3) See A. G. Harvey, " David Douglas in British Columbia," British
Columbia Historical Quarterly, IV. (1940), pp. 221—43.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. X„ No. 4.
281 282 A. G. Harvey. October
were drowned at or near Death Rapids in the upper Columbia
River before even starting their work.4
So far most of Vancouver Island and what we know as the
Lower Mainland had not felt a botanist's footsteps. Into this
virgin territory came John Jeffrey, the first botanist to make an
extended stay north of the 49th parallel.
Jeffrey, like Menzies and Douglas, was a native of Perthshire,
and, like Douglas, met a tragic death. Born at Forneth, parish
of Clunie, November 14, 1826, he was the eldest of the four
children (two boys and two girls) of John Jeffrey and Helen
Ambrose. The family afterwards moved to Fife, and later to
Lochore. At the age of 15 young John was a servant at East
Blair House, 3 miles from Lochore. In 1849 he was a gardener
at the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, where he won attention by his energy and perseverance. He also won a prize for the
best collection of dried plants made in the vicinity of Edinburgh.8
In May, 1850, Jeffrey was engaged as botanical collector by
the Oregon Botanical Association,6 a recently formed organization of Scottish estate-owners, botanists, and gardeners, interested in more fully exploring the botanical wealth of Northwest
America. Prominent members were George Patton (afterwards
Lord Glenalmond); John Hutton Balfour, professor of botany
at the University of Edinburgh, Regius Keeper of the Royal
Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, and  Queen's Botanist for Scot-
(4) Violet R. Markham, Paxton and the Bachelor Duke, London, 1935,
pp. 63-72. Several accounts of this tragedy are available. For John
McLoughlin's brief official report to the Hudson's Bay Company see The
Letters of John McLoughlin, First Series, Toronto, The Champlain Society,
1941, p. 293; see also Paul Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, London, 1859,
pp. 333-35; Angus McDonald, "A few Items of the West," in Washington
Historical Quarterly, VIII. (1917), pp. 215-17; C. B. Bagley, Early Catholic
Missions in Old Oregon, Seattle, 1932, I., pp. 25-6 (an account by Father
Blanchet);  J. A. Stevenson, " Disaster in the Dalles," Beaver, September,
1942, pp. 19-21. There is a brief reference in H. H. Bancroft, History of
the Northwest Coast, San Francisco, 1884, II., p. 538.
(5) The authority for these statements and for most of the following
statements regarding Jeffrey is James Todd Johnstone, " John Jeffrey and
the Oregon Expedition," in Notes from the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, XX., No. xcvi. (July, 1939), pp. 1-53.
(6) The official name. See Frederick V. Coville, " The Itinerary of
John Jeffrey, an Early Botanical Explorer of Western North America,"
Proceedings of the Biological Society of Washington, XI. (1897), pp. 57-60. 1946 John Jeffrey. 283
land; and James M'Nab, head gardener at the Garden. Balfour
was chairman. Jeffrey was to search the territory covered by
Douglas and other unexplored parts of the country. The emphasis was upon seeds, particularly of conifers, the rage for which
was then,coming to its height; they were to be divided among
the subscribers to the Association. He was engaged for three
years. Accordingly, he sailed from London in the Hudson's Bay
Company's ship Prince of Wales, Captain David J. Herd, on June
6, 1850, and from Stromness, Orkney Islands, on July 3. On
August 12 the vessel came to anchor in Five Fathom Hole off
York Factory, Hudson Bay.
Proceeding inland on August 23 with Chief Factor John Lee
Lewes, Jeffrey arrived at Norway House, near the northeast end
of Lake Winnipeg, on September 18, and next day continued on
to Cumberland House, which he reached on October 6. Here he
spent the first part of the long northern winter. He busied himself by collecting beetles and birds.
On January 3,1851, he left with the winter express and snow-
shoed all the way—1,200 miles—to Jasper House, arriving on
March 21. Four dogs dragged his baggage sleigh. He was the
guest of the Hudson's Bay Company posts, the route being along
the Saskatchewan to Edmonton House, then northwesterly to
Fort Assiniboine and the Athabaska River, which was followed
to Jasper House.
I continued to trudge on from post to post, getting a fresh man and fresh
dogs at every post that I came to en route. I generally remained at each
station for a few days to refresh for another stage. . . . During this
journey I slept with no other covering than that found under the friendly
pine, for the space of 47 nights, on several occasions the thermometer
standing from 30° to 40° below zero. I found no bad effects from exposure,
the only thing that happened to me, was that once or twice I got slightly
frost bit;  that was nothing uncommon amongst us, and little cared for.'
Leaving Jasper House with Chief Trader Robert Clouston on
April 26, Jeffrey crossed the Rocky Mountains by Athabaska
Pass—now with his baggage on his back—and descended the
Columbia River to Fort Colvile, arriving about May 12. He
botanized in the vicinity and in the Kootenay and Pend d'Oreille
districts for a few weeks, working on both sides of the inter-
(7)  Letter, John Jeffrey to J. H. Balfour, dated Jasper House, April 7,
1851.    Quoted in Johnstone, John Jeffrey, p. 9. 284 A. G, Harvey. October
national boundary, which had been established just five years
previously and was not yet surveyed. Then, accompanying Chief
Trader Alexander Caulfield Anderson, famous trail-finder of New
Caledonia and early British Columbia, he went down the Columbia to the Okanagan River and thence up the Okanagan Valley.
Turning up the Similkameen Valley, they came into British
territory again early in July.
No journal of Jeffrey's travels has been found, and as the
dates on his collections are sometimes conflicting, it is impossible
to trace his itinerary closely. He appears to have spent most of
July collecting plants in the Similkameen Valley and on the
near-by mountains, and along the newly opened Hudson's Bay
brigade trail connecting Fort Kamloops and Fort Hope. He
came onto this trail at Campement des Femmes (now Tulameen)
and went along it to Fort Hope. He tarried at Campement de
Chevreuil and collected about Mount Manson for a few days and
climbed to its summit, where he got Penstemon Menziesii Hook.
The Oregon Association had furnished him with instruments for
determining altitudes and for taking latitudes and longitudes,
and if his observations and records are accurate, he got north
beyond the Thompson River. He mentions getting Erigeron
uniflorus Linn, (fleabane) " on the summit of a mountain 7,000
ft. high, in lat. 50° 23'; east of Fraser River."8 This would be
north of Lytton. He also mentions " Thomson River " as the
place of collecting Oxytropis monticola A. Gray (loco-weed) .9
Working westward, probably to Fort Langley, Jeffrey made
a brief visit to Vancouver Island late in July and again at the
end of August. In September he spent several days collecting
in the vicinity of Mount Baker. He ascended the range to the
snow-line, and probably was the first person to do so. (The summit was not reached by anyone until seventeen years later.) On
a mountain-top near Fort Hope he found Pinus albicaulis Engelm.
(the twisted, sprawling white-bark pine), seeds of which he sent
home. With an Indian guide he went up the Fraser to "the
falls " (the early name of the canyon just above Yale) ,10 climbed
(8) Johnstone, op. cit., p. 32.
(9) Ibid., p. 28, probably this was Oxytropis gracilis   (A. Nels.)   K.
Schum., according to modern interpretation.
(10) Information from W. G. H. Firth, Chief Geographer of British
Columbia, Victoria, B.C. 1946 John Jeffrey. 285
the mountains to the east, and gathered Rhododendron albiflorum
Hook, and Cladothamnus pyrolaeflorus Bong, (copper-bush) at
elevations of 6,000 feet and " about" 8,000 feet.
On these mountain-slopes, " towering its head above all her
sisters of the forest,"11 he found Abies amabilis (Dougl.) Forbes,
the lovely silver fir which Douglas had discovered and named
Pinus amabilis, but which botanists took to be a form of some
other species or else a mythical fir formed by mixing specimens
of two or more species. Nor did the seeds Jeffrey sent home
correct the mistake. They, too, were confused with other firs.
And so the " lovely fir " continued a myth. Not until 1880 was
it recognized as an actuality. In that year some eminent American botanists (Englemann, Sargent, and Parry) who were searching for it on a mountain south of Hope came in sight of a beautiful, unfamiliar fir which they at once recognized as the long-lost
amabilis—the tree that Jeffrey had found in the same region
twenty-nine years before and that Douglas had first discovered
on the Columbia earlier still.12
Returning towards the sea-coast he spent a few more days
around Mount Baker early in October, 1851, and then went to
Fort Victoria. Here he spent the winter and spring, save for
a brief visit to Fort Rupert at the northerly end of Vancouver
Island in the steamship Beaver, on which he had embarked on
January 17, 1852, and trips to Bellevue Island (now San Juan;
then still British; the Hudson's Bay Company having a fishing-
station there). He prepared and sent home two boxes of seeds
and specimens that he had gleaned during the past season. One
of the boxes also contained a sample of gold from the Queen
Charlotte Islands, whither crowds of fortune hunters were then
being drawn—the first gold-rush to take place in British Pacific
territory. On some of his botanical excursions about Fort Victoria he had the company of Chief Trader Anderson's young son,
James R. Anderson,18 who was to become a well-known British
Columbia botanist, and who lived until 1930.14   During the spring
(11) Johnstone, op. cit., p. 45.
(12) Carl Hansen, " Pinetum Danicum," Journal, Royal Horticultural
Society, London, XIV. (1892), pp. 455-57.
(13) Victoria Daily Colonist, May 23, 1926.
(14) Author  of  Trees  and Shrubs;   Food, Medicinal  and Poisonous
Plants of British Columbia, Victoria, 1925. 286 A. G. Harvey. October
(1852) Jeffrey discovered Ribes Lobbii A. Gray (red-flowered
gooseberry) and Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) Sarg. (western hemlock) , both of which he introduced to Britain.
In late May or early June he left Fort Victoria and crossed
over to Fort Nisqually on Puget Sound, where he collected briefly
before proceeding on June 18 to Fort Vancouver.16 Leaving
there on June 20 he spent six or seven Weeks in the Willamette
Valley, sometimes climbing high up in the Cascade Mountains.
Continuing southward to the Umpqua Valley he discovered
Lilium Washingtonianum Kell. on August 14, and sent home
seeds. This is the famous Lady Washington lily which, unbeknown to Jeffrey, had so charmed the California Argonauts of
'49 that they had named it after their country's first First Lady.
This name was latinized in 1863.   It is also called Shasta lily.1?
Another interesting plant—one indigenous to British Columbia—discovered by Jeffrey somewhere in the Oregon country and
introduced by him is Dodecatheon Jeffreyi L. van Houtte (a peculiar and rare cyclamen-like flower with a rosette of long oval
leaves, of the genus commonly called " shooting-star ").
On September 9 and 11 he collected in the Klamath Valley,
just across the California border, and by the 27th he had reached
Mount Shasta. On the 29th, on mountains between Shasta and
Scott Valleys, he discovered Pinus Balfouriana Jeffrey1? (the
bright blue-green foxtail pine, which he named). After visiting
the Salmon Mountains and the Trinity Mountains he turned back
in October, and on the 24th, in Shasta Valley, discovered Pinus
Jeffreyii Balf. (which closely resembles the western yellow pirie).
By December 4 he had reached Mount Jefferson, and soon afterwards he got back to Fort Vancouver, where he spent the winter.
(The Hudson's Bay Company was still in occupation.)
In the spring he went south again, leaving about April 6,
1853, when he was advanced $500 by the Company.   He collected
(15) See "The Nisqually Journal," entry for June 18, 1852, Washington
Historical Quarterly, XV. (1924), p. 139.
(16) Charles Francis Saunders, Western Wild Flowers and Their Stories,
New York, 1933, p. 72.
(17) The name according to Johnstone, op. cit., p. 41; but American
authorities give Murray as the namer. Probably Jeffrey suggested the
name and gave the tree's salient distinguishing features, and Murray
elaborated the description and published it. 1946 John Jeffrey. 287
in Umpqua Valley between April 23 and May 3, among his finds
being Whipplea modesta Torr. (a shrub of the Hydrangea
family). He was in the Rogue River valley on May 15, in the
Siskiyou Mountains on the 23rd, and at Mount Shasta on June 10.
Next day, at Clear Creek, he discovered Penstemon Jeffreyanus
Hook. On June 18 he was at Scott Mountain. The next six
weeks were spent in this region and southwards to the Coast
Range. He then went south and east to the Sacramento Valley
and the Sierra Nevada Mountains for August and September,
working still southward. On October 1, in the Sierras, he discovered Cupressus Macnabiana Murr. (the very rare Macnab
cypress), and by the 7th he had reached San Francisco—then in
the throes of the villain-and-vigilante disturbance which followed
the gold-rush. Apparently he remained here and in the vicinity
until early in January, 1854, when he sent off his last box of
plants and seeds to the Association.
Although it took him three weeks to arrange and pack the
season's collections,18 the quantity of seed in the box was small,
and its arrival in Scotland added to the dissatisfaction which had
arisen in the Association regarding his work. Disappointment
with the results of the expedition had been growing for some
time. Several boxes or packages of seeds and specimens which
Jeffrey reported from the north that he had sent home from Fort
Victoria and Fort Vancouver (some by York Factory; others
around Cape Horn) never arrived. One that did arrive—the one
from Fort Victoria containing the gold specimen—had been forwarded from San Francisco (probably via Panama) by post,
" collect." The postage amounted to £135! Although the post-
office authorities were persuaded to waive the charge, the incident
must have given Jeffrey's sponsors an unpleasant shock.
Their chief annoyance was his failure to send a promised diary
of his travels and to account for his expenses. Nor did he report
at all on his work for the season of 1853, his only communication
being a bill of exchange on the Association for £200, drawn upon
his arrival at San Francisco, which they paid nevertheless. They
tried to get in touch with him through their secretary's brother
there, William Murray, but he replied that Jeffrey could not be
found, even though he had advertised for him in the newspaper,
(18) Colville, op. cit., p. 60. 288 A. G. Harvey. October
Alta California, and that letters for him sent to the British
Consulate, as he had requested, were not called for.19 They
therefore decided to discharge him for neglect of duty.20 They
also attached his salary in Balfour's hands and, after payment
of costs, recovered £231/15/- of the £267/13/6 that they had
Unaware of his predicament, Jeffrey began another season's
work, still farther south. He went via San Diego to the Gila
River region.21 But what he did there or thereafter is not known.
He disappeared completely. The last heard from him was a letter in the spring of 1854 to McKinlay, Garrioch & Co., San Francisco, from Fort Yuma, at the confluence of the Gila and Colorado
rivers, saying he probably would be there until August 1, and
directing that his letters be forwarded by Adams & Co.'s express
to their San Diego agent, Mr. F. Ames.22
What became of him is a mystery. Three varying accounts
of a tragic fate have been given: one, that while in New Mexico
(which then included Arizona) " he was murdered by a Spanish
outcast for his mules and his scanty travelling-appointments " ;2S
another, that he was killed when trading with the Indians;24
while a third suggests that he perished of thirst upon the
Colorado desert.25
(19) Murray did not know that the firm of McKinlay, Garrioch & Co.,
commission merchants of San Francisco, were acquainted with Jeffrey, nor
that Allan, Lowe & Co., also commission merchants there, were connected
with the Hudson's Bay Company. 76td. Either firm probably could have
put him in touch with Jeffrey.
(20) His engagement expired in November, 1853, but it had been proposed to extend it for a year. Johnstone, op. cit., pp. 3, 4. Moreover he had
letters of credit which had to be formally stopped, although there is no
suggestion that he took undue advantage of them. His salary was £80 for
the first year, £100 for the second year, and £120 for the third year. This
information is provided in a letter to the author from Professor Sir William
Wright Smith, Regius Keeper of the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh,
dated August 16, 1946.
(21) He is said to have joined an American expedition which left San
Francisco in the spring of 1854 for Fort Yuma to explore the Gila and
Colorado rivers.   Johnstone, op. cit., p. 13.
(22) Colville, op. cit., p. 60.
(23) Alexander Caulfield Anderson, The Dominion at the West. A brief
description of the province of British Columbia, its climate and resources.
Victoria, 1872, p. 56.
(24) Johnstone, op cit., p. 13.
(25) Colville, op. cit., p. 60. 1946 John Jeffrey. 289
During the last century botanical collectors were sent to all
parts of the world, many of them encountering great danger and
hardship to obtain rare plants in their secluded homes. "Among
these men were heroes, gallant adventurers, some of whom ' have
left a name behind them that their praises might be reported ';
others who have no memorial save the good inheritance of
botany."26 Not the least of these was John Jeffrey. For over
three years he toiled patiently and diligently in the wild semi-
civilized territory of the Far West—using primitive makeshifts
and accommodations, and encumbered not only with the usual
paraphernalia, but also the heavy instruments which the Association had provided for taking astronomical observations—making his way as best he could over rough trails, rushing waters,
rugged mountain-sides, and burning sands to spy out the much-
wanted botanical treasures. The territory he covered—-much of
it on foot—was enormous, stretching from cold Rupert's Land
to balmy Vancouver Island in the north, thence south to torrid
New Mexico. Three times he crossed what is now the State of
Oregon.27 Twice he' worked in Northern California. His winters
were spent in arranging and packing the season's gleanings for
shipment to Edinburgh.
Perhaps his failure to measure up to expectations may be
accounted for (at least in part) by hardship, overwork, and
illness. The human body has its limitations, and Jeffrey Was no
exception. It is known that while in San Francisco he was ill
" for some weeks."28   That fact may explain much.
Those who came in contact with Jeffrey were favourably
impressed. Chief Factor John Ballenden, of Fort Vancouver,
who saw a good deal of him, said he was a very hard-working,
energetic, and industrious person, and that he was much thought
of by all who had seen him.29 Anderson and Dr. (afterwards
Sir) James Hector also spoke highly of him;30 while McKinlay,
Garrioch & Co., who saw him last (just before he left San Fran-
(26) Markham, op. cit., p. 53.
(27) Until March 2, 1853, Oregon included all the territory west of the
Rocky Mountains between California and the international boundary.
(28) Colville, op. cit., p. 60, quoting Murray, who got the information
from McKinlay, Garrioch & Co.
(29) Johnstone, op. cit., p. 13.
(30) Anderson, op. cit., p. 56; Johnstone, op. cit., p. 10. 290 A. G. Harvey.
cisco for the south), said he was " a hard working, enthusiastic,
very steady, and temperate man."31
Jeffrey collected over 400 species of plants and sent home the
seeds of many. Besides those already mentioned, one which he
introduced in Britain was Chamascyparis Lawsoniana (Murr.)
Pari, (the beautiful Lawson cypress, or Port Orford cedar of
lumbermen) .32 A list of his plants, with his field-notes, has been
published.83 Most of his specimens are in the herbarium of the
Royal Botanic Garden at Edinburgh.
Although the Association was disappointed with his work to
the point of losing faith in him entirely, subsequent opinion has
been appreciative. Indeed, a one-time secretary of the Association has declared that from " the quantities of novelties which
were discovered and introduced through his means " the expedition must be treated " as a great success."34 Perhaps the Association expected too much of him; he was not another David
Douglas—men of his outstanding ability and purposeful determination are few—nor did he have the virgin field that Douglas
had. Moreover, the loss of at least four of his shipments (and
possibly his diary, too) was very unfortunate*
Jeffrey is commemorated not only in botanical names but also
in the name of one of our British Columbia streams. On his way
from Athabaska Pass down to the Columbia in 1851 he descended
the valley of a tributary of Wood River. Seventy years later,,
at the suggestion of the late Arthur O. Wheeler, of the- Alberta-
British Columbia Boundary Survey Commission, this stream was
named Jeffrey Creek.SB Another geographical feature which may
be mentioned is Mount Jeffrey, on the west side of Saanich Inlet,
Vancouver Island. The origin of its name is unknown,86 but it is
quite possible that it was climbed by Jeffrey during his explorations from Fort Victoria and was named after him.
A. G. Harvey.
Vancouver, B.C.
(31) Colville, op. cit., p. 60.
(32) Alice Eastwood, " Early Botanical Explorers on the Pacific Coast
and the Trees they found there," California Historical Society Quarterly,
XVIII. (1939), p. 343.
(33) Johnstone, op. cit., pp. 21-50.
(34) Ibid., p. 14, quoting Andrew Murray in 1860.
(35) Information from W. G. H. Firth, Chief Geographer of British
The Statement of Expenses that follows adds a brief new
chapter to the otherwise familiar story of the rivalry between
the Hudson's Bay Company and the Russian American Company
on the Northwest Coast.
It was in 1824-25, during his first visit to this region, that
Governor Simpson came to the conclusion that the Hudson's Bay
Company could gain control of the fur trade on the Northwest
Coast if it displayed sufficient energy and enterprise. At that
time the trade was largely in the hands of American ships hailing
from New England. Simpson contended, with justice, that the
elimination of these itinerant traders, and their ruthless, irresponsible ways, would benefit the Russians as well as the Hudson's Bay Company, since both the latter had long-term interests
in the Coast. But the disappearance of the Americans naturally
brought the British and Russians into direct contact, one with
the other; and it was virtually inevitable that a clash of interests
should develop between them.
This clash finally occurred in the early 1830's. For some
years Chief Factor John McLoughlin, superintendent in the
region for the Hudson's Bay Company, had been busy constructing a chain of trading-posts extending northward from the
Columbia River. Fort Langley had been founded in 1827 and
Fort Simpson in 1831. In 1833 two intermediate posts—Fort
Nisqually and Fort McLoughlin—were added to the chain. More
important in the present connection, Peter Skene Ogden had, in
the summer of 1833, explored the lower reaches of the Stikine
River and had chosen a site for still another trading centre.
Both Ogden and the Company were well aware that the mouth
of the Stikine lay in Russian territory; but Russian jurisdiction
was admittedly limited to a strip of land along the coast, and the
British contended that they had been guaranteed free navigation
of the river. If the new post were constructed far enough inland,
the Company therefore felt that it was acting fully within its
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. X., No. 4.
291 292 W. Kaye Lamb. October
This plan thoroughly alarmed the Russians, for although the
projected Hudson's Bay fort might not be in Russian territory,
it would undoubtedly flourish at the expense of the Russian
American Company. Many of the furs obtained by the latter
originated in the interior, and a post far up the Stikine would
intercept them and divert them to the Hudson's Bay Company.
It is interesting to note that it was the coast Indians who acted
as intermediaries in this trade, and they, too, had no desire to
be displaced by the Hudson's Bay Company.
The Russians prepared for the fray by hurriedly building a
small fort, the Redoubt St. Dionysius, at the mouth of the Stikine.
In front of it they stationed the brig Chichagoff, armed with
fourteen guns. When Ogden reappeared in the Dryad, in June,
1834, bringing with him the men and goods required to found the
new post, the Russians declined to permit him to pass. They
contended that according to the convention of 1825 between
Great Britain and Russia the ships of one power were not to
approach any point occupied by the other without permission.
As the Dryad would have to pass the Redoubt St. Dionysius to
enter the Stikine, she would violate the treaty in so doing. In
response, Ogden could only insist that Great Britain had been
guaranteed free navigation of the river. For eleven days he
argued and negotiated, but as the Russians refused to yield, and
seemed quite prepared to use force if necessary to prevent him
from entering the river, he had no alternative but to withdraw.
News of this rebuff did not reach McLoughlin until December,
when Ogden arrived back at Fort Vancouver. McLoughlin took
a most serious view of the matter. In his opinion the Company
had suffered a setback that would be most damaging not only to
its prestige on the Northwest Coast, but to its finances as well.
In support of the latter contention he compiled and forwarded to
London the Statement of Expenses incurred . . . in the attempt
to erect an Establishment at Stikine River, which is here printed
for the first time.
It is an astonishing document, and even the persons most
interested financially—the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company—found it so at the time. Hitherto, we have
only known that according to McLoughlin's calculation the Dryad
incident had cost the Company a substantial fortune—to be exact, 1946 Dryad Incident of 1834. 293
the sum of £22,150/10/11. The detailed account shows that in
arriving at this total he took the view that the incident would
render the services of the Dryad, her crew of thirty, and more
than forty other men, for a period of three years, completely
valueless to the Company. Nor did he for a moment think that
the total submitted was an exaggerated one. On the contrary,
he pointed out that he had limited his statement to items with
which he himself was familiar. He was sure that additional
expenses had been incurred in England that could rightfully be
added to the account.1
At a later date the Governor and Committee hinted to
McLoughlin that the Statement of Expenses seemed to them to
be padded heavily with damages and expenses that were largely
nominal, and it is clear that Ogden's difficulties did not worry
them unduly. Indeed, the whole affair, statement of damages
and all, suited their immediate purposes admirably. Ever since
1829 they had been trying to negotiate a trading agreement with
the Russian American Company, only to be met with polite evasions. The Dryad affair, by raising the issue of national rights,
and giving rise to a claim for damages, enabled them to press
the matter through diplomatic channels. The Foreign Office was
sympathetic, and the ultimate result was the agreement between
the two companies that was signed in February, 1839. Through
more than three years of patient but persistent negotiation the
Statement of Expenses served as a useful bargaining point, but
no serious attempt was ever made to collect the damages supposed
to have been suffered.
The original Statement is preserved in the Archives of the
Hudson's Bay Company, in London, and the text is here reproduced by kind permission of the Governor and Committee.
W. Kaye Lamb.
Vancouver, B.C.
(1) See McLoughlin to the Governor and Committee, March 14, 1835, in
E. E. Rich (ed.), The Letters of John McLoughlin . . . First Series,
1825-38, Toronto, The Champlain Society, 1941, pp. 134-6. For Peter Skene
Ogden's own report on the Dryad incident, see ibid., pp. 317-22. 294 W. Kaye Lamb. October
Statement of Expenses incurred by the Hudson's Bay Company in the attempt to erect an Establishment at Stikine River
on the North West Coast of America, and for extending the trade
in the interior of the Country towards Mount Saint Elias: also
loss sustained by being prevented by the Russians from trading
on the Coast to the Northward of 54° 40' Latitude.2
In 1833 there were brought from Europe
and Canada 38 Voyageurs engaged for a
term of 3 years for the purpose of erecting
a trading establishment at Stikine Eiver,
whose services will be lost to the Company
during the term of their engagement vizt.
Wages of 38 men as pr. List for 1 year 818
Expenses bringing 38 men from Europe
& Canada to the Columbia £25 950
Salary of 3 Officers employed for the same
purpose for 1 year as pr. List 265
Expenses bringing them to the Columbia    150
Provisions for the above 41 persons from
the date of their arrival at Fort Vancouver 22nd Octr. 1833 to 1st June 1834
—221 days @ 1/6 pr. man 679 11    6
A 2,862 11    6
Wages of Captain Kipling & Crew of the
Brig Dryad (say 4 officers & 26 men)
from the 1st October 1833 (the date on
which the vessel would have been sent
to England if it had not been considered necessary to keep her for the purpose of establishing Stikine), to the
1st June 1834=8 months at the rate of
£93.5/8 pr. month as pr. list 746    3   4
Provisions for the above crew for the
same period 243 days @ 2/- pr. man
ea. day 729
Eight months services of the Brig Dryad 1,200
Wages of the party brought to the Columbia in 1833 from 1st June 1834 to 1st
June 1835, one year vizt.
38 Voyageurs 818
3 Officers 265
B 2,675   3   4
(2) Hudson's Bay Archives, A.ll/50. 1946 Dryad Incident of 1834. 295
Services of a Chief Trader employed to
conduct the party 500
Provisions for 42 persons for a year @
£27.7.6 ea. 1,149 15
In 1834 30 Voyageurs and two officers were
brought to the Columbia for the purpose of
being employed to extend the trade on the
North-west Coast towards Mount St. Elias,
on 3 @ 5 years engagements, whose services
will be lost to the Company for at least 2
Years before they can be employed in any
other district vizt.
Wages of 30 Voyageurs as pr. list from
1st June 1834 to 1st June 1835 1 year     620
Salary of 2 officers for the same period     150
Expenses bringing to the Columbia 30
men, £25 ea. 750
do. do. 2 Officers @ £50 ea.     100
Provisions for the above 32 persons from
the date of their arrival at Fort Vancouver, 16th Octr. 1834, to 1st June
1835=227 days @ 1/6 p. man pr. diem    544 16
C 2,732 15
Wages of Brig Dryad's Crew (4 officers
& 26 men) from 1st June 1834 to 1st
January 1835=7 months @ £93.5/8 pr.
month 652 19    8
Provisions for do. for the same period
214 days @ 2/- pr. man pr. diem       • 642
Services of the Brig Dryad  7 months 1,050
D 2,344 19    8
Wages of the party brought to the Columbia in 1833, from 1st June 1835 to 1st
June 1836, one year vizt.
38 Voyageurs 818
3 Officers 265
Provisions for 41 persons for 1 year
£27.7.6 each 1,122    7    6
E 2,205   7   6
F 2,164 16 296 W. Kaye Lamb. October
Wages of Party brought in 1834 from 1st
June 1835 to 1st June 1836 1 year vizt.
2 Officers £150
30 Voyageurs 620
Provisions for the same period 32 persons
@ 1/6 pr. diem 876
G 1,646
Wages of 20 men ordered from Canada,
to come up 1835 to reinforce the parties
intended for the proposed establishment at Stikine, & for extending the
Trade towards Mount St. Elias; whose
services will be lost to the Company
for at least one Year—say from 1st
June 1835 to 1st June 1836 each
£26 5/- 525
Provisions for a year 20 men @ 1/6 pr.
day each man 547 10
Expenses bringing them to York Factory
£20 400
H 1,472 10
Interest on Goods provided and ordered
from England for the trade of Stikine and
extension of trade in that quarter, which
will remain on hand for two Years before
they can be applied for any other part of
the Country vizt.
Outfit forwarded 1834 from Fort Vancouver for Stikine & dependencies       2,000
Outfit received at Fort Vancouver 1834,
intended for the trade 1835 2,500
Outfit shipped in England, 1834, intended
for the trade 1836 3,000
Outfit ordered from England to be
shipped 1835 intended for the trade
1837, which it is now too late to
countermand 4,500
Two Years Interest at 5 per cent on   £12,000 1,200 1946 Dryad Incident of 1834. 297
Interest to 1st June 1835 @ 5 pr. cent on
the following Amounts
18 Months interest on
Marked A
18       „
tt             it
„    B
2675. 3.4
6       „
tt           It
„   c
6       „
II           It
„    D
6       „
It           It
„    F
7 11
Loss sustained by being prevented by
the Russians from trading on the
North west coast to the Northward
of 54° 40' Latitude. See Baron
Wrangell's Proclamation & correspondence with P. S. Ogden 2,000
Expenses incurred Summer 1833 sending the Brig Llama with Mr. Ogden
& Party of men to examine Stikine
River, and select a site for erecting
an Establishment 250
£22,150 10 11 NOTES AND COMMENTS.
This number of the Quarterly—the fortieth to appear—completes the
magazine's first decade, and furnishes a convenient point at which to end
my term of office as Editor. Commencing with the issue of January, 1947,
Mr. Willard E. Ireland, Provincial Librarian and Archivist, who for some
time has served as Associate Editor, will be in complete charge.
I regret that the plan to print a ten-year index in this final issue has had
to be abandoned. Adequate cumulated indexes add immeasurably to the
usefulness of any periodical file, and as soon as printing conditions are less
difficult I hope that the project may take form as a separate publication.
Meanwhile this mention of the matter gives me an opportunity to make it
known that the indexes to all ten of the annual volumes have been prepared
by Miss Inez Mitchell, of the Provincial Archives, and to express my appreciation of the care and consistency with which she has carried out this
exacting work. w j^ ^3
Victoria Section.
Through the courtesy of Mr. and Mrs. Harty Morden the annual Field
Day of the Victoria Section was held at " Rockvale," Shawnigan Lake, on
Saturday afternoon, August 10, with some fifty members in attendance.
The occasion marked the diamond anniversary of the completion of the
Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway; for it was on August 13, 1886, at a spot
near Cliffside on Shawnigan Lake that Sir John A. Macdonald drove the
golden spike with a silver sledge. Mr. J. A. Kennedy, Superintendent of the
Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway, was the guest speaker, and in a most
interesting paper, interspersed with many amusing reminiscences, traced
the history of the railroad. The appreciation of the members was tendered
to the speaker by Mr. Justice C. H. O'Halloran. The section was honoured
by the presence of Dr. Burt Brown Barker, Vice-President of the University
of Oregon and Secretary of the Oregon Historical Society, who brought
greetings from his society. Major H. Cuthbert Holmes, Chairman of the
Section, took occasion to pay a tribute to the memory of the Hon. Gordon
Hunter, a former Chief Justice of British Columbia, and late owner of
" Rockvale." Tea was served on the lawn overlooking the lake. A vote of
thanks to the host and hostess, heartily endorsed by all the members present,
brought to a conclusion a most successful Field Day.
The first regular meeting of the fall season was held in the Provincial
Library on Monday evening, September 23, when Dr. T. A. Rickard delivered
an address entitled The Sea Otter in History.    In reality the sea otter placed
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. X.f No. 4.
299 300 Notes and Comments. October
Vancouver Island on the map of the world. The publication of the account
of Captain James Cook's last voyage advertised to the world the existence
of this peltry and its ready market in Canton, China, thus paving the way
for the great competitive period of the maritime fur trade. From the
published accounts of many of the early traders Dr. Rickard gave many
interesting details regarding the sea otter: its appearance, its habitat, and
the methods used in hunting it. The development of the sea otter trade
was carefully outlined. So extensive had it become by the opening of the
nineteenth century that sea otters on this coast had become very nearly
extinct. In consequence the trade dwindled to insignificance and, yet, not
until 1911 was any concerted effort at conservation undertaken.
Vancouver Section.
The first meeting of the autumn season was held in Hotel Grosvenor on
Tuesday, October 1, when the large number of members present heard
Rev. A. E. Cooke speak on the interesting subject Ghosts Walk the Pacific
Coast. This colourful account of place-names in the Pacific Northwest
indicated the derivation of scores of familiar geographical names, and
indicated briefly some of the interesting facts about the persons, events,
etc., that have been commemorated locally. As Mr. Cooke pointed out, our
place-names fall into well-defined groups, according to their origin. First
of all come the so-called Indian names, some of which are authentic, but
many of which are badly garbled versions of what some white man thought
was the Indian name for a bay, river, cape, or mountain peak. Another
group of names trace their origin to the Hudson's Bay Company. A third
group consists of Spanish names—now relatively few in number, as the
hundreds of geographical features originally named by the Spaniards have
mostly been renamed by later navigators. Admirals and other officers of
the Royal Navy are well represented, and such names as Ganges, Vanguard,
Defence, and Forward recall some of the ships of the Royal Navy that were
stationed for a time on this coast. Every now and then, however, one finds
a name that seems to stand by itself, outside any cut-and-dried category.
For example, it will doubtless come as a surprise to many to find that Lulu
Island was named by Colonel Moody, in 1862, after Lulu Sweet, a young
actress belonging to the first theatrical troupe that ever acted in the City
of New Westminster. " Her conduct, acting and graceful manners gave
great satisfaction," Captain Walbran tells us, " and were appreciated to
such an extent by her friends and patrons that the island was named after
In addition to the officers listed in the April issue of this Quarterly, the
following directors were appointed at the annual meeting of the Okanagan 1946 Notes and Comments. 301
Historical Society, representing North, Middle, and South Okanagan for
three-, two-, and one-year periods respectively:—
Three-year Term. Two-year Term. One-year Term.
North:      Burt R. Campbell, G. C. Tassie, J. G. Simms,
Kamloops, B.C. Vernon, B.C. Vernon, B.C.
Middle:     F. M. Buckland, Mrs. D. Gellatly, Jas. Goldie,
Kelowna, B.C. Westbank, B.C. Okanagan Centre, B.C.
South:      Rev. Frank Haskins,       G. Rowland, Harry D. Barnes,
West Summerland, B.C.   Penticton, B.C. Hedley, B.C.
At a special meeting held on Friday, July 26, in the Royal Anne Hotel,
Kelowna, B.C., with Captain J. B. Weeks in the chair, an Editorial Committee comprising Dr. Margaret Ormsby (convener), G. C. Tassie, and
S. Fleming was appointed to publish the next Report. Mrs. R. B. White,
Mrs. D. Gellatly, Dr. F. W. Andrew, and Burt R. Campbell were appointed
to act as assistants to the Editorial Committee. A committee was also
appointed on Photographic Records: R. W. Neill (convener), R. Carswell,
and Frank Hassard.
In popular estimation the great parade held on July 1 and the remarkable historical pageant staged in Stanley Park during the next fortnight
were doubtless the most striking events in the City of Vancouver's sixtieth
anniversary celebration. For students of history, on the other hand, the
most notable event was the presentation to the city of one of the most
interesting letters ever written by Captain George Vancouver.
Offered for sale some years ago in London, at a time when it was not
possible for either the Vancouver City Archives or the Provincial Archives
to acquire it, this letter was purchased by Mrs. Marjorie Wade, daughter
of the late F. C. Wade, formerly Agent-General for British Columbia in
London. Mrs. Wade's purpose was to keep the letter available, in order
that it might find a permanent home in this Province. This summer her
wish was fulfilled when the historic letter was given to the citizens of
Vancouver by Mrs. Jonathan Rogers.
The presentation took place in the Council Chamber in the City Hall on
July 9. Mrs. Rogers spoke briefly, outlined the history of the letter, and
formally presented it to Mayor Cornett, who in turn placed it in the hands
of Major J. S. Matthews, City Archivist, for deposit in the City Archives.
Mrs. Rogers had had the letter mounted in an ingenious glass and hardwood
case that makes it possible to examine every part of the document closely
without actually touching the manuscript.
The letter itself, which is several pages in length, was written at Nootka
Sound on October 2,1794. It deals in part with business matters, but James
Sykes, the Navy agent, to whom it is addressed, was a personal friend of
Vancouver's, and his son was serving as a midshipman with Vancouver's
expedition. The great survey of the Northwest Coast had been completed
only a few weeks before the letter was written, and Captain Vancouver 302 Notes and Comments. October
notes that his ships had arrived at Nootka " having truly determined the
non existence of any water communication between this and the other side
of America within the limits of our investigation beyond all doubt or
disputation.   .   .   ."
The letter was seen by George Godwin, Vancouver's biographer, and the
complete text is given in the appendix of his Vancouver: A Life (London,
Mr. H. R. MacMillan recently purchased from Maggs Brothers, London,
and presented to the Library of the University of British Columbia a striking water-colour sketch entitled A View of the Spanish Settlement, in
Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound. The painting measures approximately 33
inches by 10 inches, and is finished in delicate shades of green and grey,
with touches of yellow and red. It pictures substantially the same area as
that included in the drawing by H. Humphries that was engraved and
published in the second volume of the quarto edition of Vancouver's Voyage,
but the view-point is slightly different. Like the Humphries sketch, it forms
a perfect companion-piece to the beautiful pencil drawing in the Provincial
Archives, dated 1793, and believed to be the work of a member of the crew
of the trading ship Three Brothers. In the latter the largest building in
the little Spanish village, a substantial two-story structure, appears at the
extreme right of the picture; in the new water-colour sketch it appears at
the extreme left. Between them, the two thus give a panoramic view of
the whole of Friendly Cove.
Various bits of evidence, including the fact that a small vessel is shown
under construction on the foreshore, make it reasonably certain that Mr.
MacMillan's most interesting gift was painted sometime in the autumn of
1792. It is in an excellent state of preservation, and students of history
will be glad to hear that it has found a home in British Columbia.
Late in June Mrs. A. J. T. Taylor presented to the Library of the
University of British Columbia the notable collection of books of travel and
other works relating to the Arctic, and, to a lesser extent, the Antarctic,
that had been assembled by her late husband. The 500 volumes include
many first and other rare editions and a great number of autographed and
association copies. Many of the books were purchased by Dr. Vilhjalmur
Stefansson, who was a close personal friend of Mr. Taylor's, and scores of
them bear notes in Stefansson's handwriting pointing out the importance
or peculiarities of the various titles.
Perhaps the most interesting single book in the collection is a copy of
the 1795 quarto edition of Samuel Hearne's Journey from Prince of Wales's
Fort . . . to the Northern Ocean. This bears the book-plate of Samuel
Wegg, Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1782-99, and the man under
whose authority Hearne made his great journey. It also contains the
book-plate and autograph of Townsend W. Thorndike, who assembled a fine 1946 Notes and Comments. 303
library on the Arctic. Dr. Stefansson purchased the book for Mr. Taylor
from the Townsend estate in 1933, and he has added both a note to that
effect and a letter in which he describes this particular copy of Hearne as
being "nearly the most interesting possible." One can well understand
this opinion, for in addition to the book-plates and autographs noted, the
volume also boasts a brief note, complete with autograph, in the handwriting of the famous French explorer La Perouse, that some former owner
has laid in on the front fly-leaf.
The Bibliography of the Printed Writings of Frederic William Howay
published in the January, 1944, issue of this Quarterly was evidently very
nearly complete, for careful search has produced only six or seven additional
items. The original bibliography consisted of 286 entries, and this brief
supplement continues the enumeration:—
287. The inception of civilization in the Fraser River Valley. New Westminster British Columbian Fraser Valley centennial edition, November
27, 1912: 3-5.
288. Introduction in Souvenir programme Fort Langley centennial May 2,
1925.   Printed by G. Y. Timms, Langley Prairie, n.d. [1925].   32 pp.
Introduction, pp. 3, 5.
289. Notes on Union lodge no. 9, New Westminster. Proceedings of the
.   .   .   Grand Lodge  .   .   .   of British Columbia 1937:  168-72.
290. John T. Walbran, British Columbia coast names. New Westminster
Daily News January 28, 1910: 4, 6.
Reprinted in the Victoria Colonist February 13, 1910.
291. James Wickersham, Old Yukon: tales, trails, and trials. Frontier and
midland 19:287-8 Summer 1939.
292. The Letters of John McLoughlin, first series, 1825-38. Beaver outfit
273:55-6 December 1942.
In addition, the following may be noted for purposes of record:—
293. Our fiftieth anniversary, by D. Frank Marshall in Langley: fifty years
of progress [1873-1923], Langley Fort, August 8, 1923. n.p., n.d.
[16 pp.]
The programme of the celebration held on August 8, 1923. Pages
not numbered; text and accompanying photographs occupy 7 pages.
Carries note: " Data supplied by His Honor Judge F. W. Howay."
In listing Judge Howay's honours and offices, mention of the fact that
he had been awarded the Tyrrell Medal by the Royal Society of Canada
for outstanding work in Canadian history was inadvertently omitted. 304 Notes and Comments.
contributors to this issue.
Burt R. Campbell, a veteran of the printing trade in British Columbia,
is a member of the staff of the Kamloops Sentinel. Keenly interested in
things historical, he is President of the Kamloops Museum Association and
a Director of the Okanagan Historical Society.
W. Kaye Lamb, retiring Editor of this Quarterly, is Librarian of the
University of British Columbia. His introduction to the three-volume series
of Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver to the Governor and'
Committee, published jointly by the Champlain Society and the Hudson's
Bay Record Society, is an outstanding contribution to the history of the
Pacific Northwest.
A. G. Harvey, barrister and historian, and a long-time member of the
Council of the British Columbia Historical Association, has long been inter-,
ested in the naturalists who visited the Pacific Northwest. Previous articles
in this Quarterly have dealt with David Douglas and Meredith Gairdner.
D. Geneva Lent is a leader in the handicraft movement in Canada and
the author of several books on crafts, as well as a keen student of the
history of Western Canada.
Sidney Pettit, M.A., is Assistant Professor of History and Sociology at
Victoria College, an affiliate of the University of British Columbia. THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF.
Hubert Howe Bancroft, Historian of the West. By John Walton Caughey.
Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1946. Pp.
xiii., 422.    111.    $5.
This volume is brimfull of interest for anyone concerned with any of
Bancroft's histories—which means, in effect, that it is of interest to anyone
concerned with the early history of almost any part of the Pacific Coast,
from Alaska to Panama.
Bancroft's reputation has been under a cloud for a good many years for
reasons made clear in this admirable biography. The unabashed commercialism with which the sale of his histories was pressed, the inferior series
of sumptuous " mug books " published after the historical series proper was
concluded, and the bickering about the authorship of the histories themselves
were, indeed, enough to damage any reputation. Moreover, we are so accustomed to seeing history rewritten at frequent intervals (always, of course,
in the light of " new and important" documents) that it seemed safe to
assume that a many-volumed work published fifty or sixty years ago could,
not be anything but obsolete.
But, as Professor Caughey shows by the simple expedient of going
methodically through the list and noting the later works that have appeared
in each field, the histories are not obsolete. Many of the volumes have been
supplemented and in a measure corrected by later publications, but Bancroft's work invariably retains its place as an essential reference. Bernard
De Voto, a disinterested observer who encountered Bancroft's Works a few
years ago when he was writing The Year of Decision, 1846, has summed the
matter up in a sentence: " I have found that you had better not decide that
Bancroft was wrong until you have rigorously tested what you think you
We are probably still too close to Bancroft to judge his work with any
finality, but one thing is certain: his stature will grow through the years.
Professor Caughey goes so far as to suggest that " generations hence he may
loom up as the most significant figure that the West has produced." Nor is
this suggestion as extravagant as it may seem at first. Stanford, Huntington, and dozens of other prominent figures that come to mind were, after all,
familiar types; if they, as individuals, had not appeared, others with like
qualities would undoubtedly have taken their places and accomplished their
work. But Bancroft's contribution may well have been unique. If he had
not settled in California, it is by no means certain that someone else would
have grasped, with the same amazing prescience, the extent of the opportunity before him. For Bancroft realized, at a very early date, that the
source material for the early history of the whole western segment of the
continent could be his for the gathering, and, at great cost in both effort
and money, he assembled it with such thoroughness that no one can do any
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. X.. No. 4.
305 306 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
considerable work in the field without reference to his library or his writings.
He was well aware of what he had done, and wrote with obvious satisfaction:
" He who shall come after me will scarcely be able to undermine my work by
laying another and deeper foundation. He must build upon mine or not at
all, for he can not go beyond my authorities for facts. He may add to or
alter my work, for I shall not know or be able to tell everything, but he can
never make a complete structure of his own."
To-day, more than half a century later, the truth of these words is
evident. We know now that Bancroft did not explore Spanish sources as
extensively as he might have done, and there is a wealth of material on the
fur trade in the archives of the Hudson's Bay Company to which he did not
have access. Yet in both instances one can only admire the skill and substantial accuracy with which he contrived to block out the main story.
Professor Caughey describes the celebrated " history factory" in great
detail. His account substantiates and amplifies Bancroft's own version,
which appears in Literary Industries, a volume that many people interested
in the histories seem not to have discovered. It is clear that the trouble that
arose later sprang in great part from Bancroft's failure to give any credit
to any of his staff of writers on the title-pages of the various histories.
To-day most people will feel that he might well have made some concession,
but his own opinion of the matter is clear. He had invested at least $250,000
in his library; he could only hope to make the histories repay this large sum
by operating upon strictly business lines, and he felt that to use his own
name exclusively would be the best plan from the business point of view.
Moreover, it is clear that Bancroft felt very strongly—and quite correctly—
that the entire enterprise was peculiarly his own. He had, so to speak, supplied the raw material, the design for the product, the general supervision,
and the final inspection. To use a contemporary figure, it was as if a worker
in the Ford factory had suddenly demanded that his name be put on the
Ford car.
Professor Caughey has made an exhaustive examination of every shred
of evidence bearing upon the actual authorship of the individual histories,
and the conclusion again emerges that Bancroft himself wrote as much or
more of the volumes relating to British Columbia than of any other titles.
Half of the History of British Columbia, half of the first volume of the
History of the Northwest Coast, and seven-eighths of the second volume
came from his own pen.
Only one aspect of Bancroft's activities is not covered fully: the charge,
very frequently made, especially in the Pacific Northwest, that he was light-
fingered, and borrowed many papers that he never returned. The point is
mentioned several times, and the falseness of the charge assumed; but the
matter is left there. The verdict is one with which this reviewer agrees, and
it is a pity that Professor Caughey did not make an effort to settle the point
once and for all. A careful examination of all the source material in the
Bancroft library that was used in any one of the histories should provide
ample evidence. The writer has begun, and some day hopes to complete,
such an examination of the sources of the History of British Columbia.    The 1946 The Northwest Bookshelf. ■   307
result to date has been interesting, and entirely in Bancroft's favour. To
cite only one example: a careful check of the evidence has shown that one
important narrative, which for years has been represented as being stolen
property, was indubitably written specially for Bancroft; much of it, indeed,
consists of unrelated paragraphs that do not make sense until one realizes
that they are the answers to a series of questions that he submitted. And
the most valuable of the papers that Bancroft is alleged to have stolen from
this particular family is represented in the Bancroft library only by a
transcript;  the original is in the Provincial Archives, in Victoria!
W. Kaye Lamb.
" West, Nor'West."   A History of Alberta.    By J. W. Horan.    Edmonton,
Northgate Books, 1945.    Pp. 184.    111.    $2.
" West, Nor'West" is the rather misleading title of a book of facts which
should prove most useful to those wishing a concise manual dealing with
statistics regarding the Province of Alberta. It is more a compilation of
data, and might have been called "An Alberta Gazette," for it cannot be
fairly judged as an ordinary history.
However, such a book should be of inestimable value to those wishing to
know more about this sister Province, where so little historical material is
available on its own fertile soil. It is to the serious regret of all interested
students of Western Canadian history that the Province of Alberta has no
authoritative historical society and that Alberta Archives have been so long
The writer of " West Nor'West " brings this clearly to mind in a summation where he states that there was a great lag between the colourful period
of explorers and missionaries, dating back to the mid-eighteenth century—to
the days of such fascinating names as Pierre La Verendrye, Anthony
Hendry, Samuel Hearne, Peter Pond, Roderich and Alexander Mackenzie,
David Thompson, Father De Smet, Father Lacombe, Rev. John MacDougall,
Bishop Pinkham, and others. Then history lapsed in Indian wars and sullen
hatreds until 1874 or thereabouts, and the strife of the Riel Rebellion.
Alberta is literally full of history—the story of desperadoes, Yankee
whisky traders, the wolfers, the bull trains, the Red River carts pursuing the
little-known trails between Fort Garry and Fort Edmonton. There are all
the elements present in the early history of this magnificent Province to
thrill the heart of any romance-hungry youngster or movie director. There
is folk-lore galore, and the epic of human suffering and laughter as pioneers
came in to settle, as the Red Coats brought peace and order and decent
government to the plains. There is the establishment of parliament, the
opening of roads, the discovery of rich resources. All the glory and tragedy
that make Edna Ferber thrill in pioneer romance and development. But it
has long been disregarded. Alberta was living history, not writing it. Not
sufficient generations had swept by in their struggle with the soil and the
mine, the oil-well and the trading-post to sit quietly and contemplate material
for history books and novels.    But that day is coming. 308 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
It is deplorable that a book even of the stamp of " West, Nor'West,"
which in all honesty cannot be called " literature," should not emanate from
an established publisher with connections across Canada, for then its factual
matter would reach many more readers who would really like to know about
Alberta. " West, Nor'West " is purely a " local product," but even as such it
must not be forgotten that without prejudice " Edmonton is on the map "—
not only was its population exaggerated by peaceful penetration during the
building of the Alaska Highway, to the extent of some 45,000 extra persons,
but it is now the " clearing-house " for the " New North," the entrance to
the great continent of Asia. Had it been published by a more expansive
publisher, more readers would have found the worth-while " facts" in it,
and questioned further. They would have used it as a source-book to lead
them to other material, and so Alberta would discover herself and her
Still it is a beginning. It is a slight awakening to Alberta's magnificent
store of material for the historian and the novelist. Already American
writers have come in to delve in its wealth of folk-lore, producing books like
Robert E. Gard's Johnny Chinook. But there are other matters worth writing about than Alberta's exotic insularities and hill-billy characters. There
is real literary food in this Province. And it will be discovered yet by
authors of outstanding ability and serious intent, creating for future generations living history and romance.
" West, Nor'West" must be regarded as an historic guide-post, rather
than a serious literary project. The writer is consciously providing information which was definitely lacking in precise form. He has made a generous
and real contribution, for here are facts as you may want them regarding a
great piece of Canada. Mr. Horan has had the whole-hearted co-operation
of the Alberta Government to lend authenticity to his project. He has prepared his book intelligently, section by section, so it does not overlap.
If you are interested in Western Canadian history and development; if
you are proud of Western Canada, and desire an intelligent and authentic
picture of Alberta's contribution, resources, background, and prospects for
her future as a part of Canada's unprejudiced story, you will find " West,
Nor'West" a valuable source-book on your shelves of Canadians.
D. Geneva Lent.
Calgary, Alta.
Cariboo  Road.    By  Alan  Sullivan.    Toronto^  Thomas  Nelson  and   Sons,
Limited [1946].    $3.
British Columbians who enjoyed Three Came to Ville Marie will be
delighted by the period and locale of Mr. Sullivan's latest historical romance.
As the title suggests, The Cariboo Road has its setting in the northern gold-
fields, and the action takes place during the fabulous years 1862 and 1863.
The author has made use of authentic source materials to give a picture of
life on the creeks and has not hesitated to introduce living characters such
as Judge Begbie, Billy Barker, Cariboo Cameron, and Bill Dietz.    A chapter 1946 THE NORTHWEST BOOKSHELF. 309
describing the descent of winter on the northern wilderness gives a sharp
touch of reality to the background of the story. Mr. Sullivan's account of
mining on Williams Creek will make adventurous readers itch to do a bit
of sluicing themselves. A hurdy girl, the Rev. Mr. Sheepshanks, Frank
Laumeister and his camels, not to mention a gunman and a gambler, all give
a pretty good idea of the heterogeneous population of Golden Cariboo.
While the author has set his stage quite effectively, he has failed dismally
as a story-teller. Mr. Sullivan does not handle narrative with any skill,
many of the situations are improbable, the characters are unreal and their
motives obscure. The reader will feel a definite jolt every time the author
pulls up to put in a bit of local colour, and when the story is resumed, the
unpredictable behaviour of the leading characters will leave him bewildered.
Ma Bowers is a confused little body, and it is well to skip her extraordinary
attempts to conceal the identity of Michael Trupp from her adopted daughter, Mary, who, by the way, is a very tiresome girl indeed. Marta, the
hurdy, whose heart is apparently as large as her bosom, is too big a morsel
even for seasoned readers of Dickens to swallow.
Perhaps the only plausible character is the person whom Mr. Sullivan
calls Judge Begbie. Mr. Sullivan's Begbie is rather short and he sports a
snappy brown beard to match his eyes. Of his conduct in court, the author
says: " Proceedings were much to the point; mostly they dealt with disputes
over claims that met with a treatment approved by all not directly involved,
and rarely was there any appeal, though Begbie, after giving his verdict,
always left that open." In the interest of accuracy, though not necessarily
of art, it may be noted that Judge Begbie was over 6 feet, his eyes were
blue, his hair almost white, and his dark beard streaked with grey. Actually
nobody approved of his judgments in mining cases, and in 1866 some five or
six hundred miners demanded that he be removed from office. There were,
it is true, no appeals from his decisions, but that was because there was no
court of appeal nearer than London. It is to be regretted that the author,
who has a keen eye for background, did not introduce a violent court scene.
By doing so he would have added another touch of authenticity and have
rounded out one of the most interesting characters in the history of British
Sidney Pettit.
Victoria, B.C. THE
Published by the Archives of British Columbia in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association EDITOR.
W. Kaye Lamb.
Libraryt University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C.
J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton T. A. Rickard, Victoria.
W. N. Sage, Vancouver.
All communications should be addressed to the Provincial Archives,
Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C. CONTENTS OF VOLUME X.
Articles: Page.
Steamboating on the Fraser in the 'Sixties.
By Norman R. Hacking      1
The Fire Companies of Old Victoria.
By F. W. Laing and W. Kaye Lamb    43
Adventures of Vancouver Newspapers: 1892—1926.
By D. A. McGregor    89
The Naming of Burrard Inlet.
By Sir Gerald Burrard, Bart 143
Vancouver's Earliest Years.
By Helen R. Boutilier 151
The Collins Overland Telegraph.
By Corday Mackay. 187
The Oregon Treaty: Finis to Joint Occupation.
By Robert E. Cail 217
Esquimalt Dockyard's First Buildings.
By Madge Wolfenden 235
From Handset Type to Linotype.
By Burt R. Campbell 253
Burrard of Burrard's Channel.
By W. Kaye Lamb  273
John Jeffrey: Botanical Explorer.
By A. G. Harvey.  281
Documents :
McLoughlin's Statement of the Expenses incurred in the " Dryad "
Incident of 1834.
With an introduction by W. Kaye Lamb 291
Notes and Comments 77,171, 241, 299
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Eleventh Report, Okanagan Historical Society.
By J. C. Goodfellow 175
The Letters of John McLoughlin: Third Series.
By Willard E. Ireland 176 The Northwest Bookshelf—Continued. Page.
Holmes:  Royal Commissions in British Columbia, 1872-1942.
By Anne M. Smith    178
Bischoff:  The Jesuits in Old Oregon.
by Sister Mary Dorothea  180
The Journal of John Work, January to October, 1835.
By Grace Lee Nute .  247
Runnalls:  A History of Prince George.
By J. C. Goodfellow.  248
Graham: Fur and Gold in the Kootenays.
By W. Kaye Lamb  249
McKelvie: Maquinna the Magnificent.
By Willard E. Ireland . .  250
Caughey: Hubert Howe Bancroft, Historian of the West.
By W. Kaye Lamb  305
Horan:  " West, Nor'West."
By D. Geneva Lent  307
Sullivan:  Cariboo Road.
By Sidney Pettit  308
Shorter Notices . 181, 251
Index  311
Page 4, line 24:  For Ogilvey read Ogilvy.
Page 18, line 15:  For Emery's read Emory's.
Page 86, line 23:  For 1946 read 1945.
Page 88:  Delete lines 30 and 31.
Page 92, line 17:  For Balir read Bilir.
Page 94, line 11:  For Carmanah Point read Cape CommerelL
Page 156, lines 12, 13': The phrase should read: "... named after
Rear-Admiral the Hon. George Fowler Hastings, C.B.  .   .   ."
Facing page 199: In the caption on the upper illustration, for Buckley
read Bulkley.
Page 240, line 21: For Coast read Station.
Page 244, line 9: For July read June. INDEX.
Abasa, Serge, 196, 198, 206, 212
Abbott, J. S., 74
Aberdeen, Lord, 219, 227, 228, 281
About Town, 138
Adventures of Vancouver Newspapers, 1892-
19S6, 89-142
Al Hardy's Green Sheet, 188
Alexander, R. H., 161
Allen, William, 17
Allied Printing Trades Council, 270
Allison Flat, 178
American Diaries, review of, 183, 184
American Linotype Company, 261
Amur river, 189-191
Anderson, A. C, 4, 284, 289
Anderson, James R., 285
Andrew,  F. W.,  The Story of Summerland,
review of, 181, 182
Ashcroft Journal, 103, 261
Associated Press, 115
Atlantic Telegraph Company, 188
B.C. Budget, 91, 92, 137
B.C. Catholic, 138
B.C. Express Company, 16
B.C. Financial News, 137, 138
B.C. Financial Times, 138
B.C. Lumberman, 137
B.C. Magazine, 138
B.C. Monthly, 13*
B.C. Printing and Engraving Corporation, 102
B.C.  Printing and Lithographing Company,
102, 106
B.C. Saturday Sunset, 115, 119-125, 138
B.C. Sugar Refining Company, 118
Baillie, William, 92
Ballenden, John, 289
Bancroft, Hubert Howe, review of, 305-307
Banfield, Charles F., 259, 260
Banks, Peter, 281, 282
Barnard, F. J., 16
Bartley, George, 112, 137, 258
Bayley, Charles, 112
Bayley, G. W., 112
Bayley, William, 112
Beedy, J. C, 15
Behnsen, Chris L., 162
Bell, Edward, 275, 276
Bennett, Bruce, 104
Berry, Mrs. A. H., 114
Bibliography   of   the   Printed   Writings   of
Frederic  William Howay, Some Additions,
Birch Bay, 276
Bischoff, W. N., The Jesuits in Old Oregon,
review of, 180, 181
Black, 162
Black, George, 157
Blackwood, 112
Blair, Henry, 162
Blake, 162
Bledsoe, J. F., 142
Blenkinsop, George, 204, 209
Board of Trade, Vancouver, 168
Bonneau, Joseph, 112
Booth, J. P., 110
Borde, August, 74
Bostock, Hewitt, 92, 93, 95, 100-102, 104, 105,
Boutilier, Helen R., Vancouver's Earliest Days,
Bowerman, T. M., 112
Bowser, W. J., 126-127
Bradley, 208
Braid, William, 127
Brewster, H. C, 127
Brickmaker's Claim, 153
Brighouse, Sam, 153, 160
Bright, Leonard, 214
Brighton, 156
British Columbia and Vancouver Island Spar,
Lumber and Sawmill Company, 163, 154
British Columbia and Victoria Express, 19
British Columbia and Victoria Steam Navigation Company, 13, 21, 25
British Columbia Historical Association, 77-
86, 171, 172, 241, 299, 300 ; Constitution, 82-
86 ; Essay Competition, 245, 246
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, 299
British Columbia Steam Navigation Company,
British Columbian, 27, 28, 268
Brockton, Francis, 152
Broughton, W. R., 276, 278
Brown, George McLaren, 106
Brown, Roy W., 90, 112, 129, 133
Brown, William, 133
Browne, J. H., 112
Browne, Thomas Aisley, 275
Bruce, pseud., see McConnell, J. P.
Bruce, Rear-Admiral, 236, 236
Bryan, Wilbur, 124
Buchanan, James, 219
Buell, Joseph, 71
Building Record, 137
Bulkley, Charles S., 187, 196-198, 201, 204-
207, 210, 211
Bulkley River, 216
Bulletin, 188
Bunting & Dodds, 63
Burd, F. J., 113, 129, 133
Burde, J. R., 109, 112
Burnaby, Robert, 152, 153
Burnes, Thomas J., 74, 76
Burns, A. M., 112, 124
Burrage, 208
Burrard, Sir. George
Burrard, Gerald, 273, 274, 278; The Naming
of Burrard Inlet, 143-149
Burrard, Sir Harry, 148-149, 273, 274, 276-279
Burrard, John, 147
Burrard, Sidney, 149
Burrard, William, 145, 146
Burrard Inlet, 143-149, 158, 278-279
311 312
Burrard Inlet, The Naming of, 143-149
Burrard-Neale, Sir Harry, 143-149, 273, 274,
Burrard of Burrard's Channel, 278-279
Burrard  Publishing Company,  Limited,  123,
Bursill, J. Francis, 180, 141, 142
Butler, James L., 207, 208
Butler, W. F., 214
Butterfield, James, 130
Button, L., 69
Button & Blake, 66, 69
Butts, John, 8
Byrnes, 210
C.P.R. Hotel, Vancouver, 163
Cables, submarine, 188, 190, 191, 200, 201,
203, 210-212
Cail, Robert E., The Oregon Treaty: Finis to
Joint Occupation, 217-234
Caledonian Club, Vancouver, 163
California State Telegraph Company, 198-
200, 202
Cameron, Dan, 267, 269
Campbell, A. C, 112
Campbell, Burt R., From Hand-set to Linotype, 263-272
Campbell, C. S., 112
Campbell. Charles, 131-133, 136
Campbell, " Dummy," 189
Campbell, Samuel, 236, 240
Campement de Chevreuil, 284
Campement de Femmes, 284
Canadian Linotype Company, 267, 261, 268,
Canadian Pacific Railway, terminus of, 157,
Canadian Press, 115
Canadian Weekly Newspaper Association,
Historical Committee, B.C. Division, 87, 88
Cariboo Road, review of, 308, 309
Cariboo Sentinel, 266
Carpentier, Horace W., 198, 199
Carroll, J. D., 50, 60
Carswell, William, 124
Carter-Cotton, F. L., 89-91,106,107,109, 111,
116, 117, 127, 129, 188-136, 268, 263
Cassidy, Robert, 100, 101
Caughey, J. W., Hubert Howe Bancroft, review of, 806-307
Centenary of the Signing of the Oregon Boundary Treaty, June IS, 181,6, 242-245
Chalmers, D. A., 138
Chambers, C. M., 157
Chandler & Price, 267
Chapman & Company, 12, 40
Charlesworth, J. C, 118
Cheadle, Dr. W. B., 28, 24
Chinook, 187
Chronicle, 138
Churches, Vancouver, 153, 164, 159, 160, 163
Churchill, J. D., 51, 52
Citizen, 137
Clouston, Robert, 283
Coal, Vancouver, 152
Coal Harbour, 152
Coast Miner, 138
Cobb, H. A., 44
Cockburn, T. B., 114
Coe & Martin, 59
Coffin, Capt. Horace, 27, 31,   03, 204
Coffin, Tom, see Coffin, Capt. Horace
Coker, Edward, 47-51, 57
Coleman, Bert, 124
Collins, Perry McDonough, 188-195, 198, 212,
213, 215
Collins & Dent, 189
Collins Overland Telegraph, The, 187-215
Collins Overland Telegraph Company, 83-35,
Colnett, Capt. James, 281
Colonist, 92, 99, 103, 104, 113, 116, 259, 260,
262, 266, 272
Coltart, Ian, 92, 100
Commonwealth, 92
Conway, Capt. Edmund, 196, 198-208, 210
Cook, B., 112
Cook, James, 143, 144
Cotton, A. H., 106, 107, 111
Cotton, C. F., Ill
Cottrell press, 266
Cowichan Leader, 142
Cowper, J. S., 137
Cox, W. A., 112
Crandall, C. F., 132
Critic, 137
Cromie, R. J., 128-130, 133, 135, 136
Culverwell, William, 80, 38
Cumberland, Stuart, 165
Cummings, Arthur C, 130
Cuppage, Edith M., Island Trails, review of,
Daily Telegram, 89
Daily World, see Vancouver Daily World
Dall, W. H., 197, 211
Dally. Frederick, 237
Dancy, S. N.. 138
Davidson. John, 131, 132
Davies, Joshua, 71
Decker, 208
DeCosmos, Amor, 49, 113
Deighton, John, 9, 10, 30, 155, 156, 159
Deighton House, 156-157
Deluge  Engine  Company No.  1,  61-67,  63,
66-67, 70, 71, 74
Demers, Bishop, 266
Denman, Admiral, 238
Derrick, Rev. Thomas, 159
Devries, Henry, 18, 30
Dewdney, Edgar, 96
Diaries, American, review of, 183, 184
Dickens, B. F., 112
Dickson, John, 49, 61, 60, 61, 65, 74, 75
Dietz & Nelson Express Company, 28
Diogenes, see McEvoy, Bernard
Ditchman, Rev. George, 160
Doane, W. G., 18, 23, 24, 31
Dockyard, Esquimalt, 235-240
Dockyard's First Buildings,  Esquimalt,  235-
Dodge, E. T., & Company, 33, 34
Doherty, R., 112
Dougal Brothers, 17 Index.
Douglas, Agnes, 4
Douglas, David, 281-283, 285, 290
Douglas, Sir James, 153 ; and Esquimalt naval
base, 235, 236; and Oregon Treaty, 233,
234; and Victoria Fire Department, 43-
47, 51, 52, 56-59, 62, 64, 65, 69
Drummond, J. S., 49, 58, 59, 63, 74, 76
Duck, Simeon, 74, 75
Dunn, R. D., 25
Dunsmuir, James, 120
Earle, Thomas, 95
Early Days Among the Gulf Islands of British Columbia, review of, 251, 252
Edgar, D. A., 50
Elections, Vancouver, 162
Eleventh Report of the Okanagan Historical
Society of Vernon, The, review of, 175,
Elliott, A. C, 15
Elliott, H. W., 197
Ellis, Carlyle, 112
Elwyn, Thomas, 210
Esquimalt Dockyard's First Buildings, 235-
Evening Journal, 117, 118
Evening Star, 135, 136
Evening Sun, 134
Evening Times, 118
Express, 137
False Creek Record, 109, 139
Farron, Shad, 109, 139, 140
Faulkner, Bell & Company, 3, 88
Federationist, 137
Felix Penne, see Bursill, J. Francis
Ferguson, 162
Finbow, Alfred W., 256
Finlayson, Roderick, 49
Fire, Vancouver, 164, 165
Fire-bell, Victoria, 49-51, 68, 65, 72
Fire-cisterns, Victoria, 47, 48, 60, 61
Fire Companies of Old Victoria, The, 43-75
Fire-engine, Button & Blake, 66, 69-71
Fire-engine, Hunneman, 44-47, 52, 66
Fire-engine, Merryweather, 70, 71
Fire-engine, Telegraph, 48-47, 52, 62, 66, 68,
Fire-hall, Victoria, 49, 50, 52, 53, 63, 66
Fire-hose, Victoria, 63, 64
Fire-hydrants, Victoria, 71
Firemen's uniforms, Victoria, 51, 53-55
First Presbyterian Church, Vancouver, 163
Fitzmaurice, J. B., 133, 141
Fleming, John R., 6, 14, 25, 27, 80, 31, 34,
Flummerfelt, A. C, 126
Ford, Richard S., 115, 123-125, 136
Forts and trading posts, Bulkley House, 204;
Fraser,   208;    Langley,   291:    McLoughlin,
291; Nisqually, 291; Redoubt St. Dionysius,
292 ; Stager, 207, 209, 214 ; Vancouver, 217
Frain, James, 2, 3, 17, 30
Fraser in the 'Sixties, Steamboating on the,
Freight rates, Fraser River, 7-12, 17, 18, 20,
22, 23, 28, 36
Freight rates, Stikine River, 21
Fremont, John C, 218
From Handset Type to Linotype, 253-272
Fulton, John A., 91
Fur and Gold in the Kootenays, review of, 249
Garden Beautiful, 137
Gardiner, Thomas, 107
Gastown, 155
Gazette, 137
Gerrie, John Henry, 124
Gillis, W. A., 112
Ginn, Frederick, 4
Gladwell, Thomas, 8
Gladwin, G. S., 50
Globe, 137
Godenrath, Percy, 138
Goodfellow, Florence, Memories of Pioneer
Life in British Columbia, review of, 182,
Goodfellow, J. C, The Eleventh Report of
the Okanagan Historical Society of Vernon, review by, 175, 176; A History of
Prince George, review by, 248, 249; Vermilion Cave, Princeton, 172, 173.
Gordon, A. M. R., 138
Gordon, Lew, 142
Gordon, R. W., 90
Gothard, Sam, 116
Goulding & Company, 12, 40
Grady, John, 139, 140
Graham, Clara, Fur and Gold in the Kootenays, review of, 249, 250
Graham, Thomas, 254
Granville, 156, 157, 16, 162
Granville Hotel, 158
Green, A. R., 3
Greenwood, Bert, 142
Greenwood Ledge, 138
Grieve, William, 153
Guild, A. H., 49
Gulf Islands of British Columbia, Early Days
Among the, review of, 251, 252
Hacking, Norman R., Steamboating on the
Fraser in the 'Sixties, 1—41
Hagan, Michael, 266
Hagwilget, 208
Hailstone, William, 153
Haines, R. R., 200
Ham, George H., 166
Hamilton, L. A., 161, 162
Hamley, Wymond, 6, 7
Hand-set Type to Linotype, From, 253-272
Harbor and Shipping, 137
Harkin, Bill, 141
Harris, Carroll & Company, 38
Harris, Thomas, 17, 56, 60
Harvey, A. G., John Jeffrey: Botanical Explorer, 281-290
Hastings, Admiral G. F., 156, 238
Hastings, 158, 156, 157
Hastings Literary Institute, 156
Hastings Mill, 158, 157, 161
Hawkins, Norman H., 121
Hawson, T. H., 92 314
Hawthornthwaite, J. H., 254
Haywood, V. Wallace, 162
Haywood, W. D., 162
Hector, Sir James, 289
Heinze, F. Augustus, 96
Helmcken, J. S., 57
Helmcken House Museum, 246
Henderson, George G., 256
Hendry, John, 104
Herd, David J., 283
Hicks, F. A., 112
Hicks, N., 50
Higgins, D. W., 113, 114
Hill, James J., 118
Hill, R. H., 114
Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba,
Season 19H~iS, Papers read before the, review of, 184, 185
History of Prince George, A, review of, 248,
Hocking, Oliver, 153
Hocking's, 156
Hodgson, F., Ill
Holmes, M. C, Royal Commissions and Commissions of Inquiry . . . in British Columbia, 187S-19ig, review of, 178, 179
Holmes, Peter, 9, 14, 17, 24
Hook, 137
Horan, J. W., " West Nor'West," review of,
307, 308
Horne, J. W., 90
Hospital, Naval at Esquimalt, 236, 240
Hossefross, George H., 43, 44
Howard, J., 112
Howay, F. W., Bibliography, 303
Howay Bibliography: Some Additions, 303
Hubert Howe Bancroft, review of, 805-307
Hudson's Bay Company and the Russian American Company, 291, 292
Hughes, W. B., 102, 108, 112
Hunneman, William C, 44
Hunneman & Company, 44
Hunneman Engine Company, 45, 46
Hyde, Graham, 124
Hyer, Bradford, 124
Idea, The, 139
Independent, 137
Inland Sentinel, 256, 261, 262, 266-268
Innes, James Henry, 288, 240
Innes, John, 119, 124, 138
Insley, Asbury, 13, 14, 25, 29, 31, 82, 86, 158
International Typographical Union, 269, 270
Intertype Corporation, 262, 264, 269
Ireland,  W.  E.,   299;    The Letters  of John
McLoughlin from Fort   Vancouver   .    .    .
Third Series, 18ii-i6, review by, 176-178;
Maquinna the Magnificent, review by, 250,
251;  Papers read before the Historical and
Scientific Society of Manitoba, Season 19U-
45, review by, 184, 185
Irving, John, 5, 9, 18, 22
Irving, William, 2, 4, 5, 16, 18, 20-22, 24, 27,
28, 30, 83, 85, 36, 40
Island Trails, review of, 183
J.P.'s Weekly, 125, 137
Jackson, E. H., 50
James, David, 71
Jameson, Dave, 258, 268
Jamieson, Archibald, 16, 17, 38
Jamieson, James, 16, 17
Jamieson, Smith, 6, 15, 16
Jeffrey, John, 282-290; in California, 286-
288; in Hudson's Bay territory, 283; in
New Caledonia, 284, 285; in Oregon territory, 288, 284, 286; in Vancouver Island,
285, 286
Jeffrey, Botanical Explorer, John, 281-290
Jeffrey Creek, 290
Jericho, 153
Jesuits in Old Oregon, The, review of, 180,
Job-printing, 268, 269
John Jeffrey, Botanical Explorer, 281-290
Johnston, 162
Johnston, Lukin, 136
Journal of Commerce, 138
Journal of John Work, January to October,
1885, The, review; of, 247, 248
Kamloops Museum Association, 86
Kamloops Sentinel, 266
Kamloops Standard, 259
Keenan, John C, 44, 54, 61, 64, 66-69, 72, 74,
Kelly, Samuel L., 49, 74, 75
Kelowna Courier, 261
Kennan, George, 198, 206, 212, 214
Kennedy, A. E., 65
Kennicott, Robert, 196, 198, 208, 206, 211
Kerr, John B., 124, ISO
Ketchum, Seneca G., 189
Kim Bilir, pseud., see Scaife, A. H.
King, W. L. Mackenzie, 122, 180, 131
Kipling, Rudyard, 140, 141
Klondyke Liar, 138
Kootenaian, 98
Kootenay Mail, 266
Kootenays, Fur and Gold in the, review of,
249, 250
Koshland, Nathan, 56, 58, 74
Kriemler, John, 68, 74, 75
Kurtz, John, 15
Labatt, 45
Labor Statesman, 137
Ladies' Mirror, 138
Lady Van, pseud., see Stoddard, Ethel Cody
Ladysmith Leader, 254
Ladysmith Ledger, 104
Laing, F. E., 259, 260; and Lamb, W. Kaye,
The Fire Companies of Old Victoria, 43-75
Laing, Robert Andrew, 15
Lamb, W. Kaye, American Diaries, review by,
183, 184 ; Burrard of Burrard's Channel, 273-
279; Early Days Among the Gulf Islands,
review by, 251, 252 ; and Laing, F. W., The
Fire Companies of Old Victoria, 48-75 ; Fur
and Gold in the Kootenays, review by, 249,
250 ; Hubert Howe Bancroft, review by, 805-
307 ;   ed., McLoughlin's Statement of the Ex- Index.
penses incurred in the " Dryad " Incident
of 1834, 291-297
Langdale, R., 112
Latham, Milton S„ 192, 193
Laughton, L. G. Carr, 147-149, 274, 278
Lawson, Jack, 138
Ledger, 92
Leighton, James Buie, obituary, 86, 87
Lent, D. Geneva, " West, Nor'West," review
by. 307, 808
Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver . . . Third Series, 18M-46, review of,
Levy, Emmanuel, 71
Lewes, John Lee, 283
Lewis, R., 50
Lewis, W. H., 112
Lewis, W. R., 155, 160
Light, 91, 92, 137
Linkie, John, 124
Linotype, 256-264, 268, 269, 271, 272
Linotype, From Hand-set Type to, 253-272
Liverpool, 160
Lohse, William, 74
London Institute, 156
Lowery, R. T., 138
Ludlow machine, 262 ,264, 269, 271, 272
McAdam, W., 138, 139
McBride, Richard, 104, 118, 120, 125, 126
McCann, Thomas H., 52, 63
McCanna, Frank, 112
McConnell, John P., 115, 119-126, 186
McCrea, J. A., 49, 50, 56, 58, 62, 74, 75
McCrossan, George E., 123
McCutcheon, John, 214
McDonald, A. D., 50
Macdonald, M. A., 126
McDonald, T. A., 139
MacDougall, R. J., 142
Macdougall, William, 164
McEvoy, Bernard, 103, 130
McGregor, D. A., Adventures of Vancouver
Newspapers, 189z-19z6, 89-142
Maclnnis, T. R. E., 117
Mackay, Corday, The Collins Overland Telegraph, 187-215
McKay, J. W., 49
McKelvie, B. A., Maquinna the Magnificent,
review of, 250, 251
McKinlay, Garrioch & Co., 288, 289
McLagan, J. C, 89, 98, 99, 102, 107-109, 112,
124, 140, 258
McLagan, Mrs. J. C, 112
MacLean, M. A., 168, 165, 167, 168
McLoughlin, John, 217, 228-225, 291-298
McLoughlin, The Letters of John, from Fort
Vancouver ... Third Series, ISii-ie, review
of, 176-178
McLoughlin's Statement of the Expenses incurred in the " Dryad" Incident of ISSi,
Maclure, Fred, 112
Maclure, Sara Anne, 108
McM    ter, E. B., 128
M Millan, H. R., 302
McNamara, Frank, 180
McNicol, Donald, 187, 218, 214
Macpherson, 163
McPherson, Robert, 90, 117
McQuade, E. A., 71
Macrae, Farquhar, 101
McRae, Lawrence, 104
McRoberts, Hugh, 15
Mahood, James A., 198, 212
Mainland Guardian, 160
Mainland News, 139
Mainlander, 91, 137
Makovski, L. W., 180
Malowanski, John, 74
Man to Man Magazine, 138
Manby, Thomas, 275
Mannion, Joseph, 158
Maquinna, Indian chief, 281
Maquinna the Magnificent, review of, 250, 261
Mara, John A., 35, 86.
Marchant, George, 158
Martin, Archer, 92, 100, 101
Martin, G. B., 99, 110
Martin, Joseph, 95, 96, 109, 116, 118, 141
Marvin, Edgar, 37
Mary Dorothea, Sister, The Jesuits in Old
Oregon, review by, 180, 181
Masonic Bulletin, 137
Matson, J. S. H., 104, 116, 129
Matthews, William, American Diaries, review
of, 188/184
Maxie's, 156
Meany, Edmond S., 273
Memories of Pioneer Life in British Columbia, review of, 182, 183
Menzies, Archibald, 275, 277, 281, 282
Mergenthaler Linotype, 256, 258, 260
Merritt Herald, 261
Michaud, Maximillien, 156
Millard, Charles T., 2, 13, 14, 17, 18, 20, 22,
25, 28, 30, 82, 35, 39
Miller, 62
Miller, F. J., 114
Miller, Jonathan, 114
Mist, Commander H. W., 287
Moberly, Walter, 152
Monitor, 187
Monoline, 261
Monotype, 262, 264, 272
Monumental Engine Company, 44
Moody, R. C, 5-7, 162, 168, 287
Moody, S. P., 158, 156, 168, 159
Moodyville, 158, 157
Moodyville Tickler, The, 160
Moore, William, 2, 9-11, 18, 14, 18, 19, 21,
24-26, 28-31, 35, 36, 88-40
Morning Guardian, 116, 117
Morning Star, 136, 137
Morning Sun, 184, 186
Morse, Samuel, 192
Morton, James, 125, 126, 142
Morton, John, 158, 160
Mouat, W. A., 21, 36
Mudge, Zachary, 275, 278
Murray, A. S., 4-7, 58
Murray, G. M., 117, 187
Musgrave, Anthony, 166
Myers, James, 162 316
Nabob, 188
Naming of Burrard Inlet, The, 148-149
Nanaimo Free Press, 261
Nanaimo Herald, 104, 261
Navy-yard, Esquimalt, 286-240
Nelson, Hugh, 16
Nelson, John, 116, 119, 130-132
Nelson, Uriah, 18
New, Capt., 276, 277
New Brighton, 156
New Deal, 137
New Denver Ledge, 138
News Advertiser,  89-92,  103,  104,  106,  108,
111, 113,  116, 119, 128-125, 129, 130,  188,
184, 136, 142, 266-268, 260, 268, 264, 267
News-Gazette, 137
News-Herald, 262
Newspapers, first in B.C., 263;   printing of,
253-272 ;   Vancouver, 89-142, 162
Newspapers, Adventures of Vancouver, 189t-
1916, 89-142
Newton, Henry J„ 162
Newton, W. H., 4
New Westminster & Burrard Inlet Telephone
Company, 163
New Westminster Fire Department, 68
Nichol, R. G., 113
Nichol, Walter, 92, 97-102, 104, 106, 108-112,
114, 116, 121, 129-138, 135
Nootka Sound in 179S, Sketch of, 302
Norcross, J. Edward, 114, 130, 136
North Shore Press, 187
Nor'Weater, 212
Nute, Grace Lee, Tfte Journal of John Work,
January to October, 1885, review by, 247,
O'Brien, J. M., 112
O'Connor, James A., 187
Odin, George, 168
Odium, Edward, 126, 135, 141
Odium, Victor W., 112, 127, 186, 186, 141
Ogden, Peter Skene, 291-293, 297
Ogilvy, J. D. B., 4
Okanagan Historical Society, 85,172, 300, 301
Okanagan Historical Society of Vernon, The
Eleventh Report of, review of, 175, 176
Oliver, John, 127, 128, 142
Oliver, W. H., 60
Oppenheimer, David, 168
Oregon, boundary of, 217-234, 242-245
Oregon Botanical Association, 282-284, 287-
Oregon Boundary Treaty, June 15, 1816, Centenary of the Signing of the, 242-246
Oregon Treaty; Finis to Joint Occupation,
The, 217-234
Orton, William, 211
Outline History of Typographical Union Notts, Vancouver .  .  . An, 268
Outpost, 188
Overland Telegraph, The Collins, 187-216
Ozonogram, 148
Paige, Ernest, 130
Papers read before the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, Season 19H-A5,
review of, 184, 186
Parsons, Otis, 18
Passenger rates, Fraser River, 8-11,13,18, 20,
22, 25, SO, 34, 36
Passenger rates, Stikine River, 22
Paterson, T. F., 112, 123
Paton, J. A., 137
Peard, Mat, 112
Pearse, B. W., 166
Peel, Sir Robert, 220, 226, 227, 229, 231
Pemberton, A. F., 46, 47, 57, 70
Pemberton, J. D., 6
Pender, Daniel, 32
Penticton Herald, 142, 262
Perry, George, 102-104
Pettipiece, R. P., 137
Pettit, Sidney, Cariboo Road, review by, 808,
Phillipps-Wolley, Clive, 97, 99
Phillips, C. J., 63, 64, 74
Pickett, Henry, 74
Pickett, W., 50
Pioneer Life in British Columbia, Memories
of, review of, 182, 188
Pitfleld, J. L., 200, 203
Pogue, Follough, 124, 130, 188
Point Roberts, 276
Polk, James K., 220, 226, 228-230, 233
Pond, William, 112
Pooley, C. E., 96, 99-101, 115
Pope, Franklin L., 196, 198, 202-205, 208, 209
Port Douglas Steam Navigation Company, 25
Port Moody, 160, 161, 167, 168
Port Moody Gazette, 160
Porter, A., 258
Portland Canal Miner, 138
Pound, G. H., 112
Powell, Dr. I. W., 71
Power, William, 16
Presbyterian Church, Vancouver, 168
Prevost, Capt., 286
Prince George, A History of, review of, 248,
Princeton, 172, 173
Prior, E. G., 95
Printing, 258-272
Printing-press, first in B.C., 253, 266, 267
Printing-press, power, 264-268
Pritchard, Thomas, 82
Proulx, Pal, 263
Prouty press, 266, 267
Province,  89,  92-106,  108-117,  119-121,  123,
124, 129-137, 140-142, 165, 267, 260, 261
Province Limited Liability, 96, 97
Province Publishing Company, 97
Public Opinion, 137
Puget, Peter, 276
Raymur, J. A., 72, 167, 168
Revelstoke Mail-Herald, 261
Revelstoke fieview, 261
Revere, Paul, 44
Reynolds, F. J., 103 Index.
Rich, E. E., ed. The Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver . . . Third Series,
18U-i8, review of, 176-178
Richards, F. G., 74
Richards, G. H., 152
Risteen, G. F., 123
Roads, Vancouver, 152-154, 167, 160
Rob, Sam, 140, 141
Robb, S. R., 112
Robinson, Noel, 142
Robinson, Sue, 16
Robson, Ebenezer, 153, 154
Robson, John, 27, 28
Rodgers, John, 44
Rogers, B. T., 118
Rogers, Jeremiah, 163, 156, 157
Rogers, Mrs. Jonathan, 801
Rogers Typograph, 257-259, 261
Roper, Edward, 169, 170
Rothrock, Dr. J. T., 197-204, 209, 210
Rowe, Elliott, 138
Royal Commissions and Commissions of Inquiry ... in British Columbia, review of,
Runnalls, F. E., A History of Prince George,
review of, 248, 249
Rush, R. J., 198
Russian American Company and the Hudson's
Bay Company, 291, 292
Rusta, Andrew, 160
St. James Anglican Church, Vancouver, 160
San Juan Lime Company, 90
Sanders, E. H., 15
Sandon Paystreak, 138
Sands, E., Ill
Sands, H. P., Ill
Saturday Tribune, 137
Saunders, Frank, 74
Savage, Hugh, 142
Sawers, C 112
Sawmills, Vancouver, 153-156, 158, 160
Scaife, A. H., 92, 97, 98, 100
Scarlet and Gold, 138
School, Vancouver, first in, 157
Schou, N. C, 91, 92
Scorpion, 27, 28
Scott, J. T., 153
Scott, S. D., 116, 130, 181
Scott, Mrs. W. E„ 288
Scovell, 210
Sea Lore, 187
Semlin, C. A.,. 117
Seward, William H., 194, 211
Seymour, Frederick, 69, 199-201
Shakesville, 210
Shaughnessy, Thomas, 106
Sheppard, Ned, 124
Ships, Alexandra. 25, 28, 29, 31, 32, 38 ; Beaver,
285; Butter-worth, 277; Caledonia, 1-4, 8,18,
17, 18, 22, 28, 30, 38, 88; Cariboo, 1, 16,17,
88; Cariboo and Fly, 17, 88; Champion, 11,
12, 26, 38; Charmer, 95; H.M.S. Chatham,
274, 276; Chehalis, 84; Chiehagoff, 292;
Chinaman, 155; Clara Bell, 197, 212 ; Colfax, 88; Colonel Moody, 5-8, 20, 21, 25, 88
Deadalus, 276, 277; H.M.S. Discovery, 148,
151, 274, 276 ; Dryad, 292-296 ; Eliza Anderson, 2, 4, 8, 9, 21, 26; Ellen Lewis, 158;
Emily Harris, 1, 17, 19, 38; .Enterprise, 18,
21, 31, 89; Enterprise, 28, 24, 87, 89;
H.M.S. Europa, 278; Favorite, 82; Fideliter, 81, 82; Fly, 17; Flying Dutchman, 11,
13-15, 18-21, 24, 25, 28-30, 32, 39, 168;
Fort Yale, 1, 11, 16, 16, 18, 22, 89; Gazelle,
16; Gem, 13; George S. Wright, 197, 198,
205; Glenora, 75; Golden Gate, 197, 198;
Governor Douglas, 4-8, 18, 21, 25) 89, 58;
Great Eastern, 210; H. L. Rutger, 206;
Henrietta, 9-11, 13-16, 18, 20, 25, 80, 82-
34, 39; Hermann, 21; Hope, 11, 18, 14, 18,
20, 25, 28, 80, 32-34, 86, 39; Idaho, 16;
Isabel, 154; /slander, 107; J. W. Moore, 21,
24, 25, 40; Jessie Stowe, 155; Lady of the
Lake, 11, 12, 40; Leonora, 155; Leviathan,
201; LUlie, 155; Lillooet, 26, 28, 80, 81, 84,
36, 87, 40, 202; Llama, 297; Maggie, 168;
Maggie Lauder, 18; Maria, 6, 8, 18, 21;
Marten, 35, 36, 40; Marzelle, 11, 12, 40;
Milton Badger, 197, 202, 205; Mumford, 88,
40, 205, 207; Nanaimo Packet, 27; Nightingale, 205, 214; Olga, 198; Onward, 9, 84,
36, 40; Onward, 205, 212; Oregon, 45;
Orestes, 148; Otter, 2, 8, 8, 19, 21, 84, 207;
Pacific, 159; Palmetto, 197, 212; H.M.S.
Plumper, 162, 286, 240 ; Portland, 16 ; Prince
of Wales, 12, 26, 37, 40, 288 ; H.M.S. Pylades,
4; R. P. Rithet, 21; Reliance, 22, 24, 25, 27,
28, 30, 86, 40; H.M.S. Satellite, 236; Sea
Breeze, 212 ; Sea Foam, 165 ; Seaton, 12, 26,
41; Senator, 155; Shark, 152; H.M.C.S.
Shearwater, 240 ; U.S.S. Sfcubricfe, 197, 201;
Skidegate, 156; Skuzzy, 20; H.M.S. Spar-
rowhawk, 237; Success, 6; Sudden Jerk,
158; Susan Sturgis, 15 ; Tepic, 10; Three
Brothers, 277; H.M.S. Topaze, 55; Umatilla, 10; Union, 18, 20, 22, 24, 25, 27, 81,
83, 41, 158, 203, 204; Variag, 198; Venue,
276; Victoria, 37, 41; W. B. Flint, 168
Sibley, Hiram, 192, 198
Similkameen, 172, 173
Simpson, C. S., 47, 48
Simpson, Sir George, 226, 232, 283, 291
Simson, Calvert, 162
Sladen, Douglas, 170
Smith, Anne M., Royal Commissions and
Commissions of Inquiry . . . in British Columbia, 187t-19iz, review by, 178, 179
Southgate, J. J., 49
Southam, William, & Sons, 138
Spark, Sidney John, 288, 240
Spink, T., Ill
Sporting News, 138
Spratt, Joseph, 33, 75, 160
Spring Ridge Water Works Company, 59
Stager, General Anson, 209
Stamp, Edward, 163, 156
Stamp's Mill, 158-156
Stanley Park, 153
Steamboating on the Fraser in the 'Sixties,
Stevens, H. H., 126, 187
Stevens, Jim, 254
Stewart, J. W., 128 318
Stewart, James M., 167
Stewart, R., 60
Stoddard, Ethel C, 122
Story of Summerland, The, review of, 181, 182
Stuart, Allan K., 162
Sullivan, Alan, Cariboo Road, review of, 808,
Summeriand, The Story of, review of, 181,182
Summerland Review, 262
Sunday Sun, 136
Sutherland, James, 113
Swaine, Spelman, 275
Swainson, Alec, 259
Sylvester, Frank, 69
Taylor, A. J. T., The, Arctic Collection, 302,
Taylor, Charles, 71
Taylor, Louis D., 104, 105, 112-114, 116, 119,
'   125, 181, 134, 137, 142
Taylor & Company, 12, 38, 41
Telegraph, 187-215
Telegraph Co. No. 2, 46
Telegraph Creek, 211, 215
Telegraph, The Collins Overland, 187-215
Telephone Talk, 138
Templeman, William, 95, 98, 100, 101
Thain, James M., 4
Thain, John M., 52, 58
Tiger Engine Company No. 2, 52-56, 58, 61-
63, 65-72, 74
Tisdall, C. E., 117, 126, 127
Titcomb, A. H., 62   ■
Titcomb, J. H., 64
Tolmie, W. F., 49
Trades Unionist, 117
Trahey, James W., 3, 4, 6, 14, 15, 22, 23, 25,
28, 35, 37
Train, first in Vancouver, 167, 168
Truett, Jones & Arrington, 167, 168
Truth, 117
Tulameen, 173
Turner, J. H., 96, 100, 101, 114, 115, 117
Turner, Rev. James, 157, 159
Two Voices, 137
Typesetting, 255-264
Typesetting, hand, 253, 254, 258-260
Typesetting, machine, 257-264, 271, 272
Typographical Union, 269, 270
Union Hook and Ladder Company, 50-53, 55,
56, 63, 66, 66, 73, 74
Union Steamship Company, 155
United Press, 116
Unitype, 262, 263
Vagabond's Club, 142
Van Brenner, James, 155
Vancouver, George, 143-149, 151, 273-278, 281;
original letter, 301, 302
Vancouver, history of, 151-170
Vancouver Advertiser, 163
Vancouver Daily Ledger, 103, 104
Vancouver DaUy Province, see Province
Vancouver Daily Province, Limited, 188
Vancouver Daily World, 89, 91, 92, 97, 98,
103, 104, 107, 108, 111-116, 118, 119, 123, 124,
126, 129-136, 140-142, 256-258, 260, 272
Vancouver Eye Opener, 137
Vancouver Globe, 124
Vancouver News, 166, 167
Vancouver Newspapers, 1892—19t6, Adventures of, 89-142
Vancouver Printing and Publishing Company,
Vancouver Sun, 118, 119, 123-130, 132-137,
263, 264, 272
Vancouver Weekly Herald and North Pacific
News, 162
Vancouver's Discovery of Puget Sound, 273
Vancouver's Earliest Days, 161-170
Van Dyke, D. E., 112
Van Horne, William, 161, 168
Vavasour, Mervin, 23
Vermilion Cave, Princeton, 172, 173
Vermilion Forks, 173
Vernon, F. G., 96
Vernon News, 256, 260, 261, 267 .
Vernon Okanagan, 261
Veterans' Weekly, 130, 137
Victoria Chronicle, 118
Victoria Daily Times, 98, 100, 107, 108, 116,
257, 259, 272
Victoria Fire Department, 43-75; membership, 74, 75
Victoria Steam Navigation Company, 4-6, 89
Vogel, John, 74
Waddington, Alfred, 51, 67, 61, 70
Wade, F. C, 123, 126-130, 136, 801
Wade, M. S., 266
Wade, Marjorie, 301, 302
Wain, Charles, 268
Walbran, John T., 273
Walkem, G. A., 110
Wallace, C. W., 31, 49, 50
Wallace, Robert, 281, 282
Walter, Ernest, 166
Walter,   Margaret,   Early  Days  Among   the
Gulf Islands of British Columbia, review of,
251, 252
Warre, H. J., 231
Washington press, 265
Water-supply, Victoria, 59, 60, 71
Watkins, J. H., 112
Weekly Herald, 133
Weir, George M., Address, Peace Arch Park,
June 15, 191,6, 244, 245
Weir, Harold, 130
Weiss, William, 112
" West, Nor'West," review of, 307, 308
West Shore, The, 161
Western Associated Press, 116
Western Call, 125, 137
Western Canadian Mining News, 137
Western Clarion, 187
Western Idea, 137
Western Union Extension Telegraph Company,
40, 195-198, 200, 203, 209, 213
Western Union Telegraph Company, 190,192-
195, 200, 210-214
Western Women's Weekly, 138 Index.
Westward Ho!, 138
Wharfedale press, 267
Whitaker, W., Ill
White, John C, 287
Whitworth, E., Ill
Whitworth, Percy, 139
Whymper, Frederick, 197, 212
Wilkinson, J. T., 141
Williams, Magistrate, 121, 122
Williams, Adolphus, 90
Williams, R. S., Ill
Williams, Sheldon, 106, 107
Williams, W. E. Wynn, 27
Wilson, Clifford, Papers read before the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba,
Season 19U-i5, review of, 184, 185
Wilson, Thomas, 104
Wilson, William, 92
Wings, pseud., see Wilkinson, J. T.
Wolfenden, Madge, Esquimalt Dockyard's First
Buildings, 236-240
Woodruff, E. L., 112
Work, John, The Journal of, January to October, 1885, review of, 247, 248
World, see Vancouver Daily World
World Building Company, 119
Wright, G. B., 18, 23, 36, 37, 39, 41
Wright, J. T., 21, 22, 26
Wright, Tom, 2, 18, 21, 23, 39
Wright, Nelson & Company, 41
Wriglesworth, Joseph, 72, 74
Yak-Tulameen, 173
Yale  Steam  Navigation   Company,  Ltd.,  15,
Ye Hornet, 138
Printed by Charles F. Banfield, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
660-746-6982 We
Organized October 31st, 1922.
His Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia.
Hon. G. M. Weir   -
Madge Wolfenden    ■
Helen R. Boutilier
E. G. Baynes    -
Major H. C. Holmes
Mrs. M. R. Cree -
W. E. Ireland
Honorary President.
Past President.
1st Vice-President.
2nd Vice-President.
Honorary Treasurer.
Honorary Secretary.
A. G. Harvey.
L. LeBourdais,
Willard E. Ireland
(Provincial Archivist).
H. C. Holmes
Miss A. M. Russell. W. N. Sage.
B. A. McKelvie.   J. C. Goodfellow.
E. G. Rowebottom.
W. Kaye Lamb
(Editor, Quarterly).
G. E. White
(Victoria Section).
(Vancouver Section).
To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history;
to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics,
natural features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to
publish historical sketches, studies, and documents.
Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year
commences on the first day of January. All members in good standing
receive the British Columbia Historical Quarterly without further charge.
Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives,
Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.


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