British Columbia History

British Columbia Historical Quarterly Oct 31, 1945

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Published by the Archives of British Columbia
in co-operation with the
British Columbia Historical Association.
W. Kaye Lamb.
The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.
Willard E. Ireland.
Provincial Archives, Victoria, B.C.
(On active service, R.C.A.F.)
J. C. Goodfellow, Princeton. T. A. Rickard, Victoria.
W. N. Sage, Vancouver.
Editorial communications should be addressed to the Editor.
Subscriptions should be sent to the Provincial Archives, Parliament
Buildings, Victoria, B.C. Price, 50c. the copy, or $2 the year. Members
of the British Columbia Historical Association in good standing receive the
Quarterly without further charge.
Neither the Provincial Archives nor the British Columbia Historical
Association assumes any responsibility for statements made by contributors
to the magazine.
The Quarterly is indexed in Faxon's Annual Magazine Subject-Index. BRITISH COLUMBIA
"Any country worthy of a future
should be interested in its past."
Vol. IX. Victoria, B.C., October, 1945. No. 4
Jason Allard: Fur-trader, Prince, and Gentleman.
By B. A. McKelvie  243
James Stephen on Granting Vancouver Island to the Hudson's
Bay Company, 1846-1848.
By Paul Knaplund  259
Early Trails of Burrard Peninsula.
A new map, with commentary, by Thomas R. Weir  273
David Stuart: Okanagan Pathfinder and Founder of Kamloops.
By A. G. Harvey  277
Notes and Comments:
New Archives publications  289
Engine 374 returns to Vancouver  289
Memorial plaque to J. W. McKay  290
British Columbia Historical Association  291
Contributors to this Issue  293
The Northwest Bookshelf:
Maloney: Fur Brigade to the Bonaventura.
By Henry Drummond Dee  295
Morton: Life of Sir George Simpson.
By W. Kaye Lamb  297
Tompkins: Alaska.
By T. A. Rickard  299
Brebner: North Atlantic Triangle.
By W. N. Sage „  300
Jason Ovid Allard was born at Fort Langley, September 8,
1848, and died in New Westminster, December 16, 1931. His
life encompassed the sweep of British Columbia history from
the rude fur-trading days, when there was no form of government in the British west, to times and conditions with which we
are familiar. His personal contacts went back to more primitive times, when explorers were invading the wilderness and
settlement had not commenced. He heard of the coming of
Simon Fraser from natives who were present when that noted
man visited the lower reaches of the river that bears his name;
and he learned from a former Indian slave the details of the
blowing-up of John Jacob Astor's unlucky vessel, the Tonquin.
The meagre outline of his life that I am privileged to give—
too measured and circumscribed by the space at my disposal—
I obtained from Jason Allard himself. Over a period of years
I made notes from his dictation, and it is from his personal
narration that I have prepared this inadequate summary.
Jason Ovid Allard was a remarkable man; kindly, courteous,
and efficient. He possessed a keen intellect and a retentive memory. His mind was cultivated by careful reading of good literature. His understanding of human nature was broad, while his
appreciation of humour was quick and discriminating.
On one occasion I questioned him as to the number of persons constituting a party with which he had wintered in the
Rocky Mountains fifty years before. He replied that he would
let me know the next day. When we met again he looked worried. In reply to my question as to his health he said: " Physically, I am feeling fine, but I am afraid that my memory is going.
I know that there were twenty-two of us in that party, but for
the life of me I can only remember the names and initials of
twenty-one; there was an Indian there and I forget his name."
* The presidential address delivered at the annual meeting of the British
Columbia Historical Association, held in Vancouver on January 12, 1945.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IX.f No. 4.
243 244 B. A. McKelvie. October
Another incident, illustrative of his humour, occurs to my
mind. We were travelling together and stopped at a most expensive hotel for the night. In the morning we went to breakfast in the grill-room. I noticed Jason studying the menu with
a puzzled expression. " What's the matter, Jason ? " I asked,
" Can't you find anything you like? "
" Oh, it's not that, for there is an excellent assortment of
dishes," he answered, and then putting the menu down he went
on: " You know, for nearly eighty years I have been wondering
why my father named me Jason; at last I have come to the
place of the Golden Fleece."
Jason Allard was a half-breed, and he was a credit to both
his French-Canadian and Indian ancestry.
His father, Ovid Allard, was born in Quebec and was brought
up by his uncle at Point Levis. He joined the Hudson's Bay
Company in 1834, and for several years was employed in what
is now the Northern States. He was one of the party that established Boise, Idaho. He was transferred to Fort Langley in
1839. In 1848 he completed the building of Fort Yale, and the
following year constructed Fort Hope. These were brigade posts
on the new overland route to the Northern Interior made necessary by the settlement of the International Boundary dispute.
Later Ovid Allard went to Nanaimo, where he remained until
1858, when he returned to Yale in an endeavour to keep the
Indians in check when the gold-rush to the Fraser started.
Eventually, in 1864, he returned as officer in charge to Fort
Langley, where he died in August, 1874.
Jason's mother was the sister of the great tyee of the Cowichan confederacy, Chief T'shoshia. This federation included
all the tribes bordering the Gulf of Georgia and up the Fraser
River as far as Yale. Jason, through the matrilineal law that
governed native inheritance, was his successor as King of the
I had evidence of this princely status of my friend. We got
off the train together at Duncan. Across the street were four
young Indians. They crossed over and approached us. One of
them, speaking in English, addressed Jason and asked: " Are
you Chason?" "Yes," he replied. Immediately off came the
Indians' hats, and they bowed.   " You are our king," the spokes- 1945 Jason Allard. 245
man said in the native tongue, which Jason translated to me.
All the time we were there Indians bothered Jason to come and
take up his abode with them, promising to build him a magnificent home if he would.
In explaining how it came that he was born at Fort Langley,
instead of Fort Hope where his father was officer in charge,
Jason said:—
One day, shortly before I came on the scene, my little sister drank some
poison and died. My parents were heart-broken, but hid their grief before
the natives, for if the Indians had suspected for an instant that the family
was mortal the consequences might have been disastrous.
That night, with the tears streaming down his face—for he was very
devoted to his children—my father took up the boards of the floor of the
house and dug a grave, and into this the rude little coffin of cedar planks was
lowered by the flickering light of a tallow dip. Kneeling down, the two
mourners muttered the prayers the father had learned as a boy in far-off
Canada, and had taught to his native princess; and then, with sorrowing
hearts and tender care, they filled in the little grave.
It was this sad event that took my mother to Langley, where I was born
two months later. She was placed in a canoe with a trusted man from the
fort that very night and started down the river. You see, it was feared that
the Indians might ask for the little girl.
Mrs. Allard did not return to Fort Hope. The year after
Jason's birth his father was transferred to Langley for the
second time.
In speaking of his early recollections, Jason told me:—
When I was old enough to run about, the old Indians told me stories of
my mother's people, and of events that had happened long before. Young as
I was, I can still recall some of those tales. Many of the Indian stories are
of historic value; for instance, I heard from those who were present how,
forty-five years before, Simon Fraser had come down the river and stopped
with the Quantlans who had a village opposite to the site of the penitentiary
at New Westminster; how plans were made to kill him because he had
kicked several young men who had pilfered a rope and an axe from his
stores; and how Chief Wattle-kainum potlatched all his wealth to buy the
white man's life and so prevented the attack from being made.
Then, too, I remember an old bow-legged Indian who carried water for
the fort. He had been a slave on the West Coast and had been liberated by
the Company.    He had witnessed the blowing up of the Tonquin.
In describing life at Fort Langley in his boyhood days, Jason
told of the ever-present danger of treachery, and of how the
notorious Chief Tzouhalem, the bad man of the Cowichans who
had led the attack on Fort Victoria in 1844, had attempted to 246 B. A. McKelvie. October
kill James Murray Yale, officer in charge at Fort Langley. He
had lain in wait outside the fort to shoot the officer when he
emerged. Ovid Allard learned of Tzouhalem's purpose, and
leaving the fort by another gate he crept up behind him and
seized his gun and took it away from him. Then he booted the
chief down the bank and into his canoe and sent him away.
" There were gay times at Fort Langley, too, especially when
the annual fur brigade would sweep down the river with the
furs from New Caledonia," Jason recalled. " Or when the Company's ships would arrive with supplies. Then there would be
high celebration; bagpipes and fiddles would be brought out,
and reels and square dances—and the inevitable dram—would
be the order of the day. The voyageurs would dance and fight
all night and have a mighty good time of it. At the Big House,
as .the officers' quarters were known, there would be feasting
and merriment galore. Dangers and privations were forgotten
when there was occasion for a celebration."
He recalled many noted characters in the Hudson's Bay service who came to Fort Langley, mentioning such individuals as
Chief Factor James Douglas, Donald Manson, and A. C. Anderson, who would never stay at the Big House, but would pitch
his tent outside of the fort. He mentioned others who had played
important parts, complaining that they had escaped the notice
of historians. Such, he said, was Etienne Pepin, the blacksmith,
who had turned the first sod for agricultural purposes in the
lower Fraser Valley. This was in 1827, when the first Fort
Langley was built. Pepin continued to reside in the vicinity, as
a farmer, until his death in 1874. Another colourful and useful
man was William Emptage, a former sailor, who lost his left
arm by a premature explosion in the first gold-rush to Queen
Charlotte Islands.
James Murray Yale, the officer in charge of Fort Langley,
was a courageous, peppery little man, as Jason remembered him.
He was small in stature and very conscious of it. Governor
Douglas, who towered above six feet, knew of Yale's dislike to
stand near him, emphasizing the difference in height between
them. Douglas was amused at Yale's efforts to avoid such a
comparison and always contrived to get as close to the little
man as possible. 1945 Jason Allard. 247
When Ovid Allard was moved to Fort Langley in 1849 he
found it most difficult to work with Yale. They had many differences of opinion, which finally ended in a row, which was
made more bitter when Allard killed a vicious dog belonging to
Yale. The dispute was over a cargo of cranberries. Captain
Webster, of the Honolulu Packet, came to the river in 1852 to
gather a shipment of the berries, that grew in great profusion
on Lulu Island and the low lands bordering the Pitt River.
He applied to Allard for barrels. There was a cooperage at the
fort. Allard referred the request to Mr. Yale who, he said, gave
permission, and the captain was given the barrels. When Douglas heard of it he was angry and upbraided Yale for encouraging trade on the Fraser.   Yale blamed Allard.
Allard bundled his family into a canoe and went to Fort
Victoria to tender his resignation personally to Douglas. The
Governor realized the value of Allard, and got him to reconsider
his intention of leaving the Company's service, promising him
that he would not again have to serve with Murray Yale. In
March, 1854, he was sent to the new coal mines at Nanaimo as
superintendent of Indian labour, where he remained for the next
four years. It was here that Jason received his first schooling.
He had many memories of Nanaimo in those early days. One
incident he recalled with delight. It concerned the second jury
trial in what is now British Columbia. (The first was also at
Nanaimo, when a jury was empanelled to try the murderers of
Peter Brown, in 1853; the trial that Jason remembered was
several years later.) A French-Canadian miner in a drunken
brawl kicked another man, who died. Captain Stewart, officer
in charge, who held a commission as a Justice of the Peace, knew
that there must be an inquest and a trial. He was rather hazy
in matters of law, so he decided to combine the two. There were
no lawyers, so the French-Canadian asked Ovid Allard to act for
him. Allard had been raised as a boy in a notary's office and
was the nearest approach to a lawyer available.
When the jury was sworn in Allard raised an objection.
" What's the matter with the jury? They're all sober," exploded
Captain Stewart.
" Yes, yes," answered Allard, " but I base my objection on
the Magna Charta." 248 B. A. McKelvie. October
" What's that got to do with it? " demanded the magistrate.
" Well, you see, the Magna Charta says a man can only be
put on trial before his peers or equals. There is not a French-
Canadian on the jury, and we will not admit that these Scotsmen
and Englishmen are our peers."
Captain Stewart considered for a moment and then said that
he thought there was something in the argument, so the jury
was dismissed and another was chosen with half of them French-
There was a disagreement. By this time Stewart was fed up
with the whole proceedings, so he bound the accused over to keep
the peace—and that was the last of the case.
In February, 1858, when the first gold-seekers, heralding the
stampede, came from Puget Sound communities to the Fraser,
Douglas went personally to Nanaimo to ask Ovid Allard to return
to Fort Yale. The vicinity of that place, known as the " Couteau
Country," was the objective of the prospectors. Douglas feared
a clash between the miners and the Indians and knew that Allard
exercised great influence over the natives there. Allard stipulated that he was not to be under orders from Yale, but would
report directly to Victoria.
Allard left his family at Fort Langley for several months,
and Jason saw the first wave of California miners as they made
their way up the Fraser. He was old enough to remember them.
Men of all descriptions, nearly all bearded, the majority wearing
red shirts, and all armed, they were a picturesque horde. They
came in sailboats, rowboats, canoes, and even rafts, and swarmed
up the bank to the fort in search of supplies and information.
They tented and camped in brush shelters about the stockaded
He recalled how, in June, the steamer Surprise arrived off
Langley, laden with miners, and how Captains Lubbock and
Huntington came ashore in search of a pilot who could take them
to Fort Hope. Yale endeavoured to dissuade them from the
attempt, but when he found that they were determined he loaned
them an Indian named Speelset, who knew the river well, while
August Willing, a clerk, went along as interpreter. The journey
was successfully completed. 1945 Jason Allard. 249
" I remember," said Jason, " that Speelset came back all
dressed out in nautical style, wearing a broadcloth suit and high
boots. He changed his name with his dress, for thereafter he
was known as ' Captain John.' Instead of being paid one or two
blankets for his services the grateful captain of the Surprise had
paid him at regular pilotage rates, giving him $160 in gold."
The journey to Yale was made by the Allard family in one
of the bateaux of the Company. It was on this trip, at Hill's
Bar, that Jason first saw gold washed. He had previously had
the idea that it was found already minted in the river gravel.
He upset a pan of black sand belonging to a young Indian miner,
and it was only by giving the youth a gaudy scarf he was wearing that he was mollified.
Yale was already crowded when the family arrived, and daily
the population grew. Soon the river all the way from below
Hope to the canyons above Yale was alive with men washing
every bar, their tents showing up against the dark of the forest
background. Often a miner near Hope would start a long wail,
" O-o-oh J-o-o-e-e-e!" and others would instantly take it up, the
plaintive call being carried right up to Yale, 15 miles away, in
the matter of minutes.
Soon the miners were pushing their way into the rocky canyons that extend to the Forks (Lytton). There was an old
Indian trail, little improved from the time when Simon Fraser
used it. Jason went over it with his father, and was soon acting
as guide and interpreter for the miners.
" I had a small bag full of gold coins that I earned this way,"
he laughed. "One day my father saw me playing with the
money. He wanted to know where I got it. I told him the
miners had given it to me, but he didn't believe me. Just then
a miner accompanied by an Indian came along and asked if I
was the boy who could interpret. I answered that I was and
translated for them, while my father looked on. When we were
finished, the miner handed me a five-dollar gold piece and went
off. ' That's how I get my money,' I told my father, and he was
Young Jason became a great favourite with the miners.
There were many college youths among them. " They taught me
a great deal," he said.    " Some of them had brought their books 250 B. A. McKelvie. October
with them, and when they found that they could not carry them
farther, they gave them to me. Those college men also taught
me to box and wrestle, arts that were useful to me later," he said.
" One of the college men was named Francis Kelly. He had
just been admitted as a lawyer in [the] United States. He was
asked by Colonel R. C. Moody, of the Royal Engineers, why he
was wasting his talents in the wilderness of this country. He
replied that he was broke and could not afford to open a law
practice. Moody loaned him £100 and he immediately left for
San Francisco. Whether or not the Colonel ever got his money
back, I don't know, as Kelly was later killed in the Civil War."
Jason acted as guide and interpreter for Sergeant McColl and
Corporal Turner, of the Royal Engineers, when they went up the
river over the trail beyond Fort Yale. He knew all the officers
of the corps, for they stayed with his father when visiting Yale.
When Lieutenant R. C. Mayne and Paymaster Brown made their
exploration into the Interior they wanted to take Jason along,
but his father would not let him go.
He recalled the short war between the Indian braves and
miners in the canyons of the Fraser, and blamed the white men
for causing it. The miners demanded guns at the Hudson's Bay
post. These Ovid Allard refused to let them have, and they
became threatening. He held them at bay with a pistol. Finally
he agreed to loan them the weapons if responsible men would
guarantee their return. This was done, and the guns were
brought back a few days later.
He also recalled the visit of Lady Franklin in 1861. She was
in search of news about her husband, the Arctic explorer, who
was lost. She was conducted up the river, and while she was
absent Jason constructed a big banner bearing the name " Lady
Franklin's Pass," which was hung at the entrance to the mountain cleft where the Fraser breaks through the barrier range.
It is still known by that name to pioneers.
Another recollection of those days was of Quitz-ka-nums, the
Indian prophet. This Indian aroused a great spiritual revival
among the natives along the Fraser. His teachings were a mixture of Christian doctrines, Indian mythology, and common
sense.    He had a strange parchment which he said he had found 1945 Jason Allard. 251
in a cairn on top of a mountain back of Katz Landing. Jason
noted down a number of the prophet's sayings:—
" Indolence is the cause of a great many evils."
" Do not be called a thief."
" In accepting gifts from neighbours exchange the gift with
" Be kind to the aged and those beneath you."
" The Indian prophet was one of the finest Indians I ever
met," Jason stated. " I will say of him that he was an intelligent man among his people. He was also a weather prophet.
He had four wives. He and his wives would bend down their
heads to thank Nature for the food they were about to consume.
The parchment he had with Jewish (?) writing or hieroglyphics
was picked up by him on the mountain back of Katz Landing
near Hope.
" When Father Fouquet, O.M.I., pioneer missionary, came on
the scene he asked to see the parchment. He spat on it and cast
it into the fire and told the men he was an imposter. Insulted
by Father Fouquet and loss of his favourite wife, who eloped
with a white man, was more than he could bear. He wasted
away in distress, refused to eat and died."
With the discovery of gold in Cariboo and the building of
the Cariboo Road, Yale lost much of its importance. There had
been four clerks in the Hudson's Bay store there during the rush
to the Lower Fraser. Headquarters in Victoria questioned their
being continued. Allard replied that all four could be moved,
and that he and his son would carry on. So Jason started to
The boy overheard Judge Matthew Baillie Begbie offering the
position of Indian interpreter to his father. He went privately
to the Judge and offered to do the work for half the amount.
" What! " exclaimed Begbie, " would you run opposition to your
father?" Jason said that he would. The Judge thought him
too young, but, liking his spirit, secured him the post as interpreter in the Police Court, where his fees often amounted to as
much as those of his father in the higher Court.
He recalled many of the stirring events of the gold-rush days
that are so well known, such as Ned McGowan's war, and the 252 B. A. McKelvie. October
shooting of Rice by Foster, which he witnessed—but space will
not permit an elaboration of these incidents.
In the spring of 1866 Ovid Allard had to visit Victoria.
Jason was left in charge. One morning a Cariboo miner came
to the store with a large order. He wanted it packed by 2
o'clock. There were some articles required that were not in
stock, but Jason promised him that they would be secured and
packed on time.
While he was serving the miner he noticed a stranger watching him. As soon as the customer went away the lad asked the
stranger to step outside as he was going to close the store.
" Why? " he was asked.
" Oh, I've got to go out and buy some of the things that man
" But why not send him to do his own buying? " demanded
the man.
" Well, sir," Jason replied, " you see, if I do that the next time
he comes to Yale he may go elsewhere for all his purchases."
The required articles were obtained and the order was properly packed on time.
The stranger was still at Yale when Ovid Allard returned.
He introduced himself as Dugald MacTavish, the inspecting
Chief Factor for the Hudson's Bay Company. He was loud in
his praise of the manner in which Jason had handled matters
while his father was absent, but was astonished when he learned
that he was not regularly articled. He insisted that the boy
should be taken into the Company's service, and to this Ovid
agreed, especially when Jason was to be given seniority dating
from the time that he had first started working. But Jason did
not relish the idea.    He wanted to become a free trader.
The Company sent the lad to Victoria to learn book-keeping.
Apart from his attendance at classes at Nanaimo this three
months was the only schooling that he had—but due to his own
efforts he could be classed as a fairly well-educated man.
At the conclusion of his course he was sent as a recruit to
Fort Shepherd, at the junction of the Pend d'Oreille with the
Columbia River. This post, with those at Wild Horse Creek and
Keremeos, came under the superintendence of Chief Factor
Angus MacDonald at Fort Colvile, in Washington Territory, 1945 Jason Allard. 253
where the Hudson's Bay Company still retained a number of
their trading establishments.
Joseph Hardisty was in charge of Fort Shepherd. He had
come from the post at Honolulu and knew so little about the fur
trade that he was ignorant of how to bale furs. Jason constructed a fur-press and so won Hardisty's favour.
Shortly after my arrival at Fort Shepherd [Jason recounted] I was sent
to Fort Colvile to work on the books. It was part of my job to look after the
accountancy at both places. I shall never forget my arrival there. Old
Angus MacDonald was a wonderful man. He stood well over six feet, with
tremendous shoulders, and had a great black beard, that gave to him his
Indian name of " O'pee-chun." He would only keep champion athletes about
his headquarters. A recruit from the Coast would have to fight, wrestle, or
run against a man of MacDonald's selection, and the loser was banished to
the Flat Heads, Spokane, or some outlying post.
As soon as I arrived the Laird of Colvile looked me over from beneath his
bushy eyebrows.    " Can ye run? " he burred.
" A little."
" Can ye wrestle? "
" A little, sir."
" Can ye fight-t-t? "
" A little, sir."
" How little? " Old Angus boomed.   " We'll see."
He selected a young fellow and we had to run around the fort. I won.
Then he picked out another retainer to wrestle me. It was here that the
tricks the miners taught me at Yale were useful, for I managed to trip him
up and pin him down. The old lad was delighted. He stood rubbing his
hands in glee. Then I had to fight. His wife and daughters were there and
tried to beg off for me. " He is so little," one of them said. That made me
mad, and I determined to win if it killed me. The man I had to fight was
much bigger, but he had no science, and I managed to keep away from his
swinging fists and punish him pretty badly and finally he quit—and I was
prime favourite with Old Angus.
There were dangerous times at Fort Shepherd. Hardisty
was away on one occasion and Jason was left in charge. One
day he looked up from his ledger and saw an Indian named Kee-
as-tem chasing Fred Lenfesty, a clerk, across the yard.
I made a grab for my revolver [Jason said in telling of the incident], but
I missed it; and then, as I sprang for the door, I tried to reach an ebony
ruler, but failed, so I plunged out into the yard empty-handed. I raced
after the pair as hard as I could and caught up with the Indian when he was
only about a yard behind Fred. He turned and made a thrust at me, but I
was expecting it and was too quick for him. I dodged to one side and
catching his wrist, I wrenched the knife from his grip, threw it on the 254 B. A. McKelvie. October
ground and broke the blade by stepping on it. Then I booted the Indian out
of the gate.
That night, as I was walking across the yard about dusk, I felt something
fly past me, grazing my coat. I looked down and as I did so, an arrow
struck the inside of my coat which I had opened. I instantly knew that it
was Kee-as-tem who wanted revenge for the kicking I had given him.
I ran for my rifle but when I returned he was nowhere to be found.
It was a year before I heard of that Indian again. Then one day his
squaw came to me and said he was sick with a big lump on his abdomen.
She wanted me to look in the big medipine book and do something for him.
I refused at first, but when she came back and said he was sorry that he
had tried to kill me, I agreed. It was my chance! I made a mustard
plaster about a yard square. Putting my revolver in my belt I went with
her to where he was camped.
I covered his stomach with the plaster and told him he must keep it
there until the sun was in a certain position, about three hours away. Then
I left him. Half an hour later the squaw came and asked if the plaster
could be taken off, as it was beginning to burn him. I refused. She came
again and once more I refused, but when she came the third time I consented
to accompany her to her bellowing spouse, for you could hear him for a quarter of a mile. I removed the plaster and when I saw his blistered hide,
I knew that I had my revenge.
I doctored another Indian, an Iroquois from the East, who threatened
me while he was drunk. He wanted rum and I gave him some—with the
addition of a generous helping of croton oil. After that he was a strict
prohibitionist until he met his death some time later by drowning.
In 1867 Jason was moved to Wild Horse Creek, where he had
charge of the Company's store. He was there about a year and
then went back to Fort Shepherd. On the way he had what he
described as one of the most trying experiences of his life. He
had $6,000 in his saddle-bags. Going up Mount Shepherd, nearly
50 miles from the fort of that name, he got off to rest his horse.
The animal took fright at a bear and started to run. Jason
went after it—and ran behind the horse for the greater part of
the way to the fort before he caught it.
In some notes he left on Wild Horse Creek, Jason wrote:—
Jack Fisher and his partners got to the bank of the creek (where afterwards the H.B. Co. built their new trading post in 1867) and they saw a big
white horse and it was perfectly wild. They named the creek Wild Horse.
This was in the year 1865. The party camped on the creek, afterwards
going up the creek to prospect. Jack Fisher made the discovery and it
was good.
They had to go back to Montana for supplies, it being the nearest point
settled, and they turned back at once.    They were in such a hurry that 1945 Jason Allard. 255
people began to suspect and the news spread and there was a rush on.
Hundreds rushed into the Kootenays.
Those who got there first made good. The creek is right in the mountains. It was, I believe, a lovely place while it lasted. A great many made
piles of money, and in those days in the winter time, the miners made for
the cities for a good time;  spent all their money and returned as paupers.
Bob Dore, Jim McGinlay, Ed. Casey, Fred Leifholdt, Big Mike Brenan,
Pat Moran, Wm. Corbett, and Hy. Rogers were among a host of pioneers.
Jack Fisher and his old pal Joe Herring reappeared at Fisherville in 1868;
still prospecting and their fortunes gone.
Wild Horse Creek was soon worked out by the white miners, and most
of them left for the Omineca mines. The Chinese came in and took the white
man's abandoned claims and worked several years after the whites left.
They cleaned up big money. They drove tunnels under the old tailings and
struck it rich.
Jason's account of another episode of the Fort Shepherd days
is interesting. He had returned from a trip to Wild Horse Creek
to find Hardisty in a state of great excitement, for it seemed certain that a Company brigade, and $80,000 worth of merchandise,
would shortly be seized by the American Customs.
In bringing in supplies through the United States it was necessary to
enter properly and take a Customs Guard through United States territory.
This the man in charge of the brigade had neglected to do, and it was
learned that the Customs officers at the Little Dalles were waiting to seize
the whole train of 80 horses. " Jason," exclaimed Mr. Hardisty, " you will
get £100 if you can save the train from seizure." " Which side of the river
are the Customs men waiting on ? " I asked. " On the other side, on the
trail." " That's good." I called together a number of Indians, and got two
white men—woodchoppers who had been wintering there. They were inveterate gamblers. Together we started for the Little Dalles. I sent the
gamblers across first after providing them with some money, then I left my
horse and the Indians on the other side and went over too. I started chumming with the men in the combined trading store, stopping place, and saloon,
and pretty soon a card game was started. The gamblers commenced losing
the money I had given them, and every now and then I would call the players
to have another drink.
After a while I said I was going to my room, having hired one there.
I slipped out of the window and ran down to the river and signalled to one
of my Indians, who came over. I at once mounted my horse and rode to
meet the brigade. While we had been entertaining the Customs men and
others, the Indians had secured every boat and canoe and raft on the river
and had taken them across the stream. I met the brigade a short distance
away, and the men whipped up their horses and we went past the Little
Dalles as fast as it was possible for the animals to make it with their loads.
The Customs men rushed out and down to the river, but they could only 256 B. A. McKelvie. October
stand there and shake their fists.    It was a close shave alright, and I never
got the reward either.
It was in 1869 that Jason left the service of the Hudson's Bay
Company. Chief Factor Roderick Finlayson was at Fort Colvile
inspecting the books, and upbraided Jason for his familiarity
with the young American army officers. The youth lost his
temper and resigned. Finlayson and MacDonald tried to persuade him to reconsider his decision, but he refused. He did not
know that it had already been planned to move him to Keremeos
for a brief stay to relieve the officer there, and then to put him
in charge of Fort Kamloops.
He became a free trader for a few months at Colvile, but
soon sold out and returned to Fort Langley. His fur-trading
days were over.
When British Columbia joined Confederation he obtained
work as an axe-man with the first surveying party sent out for
the transcontinental railway, the " U " party, under John Trutch,
brother of Sir Joseph Trutch, the first Lieutenant-Governor of
this Province. It was in August of 1871 that he started with
the survey party. The following year he was with " T " party
under Mohun, and later went across the mountains to work from
Tete Jaune Cache to the Athabasca under Walter Moberly, under
whom " S " and " T " parties operated. He started as an axeman with Moberly and ended as a topographer.
It was while he was with the " T " party that Jason came
across the skeletal remains of the " headless Indian," first found
by Lord Milton and Dr. Cheadle. He was doing his washing at
the river when he saw a piece of fishing-line, and then other
articles, and finally the headless skeleton. He and companions
started a search and found the missing skull about 75 yards
away. They interred the remains and erected a tombstone
recounting their discovery on June 5,1872.
In summarizing his work with the surveys, Jason said that
the summer of 1873 was spent in the Fort George area, and the
next year in the Kamloops and Fraser River districts. Then he
went out with the party seeking a route from Kitimat to Fort
Fraser. " Altogether," he said, " I was engaged in survey work
for nearly seven years, returning to Fort Langley in 1878
determined to settle down." 1945 Jason Allard. 257
He married and took up farming. He continued on his place
until after the outbreak of the last war, to which several of his
sons went, one making the supreme sacrifice and another being
wounded. His wife died, and, unable to carry on, he moved to
New Westminster.
At the time of his death Jason was collaborating with me in
writing his biography for publication in book form. His last
letter to me was in the form of a " Narrator's Preface " for the
intended work. I can do no better in concluding this paper than
by quoting it:—
When a man has lived in a country as long as I have resided in what is
now British Columbia, and has witnessed its development from a wild wilderness to a settled community doing trade with the World; when he has seen
the birth of government in a savage land and has lived to see his fellow
citizens chosen as advisers to a World Court, then there should be something
of interest in his recollection of mighty men and epochal events that should
be recorded. Such, in brief, is a digest of the arguments of my friends, and
they have persuaded me to set down some of my experiences in the British
Columbia country West of the Rockies.
My kloshe tillicum (friend) who collaborates with me in producing this
modest volume, often jocularly calls me, " Jason the Fleece Hunter," and as
such I am offering to the public my story—in the hope that it may prove
interesting to some and to others may indicate something of the romance
that has featured the settlement of my native land.
My father was one of those mighty men of the Hudson's Bay Company,
who pioneered the pathways through the forest and laid firmly the foundations of the future Dominion. My mother was an Indian princess—sister
of the great King T'shoshia who commanded the allegiance of the Cowichan
confederacy of a dozen tribes who could man a thousand canoes with ten
thousand warriors, and I, her son, through matrilineal law that directs
native inheritance, am the rightful ruler of the remnants of that aboriginal
kingdom . . . and I live in a second floor back apartment in a New Westminster apartment house.
I was born in a stockaded fur trading post before there was any semblance of authority other than that proclaimed by the Honorable the Hudson's Bay Company; when the savage warfare of hostile tribes raged along
the Coast and, to the very portals of the isolated stockades of the fur trade
. . . and today my life is daily endangered by careless motorists, licensed
by a provincial government. My first trip across the Gulf of Georgia was
made in an Indian dugout and required four days to accomplish, and now
the trip is made, as a matter of course, in forty minutes in an airplane.
And then there are people who believe that Romance is dead!
And if such things have taken place within the limits of memory of a
single individual, what wonders does the future hold for my native land?
COMPANY, 1846-1848.
James Stephen,1 the powerful Under-Secretary of State for
the Colonies, 1836—47, was a determined opponent of efforts by
private companies to secure control over large areas of colonial
lands. In 1832 he reported adversely on the request of the South
Australian Land Company for the grant of territory " larger in
extent than Spain and Portugal." The fact that the plans of
the Company harmonized with the policies employed in colonizing North America carried no weight with him. " Counties
palatine," he wrote, " were erected in favour of Individuals with
a disregard of the public interest of which it were difficult to find
an equally strong example."2 These early mistakes might be
excused on the ground of lack of experience in founding overseas colonies, but this extenuating circumstance existed no longer.
In January, 1837, he suggested that the activities of the New
Zealand Company should be limited to a certain part or parts of
the islands, and that other companies or private individuals
should be allowed to found settlements.3 In harmony with his
attitude on these occasions Stephen was severely critical of the
Hudson's Bay Company's project for securing control of the
British territory in North America north and west of Rupert's
Land, and he delayed for nearly two years the grant of Vancouver Island to that Company.
(1) James Stephen (1789-1859), counsel to the Colonial Office and the
Board of Trade; Assistant Under-Secretary for the Colonies, 1834-36;
Under-Secretary, 1836-47; K.C.B. and Privy Councillor, 1847; Regius Professor of Modern History at Cambridge, 1849-59. See Caroline Emelia
Stephen, The Right Honourable Sir James Stephen, Gloucester, 1906, and
Paul Knaplund, " Mr. Oversecretary Stephen," in The Journal of Modern
History, I. (1929), pp. 40-66.
(2) Report of July 14, 1832, on draft of charter for the South Australian Land Company, Public Record Office MSS., CO., South Australia, 13:1.
(3) Draft by Stephen dated January 3, 1837, of letter Lord Glenelg to
Lord Durham.   Ibid., CO., New Zealand, 209:3.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IX.. No. 4.
259 260 Paul Knaplund. October
Shortly after the treaty of June 15, 1846,4 had settled the
Anglo-American boundary dispute over the Oregon country, the
Hudson's Bay Company formulated plans for entrenching itself
in the area allotted to Britain. It was believed that unless British
settlements were established in this region Americans would
move in and seize control, like they had done in Texas. On the
ground that such an eventuality must be forestalled, Sir J. H.
Pelly, the Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company,5 on September 7, 1846, wrote a letter to Lord Grey, the Colonial Secretary,6
inquiring about the Government's intentions concerning granting of land and colonization in British Oregon. Attention was
called to the Hudson's Bay Company's establishment on Vancouver Island, which was in the process of being enlarged, and to
the fact that the Company by a grant from the Crown of May 13,
1838, had for a period of twenty-one years secured the monopoly
of trading with the natives west of the Rocky Mountains.7 This
was the opening gun in the Hudson's Bay Company's campaign
for control of British Oregon.
On September 12, 1846, James Stephen reported as follows
on the topics mentioned in Sir John Pelly's letter:—
It is scarcely possible to determine what are the limits of the Territory
of the Hudson's Bay Company. But I suppose it to be quite clear that Van
Couver's Island and our part of the Oregon Territory are not within those
limits. The Company have no proprietary or other rights there, save only
the right which they derive under the License of the year 1838 for 21 years
(4) For the text of this treaty see British and Foreign State Papers,
XXXIV., pp. 14-15.
(5) Sir John Henry Pelly (1777-1852), created baronet in 1840. For
a sketch of his career see E. E. Rich (ed.), The Letters of John McLoughlin,
second series, Toronto and London, 1943, pp. 399-401.
(6) Henry George, 3rd Earl Grey (1802-94), Secretary of State for
War and the Colonies, 1846-52.
(7) For original MS. of this letter see CO., Vancouver Island, 305:1.
It was printed, together with selections from correspondence dealing with
the transfer of Vancouver Island to the Hudson's Bay Company, in Parliamentary Papers (hereafter cited as P.P.), August 10, 1848, 619. Pelly
brought the letter in person to Lord Grey who on the same day, September
7, 1846, asked Stephen to report on this question. The complete correspondence with drafts, letters, minutes, and memoranda are found in CO., 305:1.
All quotations from original sources given in this paper are from this volume
unless otherwise indicated. For a brief discussion of the transfer of Vancouver Island see W. P. Morrell, British Colonial Policy in the Age of Peel
and Russell, Oxford, 1930, pp. 444-446. 1945 James Stephen. 261
to trade exclusively with the Indians and to carry on the Fur Trade. But
that License expressly reserves to the Crown the right of founding Colonies
and of establishing any form of Civil Gov.ment within the Territory comprized in the License. Consequently the Company have no right, in strictness of Law, so far as I can perceive, to any land in Van Couver's Island
or elsewhere, westward of the Rocky Mountains, and there may be serious
difficulty in assenting to the application they now make. It wd., I think be
hardly consistent with the terms of their Charter. It wd. be very unusual
to grant Lands to any Company or indeed to any one else in the vague and
comprehensive manner here suggested and without any previous inquiry.
Probably also the United States' Gov'ment wd, object to such an act. The
Company at the date of the Treaty of Washington [Oregon Boundary
Treaty, 1846] had no Proprietary or other rights in the Oregon Territory
save only under the License of 1838 which License must expire in 1859.
Now the Treaty which gave to British subjects the right of navigating the
Columbia in order to trade with the Company, and which declared the navigation of the River free to the Company must, I presume, be understood as
having been made with the full knowledge of the fact that the Company's
rights westward of the Rocky Mountains will expire in 1859. Now to give
to that Company a new interest and title in Lands in those regions wd. be
said to be an attempt to prolong beyond 1859 the right of navigation.
Whether this objection wd. be well-founded I do not undertake to say. All
I wd. suggest is that caution should be used in laying any ground for it.8
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies,
Benjamin Hawes,9 agreed with James Stephen that the Hudson's
Bay Company had no rights under the charter to territory west
of the Rocky Mountains, but he thought that the Company might
hold land, which Stephen apparently doubted. Hawes did not
believe that the Oregon Treaty precluded granting Vancouver
Island to the Hudson's Bay Company. He was anxious to preserve for British subjects the right to navigate the Columbia
River, and observed that the Canadian right to navigate the
Mississippi had been lost by a geographical blunder. The British
Government must be careful lest the rights on the Columbia
should be lost through a diplomatic omission.
The opinion of the Colonial Secretary, Lord Grey, was
recorded in a minute dated September 16, 1846.    He wrote:—
This is a very difficult and important question. Looking to the encroaching spirit of the U. S. I think it is of importance to strengthen the B[riti]sh
(8) Original MS., CO., 305:1.
(9) Afterwards Sir Benjamin (1797-1862), Parliamentary Under-
Secretary for the Colonies, 1846-51. Hawes's memorandum is undated, but
it was obviously written after Stephen's report of September 12 and before
Grey's minute (see below) of September 16. 262 Paul Knaplund. October
hold upon the territory now assigned to us by treaty by encouraging the
settlement upon it by B[riti]sh subjects; and I am also of opin[io]n that
such settlement cd. only be advantageously effected under the auspices of
the Hudson's Bay Co. wh. I am therefore disposed to encourage — But certainly great care must be taken in adopting any measures with this view to
avoid any irregularity or informality — Instead of writing a letter throwing
a doubt on the right of the Co. to lands they now occupy, the best course
I think wd. be for Mr. Hawes and Mr. Stephen together to have an interview with Sir J. Pelly in order to ascertain clearly from him what rights
the Co. claims — what they now wish to have done — and what measure
may now safely and properly be adopted with a view to establishing more
B[riti]sh settlers in this territory.
Lord Grey suggested that a letter should be written pointing
out that Grey was leaving London, and that Pelly should consult
Hawes and Stephen. On September 21, 1846, Hawes wrote such
a letter, and a conference between Hawes, Stephen, and Sir John
Pelly took place at the Colonial Office two days later. Memoranda by Stephen and Hawes recording what took place at this
interview are dated September 24, 1846.
Stephen's memorandum is a lengthy document summarizing
answers by Pelly to questions asked. From these Stephen drew
the following conclusions:—
1st That the Hudson's Bay Company was unable to
define the extent of the territory granted to it by
the charter of 1670 except that this territory included all lands drained by rivers falling into
Hudson Bay.10
2nd That the Company claimed no rights west of the
Rocky Mountains save the general powers of trading with Indians and from the license to carry on
trade in the Oregon country which would expire
in 1859.
3rd That it was doubtful if the Company had any right
in " British Oregon " except those under Act of
Parliament by which the license was granted and
under the license itself " so that, after the year
1859, the Company wd. have no rights at all in any
.  British Territory West of the Rocky Mountains,
(10) For the text of the Hudson's Bay Co.'s charter see Minutes of the
Hudson's Bay Company 1671-1674, ed. by E. E. Rich, Toronto, 1942, pp.
121-148. 1945 James Stephen. 263
save only such rights, if any, as may be now, or
hereafter, conferred upon them."
" 4th That the Hudson's Bay Company have certainly no
right to the soil in the British Territory West of the
Rocky Mountains, or to any part, however inconsiderable, of that soil.
" 5th That it is very doubtful whether, consistently with
their Charter, the Company could accept the grant
of any such Lands.
" 6th That, therefore, it wd. be better that whatever may
may be granted, shd. be so granted, not to the Company, but to a subordinate Association [the Puget
Sound Agricultural Association] which some Members of the Company have formed in their personal
and independent characters, and to wh. Association
really belong all the Possessions of the Company in
American Oregon.
" 7th That the real object and wish of the Company is
not to have any grant of Land either to themselves
or to the Association but merely, to have an assurance that if Vancouver's Island shall hereafter, be
brought within, and under, any Colonial Gov.ment;
and if the Company or the Association shall then
appear to possess the requisite Legal competency to
acquire and hold lands within the limits of any
such Gov.ment, then a grant shall be made to them of
the Lands they have already occupied: and, further, that they shall not, in the interval, be disturbed in the occupation of them.
" 8th To this is to be added that the Company have no
maps or other means of showing what the Lands
which they have so occupied are, nor what the exact
extent of them may be, though it is supposed to
exceed 1,000 acres.
" 9th Sir John Pelly had no definite plan for Colonizing
the Country but expressed his readiness to concur
with any other persons who might be interesting
themselves on the subject in devising such a plan." 264 Paul Knaplund. October
James Stephen remarked further: " From these statements
it may, I think, be concluded that the right answer to the present
application from the Company is that their first step must be to
specify, with greater distinctness, what is the particular Territory to which their application refers, and to state whether they
are of opinion that the Hudson's Bay Company are legally
capable of becoming owners of those or any other Lands in
H. M's Dominions West of the Rocky Mountains. This last
inquiry will lead to a statement regarding the Association of
which Body we have, as yet, no knowledge, save only as far as
it is derived from Sir John Pelly's conversation."
Hawes wrote to Lord Grey, September 24,1846, that Stephen's
statement contained an exact account of what took place in the
interview with Pelly. As additional information Hawes mentioned that Pelly had compared the climate of Vancouver Island
with that of England; that corn and wool had been exported
from the Hudson's Bay Company's settlement on the island to
the establishments on the Willamette River; that the Company
had supplied its farms with agricultural implements and was
willing to send more; and that the island had harbours suitable
for naval stations. This might be important for Britain in case
the United States acquired San Francisco.11 Upon receiving
this letter, Grey wrote on September 25: " These facts are of
considerable importance and will make it necessary soon to consider what is to be done as to colonizing this territory—in the
meantime the answ. suggested by Stephen shd. be sent."
On October 3, 1846, Hawes wrote to Pelly, in behalf of Lord
Grey, inquiring how much territory the Company desired to
secure, and asking for a detailed description of this territory,
and whether the Hudson's Bay Company could hold land west of
the Rocky Mountains.12
In reply Sir John Pelly on October 24, 1846, stated that the
charter of the Hudson's Bay Company did not preclude the holding of land west of the Rockies; new areas might simply be
added to Rupert's Land. He considered it important that Vancouver Island should be colonized by Britain, and its natives
(11) San Francisco and California were included in the large area ceded
by Mexico to the United States by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo,
February 2, 1848.
(12) Printed in P.P., op cit., pp. 3-4. 1945 James Stephen. 265
Christianized; and he expressed the belief that these ends could
be best achieved by placing the island under the control of the
Hudson's Bay Company. Enclosed with this letter was a report
by Chief Factor Douglas13 of July 12, 1842, with description of
the territory desired by the Company.14
This letter with enclosures was referred to Stephen, who
after a careful examination of it presented a lengthy report,
dated November 25, 1846. In this report Stephen called attention to discrepancies between claims made by Pelly in the letter
of October 24 and what he stated at the interview of September 23. On the earlier date Pelly had explained that by creating
the Puget Sound Agricultural Company the Hudson's Bay Company had overcome legal obstacles to holding land west of the
Rockies, while now he asserted that the legal competence of the
Hudson's Bay Company was undoubted. Then he said that the
Company did not want a grant of land but only assurance that
it should be allowed to keep what it controlled, while now he
renewed the application for an additional land grant.
Stephen observed: " My inference is that he has no steady
opinion on the subject." In discussing the request of the Hudson's Bay Company, Stephen wrote:—
I shd. dissuade a grant for the following reasons:—1st, Sir John Pelly is
even yet unable to describe the Lands to be granted with any degree of
precision. 2nly, To grant Lands is impliedly to promise to the Grantees
protection in the enjoyment of them. 31y, To accept such a grant wd.,
I believe, be to infringe the spirit, if not the letter, of the Company's
Charter. 41y, To make such a Grant wd. be to give needless umbrage to
the Americans, who wd. say that it was done in order to impart to their
late Treaty with us in a wider sense and a more enduring effect than properly belongs to it, or than was contemplated by the contracting parties.
And, 51y, Every useful end could, I think, be answered by a simpler method.
I would give the Company an assurance that they shd. not be dispossessed of any Lands on which they have already entered, or on which they
may yet enter, within some definite time, provided, that, within Ten years
from the date of their first occupation of such Lands, they shd. make and
(13) James (later Sir James) Douglas (1803-77), Governor of Vancouver Island, 1851-63, and of British Columbia, 1858-64. See Walter H.
Sage, Sir James Douglas and British Columbia, Toronto, 1930.
(14) This letter was received at the Colonial Office on October 28.
Frederic Rogers observed that it made no mention of the method by which
the Hudson's Bay Company hoped to hold this land. Hawes suggested,
October 30, that the letter should be referred to Stephen, and Grey agreed. 266 Paul Knaplund. October
shd. be able to prove the having made, an expenditure on them in Buildings,
or other permanent works, equal to £10 per acre; and provided that the
Lands so occupied, and improved, shd. be surrendered up, if requisite, as the
site of any Works required, for the Public defences or other Public interest
of any future Colony within the limits of which they might fall.
Furthermore, Stephen complained that Pelly's letter did not
advance the discussion of colonization beyond " what has already
been written."
Hawes agreed with Stephen16 that Pelly had in his letter put
" a larger construction " upon the charter of the Hudson's Bay
Company than he did in the interview. " What passed upon that
occasion," wrote Hawes, " Mr. Stephen, in my opinion most
accurately recorded." On the other hand, Hawes felt that the
terms proposed by Stephen were discouraging where they should
be encouraging, because it was important to have settlements
established on Vancouver Island, which had a good harbour, and
whose climate and soil favoured agriculture. Hawes said further : " Without the agency of the H. Bay Co. I despair of any
speedy colonization mov[emen]t in that quarter, except at the
Expense of the Treasury." He believed that to require an expenditure of £10 per acre within 10 years with surrender without
compensation would prevent all enterprise, and he suggested
instead that the grant of Vancouver Island to the Hudson's Bay
Company should be made on conditions similar to those stipulated in the case of the Auckland Islands, where the Government
had agreed to pay for improvements on land required for public
purposes. " It must not be forgotten," observed Hawes, " that
we are now dealing with a Company of both standing and
capital—and sound policy."
Lord Grey agreed with Hawes16 in considering it very desirable to encourage the Company in colonizing Vancouver Island.
" I shd. have no objctn (reserving a power to the Crown of
resuming possession in payment of the value of improvements)
to granting a long lease provided Mr. Stephen thinks there is
not the same legal objctn to a lease as to a grant."
Stephen concurred17 in the advisability of encouraging the
Company to establish settlements, but he saw no real distinction
(15) Minute by Benjamin Hawes, dated November 25, 1846.
(16) Grey's remarks are dated November 26.
(17) On November 27. 1945 James Stephen. 267
between grant in perpetuity and a long-term lease. He would,
however, advise a grant in perpetuity if the law officers of the
Crown considered this legal under the charter and if the Foreign
Secretary, Lord Palmerston, said that there was " no objection
to it as far as respects our relations to the United States."
But Stephen adhered to his conviction that the grant, whether in
perpetuity or for a term of years, should include the reservation
concerning resumption without compensation.
Grey then instructed Stephen18 to draft a letter to Pelly.
This had been accomplished by December 3, 1846. In his draft
Stephen stated that the Government would be happy to consider
specific measures proposed by the Hudson's Bay Company or by
private individuals for colonization in British Oregon. Land
might be granted to the Company provided (1) it could get
an opinion from the law officers that this would be consistent
with its charter; (2) the Foreign Secretary saw no objection to
such a grant from the standpoint of relations with the United
States; (3) that the Company accepted the condition that the
land it secured would automatically revert to the Crown if within
a ten-year period £10 per acre had not been expended on buildings and other permanent improvements; and (4) if the Company agreed " to the stipulation that land should be surrendered
to the Crown without compensation if needed for the public
defence " or " otherwise for the Public benefit, of any future
Colony within the limits of which such Lands may fall."
Hawes and Grey considered these terms too onerous.19
The former repeated his advice that the precedent set in the case
of the Auckland Islands should apply to Vancouver Island, and
the latter saw no need for mentioning the United States.
He would confer privately with Lord Palmerston concerning this
point. On December 7, Grey reported that Palmerston had " no
objctn to allow the Co. to colonize Vancouver island but on the
contrary considers it desirable that we shd. as soon as possible
do acts of ownership there."
Stephen then prepared another letter20 in which Grey was to
express readiness to make grants of land to the Hudson's Bay
(18) November 29.
(19) The observations are dated December 5, 1846.
(20) The draft is dated December 10; it was approved by Hawes the
same day and by Grey the day following.    The official letter, dated December 268 Paul Knaplund. October
Company if land-holding were not inconsistent with its charter.
Land within this grant needed for defence or public works might
be taken over by the Government upon paying the cost of actual
improvements made upon it by the Company.
Shortly after the receipt of Grey's letter, Sir John Pelly
transmitted to the Colonial Office the opinion of the law officers
that under its charter the Hudson's Bay Company had the power
to hold land in British territory west of the Rocky Mountains.
Hawes then informed Pelly that the Government was ready to
consider a proposition from the Company relative to grant of
land in the Oregon territory.21 On March 5, 1847, Pelly's draft
of an agreement assigning to the Hudson's Bay Company all
British territory north and west of Rupert's Land was drawn
up.22 Three days after this document reached the Colonial
Office Stephen wrote the following memorandum, addressed to
It seems to me that this calls for much more explanation than is here
given. The Hudson's Bay Co. propose that the whole of the Oregon Territory shd. be granted to them as Lords and Owners of it, exactly in the manner in wh. the ancient proprietary Gov.ments were constituted on the North
American Continent in the 16th and 17th Centuries. Without a word of
preliminary discussion (so far as I know) they have sent the dft of a
Charter to accomplish this object. My own belief is that to execute such
a scheme now wd. be impracticable, unconstitutional, and illegal; and that
even if it were otherwise, it wd. be indispensable to ascertain 1st That the
H. B. Company are capable of such a grant—a point wh. the recent opinion
of the Law Officers of the Crown does not ascertain. Secondly, That they
have resources and capital available for the Colonization and Settlement, of
this Territory—a subject on wh. they say nothing. Thirdly—That they
have some well-considered plans of proceeding, wh. is here taken for granted.
Fourthly, That it wd. be possible to maintain a Proprietary Lordship with
powers independent of the Crown and Parliament, in the immediate vicinity
of the Great Nation now peopling the North American Continent—a circumstance wh: totally changes the present state of such a questn. from the
state of corresponding questions in the reigns of Elizabeth and the Stuart
14, 1846, is printed in P.P., op. cit., p. 8, but this version contains no reference to the conditions upon which land might be taken over by the Crown.
(21) The opinion of the law officers was dated January 19, 1847; it was
transmitted to the Colonial Office on January 22; and Hawes wrote to Pelly
on February 2. The letters, but not the opinion of the law officers, are
printed in P.P., op. cit., pp. 8-9.
(22) Ibid., p. 9. 1945 James Stephen. 269
family. Fifthly, That there is any good reason why if we are to have a
Colony at all at Oregon, we shd. not also have the Electoral and other
Franchises prevailing in every other part of the North American Continent.
Sixthly, That there is any good reason why the Crown shd. abdicate to this,
or to any other Company the prerogative, privilege and duty, of Colonization if Colonization be desirable. Seventhly, That it is politic to establish
in the 19th Century a new Proprietary Govmt. in defiance of the proofs wh:
all History furnishes of the impossibility of maintaining such a Govmt. any
longer than the inhabitants are too few and too feeble to shake it off. Long
before the American War the Colonists had thrown off every vestige of
those Institutions; and had universally established the Representative form;
buying up the rights of the Lord proprietors at a heavy expense of money;
or trampling upon them at a still heavier expense of Justice. For the
reasons, wh: I thus rapidly suggest, it seems to me that this scheme is a
very unmeaning one, and merits no encouragement.
Sir John Pelly had clearly overshot the mark and Hawes
wrote: " I quite agree with Mr. Stephen that it is quite impossible to make this grant with or without an explanation." This
was, also, the opinion of Lord Grey who informed Pelly that the
Company must submit a more moderate plan.23
No official reply was made to the Hudson's Bay Company's
proposal of March 5, 1847. The negotiations concerning Vancouver Island were in abeyance until early in 1848, when J. E.
Fitzgerald presented a proposal to form a company for working
coal deposits and establish a colony on Vancouver Island.24
(23) On Hawes's minute, dated March 10, is found the following marginal note: " I have seen Sir J. Pelly who will communicate with Mr. Hawes
and submit some less extensive demand. GTrevI 25/3 l"1847"l"
(24) For a biographical sketch of James Edward Fitzgerald see G. H.
Scholefield (ed.), Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Wellington, 1940,
I., pp. 256-8. Beginning in June, 1847, Fitzgerald wrote numerous letters
to the Colonial Office advocating colonization of Vancouver Island by a joint-
stock company. For selections from this correspondence see P.P., op. cit.,
and " Report of the Provincial Archives Department of the Province of
British Columbia, 1913 " in Sessional Papers, 1914, pp. V 55-V 68.
It appears that Fitzgerald at first thought it would be possible to work
with the Hudson's Bay Company. In a letter to Hawes of June 9, 1847, he
expressed the opinion that the Company would not oppose his project (original MS., CO., 305:1), and in February, 1848, he had an interview with
Pelly and supplied the latter with a prospectus of a company organized
" for the Purpose of Working the Coal, and Establishing a Colony in Vancouver's Island." No agreement was reached. From then on Pelly sought
to obtain the island for the Hudson's Bay Company, and Fitzgerald became
the bitter opponent of this project.    During the latter part of 1848 and in 270 Paul Knaplund. October
Lord Grey then let Pelly know that the Government was anxious
for the colonization of the island and would consider propositions
from the Hudson's Bay Company more limited in scope than
those of March 5, 1847. Stephen was no longer permanent
Under-Secretary in the Colonial Office,25 but was consulted by
his successor, Herman Merivale,26 concerning the terms of grant
outlined by Sir John Pelly in a draft of April 15,1848.
On June 21, 1848, Merivale reported to Hawes that Stephen
had suggested that nothing should be granted to the Hudson's
Bay Company except land in Vancouver Island. " The reason
is," Merivale wrote, " that the power of the Crown in these days
to make a grant like Charles 2nd's and to transfer to the Company the right of governing British subjects is to say the least
1849 he wrote numerous letters to W. E. Gladstone (original MSS,, the
Gladstone Papers) accusing the Company of being oppressive, monopolistic,
and hostile to colonization. This material formed the basis for Gladstone's
attacks on the Company in the House of Commons. See Hansard, 3d series,
CI. pp. 268-89, 315; CIIL, pp. 1355-9, 1361-2. Fitzgerald also inspired
attacks upon the Company by J. R. Godley in leading articles in the Morning
Chronicle, 1848 and 1849. Another opponent of the Company was Lieutenant Adam D. Dundas, R.N., who for two years had been stationed
" within limits of Fort Vancouver." Since his brother was a Member of
the House of Commons this testimony could not be disregarded. Among the
supporters of Pelly's proposal was Charles Enderby, who with his brother
had been given the right to establish whaling stations on the Auckland
Islands, and who contemplated making Vancouver Island their headquarters
for whale-hunting in the North Pacific. Of greater weight, however, was
the aid which Pelly secured from the Governor-General of Canada, Lord
Elgin. In a letter to Grey of June 6, 1848, Elgin wrote that he had instituted inquiries concerning the conduct of the Hudson's Bay Company in
Rupert's Land, and received favourable reports on its activities. Moreover,
he cautioned that to throw open the trade of British Oregon might have
dangerous consequences.
Another famous person who took an interest in Vancouver Island was
Samuel Cunard, the great shipping magnate. On January 3, 1848, he called
the attention of the Admiralty to the coal deposits of the island, and suggested that they should be reserved for the use of the Crown. He warned
that unless something was done soon the mines might fall into the hands
of Americans.
(25) He retired in October, 1847, and was made a Privy Councillor. For
the next few years he was the guiding spirit of the revived Privy Council
Committee on Trade and Foreign Plantations.
(26) Herman Merivale (1806-74), Under-Secretary in the Colonial
Office, 1847-59. 1945 James Stephen. 271
very questionable. I should therefore suggest (if the Company
accept these terms) that a simple Commission and Instructions
should be issued as nearly contemporaneous with the grant as
may be to any governor whom the Company may choose to
appoint with the Crown's sanction empowering him to govern
and make laws with the advice of an assembly of inhabitants.
This Sir J. Stephen considers perfectly legal. But this governor
must be responsible not to the Company but to the Secretary of
State. Nothing short of an Act of Parlt. can make this otherwise."
Hawes agreed with Merivale that the government of Vancouver Island under the Company should be placed in the hands
of a governor and an assembly but he did not see why the Company's governor should be responsible to the Colonial Office.27
Grey wrote on June 24, 1848, that since the governor " wd.
be restrained by an Assbly represent, the inhabitants I can see
no danger in allowg. the Compy. to select him. . . ." With
the main points in dispute settled the road was cleared for
an official presentation of the Hudson's Bay Company's terms
for securing control of Vancouver Island. These were submitted
to the Committee of the Privy Council for Trade and Foreign
Plantations, of which Sir James Stephen was a member.
Amendments to the grant contained in the report of this committee bear the imprint of the ex-Under-Secretary. Reluctant
to hand such a rich prize as Vancouver Island over to the Hudson's Bay Company, he, till the end, insisted upon hedging
restrictions which would safeguard public interests.
Paul Knaplund.
The University op Wisconsin,
Madison, Wisconsin.
(27) At this time Benjamin Hawes showed little enthusiasm for transferring Vancouver Island to the Hudson's Bay Company, which he did not
think would do much to promote colonization. See undated memorandum
written some time between June 21 and June 24, 1848. Original MS., CO.,
305:1. Grey, on the other hand, favoured this transfer and hostile critics
called attention to the fact that a leading member of the Committee of the
Hudson's Bay Company, Edward Ellice the elder (1781-1863), had been
married to an aunt of Lord Grey and that Lady Elgin was Lord Grey's niece. EARLY TRAILS OF BURRARD PENINSULA.*
The accompanying map showing the evolution of communications on Burrard Peninsula was compiled from a number of
sources, including the Map of New Westminster, by Woods and
Turner, 1882 (in the Provincial Archives), and a Map of Burrard Inlet, by Albert J. Hill (in the Vancouver City Archives).
A British Admiralty chart of I8601 shows a trail from the
Royal Engineers' Camp (New Westminster), extending northward to Burrard Inlet. This very early route antedated the
North Road, but was soon superseded by it and fell quickly into
disuse. The original military trail, later called the False Creek
Road,2 was extended as far as False Creek, although it wasr surveyed to the " outer anchorage," near the present Jericho Beach.
A Royal Engineers' map of 18613 shows the proposed extension
as completed, but it is very doubtful if the actual construction
was carried out.
Hill's Map of Burrard Inlet shows a road proceeding from
the North Road in an easterly direction, following the trend of
the Inlet to the " wharf." Presumably this road was built to
facilitate the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, commenced in 1882. Lots were cleared on the site of Port Moody in
1883, and in December of that year Clarke's Road was built from
the North Road to the Inlet. Shortly after this a stage began
operating twice daily between Port Moody and New West-
* Editor's Note.—The sketch-map that accompanied the article entitled
Some Early Roads and Trails in New Westminster District, by W. N.
Draper, which appeared in the January issue of this Quarterly, has been,
found to be in many details either incomplete or inaccurate. Mr. T. R. Weir
kindly undertook to prepare the thorough revision that is here presented.
It remains to add that Mr. Draper was in no way responsible for the
deficiencies of the map that appeared with his article.
(1) No. 1922.
(2) See, for example, George A. Keefer's map, New Westminster District, 1880.
(3) British Columbia. New Westminster to Lillooet from a General
Map in Preparation by the Royal Engineers. Copy in Provincial Archives.
The legend states that this map was made under the direction of Captain
Parsons at New Westminster in August, 1861, by order of Colonel Moody.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IX., No. 4.
273  Early Trails op Burrard Peninsula. 275
minster. The same route is followed to-day, with the result that
the North Road beyond the junction with Clarke's Road has
become overgrown through disuse.
The people of New Westminster journeyed over the Douglas
Road to Brighton (subsequently Hastings), where swimming in
the waters of the Inlet was a favourite pastime. History is
repeating itself, in that the same spot to-day is the site of a supervised swimming-pool maintained by the City of Vancouver.
Many of the original boundaries and place-names have been
changed in recent years. Near Moody's Mill sprang up the
settlement of Moodyville, which became a part of the incorporated City of North Vancouver. Coal Peninsula, so called because coal measures were known to underlie the area, became
Stanley Park. Maps of the seventies and eighties commonly
show Burrard Inlet as extending from the First Narrows to
Port Moody, although earlier Admiralty charts, as well as those
of the present day, correctly define it as extending from a line
between Point Atkinson and Point Grey eastward to the extremity of the Inlet. English Bay is a much smaller body of water,
formed by the jutting of Stanley Park peninsula into Burrard
Inlet. The North Arm of the Fraser River appears on an early
naval chart as North Fork,4 which name might well have been
retained, since the present one is easily confused with an arm of
Burrard Inlet. Thomas r Wejr
Vancouver, B.C.
(4) Admiralty Chart No. 1922, dated 1860. David Stuart.
' From a copy of a daguerreotype furnished by
Mrs. Charles Lester Marlatt, Washington, D.C. DAVID STUART: OKANAGAN PATHFINDER
To reach Kamloops from the region to the south one travels
up the far-famed Okanagan Valley and crosses over to the
Thompson River. It is a pleasant journey through open country,
past khaki bare or lightly timbered hills, shimmering blue lakes,
extensive orchards and farms, and through prosperous towns—
a district which justifiably is proud of its sunshine, scenery, and
It is a route that relates far into the past. One of the oldest
regularly used travel routes in British Columbia, it is 134 years
since the first white men, a party of four brave souls, travelled
it from end to end. Not gold-miners, stock-ranchers, fruitgrowers, nor health-seekers, were they, but fur-hunters. While
engaged far to the south they had heard of an abundance of
pelts in the region beyond.   They came to investigate.
Kamloops' fur-trading days are long since gone,1 but it is to
fur that the Okanagan Valley owes its discovery, and the Interior
city its origin. Fur put Kamloops on the map, and gave it the
double distinction of being the first permanent white settlement
in Southern British Columbia, and the only place in the Province founded under American auspices. Fort McLeod (founded
in 1805) and Fort St. James (1806) are far to the north. Fort
Langley dates from 1827. Kamloops was founded by a Scottish
partner of a New York fur company in 1812.
Like many of his contemporaries in the Far West, the subject of our sketch was a Highland Scotsman. Born at Balquhid-
der, Perthshire, on December 22, 1765,2 and named David, he
(1) See F. Henry Johnson, " Pur-trading Days at Kamloops," British
Columbia Historical Quarterly, I. (1937), pp. 171-85.
(2) According to his gravestone. Philip Ashton Rollins, The Discovery
of the Oregon Trail. Robert Stuart's Narratives of his overland trip Eastward from Astoria in 1812-18. New York and London, 1935, p. 18, also
mentions another date (December 19, 1766), but on investigation this turns
out to be the date of christening, as recorded at the General Registry Office,
Edinburgh. Information given the writer by Mrs. Charles Lester Marlatt,
of Washington, D.C, a great-granddaughter of David Stuart's nephew,
Robert Stuart.
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IX., No. 4.
277 278 A. G. Harvey. October
was of the Royal Stuart (or Stewart; originally Steward) family,3 founded by Walter Fitz Alan, Lord High Steward of Scotland, whose son (grandson of Robert Bruce) became King of
Scotland as Robert II. in 1371. His great-grandfather was the
famous Alexander Stuart, who successfully crossed swords with
the notorious freebooter, Rob Roy.4 Two other members of the
clan were prominent in the early affairs of the Northwest: John
Stuart (1779-1847), a cousin of David's, who accompanied
Simon Fraser on his memorable descent of the river bearing his
name, and Robert Stuart (1785-1848), David's nephew, the
discoverer of the Oregon Trail.6
David was the younger son of James McTavish McAlester
Stuart6 (Seumas na Coille, "James in the Wood"), farmer, of
Tigh-na-coil, Cuilt, Balquhidder,7 who had served as a private
in the 42nd Royal Highland Regiment ("Black Watch")8 and
retired with the rank of Captain.9 Nothing is known of his early
life, but we may assume that he was educated at the parish
school (the family was Presbyterian, the established church10),
and helped on his father's farm. In 1796 the father died,11 and
before the end of the century David had emigrated to America,
where he engaged in fur-trading in Nova Scotia12 and Lower
Canada,13 and in fishing in Labrador.14 It was at his suggestion
that nephew Robert came from Scotland in 1807 and joined the
North West Company, with which uncle David was then
engaged.16   Thenceforth the lives of the two men were much in
(3) The family tradition, according to David Stuart, was that they
descended from the earliest or main branch of the Stuarts.    Mrs. Marlatt.
(4) Mrs. Marlatt.
(5) See Rollins, op. cit.
(6) Mrs. Marlatt.
(7) Rollins, pp. xxxv.-vi.
(8) Ibid.
(9) Mrs. Marlatt.
(10) Ibid.
(11) Rollins, p. xxxvi.
(12) Daily Advertiser, Detroit, October 19, 1853.
(13) Rollins, p. xxxvii.
(14) Washington Irving, Astoria, Ideal Library edition, Chicago, 1894,
pp. 49, 52; Charles C Trowbridge, " Sketch of the life of Hon. Robert
Stuart," Michigan Pioneer Collections, III. (1879-80), p. 53.
(15) Rollins, p. xxxvii. 1945 David Stuart. 279
common, more as if they were father and son (David was twenty
years the elder) than uncle and nephew. Wherever they went
their breeding and ability made them stand out among their
associates, by whom they were regarded as " very uncommon
men."16 They did not forget their ancestry, and even in republican America used the Royal Stuart coat-of-arms with its crest
of a demi-lion rampant surmounted by the motto, Nobilis ira est
leonis'(Noble is the anger of the lion), contracted by usage to
Nobilis ira.17
In 1810 both men were induced to join John Jacob Astor in
his great venture, the Pacific Fur Company. The New York
merchant badly wanted men of experience, and to such he made
attractive proposals of partnerships without financial obligation, he furnishing the capital and assuming all the risk. Accordingly he offered David Stuart four shares out of a total of one
hundred, and Robert a clerkship with prospect of a partnership.
They accepted, and on September 6, 1810, with several others
they embarked at New York on the long journey via Cape Horn
and the Sandwich Islands to the mouth of the Columbia River.18
It was a perilous voyage. The vessel (the ill-fated Tonquin
of the Nootka disaster) sprang a leak three times and got on
fire twice. Tempestuous gales tore the sails into rags and ripped
loose the rigging, while mountainous waves broke over the ship
and washed the deck cargo overboard. Raging even more bitterly was the human element on board. Throughout the journey
there existed between choleric Captain Thorn and the fur-
traders a continual feud which broke out spasmodically over
various incidents and was marked by reciprocal threats to blow
the other's brains out. On two of these occasions, when pistols
were seized ready for use, it fell to David Stuart to play the
role of peacemaker. Well qualified by age (45), good sense,
and a kindly but firm and fearless disposition (" a good old soul,"
(16) Trowbridge, op. cit., p. 53.
(17) Mrs. Marlatt.
(18) Alexander Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or
Columbia River, London, 1849; Lakeside Classics edition, Chicago, 1923, pp.
9-11, 16. 280 A. G. Harvey. October
Alexander Ross calls him19), he intervened at the right moment
and bloodshed, perhaps mutiny, was averted.20
At the Falkland Islands, where they stopped for water, the
Captain, taking offence at a harmless practical joke, sailed away,
callously leaving Stuart and eight others to their fate on the
inhospitable shore. However, he was forced to turn back by
Robert Stuart's threat to shoot him. Ross, who was one of those
marooned, has left us a vivid account of the incident.21
Towards the end of March, 1811, the Tonquin scraped across
the treacherous bar at the mouth of the Columbia, where Thorn's
cruel and despotic conduct climaxed in the loss of eight of his
own men, who had been ordered into small boats to find a channel. Finally, on April 12, the fur-trading party,. consisting of
thirty-three men (including eleven Sandwich Islanders), all
under the leadership of Duncan McDougall, one of the partners,
landed at the mouth of the river and, handicapped by sidkness,
hunger, and the necessity of working " with an axe in one hand
and a gun in the other " to guard against prowling savages who
succeeded in killing three of their number, founded Astoria, the
first American settlement on the Pacific Coast.22 The difficulties
were aggravated by Astor's choice of McDougall. " All things
considered," says Hubert Howe Bancroft, the well-known historian, " David Stuart, with his mild determination and humane
fearlessness, would have made the best manager."23
But Astoria was not to be an only post. No sooner had foundations been laid and trade begun than consideration was given
to the setting-up of posts in the Interior, as contemplated by
Astor. Haste was necessary owing to the advance of rival
traders. So, on July 22, David Stuart and eight men, including
Alexander Ross, started up the river. They travelled in two
clumsy Chinook canoes  (equipped with sails and oars), laden
(19) Ibid.,p. 18.
(20) For Ross's account of the voyage see ibid., pp. 16-68.
(21) Ibid., pp. 26-9.
(22) Save as otherwise noted the authority for these and the following
statements regarding David Stuart's experiences in the Pacific Northwest is
Alexander Ross, op. cit. Small discrepancies in dates, etc., unimportant for
the present purpose, occur in narratives by other writers.
(23) Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of the Northwest Coast, San Francisco, 1884, II., p. 215. 1945 David Stuart. 281
with about 1,500 lb. of freight (including leaf tobacco, cotton
cloth, and trinkets, for trade with the Indians), as they were to
winter away. For mutual protection and safety they travelled
some distance in company with David Thompson, of the North
West Company, who with nine men was returning from his
reconnoitre down the Columbia. They might have fared badly
had they been alone, for, according to Thompson, " Mr. David
Stuart and his Men were in a manner unarmed, and the Natives
who were all well armed viewed them with a kind of contempt."24
Anxious for relief from the harassing and dangerous situation at Astoria, they went on to meet more hardships. Poorly
equipped for the journey, and inexperienced with dugout canoes,
they were ill-suited for overcoming the strong rapid current which
bore down on them relentlessly. Sometimes their progress was
only a mile an hour. At other times they were swamped and
nearly drowned. There were long portages across which the
canoes had to be dragged and goods carried, while hordes of
covetous Indians—armed and painted, making them objects of
terror—crowded round, threatening and pilfering. In some
places the banks of the river were literally lined with them.
Nights were spent on guard against marauders or in smoking
with approachable chiefs, while all around their men, women
and children danced, sang, and smoked. On occasions when
attack seemed imminent, the chiefs were induced to come into
Stuart's camp and spend the night smoking—a bit of strategy
which, though successful, meant sitting up all night.
Described as " one of those intrepid souls who are born without fear,"26 the Scotsman combined with his fearlessness a dignity and a winsomeness which overcame the aborigines. " His
eye saw everything at a glance," says Ross, " and his mild and
insinuating manners won their affections." As a result he succeeded in getting his party through without loss of life or serious
As they proceeded inland the natives became less troublesome. They helped with the portaging, being paid ten metal
buttons for each piece carried.   The chiefs were given toys or
(24) J. B. Tyrrell (ed.), David Thompson's Narrative of His Explorations in Western America 1784-1812, Toronto, 1916, p. 511.
(25) Trowbridge, op. cit., p. 54. 282 A. G. Harvey. October
other presents. One of them was highly pleased with a suit of
Stuart's clothes.
Farther still they became quite friendly, and by the time the
" Oakinacken "26 River was reached they begged the whites to
settle among them, pledging themselves " to be always our
friends, to kill us plenty of beavers, to furnish us at all times
with provisions, and to ensure our protection and safety." While
the general aspect of the place was barren and dreary, the valley
through which the stream meandered presented a pleasing landscape. Moreover, in the afternoon the western sky showed a
brilliant comet which the natives said was put there by the Great
Mother of Life as a good omen of the party's arrival.
Accepting the invitation, Stuart unloaded his canoes on September 1, after the irksome voyage of some 600 miles,27 and
began erecting out of driftwood a small dwelling which was to
be Fort Okanagan, the first and principal inland post of the
Pacific Fur Company. Then, sending four of the men back to
Astoria and leaving Ross to finish the building, Stuart with the
other three men (two of whom were French-Canadians, Ovide
de Montigny and Boulard) set out to explore the region to the
north, where the Indians said the river passed through three
lakes, one very large. The route (at least that used by subsequent fur-traders) was up the east side of the Okanagan River
to the head of Osoyoos Lake; then, crossing to the west side and
leaving the river, it
climbed the open country above Oliver, through Meyer's Flat, White Lake
and Marron Valley and crossed Sheep Creek at its junction with Shingle
Creek. Following up Shingle Creek for some miles the trail crossed a
height of land and dropped down into Trout Creek above Prairie Valley, and
from there continued to Three Lakes, the head of Garnet Valley, and down
the mountain side to the shore of Okanagan Lake at Deep Creek, a few miles
south of Peachland. From there it followed the present motor road to the
Kelowna ferry.    From the ferry it ran along the lake shore to the head of
(26) Now spelt Okanagan in Canada, Okanogan in the United States,
this name has the distinction of having had no less than forty-five different
spellings. See L. Norris, " Some Place Names," in Sixth Report of the
Okanagan Historical Society, 1935, pp. 133-6; T. W. Symons, Report on
Upper Columbia River, Washington, D.C, 1882, p. 130. As to its meaning
there are various opinions.    See Norris, op. cit.
(27) The actual distance is 539 miles. Symons, op. cit., pp. 52-3.
However, the course taken by a canoe in avoiding the current and making
frequent landings would be much longer. 1945 David Stuart. 283
Okanagan Lake and then in a westerly direction to Grand Prairie and Kamloops, much as the Government road does today.28
Stuart left Okanagan on September 16, intending to be back
in about a month (presumably they travelled on horseback), but
he was away much longer, as his own account of the journey
After leaving this place, we bent our course up the Oakinacken, due north,
for upwards of 250 miles, till we reached its source; then crossing a height
of land fell upon Thompson's River, or rather the south branch of Frazer's
River, after travelling for some time amongst a powerful nation called the
She Whaps. The snow fell while we were here in the mountains and pre-*
eluded our immediate return; and after waiting for fine weather the snow
got so deep that we considered it hopeless to attempt getting back, and therefore passed our time with the She Whaps and other tribes in that quarter.
The Indians were numerous and well-disposed, and the country throughout
abounds in beavers and all other kinds of fur; and I have made arrangements to establish a trading post there the ensuing winter. On the twenty-
sixth of February [1812] we began our homeward journey, and spent just
twenty-five days on our way back.    The distance may be about 350 miles.29
This was the first party of whites to travel the Okanagan
Valley or to visit the site of Kamloops.30
Leaving Okanagan on April 30, 1812, with 2,500 beaver skins
—the winter's trade there and at Cumcloups—Stuart arrived at
Astoria on May 11 or 12.31 The results of his journey were so
satisfactory and his report so favourable that at a meeting of the
partners it was resolved " that Mr. David Stuart proceed to his
post at Oakinacken, explore the country northward, and establish
another post between that and New Caledonia."32
Accordingly he left Astoria on June 29, with other parties
bound for the Interior, including that of Robert Stuart, then on
his way to lay down the cross-continent route which, with some
(28) F. M. Buckland, " The Hudson's Bay Brigade Trail," Sixth Report
of the Okanagan Historical Society, 1936, p. 14.
(29) Quoted in Ross, pp. 163—4. Instead of a month, Stuart was absent
no less than 188 days, or over six months. The present highway mileage
from Brewster, Washington (near old Fort Okanogan), to Kamloops is 275
miles.    Stuart's route by trail would be longer.
(30) Although the Thompson River is named after David Thompson he
never saw it.    The name was given by Simon Fraser in honour of his friend.
(31) See Rollins, p. lxxx.
(32) Ross, p. 209. New Caledonia was the name given to what is now
the Central Interior of British Columbia. 284 A. G. Harvey. October
deviations, became in later decades the Oregon Trail.33 There
were more narrow escapes from the natives, in the course of
which David Stuart's fearlessness was again demonstrated.
This incident is related:—
. . . when Uncle David and Robert were ascending the river to establish
an outpost, they were warned that a body of hostile Indians had assembled
just above the Dalles to intercept them. They encamped below the Dalles
and extinguished their fires, expecting a rencounter next morning. Uncle
David was the last watch of the night. His time would expire at day break.
At that time Robert discovered that Uncle David was not in camp. It was
still dark. They tracked him cautiously to the Indian camp, where they
found the warriors all asleep in a circle with their feet toward the central
fire, and Uncle David sitting quietly in their midst, smoking his pipe, waiting for his enemies to awake. When they did so, he apologized for coming
without leave, and very soon they were warm f riends.3*
Another version is as follows:—
... he [David Stuart] awoke during the night, and impelled by curiosity,
visited a camp of hostile Indians, whom the party had struggled all day to
escape. Finding them all asleep in a circle around the fire, he seated himself in the center near the fire helped himself to a pipe, and when the Indians
awoke was found quietly regaling himself with a whiff of hostile tobacco.
So astonished were the warriors at this display of coolness that they shook
him by the hand, made him a present of the pipe, and sent him in safety
back to his comrades, among whom was his nephew, Robert, who by this time
had become alarmed for his safety and ready to cover him with rebukes for
his rashness. His reply was, " there is no fear of an Indian if you have no
fear for him."35
Arriving at Okanagan on August 12, he left on the 25th with
his men, a larger party than the previous year, and merchandise,
and again proceeded north to winter among the friendly Shu-
swaps. Reaching the confluence of the Thompson and the North
Thompson, he set up a trading-post at the Indian village on the
east bank of the latter, near its junction with the main stream.36
(33) See Rollins, p. lxvii.
(34) Trowbridge, op. cit., p. 54.
(35) Daily Advertiser, Detroit, October 19, 1853.
(36) The site chosen by Stuart is included in the present Indian Reserve,
opposite the City of Kamloops. See Mark S. Wade, The Thompson Country,
Kamloops, 1907, pp. 47, 57, 92. Aged Indians say the post was situated just
south of the cemetery near the present Indian village. (Information given
to the writer by Burt R. Campbell, of Kamloops.) The post was moved
across to the west side of the North Thompson in the 1840's, and again
moved to the south side of the Thompson in 1863.    See Wade, pp. 90, 92,109. 1945 David Stuart. 285
This was the beginning of Kamloops. Variously known as
Cumcloups (meaning "the meeting of the waters")87, the She
Whaps,88 Thompson's River Post, the Forks,39 Fort Thompson,
or Fort Kamloops, it has become the City of Kamloops of to-day.
Stuart again found trade good. " I sent out parties in all
directions," he says, " north as far as Frasers River, and for two
hundred miles up the south [north?] branch. The accounts
from all quarters were most satisfactory. The country is everywhere rich in furs, and the natives very peaceable."40 As many
as 2,000 would congregate at Cumcloups for trade. Soon after
his arrival the North West Company, anxious for a share of the
business, established an opposition post nearby with Joseph
Larocque in charge. However, the field was large enough for
both parties, and though rivals, they followed a fair and straightforward course of trade and got along well together, profiting as
much as, if not more than, if they had been enemies.
Next summer he took his furs down to Astoria and returned
in the fall with more trade-goods. It was during this year
(1813) that the negotiations for the sale of the Astor enterprise
to the North West Company took place. Stuart was one of the
partners who were averse to selling out, but on its being urged
by the others that since Great Britain and the United States were
now at war a British warship might enter the river at any
moment and confiscate everything, he reluctantly concurred in
the transaction.41 On the way back to his post he stopped a band
of several hundred warlike Indians from advancing on his party
by boldly marking a line on the sand, as much as to say: This
(37) Wade, op. cit., p. 47, quoting John Tod, who took charge of the post
at Kamloops in 1841. Rev. John Goodfellow, of Princeton, B.C., says that it
has been suggested to him that the name may be a contraction of campement
des loups, meaning " camp where wolves abound," or " camp of the wolves."
However, as this presupposes a French-Canadian origin, and conflicts not
only with Wade but also with Ross (op cit., p. 215: "... a place called
by the Indians Cumcloups"), it seems unacceptable.
(38) The name used by Ross when referring to the Shuswap Indians.
See Ross, op. cit., p. 163.
(39) Wade, op. cit., p. 47, quoting John Tod.
(40) Ross, op. cit., p. 225.
(41) Eight years later, upon the amalgamation of the North West Company and the Hudson's Bay Company, the old Astor posts became the property of the reorganized Hudson's Bay Company. 286 A. G. Harvey. October
far and no farther. He did not stay at Cumcloups through the
winter, owing to the transfer of the Pacific Fur Company's posts
and assets to the North West Company. Unwilling to re-engage
with his old employers, he made his sixth and last journey
through the Okanagan Valley and got to Astoria (by this time
renamed Fort George) on January 7, 1814. Oddly enough, his
cousin, John Stuart, was one of the Northwesters sent to take
over the Astor posts in the Interior, and he had come from Fort
St. James via Cumcloups and the Okanagan Valley during the
summer.42 Leaving Fort George on April 4, with several others,
David made the great transcontinental journey via Athabasca
Pass and River, the Saskatchewan River, Lakes Winnipeg, Superior, and Huron, and the Ottawa River—the first regularly
travelled route across North America—and reached Montreal on
September 1,1814.43 So ended David Stuart's experiences in the
Pacific Northwest.
But he had not finished with the fur trade. Joining the
American Fur Company, another Astor enterprise, he went in
1817 to Mackinac, where his nephew Robert was the company's
agent.44 The trade was then in its hey day and the headquarters of the Americans engaged in it was Mackinac. There the
Stuarts settled down. Making his home with Robert, who had
married and was bringing up a family, David was a respected
member of the frontier community and an active supporter of the
Presbyterian mission.46
In 1834 both David and Robert Stuart left the fur trade and
moved to Detroit, where Robert engaged in business and politics
(he was in turn State Treasurer and Federal Indian Agent),
until his death in 1848.46
(42) See Daniel Williams Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels
in the Interior of North America, New York, 1903, pp. 188, 191-2, 198-9.
(43) For a detailed account of the journey see Gabriel Franchere, Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America, New York, 1854, pp.
263-357.    Franchere accompanied Stuart across the continent.
(44) He was later manager. See Martin Heydenburk, " Incidents in the
Life of Robert Stuart," Michigan Pioneer Collections, III. (1879-80), p. 58.
(45) See Jackson Kemper, "Journal of an Episcopalian Missionary's
Tour to Green Bay, 1834," Wisconsin Historical Collections, XIV. (1898),
pp. 406, 409-10.
(46) Rollins, pp. xliv.-v. 1945 David Stuart. 287
Robert's high regard for his uncle is expressed as follows in
a letter to his daughter:—
Show love and reverence to my beloved Uncle, above all; for remember
that he has been to me as a parent; to him, under God, I owe everything,
and I trust you will aid me in cancelling the debt; at least gratefully showing him our due sense of it, for more we cannot do, and less I trust we would
not do.«
Called "our worthy and venerable friend and brother" by
the clergyman officiating at Robert's funeral,48 David, now 83,
continued as a member of the family, by whom he was affectionately known as " Old Uncle David."49 No doubt he followed with
interest the career of his grand-nephew, Robert's eldest son, who
was named after him,60 and who became one of Michigan's most
brilliant lawyers and served as a member of Congress.61 His
relations with Mrs. Stuart were always most pleasant. He was
very respectful—even formal—towards her, and addressed her
as " Ma'am." She was continually kind and attentive to him,
notwithstanding that with the infirmity of old age he became
quite a responsibility. He is frequently mentioned in her letters
and those of her children, the picture being
that of an old man, fiercely loyal, stamping out of the room when anyone
suggests that Mrs. Stuart should go off on a short holiday—setting his room
on fire twice through carelessness—losing his treasured watch—generous
as a child with money, and needing constant unobtrusive watchfulness and
He survived his nephew by five years. Then, having reached
a ripe old age, general debility took him off. He died at the
family home on Jefferson Avenue and was buried in Elmwood
Cemetery, where the grave marker bears this simple inscription :—
(47) Text supplied by Mrs. Marlatt.
(48) Rev. George Duffield, pastor of First Presbyterian Church, Detroit,
" Extracts from a Funeral Discourse on the death of Robert Stuart, Esq."
Michigan Pioneer Collections, III. (1879-80), p. 61.
(49) Mrs. Marlatt.
(50) Mrs. Marlatt.
(51) Robert B. Ross, The Early Bench and Bar of Detroit from 1805 to
the end of 1850, 1907, p. 189.
(52) Information and quotation from Mrs. Marlatt. 288 A. G. Harvey.
DEC. 22, 1765
OCT. 18, 1853.63
The following tribute is from the newspaper account of his
The deceased was a man of the highest moral qualities, and of great
force of character and of physical nerve. It was a common remark of his
comrades, who at that early day accompanied him to the wild and solitary
" Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound
Save its own dashing,"
there to find a home, a habitation and a business in tracts familiar only to
the beast and the savage, that Stuart never knew fear. Many anecdotes
have passed from mouth to mouth around the camp fires of the trappers and
hunters upon the western frontier, of the hair-breadth 'scapes and desperate
rencontres between the deceased and the wild men and wild beasts of that
region.   .   .   .
Mr. Stuart possessed in a great degree the higher order of moral attributes, and was an attractive ornament and a blessing at the fireside of his
relatives, after the active duties of life had been efficiently and boldly
performed. He was peaceful, loving, charitable, kind-hearted and true,
ending a well-spent life in the earnest and well-grounded hope of waking
in a better and purer sphere of existence. There are few like him, and
their numbers are daily growing fewer.
" Time runs his ceaseless course, the men of yore
Who danced our infancy upon their knee,
And told our wondering boyhood legends store
Of their strange ventures, happ'd by land or sea,
How are they blotted from the things that be."54
A. G. Harvey.
Vancouver, B.C.
(53) Daily Advertiser, Detroit, October 19, 1853;   inscription from the
records of Elmwood Cemetery, Detroit.
(54) Daily Advertiser, October 19, 1853. NOTES AND COMMENTS.
The Provincial Archives announces the publication of a new addition to
its well-known Memoirs series—No. X., being The Journal of John Work,
1835, edited with an introduction and notes by Henry Drummond Dee. The
Journal, which first appeared serially in this Quarterly, is here presented
in a collected and revised version, with a number of new illustrations. The
attractive format conforms to that of the earlier titles in the series. Two
editions are available, one of which, bound in buckram, is priced at $2.50,
while those bound in heavy paper sell for $1.50. The total issue is limited
to 400 copies, and the type has been distributed.
Publication of the Memoirs was interrupted by the depression, and this
is the first new title to appear in fourteen years. It is hoped that further
additions may be made to the series fairly frequently in future. Some of
these will be revised editions of material first printed in the Quarterly,
while others will be original publications.
" Steamboat 'Round the Bend ": American Steamers on the Fraser River
in 1858, an article by Norman Hacking that appeared in the Quarterly for
October, 1944, aroused such widespread interest that the demand for copies
quickly exceeded the supply. The article has therefore been reprinted, and
is now available in pamphlet form, with cover. The price is $1. A second
article by Mr. Hacking, dealing with another colourful aspect of early
steamboating on the Fraser, will appear in an early issue.
Canadian Pacific locomotive No. 374, which hauled the first regular
transcontinental passenger train into Vancouver on May 23, 1887, returned
to the Pacific Coast in August, and on the 22nd of the month was formally
presented to the Vancouver Parks Board, who will provide her with a permanent home in Pioneer Park.
The famous old engine was built in the Canadian Pacific Railway's
Delorimier Avenue Shops, Montreal, where she was completed in May, 1886.
After her moment of glory a year later she was operated for some years in
British Columbia, but eventually found her way back to Eastern Canada.
Refitted from time to time, and in many respects modernized, she continued
in active service for the amazing period of fifty-seven years. She was
finally retired in September, 1943, and consigned to the boneyard. Though
her number had been changed several times—first to 92, then to 245, and
finally to 158—some one fortunately discovered her identity, and plans were
soon afoot for her preservation. In the Angus Shops she was refurbished
and restored as nearly as possible to her original appearance. Her old
smoke-stack and old-style oil headlight were replaced, mudguards were once
again fitted to her driving wheels, and her cab was rebuilt in the style of
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IX., No. 4.
289 290 Notes and Comments. October
1887. She was then hauled across the continent for the presentation ceremony in Vancouver. ,
For this occasion her decorations duplicated as nearly as possible those
with which she had been adorned upon her first arrival in 1887. The fir
branches, shields, banners, and inscriptions were all in place, and the photograph of Queen Victoria in the headlight was a copy of the original in the
Vancouver City Archives. The original Vancouver station building now
stands at Heatley Avenue, and the old engine's final run was from that
point to the present Canadian Pacific depot. The coaches behind her were
filled with some seventy pioneers, most of whom were in costume, and many
of whom had witnessed the arrival of the engine fifty-eight years before.
During the presentation ceremonies Mayor J. W. Cornett delivered the same
speech of welcome that was given by Mayor Malcolm MacLean in 1887, and
C A. Cotterell, Assistant General Manager of Canadian Pacific Western
Lines, replied with the speech given by Harry Abbott, who in 1887 was
General Superintendent of the Pacific Division.
In addition to the reports in the Vancouver newspapers, two excellent
illustrated articles describing the occasion in detail appeared in the Canadian Pacific Staff Bulletin for September (p. 27) and October (pp. 8-9).
On Sunday, September 16, a handsome bronze plaque honouring the
memory of Joseph William McKay, founder of the city, was unveiled in
Nanaimo by his daughter, Miss Agnes Mackay. The plaque is set into the
wall of the historic bastion, and a large crowd assembled around the old
building to witness the ceremony.
The speakers included Mr. Victor Harrison, ex-Mayor of Nanaimo; Mr.
George Bertram, Chief Factor of the Native Sons, Post No. 3; Mr. George
F. Wilson, Secretary of Post No. 3; Major H. C. Holmes, Chairman of the
Victoria Section of the British Columbia Historical Association; and Mr.
E. G. Rowebottom, Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry. Mr. B. A.
McKelvie was to have delivered the principal address, describing McKay's
life and achievements, but most unfortunately illness prevented him from
doing so. Dr. W. Kaye Lamb was the substitute speaker, and outlined
McKay's remarkable career on the Pacific Coast. He arrived hereabouts
in 1844, at the age of 15, when the fur-traders of the Hudson's Bay Company were the only white men residing in what is now British Columbia,
yet he lived to serve for seventeen years as an officer of the Department of
Indian Affairs of the Dominion Government. Moreover, he was only 23
when James Douglas entrusted him with the difficult task of founding the
settlement that was to become Nanaimo, and preparing the way for the
development of the coal-measures in the vicinity.
At the conclusion of his remarks Dr. Lamb, acting on behalf of Mr.
McKelvie, announced that the high peak between Ladysmith and Victoria
that has been known as Buffalo Observation Point will henceforth be called
Mount J. W. McKay. 1945 Notes and Comments. 291
Four daughters of Joseph William McKay were present: Miss Agnes
Mackay, who unveiled the plaque; the Misses Gertrude and Aline Mackay;
and Mrs. L. M. Spalding, of South Pender Island. It is interesting to note
that the correct spelling of the family name is Mackay, but as the Hudson's
Bay Company, in order to simplify matters, insisted that all its employees
with the same name should spell it the same way, J. W. McKay was compelled to use the spelling McKay as long as he remained in the Company's
Also present were Mrs. W. Curtis Sampson and Mrs. H. R. Beaven, of
Victoria, daughters of the late J. D. Pemberton, who named Nanaimo and
made the first surveys there, and Mrs. W. Fitzherbert Bullen, granddaughter of Sir James Douglas, under whose general supervision the development
of Nanaimo took place.
The plaque was provided by the Department of Trade and Industry,
which has been able to mark a considerable number of historic sites in
recent years, while the unveiling ceremony was arranged jointly by the
Native Sons of British Columbia, Post No. 3, and the Victoria Section of
the British Columbia Historical Association.
A meeting of the Council of the Association was held in the Hotel Grosvenor, Vancouver, on the evening of Tuesday, October 2. The President,
Miss Helen Boutilier, presided. The chief business of the evening was to
consider preliminary plans for the celebration in June, 1946, of the centenary of the Oregon boundary settlement. This anniversary is a matter
of national, and not merely local, interest, for until settlement was achieved
British occupation of what is now British Columbia was by no means secure,
and it was the title to the region given to Great Britain by the treaty that
made possible a Dominion stretching from sea to sea.
Many possibilities and suggestions were reviewed, and a committee was
appointed to co-operate with a similar committee about to be named by the
Washington State Historical Society. It is hoped that definite plans may
take shape in the near future, and that the celebration may be both on
a considerable scale and international in scope.
Several amendments to the constitution, designed primarily to clarify
various points, were discussed, and it was decided to submit these to the
membership at the earliest possible moment.
The Treasurer's report showed that the Association was in a better
financial position than ever before. Membership was increasing, and paid
subscriptions to the Quarterly had passed the 500 mark.
Victoria Section.
The Section's annual midsummer garden tea was held on Saturday,
August 18, in the beautiful grounds of Molton Combe, the home of Mrs. W.
Curtis Sampson. There was a large attendance, and all present enjoyed
the occasion. Major H. C Holmes, Chairman of the Section, welcomed the
members and friends, and presided during the programme.    This consisted 292 Notes and Comments. October
of a group of songs sung by Mrs. T. H. Johns and Miss Eva Hart, followed
by a number of dances by the pupils of Miss Wynne Shaw. Mrs. Cecil
Warn acted as accompanist. Tea was served at small tables scattered
throughout the grounds.
Some thirty-five members of the Section journeyed to Nanaimo on Sunday, September 16, to be present at the unveiling of the plaque erected in
honour of the memory of Joseph William McKay. The ceremony was under
the joint auspices of the Section and the Native Sons of British Columbia,
Post No. 3.
The first meeting of the autumn season was held in the Provincial
Library on Monday, October 15, when the Section was addressed by Mr.
Arthur P. Dawe. His address was entitled Steel of Confederation, and
dealt largely with the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway.
Perhaps the most interesting part of the address was that devoted to a perennial question in Canadian history—exactly why the route of the railway,
which apparently had been settled definitely, and was to cross the Rockies
by way of the Yellowhead Pass, was suddenly shifted far to the south.
Mr. Dawe believes that the explanation lies in the fact that Donald Smith
(later Lord Strathcona) was a power in both the Hudson's Bay Company
and the Canadian Pacific Railway, and that he contrived to have the change
made in order to delay the breakup of the Hudson's Bay Company's fur-
trading areas.
Vancouver Section.
The Section met in the Grosvenor Hotel on Tuesday, September 25, when
the speaker was Major J. S. Matthews, Vancouver City Archivist. The
subject announced was Linking the Atlantic to the Pacific—Locomotive 874,
but by way of introduction Major Matthews first gave a most interesting
description of the Vancouver City Archives and the nature of the work done
by his department. He stressed in particular the help he endeavoured to
give to the many young people who visited him or wrote to him in search of
historical information, and outlined as well the service given to newspapermen and feature-story writers. As any one who reads the magazine supplements of the Vancouver papers at all carefully must be aware, much of the
material incorporated in them has been found in, or with the assistance of,
the City Archives.
Locomotive 874, her first arrival in Vancouver on May 23, 1887, and her
final return to the city on August 22, 1945, furnished starting-points for an
interesting commentary on the building of the railway, the emergence of
Vancouver, and the recent ceremonies at which the old engine was presented
to the city. In conclusion, Major Matthews repeated the address he had
delivered to the old-timers at the banquet held in their honour after the
presentation ceremony.
Mr. George Green is to address the Section on October 29, when his subject will be The Early History of Burnaby. 1945 Notes and Comments. 293
contributors to this issue.
Bruce A. McKelvie, journalist and historian, is the author of Pelts and
Powder, The Black Canyon, Early History of the Province of British
Columbia, and other books. Students of the history of this region long ago
learned to watch for the articles that he contributes frequently to the Vancouver and Victoria newspapers.
Paul A. Knaplund, Ph.D. (Wisconsin), is Chairman of the Department
of History in the University of Wisconsin. He is an authority on British
Colonial history, and his books include a recent volume entitled The British
Empire, 1815-1989. Readers of Dr. Knaplund's article in this issue will
find an interesting earlier study entitled " Sir James Stephen and British
North American Problems, 1840-1847," in the March, 1924, issue of the
Canadian Historical Review (V., pp. 22-41).
Thomas R. Weir, M.A. (Syracuse) recently completed a comprehensive
geographical and historical study of the City of New Westminster. He is
a member of the Department of Geology and Geography in the University of
British Columbia.
A. G. Harvey, barrister and historian, will be remembered as the author
of three interesting articles in this Quarterly—The Mystery of Mount Robson, David Douglas in British Columbia, and Meredith Gairdner: Doctor of
Medicine. He is particularly interested in the naturalists who visited this
region in early days, and has thrown much new light on their lives and
Fur Brigade to the Bonaventura.    John Work's California Expedition 1882-
1888 for the Hudson's Bay Company.    Edited by Alice Bay Maloney
from the original manuscript journal in the Provincial Archives of
British Columbia.    With a foreword by Herbert Eugene Bolton.   .   .   .
San Francisco:    California Historical  Society,  1945.    Pp.  xxii.,  112.
111., map.    $4.
In this volume Mrs. Maloney has published two of the sixteen journals
of John Work, sometime Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, who
was stationed on the Pacific slope during much of his long and interesting
career.    All of his journals, with the exception of one in the Howay Collection at the University of British Columbia, have now been published in
one form or another.    Most of them appear in the British Columbia, Washington, Oregon, or California Historical Society Quarterlies, but not in book
form.    Consequently readers should be grateful to the editor and to the
California Historical Society for reprinting these journals from Volume
XXII., Nos. 2, 3, and 4;  and Volume XXIII., Nos. 1 and 2, of the California
Historical Society Quarterly as a separate volume.
The great value of all of the journals of John Work is that they furnish
posterity with a minute account of the fur trade as it was practised one
hundred years ago. These two journals constitute a record of the last of
the big old-style trapping expeditions in which the Hudson's Bay Company
placed the emphasis on the dispatching of companies into the field fully
equipped for a year with supplies, horses, ammunition, traps, and the like;
the motley crew being accompanied by their women and children. These
ventures were now to be superseded by trading expeditions.
The journals supply us with the details surrounding the management
of the business, with the current prices paid for furs, and indicate how
many were collected. They relate the fact and not the fiction of dealings
with, and the customs of, savage and treacherous tribes. They tell of stony
trails, of thirsty days, of shortages of food, and of mosquito-ridden camps.
They tell, among other things, of a leader, not one of the great men of the
fur trade, but a hardy, conscientious, industrious individual who, in spite of
extreme privation, won profits for his Company. As suggested by Mr. Bolton in the foreword, the story " has a continental as well as a local bearing."
The two journals which have been edited by Mrs. Maloney are no
exception to the rule. They describe Work's departure from Fort Vancouver, up the Columbia River to Walla Walla or Fort Nez Perces, and
thence southward overland to the Sacramento River. On the Sacramento
and in the San Francisco Bay area the company spent the winter, returning
to Fort Vancouver by way of the Shasta, Rogue, Umpqua, and Willamette
One cannot help but admire the efforts of Mrs. Maloney in her personal
exploration of much of the trail followed by John Work in his California
British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. IX., No. 4.
295 296 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
expedition, nor can one but admire, and not without a touch of envy, the
sumptuous format of her volume (even though explanatory notes are all
placed at the end of the book). Unfortunately, the admiration and envy
pale somewhat on closer inspection.
The text of the journals as here given is fairly accurate. However, it
is fortunate that Mrs. Maloney saw fit to send copies of the instalments of
the journals, as they appeared in the California Historical QvCarterly, to the
Provincial Archives where they received extensive revision, since a comparison of these instalments with the volume reveals many a correction.
It seems a pity that these corrections were not made prior to the original
appearance of the text, especially as the book is represented as being a
reprint of the instalments. A few differences remain still between the
journals as printed and the original. Some of these stem from the difficulties in reading Work's handwriting, and are therefore entirely justifiable,
but others are definite inaccuracies.
Two courses were open to the editor in dealing with the punctuation
of the journals. One was to keep to that of Work's originals; the other was
to modernize the punctuation so that the long and often involved sentences
would be easier to read. Mrs. Maloney seems to have followed neither procedure. Moreover, there is deviation from standard practice in indicating
omitted, duplicated, and misspelled words.
A number of typographical errors have been noted. On page viii
" Word" should read " Work." On page xxi the usual spelling was
" Colvile" not " Colville." On the next page " Reilly" should read
" O'Reilly." In note 16, page 85, the reference should be to page 534.
In the following note, on the same page, the name " Graham " should contain a final " e" and " Charles W. Wallace" should be amended to
" Charles W. Wallace, Jr."
Errors in interpretation and fact are scattered through the text.
The misspelling of such a prominent explorer's name as that of Alexander
Mackenzie (p. xiii) tends to lessen the reader's confidence in Mrs. Maloney's
work. Exigencies of space appear to have led the editor into unfortunate
and misleading statements. An example or two will suffice. Thus on page
xiii we read: "... He served the Hudson's Bay Company in many
capacities: from his enrollment in 1814 as a writer he advanced through
the ranks of steward, clerk, trader, and factor, and finally served as a member of the Legislative Council of Vancouver Island." In the reviewer's
opinion this would seem to give the impression that Work's position as
a member of the Legislative Council was a post in the Hudson's Bay Company, which is not the case. On page xv, Mrs. Maloney indicates that, in
1821, Work was at Red River (itself a questionable point, and no verification is given) and that, on July 18, 1823, he started for the Columbia
District. Here again the impression created is that he left Red River
directly for the Columbia, while in actuality he set out from York Factory.
The same feeling is created on page xx, when the events surrounding
Work's return to Fort Vancouver after the Bonaventura expedition are
recounted.    No mention is made of his expedition in 1834 to the Umpqua 1945 The Northwest Bookshelf. 297
River. Moreover, the implication given the reader is that subsequent to the
Bonaventura expedition, 1832-33, he spent three years on the Columbia
before proceeding to Fort Simpson. Actually, in December, 1834, after the
Umpqua expedition in the summer of the same year, Work embarked in
the Lama for Fort Simpson, which was to be his headquarters until 1849.
The list of sick people is referred to as having been found among some
uncatalogued papers in the Archives of British Columbia. Actually this,
list constituted pages 12-16 in the Fort Simpson, Correspondence Outward,
September 6, 1841-October 11, 1844. It was not verified how they had been
placed there. On page xxi the date given for Work's purchase of land
near Victoria is 1850. If one may judge the date by the deed as listed in
Registry Book No. 1 in the Department of Lands of British Columbia at
Victoria, the date should be August 1, 1852. In the Register of Baptisms,
Forts Vancouver and Victoria, the date of the birth of Work's youngest
daughter, Josette, is given as September 15, 1854, and not 1843, as given in
note 17, page 85. Work was buried, not in the churchyard of Christ Church
Cathedral, but in what is now called Pioneer Square, adjacent to the present
cathedral. Mrs. Maloney represents that Victoria has both a Work and
a Wark Street. To-day Work Street exists no longer. For years it has-
been swallowed up in what is now Bay Street, near Point Eljice Bridge,
on the north side of Rock Bay.
One regrets these inaccuracies in an otherwise vivid and extensive effort.
Henry Drummond Dee.
Victoria, B.C.
Sir George Simpson, Overseas Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company:
A Pen Portrait of a Man of Action. By Arthur S. Morton. Toronto:
J. M. Dent & Sons, 1944. 111. Pp. xii., 310. $4.50.
" To write the life of George Simpson," Dr. Morton notes in his preface,
" is no easy task. There can have been few men who identified themselves
with their office and its duties more than he." Even letters marked "private " or " confidential " are rarely about personal matters; " these also are.
business, almost nothing but business." As a result, though so prominent
and familiar a figure, Simpson has remained to a considerable extent a man
of mystery, hidden from view by the very bulk of the documents that
chronicle his activities. And not even Dr. Morton's prodigious patience and
application have been sufficient to make him emerge. No one has spent
more time studying the history of the Hudson's Bay Company, and no other
scholar has enjoyed an equal opportunity to examine the Company's archives;
yet this volume, which deserves to rank as the first real biography of
Simpson to appear in print, is rightly presented as being only a preliminary
sketch for the final full-scale " life " that will some day be written.
Indeed, it would not be unfair to describe the volume as being essentially
an appendix to Dr. Morton's monumental History of the Canadian West to
1870-71. His research for that work brought to light many points about
Simpson that could find no place in a general history, and this biography
simply gathers them together and presents them in a most interesting and 298 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
readable form. At the same time the genesis of the book is probably
responsible for certain of its deficiencies. One is conscious of important
episodes in Simpson's life that are not even mentioned, while the accounts
of others are neither well-rounded nor complete. One senses, too, a tendency to avoid material that is not entirely to Simpson's credit. All characters are composed of light and shade, and Simpson's positive achievements
were so great that a sympathetic biographer need not fear the result of
subjecting his career to a frank examination.
On the other hand, two points are dealt with at some length and to great
advantage. It is too often assumed that, so far as the fur trade was concerned, Simpson was something in the nature of a supreme being, whereas
in actual fact he worked within limits and in accordance with policies that
were determined in surprising detail in London. In the second place,
Dr. Morton rightly emphasizes Simpson's adaptability. The far-flung trading system that he perfected in the " golden age " of the fur trade never
became a sacred thing that he was unwilling to modify when changing conditions made this desirable. On the contrary, he was ever on the watch to
see that the Company changed with the times. Thus in our own region
he encouraged farming, fishing, lumbering, and mining as well as fur-
trading, and if circumstances had permitted he was prepared to experiment
with whaling.
We come nearest to Simpson personally in the account of his marriage,
and in the revealing chapter entitled " Governor Simpson, the Servant of
the Servants of the Company." Through the years he became a combination
of father-confessor and financial adviser to scores of the Company's officers,
and the sympathetic and meticulous attention he gave to their affairs is
greatly to his credit. It is said that no man ever lost a penny through any
investment made by Sir George on his behalf.
In spite of these intimate glimpses of Simpson one feels that in many
ways he has eluded his biographer—possibly, as suggested above, because
at the time the mass of material relating to him was being examined, the
author was interested primarily in the general history of the Company.
One wonders if a different approach, even if applied to a much more limited
range of material, might not produce a more satisfactory result. Would
not a careful and imaginative examination of six or eight of the crises of
one kind or another in which Simpson was involved reveal the man in all
important aspects? For example, his experiences in the Athabasca Department in 1820-21, and his differences with John McLoughlin (both of which,
incidentally, are now adequately documented in print), are contrasting
episodes from which much can be learned.
There are a number of slips in dates that should be corrected in future
printings. Captain ^Smilius Simpson died in 1831, not 1832 (p. 7) ; the
date 1820 on p. 133 should be 1825; James McMillan examined the lower
Fraser River in 1824 and not in 1826, as implied by a phrase on p. 148;
Fort Nisqually was founded in 1833, not 1831 (p. 152).
It is a pity that the superb photograph of Simpson, found recently in
Montreal and published in the Beaver, did not come to light early enough to 1945 The Northwest Bookshelf. 299
be used as the frontispiece of this volume.    No one would have been more
thrilled by its discovery than Dr. Morton.
W. Kaye Lamb.
Vancouver, B.C. •
Alaska.    By Stuart Ramsay Tompkins.    Norman:  University of Oklahoma
Press, 1945.   Pp. xiv., 350.   $3.
This book has an attractive paper cover, for on it is an outline map of
Alaska, implying that there will be more maps inside, as proves to be the
case. Many books are incomplete because they lack the maps needed to
an understanding of the text. The sub-title of this book: " Promyshlennik
and Sourdough," might provoke an interesting discussion as to what extent
the rough and irresponsible freebooters that sought for furs in Alaska are
to be likened to the sturdy prospectors that made their flap-jacks, or pancakes, without the aid of yeast.
The book runs to 350 pages and in those pages gives a great deal of
trustworthy historic information. I venture to express my regret that it is
not published in larger print. It is worthy of such dignity. For the sake
of the young and the old alike, books should be printed in 12-point type, to
preserve the sight of the youngsters and to ease the reading of the oldsters.
The mental acquaintance of the author had been made previously by the
reviewer, as he had read appreciatively Mr. Tompkins' earlier paper on
" Drawing the Alaskan Boundary," reprinted from The Canadian Historical
Review a few months ago. It will be noted that Alaskan is used, and not
Alaska. The adjectival use of the noun is a common illiteracy, such as is
entirely foreign to Mr. Tompkins.
The reviewer happens to know Alaska fairly well, having written a book
on that Territory, so he is in a position to appreciate the excellence of Mr.
Tompkins' treatment of the subject. It is careful and precise, and therefore
scholarly. The author knows how to use his medium of expression, the
English language. As an example of his attractive style I quote from the
first chapter, which is mainly geographic:—
" The northern summer, with its long hours of amber sunlight and its
night a brief interlude of twilight between sunset and sunrise; the all too
short autumn, then the swift onset of winter, with its almost overpowering
cold; the winter landscape lonely, yet with a sparkling beauty all its own;
the sublime loveliness of the northern lights of early winter; the gladness
of the advent of spring; the mad rush of waters that heralds the break-up
of the winter ice and the approach once more of summer—everything tempts
the cheechako to hyperbole and even the sourdough to the grudging admission that the ' country gets you.' "
It is noteworthy that in this paragraph the author uses no long words,
and those of Latin origin are few. It is good literary English. One criticism may be permitted. It is unwise to use words from a foreign language
unless the meaning is indicated in the immediate context. The author uses
many Russian words to give local colour, and some of them are present
appropriately, whereas others are not.    The word yassak, or iasak, might 300 The Northwest Bookshelf. October
well be replaced by tribute. Promyshlennik and its plural promyshlenniki
are employed too frequently. Why say Russian promyshlenniki? The latter must necessarily be the former. You read of a voyevode at Yakutsk
and of an ostrog in Kamchatka without being told that one means a commander and the other an outpost.
In his detailed description of the Russian advance into Alaska and down
the Pacific coast, the author refers frequently to the political conditions at
St. Petersburg and the vagaries of the Russian court in the days of that
female voluptuary Catherine the Second. This is necessary for an understanding of the spasmodic and ineffective support given to the fur-trading
The author's account of the Nootka controversy is well done. What a
world-wide fame at that time, and later in history, accrued to that little
cove on the west coast of Vancouver Island! His references to the Spanish
voyages and to Captain Cook's surveys are likewise made skilfully. This
book is a valuable addition to the history of our northwest Pacific coast.
T. A. Rickard.
North Atlantic Triangle: The Interplay of Canada, the United States, and
Great Britain. By J. Bartlet Brebner. New Haven: Yale University
Press;  Toronto:  The Ryerson Press, 1945.    Pp. xxii., 385.   $5.
Professor J. Bartlet Brebner, of Columbia University, is well fitted to
be the author of North Atlantic Triangle. A graduate of Toronto, Oxford,
and Columbia he has himself been trained in each of the countries which
provide a side of the triangle. This volume is a fitting conclusion to the
well-known series on " The Relations of Canada and the United States,"
prepared under the direction of the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, Division of Economics and History. The general editor of the series,
who is also the Director of the Division of Economics and History, Professor
James T. Shotwell, is a Toronto graduate who has been for many years
a professor at Columbia.
This great series owes its existence to a discussion opened years ago in
Ottawa by Professor Brebner on the theme of whether or not the pattern
of Canadian development had or had not conformed to American. Professor
Shotwell, taking up the problem, decided to launch an investigation conducted by experts in both countries. As a result, a preliminary discussion
was held at the Banff Conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations in
1933, and " by 1934 a large group of scholars and experts was at work on
various elements of the political, economic, and social connection " of the
two countries. Professor Brebner's original paper presented at Ottawa in
1931 was expanded to become an outline history of Canadian-American
interaction " for use as a manual." To date twenty-five volumes have been
issued and the series is now concluded by North Atlantic Triangle.
The volume is original both in design and in treatment. The author
states that his original aim was " to get at, and set forth, the interplay
between  the  United  States  and  Canada—the  Siamese  Twins  of  North 1945 The Northwest Bookshelf. 301
America who cannot separate and live." By " interplay," Professor Brebner
did not mean " merely the manifestations in what are normally called international relations, but the various kind of things which the people of the
two countries did in common, or in complementary fashion, or in competition." For nearly two centuries there was little or no attention paid to
the international boundary in so far as it affected the movement of population. Settlement practically ignored it. Nova Scotians went to New
England. New Englanders and New Yorkers moved into Upper Canada.
Upper Canadians crossed over to the Middle Western States. Californians
came to British Columbia. Men and women from the prairie states helped
settle Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. The fur-traders, the lumbermen, and the miners crossed the boundary almost at will. But the two
nations did not coalesce either politically or economically. What they did
was to co-operate " in creating the unique North American standard and
pattern of living." Above all " they invented and have operated for one
hundred and fifty years an increasingly comprehensive and effective international machinery for the liquidation of some inescapable consequences of
their interlocked destinies."
But Professor Brebner had not gone far into his researches when he
came across another factor which could not be ignored—namely, Great
Britain. It is true that Canada and the United States are both " Children
of a "Common Mother " but, historically, they stand in different relationships
to that mother. The United States became a nation as a result of rebellion,
and all American (i.e., United States) history is separated by the red
thread of the American Revolution. Canada reached maturity by a process
of evolution within the British Empire. As a result American and Canadian " responses to the mother country were usually sharply contrasted "
and " their understandings of each other were habitually warped." The
French-Canadians were another complicating factor. " Although estranged
from their own mother country by her course after 1760 and thrown back
upon the Vatican for their principal outside reinforcement," as Professor
Brebner wisely remarks, they " could not be expected to develop an emotional attachment to their conquerors, whether thought of as Britons or as
North Americans."
In comparison with the United States and Great Britain, Canada, except
for her vast area, has always been a pygmy between two giants. None the
less she bulks large in the North Atlantic Triangle. For that reason the
author has devoted more space to Canada than could be justified by a purely
proportional representation.
This general statement of aims is necessary for a proper understanding
of the treatment of the theme. In sixteen chapters the author sketches
" The Pattern of the Continent" and deals with the development of North
America, north of New Spain, since 1492. His canvas is wide and his
brush-strokes bold. Most of the facts he gives are well known, but his
interpretation is his own. Gradually, at times painfully, the North Atlantic Triangle takes form. In spite of isolationist tendencies the United
States is forced into two World Wars.    Canada, too, finds herself involved. 302 The Northwest Bookshelf.
Even the period of " North American Withdrawal," 1918-32, merely shows
that isolationism is impossible. The North Atlantic Triangle, as Professor
Shotwell states in his foreword, " is based upon the strongest of all forces
for international peace—the will to have it." But down to the end of the
nineteenth century the threat of war was never completely absent. Canada
was often a pawn in the Anglo-American diplomatic game. But Canada
steadily was becoming stronger and was at last to be recognized by both
the United States and Great Britain as a full-fledged partner.
This is a notable book.    It will repay close reading and study.    It is a
suitable conclusion to a unique series.
Walter N. Sage.
Vancouver, B.C. INDEX,
Admiralty Inlet, 143
Alaska, review of, 299, 800
Alexander, Jimmy, 229-281
Allan, Capt., 49-62, 56, 58, 61, 68-66, 68
Allard, Jason Ovid, 248-257
Allard, Ovid, 244-252, 257
Allard:   Fur-trader, Prince, and Gentleman,
Jason, 243-257
American Fur Company, 286
Anderson, 229
Anderson, A. C, 246
Anderson, William, 89
Armstrong, W. J., 31
Astor, John Jacob, 1, 279, 280
Atkinson, Pete, 195
Austen, Algernon, 120
Bailey, William J., 98
Baillie, Thomas, 17-19, 24, 120
Barkley, C. W., 89
Bartley, George, 193
Beaver, 49-52, 54-64, 66-68, 131, 133, 283
Beaver Harbour, 115, 116
Beechey, Frederick William, 7, 8, 10, 11, 16
Beer, Frank, 205
Begbie, Sir Matthew Baillie, 251
Belcher, Edward, 10-16
Biddle, J., 6
Bingham, Hiram, 106-109
Birch, A. N., 30
Birch Bay, 141
Birnie, James, 18, 62, 68, 129
Bishop, Artemus, 105, 106
Black. William, 2-5
Blanshard, Richard, 126-128
Bonson, L. F., 36
Boulard, 282
Boutilier, H. R., The Picture Gallery of
Canadian History, review by, 237-239
Bowles, William, 5, 6
Bowser, W. J., 84
Brebner, J. B., North Atlantic Telegraph,
review of, 300-302
Brenan, Mike, 265
Brigade trail, Okanagan, 282, 288
Brighton, 30, 276
British Columbia Historical Association, 71-
75. 167, 168, 234, 235, 291, 292
British Columbia Paper Manufacturing Company, Ltd., 201-204, 211, 212
British Columbian, 178, 179, 185, 186, 189
Brooks, Dr. Dwight F., 209, 210
Brooks-Scanlon Lumber Company, 209, 210
Broughton, W. R., 1
Brown, J. C, 84
Brown, Peter, 247
Brown, R. C L., 47
Brown, William, 181, 182, 186, 196, 196
Burrard Inlet Mechanics' Institute, 177
Burrard Peninsula, Early Trails of, 273-275
Camaano Pass, 129
Camels, 180
Canadian Industrial Company, 206
Canadian Government and Politics, review of,
Canadian Pacific Railway, 176, 177, 181, 182;
Survey, 256
Canoes and canoeing, 229-231
Captain John, Indian, 249
Carmichael,  Herbert, Pioneer Days in Pulp
and Paper, 201-212
Carter-Cotton, F. L., 191-197
Casey, Ed., 266
Chalahen, Indian Chief, 140-142
Chamberlain, Levi, 108
Chehalis River, 145
Clallam Portage, 148
Clavering, H. A., 118
Clokie,   H.   M.,   Canadian   Government   and
Politics, review of, 171-173
Clowhom Power Company, 206, 206
Coal, Vancouver Island, 115, 116,121,122, 270
Cogill, Indian, 51, 52, 56-58, 65
Colbeck, W. R., 176-177
Colbeck, Mrs. W. R., 176
Collins' Overland Telegraph, 189
Colonist, 176, 176, 179, 180
Comcomly, Indian Chief, 4, 104
Commissions of Inquiry, 147-163, 213-228
Cook, James, 1, 11, 13, 89
Cook, Cape, 11, 182
Corbett, William, 265
Cotton, E. M., The Last Voyage of British
Columbia's Largest Canoe, 229—231
Cotton, W. H., 229, 230
Courtenay, George William, 121-125
Cowan, George, 84
Cowlitz River, 144
Cranstoun, Alexander Purvis, 90
Cowly, Dr., 90
Cunard, Samuel, 121, 122, 270
Daily News Advertiser, 192-199
Daily Telegram, 197-199
David Stuart, Okanagan Pathfinder, 277-288
Davies, Joshua, 202
Dawson, Herbert, 206
Dee, H. D., Fur Brigade to the Bonaventura,
review by, 296-297;   The Journal of John
Work, 188S, 49-69, 129-146
Deers Island, 146
Deighton, John. 187, 188
Doctor of Medicine,  Meredith Gairdner,  89—
Dominion Pacific Herald, 179
Dominis, John, 49, 50, 55-67, 68
Dore, Bob, 256
Douglas, David. 91, 95, 100
Douglas, Sir James, 13, 14, 18, 19, 22, 27, 39,
40, 42, 122, 123, 246-8, 266
Downie, 90
Draper, W. N., Some Early Roads and Trails
in New Westminster District, 26-35
Dunbar, 204
Duncan, Alexander, 133
Dundas, Adam D., 270
Duntze, John Alexander, 113-115, 119
303 304
Early Trails of Burrard Peninsula, 273-275
Elgin, Lord, 270
Emptage, William, 246
Enderby, Charles, 270
Esquimalt, first H.M. ship, 121
Esselwood, George, 28
Evening Herald, 195, 196
Evening Register, 187
Ferguson, J. B., 185
Ferris, W. D., 33
Finlayson, Roderick, 22, 122, 128, 127, 256
Fisgard Harbour, 119
Fisher, Jack, 254, 255
Fitzgerald, J. E., 269, 270
Flattery, Cape, 132
Fleming, Sandford, 37, 38, 40
Flemming, 204
Forts and trading posts, Astoria, 1, 3-7, 18,
90, 97, 143, 286; Cumclaups, see Kamloops;
George, see Astoria; Hope, 244, 245; Kamloops, 277-278, 283-285; Langley, 91, 134-
137, 141, 243-248, 256, 277; McLeod, 277;
McLoughlin, 51, 59, 65, 66, 69, 129 131;
Nisqually, 98, 185, 144; Okanagan, 282;
Rupert, 128; St. James, 277; Shepherd,
252 255; Simpson, 49-69, 92; Spokane
House, 3 ; Thompson, 285 ; Vancouver, 18-
15, 18, 21-24, 91, 92, 97-104, 110, 113, 114,
125, 135, 143, 146; Victoria, 18, 19, 21-23,
113-115, 117, 118, 122-124, 126-128, 245,
247; Walla Walla, 102, 103; Yale, 136, 244,
Fouquet, Father, 251
Fox, Cape, 51
Franklin, Lady, 250
Franklin, Sir John, 7, 16, 118
Fraser, Simon, 243, 245, 249, 278
French, John, 29
Friendly Cove, 11, 12
From " Tickler " to " Telegram," 175-199
Fur Brigade to the Bonaventura. review of,
Fur Trade, Maritime, 49-69, 181. 138
Gairdner, Meredith, 92-111
Gairdner, Doctor of Medicine, Meredith, 89-
Gallagher, W. J., 197
Gordon, George Thomas, 115-117
Gordon, John, 20-24
Gordon, R. W., 191, 192
Grey, Lord, 261, 262, 264-271
Hamilton, P. S., 177
Hamlyn, Richard J., 91
Hardisty, Joseph, 253, 255
HarkneBS, N„ 184, 187
Harvey,   A.   G.,   David   Stuart:   Okanagan
Pathfinder,   277-288;   Meredith   Gairdner,
Doctor of Medicine, 89-111
Hastings, 30
Hawes, Benjamin, 261, 262, 264, 266-271
Hay, John, 183
Hector, Sir James, 39
Herring, Arthur M., 35
Herring, Joe, 255
Hewartson, William, 201-204
Hickey, Frederick, 6, 7
Hillyar, Sir James, 1, 2
Hincks, Sir Francis, review of, 239-241
Holmes, Marjorie C, Royal Commissions and
Commissions of Inquiry under the " Public
Inquiries Act" in British Columbia. 147-
163, 213-228
Honolulu, 96, 97
Hood, William, 40
Hood Canal, 143
Hooker, Sir William Jackson, 93, 94, 100,
101, 104
Horapapa, J., 133, 134
Hornby, Phipps, 120, 125, 126
Horne, J. W., 197
Horne, Mrs. Nora, 175
Howarth & Jordan, 208
Howay, F. W., 81-84
Howison, Neil M., 119
Hudson's Bay Company and Vancouver Island, 259-271
Hunter, Joseph, 38
Huntington, Capt., 248
Indians,  Fur Trade, 50-53,  55-68,  130,  131,
133, 136, 142; Victoria, 123, 124
Industrial Power Company, 205
James Stephen on Granting Vancouver Island
to the Hudson's Bay Company. 259-271
Jason Allard: Fur-trader, Prince, and Gentleman, 243-257
Jefferys, C W., The Picture Gallery of Canadian History, review of, 287-289
Jelly fish, 133
Johnson, 208-210
Johnson, Charles Richardson, 126-128
Josephson, Bertha E., Local History: How
to Gather it, Write it, and Publish it, review of, 241, 242
Journal of John Work; 1885, The, 49-65,129-
Juan de Fuca, Strait of, 132
Jury, Trial by, 247, 248
Ka^mi-akin: Last Hero of the Yakamas, review of, 173, 174
Kamloops Museum Association, 75
Kee-as-tem, Indian, 253, 254
Keene, William, 195
Keith, James, 6, 7
Kellett, Henry, 10, 11, 18, 16, 1-17, 118, 124
Kelly, Francis, 250
Kennedy, John Frederick, 54-58, 60-64, 67,
68r91, 92, 129
Kerr, J. B., 195
Kipling, Charles, 138
Kittson, WiUiam, 144, 145
Knaplund, Paul, James Stephen on Granting
Vancouver' Island to the Hudson's Bq,y
Company, 259-271
Kynumpt Harbour, 129
Lamb, Bessie, From "Tickler" to "Telegram," 175-199
Lamb, W. Kaye, Ka^mi-akin, review by, 173,
174; Local History, review by, 241, 242;
Oregon Geographic Names, review by, 170, Index.
171;   Robie Lewis Reid,  1866-1945, 79-88;
and Longstaff, F. V., The Royal Navy on
the Northwest Coast, 1818-1850, 1-24, 113-
128; Sir George Simpson, review by, 297-
Lane, Joseph, 126
Langley Prairie, 136, 137
Larocque, Joseph, 285
Last  Voyage of British Columbia's Largest
Canoe, The, 229-231
Lattey, Alexander, 131
Legigh, Indian Chief, 51, 52, 61, 64
Leifholdt, Fred, 255
Lenfesty, Fred, 263
Leonard Norris, 1865-191,5, 232-234
Lister, William, 32
Local History:   How to Gather it.  Write it,
and Publish it, review of, 241, 242
Locomotive 374, 289, 290
Logan, Frisby, 180, 181
Longley,   R.   S.,   Sir Francis Hincks,   review
of, 239-241
Longstaff, F. V., and Lamb, W. Kaye,  The
-Royal Navy on the Northwest Coast, 1818-
1850, 1-24, 113-128
Lubbock, Capt., 248
Lummi Island, 141
Lundi, J. A., 201
McArthur,    Lewis    A.,    Oregon    Geographic
Names, review of, 170, 171
McColl, A. J., 84
McColl, William, 260
MacDonald, Angus, 252, 253, 256
Macdonald, Reginald, 120
McDougall, Duncan, 280
Macdougall, William B., 183, 187, 192
McGillivray, Simon, 5
McGinlay, Jim, 255
McGowan, Ned, 251
McKay, J. W„ Memorial plaque, 290, 291
Mackay, John, 89
McKay, William C, 102
McKelvie, B. A., Jason Allard:   Fur-Trader,
Prince, and Gentleman, 243-257
McKenzie, Alexander, 91
MacKenzie, Duncan, 82
MacKenzie, Lily, 82
McLagan, J. C, 190, 196
McLagan, Mrs. J. C, 190
MacLean, M. A., 183
McLoughlin, John, 13-16, 18, 66, 91, 92, 94,
97-99, 102, 104, 105, 108, 136, 138, 141, 143
McLoughlin Island, 141, 142
Maclure, John, 190
Maclure, John Charles, 190
Maclure, Samuel, 190
Maclure, Sara, 190
McMillan, James, 134
McNeill,  W.  H.,  19, 49,  50,  55,  58,  63,  64,
131, 134, 136, 140, 142-144, 146
Macquilla, Indian Chief, 12
McRoberts, Hugh, 32
MacTavish, Dugald, 262
McTavish, John George, 3
Mainland Guardian, 178-181
Maloney, Mrs. A. B., ed., Fur Brigade to the
Bonaventura, review of, 295-297
Mannion, Joseph, 177, 181
Manson, Donald, 51, 129-131, 246
Maquinna, Indian Chief, 89
Matheson, Bob, 185
Maxwell, Jerry, 183
Mayne, R. C, 125, 126, 250
Memoirs of an Emigrant, 201
Menzies, Archibald, 90
Meredith GtLirdner: Doctor of Medicine, 89-
Merivale, Herman, 270, 271
Michaud, Maximillien, 30
Miller, W. B., 183
Moberly, Walter, 38-40, 256; Report on the
Reads of British Columbia, 1868, 41-47
Moberly's Report on the Roads of British Columbia, 1868, Walter, 37-47
Mohun, Edward, 256
Monitor, 198
Montigny, Ovide de, 282
Moody, 188
Moody, R. C, 26, 27, 30, 39, 41, 250
Moody, S. P., 189, 190
Moodyville Tickler, 175-177
Moran, Pat, 255
More, John, 97
Moresby, John, 20
Morton, A. S., Sir George Simpson, review
of, 297-299
Morton, Arthur S., 1870-1945, 165-167
Mutrie, Henry, 196
Nanaimo Daily Telegram, 198
Navy   on   the   Northwest   Coast,   1818-1850,
The Royal, 1-24, 118-128
Neah Bay, 133
New Dungeness Harbour, 134
Newspapers, Vancouver, 175-199
New Westminster District, Some Early Roads
and Trails in, 25-86
Nichol, W. C, 199
Nisqually River, 145
Norris, Leonard, 232-234
North Atlantic Triangle, review of, 300-302
North West Company, 1-6, 7, 285, 286
O'Brien, J. M., 196
Observatory Inlet,. 50
Okanagan, 282
Okanagan Historical Society, 233
Olts, Charlie, 210
Onslow, Capt., 24
Oppenheimer, David, 197, 198
Oregon, 260-262, 267-270
Oregon boundary, 23, 24, 113, 119, 125
Oregon City, 18
Oregon  Geographic  Names,   review  of,   170,
Ormsby, Margaret A., Leonard Norris, 1865-
1945, 232-234;   Sir Francis Hincks, review
by, 239-241
Ottley, J., 118
Pacific Coast Power Company, 205, 206
Pacific Fur Company, 1, 3, 279, 282, 286
Palliser, John, 39
Palmer, H. S., 46
Palmerston, Lord, 267 306
Pambrun, P. C, 102, 103
Paper-mill, Alberni, 201-204, 211, 212; Powell
River, 204, 205, 208-211
Paper.   Pioneer   Days   in   Pulp   and   Paper,
Parke, H. W., 22
Paulet, George, 9
Peake, Sid, 185
Peck, W. E., 183
Peel, William, 20, 22-24
Pelly, Sir J. H., 260, 262-270
Pepin, Etienne, 246
Perry, Albert, 40
Phillips, Colonel, 183
Picture   Gallery   of   Canadian   History,   The,
review of, 287-239
Pioneer Days in Pulp and Paper, 201-212
Pluver, Glen, 229
Port Discovery, 148
Port Etches, 13
Port Moody, 177, 178, 180, 181
Port Moody Gazette, 177-181
Port Townsend, 142
Porter, David, 2
Pound, George, 195
Powell River Company, 201, 206, 210, 211
Powell River Digester, 201
Powell River Paper Company, Ltd., 205, 206,
Powell River Pulp & Paper Company, 206
Prevost, J. B., 6
Priest's Valley, 232
Province, 194, 196, 199
Puget Sound Agricultural Company, 265
Pulp and Paper, Pioneer Days in, 201 212
Quitz-ka nums, Indian, 250, 251
Rand, C. D., 197
Randolph, J. J., 183
Reid, Harry, 229-231
Reid, Robie Lewis, 79-88
Reid, 1866-1945, Robie Lewis, 79-88
Richardson, John, 94, 95, 100, 101, 104
Rickard, T. A., Alaska, review by, 299, 300;
The Romance of Mining, review of, 169,
Roads, B.C., 1863, 37-47; New Westminster
District, 25-86, 273-276
Roads and Trails in New Westminster District, Some Early, 25-86
Roads of British Columbia, 1868, Walter
Moberly's Report on the, 87-47
Roberts, Henry, 135
Roberts Point, 135
Robie Lewis Reid, 1866-1945, A Memoir, 79-
Robson, David, 179
Robson, John, 179, 182, 185, 188
Roedde, G. A., 195
Rogers, Henry, 255
Rogers, W., 184
Romance of Mining, The, review of, 169, 170
Ross, Alexander, 90, 280-282, 285
Ross, Charles Bayne Hodgson, 8
Routes of travel, 282, 283, 286
Royal Commissions and Commissions of Inquiry under the " Public Inquiries Act " in
British Columbia, 147, 168, 213-228
Royal Navy on the Northwest Coast, 1818-
1850, The, 1-24, 113-128
Ryan, William, 94
Sage, W. N., Arthur S. Morton, 165-167;
Canadian Government and Politics, review
by, 171-178; North Atlantic Triangle, review by, 300-302
St. Helens, Mount, 101
Salmon, Export of, 136
Salmon River, 137
Sangster, James, 116
Sargison, E. K., 183
Sayward, W. P., 202
Scanlon, Michael J., 210
Scarborough, James, 131, 133
Scarborough Harbour, 133
Scott, John T., 29, 30
Scott's Islands, 132
Scouler, John, 90, 91
Sea-otter, 49-52, 55, 57, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66-68,
131, 133
Seymour, Frederick, 30
Seymour, George Francis, 19, 21, 22, 113, 115,
116, 120
Seymour Narrows, 116
Shallcross, J. J., 205, 210
Shepherd, John, 125
Ships, H.M.S. America, 20-24; H.M.S. Am-
phion, 6; H.M.S. Andromache, 6; Ariadne,
202, 211; H.M.S. Asia, 120 ; Beaver, 21, 22 ;
H.M.S. Blossom, 6, 7, 10, 11, 16; Bolivar.
55; Cadboro, 119, 133, 136; H.M.S. Carys-
fort, 9, 120; H.M.S. Chatham, 1; H.M.S.
Cherub, 2; H.M.S. Collingwood, 19, 120;
Colonel Allan, 90; H.M.S. Constance, 121-
126; H.M.S. Cormorant, 116-119, 127;
Cowlitz, 19; H.M.S. Daphne, 24; H.M.S.
Discovery, 1, 90; H.M.S. Driver, 126-128;
Dryad. 133; U.S.S. Essex, 2 ; U.S.S. Essex
Junior, 2; Europa, 51, 62; Fawn, 97;
H.M.S. Fisgard, 113, 114, 119, 124; Ganymede, 94-97; H.M.S. Herald, 10, 115, 117,
118, 124; Honolulu Packet, 247; Imperial
Eagle, 89; H.M.S. Inconstant, 125, 126;
H.M.S. Investigator, 16; Isaac Todd, 1-5;
Lama, 49, 50, 62-64, 66-68, 129, 131-135,
138-144, 156 ; Mascot, 202; H.M.S. Modeste,
17-19, 24, 113, 119, 120; North Pacific, 81;
U.S.S. Ontario, 6, 6; H.M.S. Pandora, 115,
117, 118, 124; H.M.S. Phoebe, 1, 2; Prince
George, 229; Prince Rupert, 182; H.M.S.
Protiidence, 1; R. P. Rithet, 82; H.M.S.
Racoon, 2-5, 13; H.M.S. Resolute, 10, 16;
H.M.S. Resolution, 1, 89; Rosalind, 115;
H.M.S. Samarang, 16; U.S.S. Shark, 119;
H.M.S. Sparrowhawk, 125; H.M.S. Starling, 10-16; H.M.S. Sulphur, 10-18, 15, 16;
Surprise, 248, 249 ; Tonquin, 243, 245, 279,
280; Vancouver, 183; Viola, 206; William
and Ann, 90
Shirreff,'William Henry, 6
Shotbolt, Thomas, 202
Simpson, Sir George, 91, 104, 105, 134
Simpson, Sir George, review of, 297-299 Index.
Simpson, Henry, 33, 34
Sir Francis Hincks, review of, 239-241
Sir George Simpson, review of, 297-299
Slavery, Indians, 53, 54, 61-63, 66
Smith, H. Neville, 195
Smithe, William, 181
Smith's Island, 142
Some Early Roads and Trails in New Westminster District, 25-35
Speelset, Indian, 248, 249
Spence, Thomas, 45
Spink, Thomas, 194, 195
Splawn, A. J., Ka^mi-akin, review of, 173,174
Stephen, James, 259-271
Stephen on Granting Vancouver Island to the
Hudson's Bay Company, 1846-1848, James,
Stewart, Capt., 247, 248
Strange, James, 89
Strawberry Island, 134
Stuart, David, 277-288
Stuart, John, 278, 286
Stuart, Robert, 278-280, 283, 284, 286, 287
Stuart, Okanagan Pathfinder, David, 277-288
Suter, J. K., 178-180
" reieoram," From " Tickler " to, 175-199
Telegraph, 41, 42, 188-191, 195
Thomas, Richard, 9, 17
Thompson, David, 281, 283
Thompson River, 283, 284
Thomson, Henry B„ 205
Thomson, James, 202
Thorn, Capt., 279, 280
Thurston, Asa, 105-107
" Tickler " to " Telegram," From, 175-199
Tod, John, 285
Tolmie, W. F., 92, 94-98, 129, 131, 133
Tompkins, Stuart Ramsay, Alaska, review of,
299, 300
Townsend, James K„ 105
Trails of Burrard Peninsula, Early, 273-275
Trials by jury, 247, 248
Trutch, J. W., 41, 43, 45, 256
Trutch, John, 256
T'shoshia, Indian Chief, 244, 257
Turner, George, 250
Tzouhalem, Indian Chief, 245, 246
Valparaiso, 8
Vancouver, George, 1, 11-13, 90
Vancouver, Fire, 182-186
Vancouver Advertiser, 182-184
Vancouver Daily Advertiser, 184, 186-189,
191, 192
Vancouver Daily World, 190, 196-199
Vancouver Island and Hudson's Bay Company, 259-271
Vancouver News, 184-188, 192
Vancouver News and Daily Advertiser, 192
Vancouver San Juan Lime Company, 191
Vancouver Weekly Herald and North Pacific
News, 181, 182, 184, 186-188, 195
Van Horne, Sir W. C, 181
Vashon Island, 144
Vavasour, Mervin, 23
Vernon, 282
Victoria Daily Times, 196
Wallbridge, D. S., 84
Walter  Moberly's   Report   on   the  Roads   of
British Columbia, 1868, 37-47
Warre, H. J., 23
Wattle-kainum, Indian Chief, 245
Webster, Capt., 247
Weir,   Thomas  R.,  Early  Trails of Burrard
Peninsula, 273-275
Western Union Company, 190
Western Union Extension, 189
Westward Ho!, 183
White, Dr., 90
Whitman, Marcus, 110
Whitworth, Percy, 184
Wild Horse Creek, 264, 256
Williams,  M.   Y.,   The  Romance  of Mining,
review by, 169, 170
Willing, August, 248
Wilson, Jack, 195
Winnington-Ingram, H. F., 126
Wood, James, 117, 118, 124
Wood, R. H., 203
Wood-pulp, 203-206, 208, 211, 212
Woody Point, 11, 132
Work, John, Fur Brigade to the Bonaventnra,
review   of,   295-297;  Journal,   1885,   49-69,
Work,   John,   The   Journal  of,   1885,   49-69,
Wright, Bill, 229
Wright, G. B., 44
Yale, James Murray, 136-139, 246-248
Yates, J. Stuart, 202
Young, Anna Jane, 175
Printed by Charles F. Banfield, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
610-1045-8736 We
Organized October 31st, 1922.
His Honour W. C. Woodward, Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia.
Hon. H. G. T. Perry     -       -    , -       - Honorary President.
Helen R. Boutilier  - President.
B. A. McKelvie     - Past President.
Mrs. Curtis Sampson        ... 1st Vice-President.
E. G. Baynes ..... 2ndVice-President.
Madge Wolfenden     .... Honorary Treasurer.
W. Kaye Lamb       ..... Honorary Secretary.
Mrs. M. R. Cree. E. M. Cotton. J. C. Goodfellow.
A. G. Harvey.       T. A. Rickard.       H. T. Nation.
W. N. Sage.       E. G. Rowebottom.
Willard E. Ireland W. Kaye Lamb
(Provincial Archivist). (Editor, Quarterly).
Helen R. Boutilier H. C. Holmes
(Vancouver Section). (Victoria Section).
To encourage historical research and stimulate public interest in history;
to promote the preservation and marking of historic sites, buildings, relics,
natural features, and other objects and places of historical interest, and to
publish historical sketches, studies, and documents.
Ordinary members pay a fee of $2 annually in advance. The fiscal year
commences on the first day of January. AH members in good standing
receive the British Columbia Historical Quartet ly without further charge.
Correspondence and fees may be addressed to the Provincial Archives,
Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.


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