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Writing Respectability : Gender, Race, and Class in the Travel Journal of Susannah Weynton, 1849-1851 Moberg, Laura Alice 2020-04-21

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  Writing Respectability: Gender, Race, and Class in the Travel Journal of Susannah Weynton, 1849-1851 By Laura Alice Moberg   Course: HIST 449, Honours Graduating Essay Instructor: Dr. Robert Brain   A graduating thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in The Faculty of Arts History Department    We accept this thesis as confirming to the required standard Supervisor: Dr. Laura Ishiguro Committee Members: Dr. Robert Brain and Dr. Joy Dixon   University of British Columbia 21 April 2020      1 Table of Contents   Acknowledgements 2   Introduction  3   Chapter 1: “Unbecoming independence” 13 Race, Respectability, and Labour Aboard the Cowlitz   Chapter 2: “Wild and beautiful country” 28 Cultivation, Colonialism, and Landscape in the Pacific Northwest   Chapter 3: “Privileged to unite with the people of God” 47 Missionary Families and Indigenous Hawaiians in Honolulu   Conclusion 62   Bibliography  66    2 Acknowledgements This thesis could not have been possible without the support and kindness of countless people. I am particularly grateful to my thesis advisor, Dr. Laura Ishiguro, whose enthusiastic instruction, expertise, and encouragement over the past three years has truly been a highlight of my undergraduate degree. Thank you for your invaluable mentorship and the infinite supply of chocolates in your office. Thank you to Dr. Robert Brain for your insight and feedback as you guided our class on this trek up Mount Everest. I am also grateful for the peer review workshops and History Lounge discussions I’ve had with my Honours cohort. I am so glad to have shared this stressful, turbulent, yet incredibly rewarding experience with all of you. My friends and family have been the best support system I could ask for, especially in the face of the global pandemic that has made these past few months so strange and uncertain. Thank you to my partner Ryan Yu for keeping me grounded throughout these times of social distancing. Thank you to my parents and my sister Kate for your endless love and support. You mean more than anything.   3  Figure 1: The first page of Susannah Weynton’s travel journal, which she titled “Journal of a Voyage to the Pacific and American Shore.”1 Image used with permission from UBC Rare Books and Special Collections.  1 Susannah Weynton, “Journal of a Voyage to the Pacific and American Shores” (1849–1851), UBC Library Digitization Special Projects, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/specialp/items/1.0349095, page 1.  4 Introduction On 4 August 1849, 28-year-old Susannah Weynton and her new husband, Captain Alexander John Weynton, embarked on a voyage which took them from London to the Pacific Northwest, via Cape Horn and Hawai’i, returning to England by April 1851.2 Writing in her travel journal, Weynton recorded conflicting emotions surrounding the departure, describing the “happy altho’ sorrowful hours” before she was to leave her home and family for nearly two years.3 Sailing on the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC)’s barque Cowlitz, captained by her husband, Weynton kept a near-daily log of her experiences and observations. She wrote in the form of what literary scholar Kathryn Carter calls a “journal letter,” or a diary containing regular entries and addressed to friends or family, which then circulated among the domestic circle and sometimes beyond it.4 As Weynton wrote, she primarily kept this “little Log” of the voyage for the “amusement and information” of her sister Clarissa Hack.5  Based in London, England, the HBC had been sending ships to Hudson’s Bay to pursue inland fur-trading activities since the company was founded in 1670. After the 1821 merger with the Northwest Company, the HBC assumed control of trading posts on the Pacific Coast, to be managed within the newly established Columbia Department. The merger introduced new Pacific markets and products, like salmon and wood, and shifted traditional transportation routes, which lengthened the return voyage from months to years.6 From the late 1820s to the 1850s, at  2 Susannah Weynton, “Journal of a Voyage to the Pacific and American Shores.” 3 Weynton, 4 August 1849, 1. 4 Kathryn Carter, ed., The Small Details of Life: 20 Diaries by Women in Canada, 1830–1996 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 13. These “semi-public” documents were commonly kept by early- to mid-nineteenth-century travellers and settlers and were sometimes even published. While in Honolulu, Weynton herself recounted hearing about two missionary daughters who had travelled to study at Mount Holyoke Female Seminary in Massachusetts and had sent their journals home for their mother to read. Weynton, 17 October 1850, 125. 5 Weynton, 27 December 1850, 132. 6 Judith Beattie and Helen Buss, eds., Undelivered Letters to Hudson’s Bay Company Men on the Northwest Coast of America, 1830-57 (Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 2003), 3.  5 least one HBC ship each year made the long voyage between London and the Pacific Northwest (PNW), transporting employees and supplies to the forts and bringing furs and other products back to England to be sold.7 These ships would often stop in Honolulu on both outgoing and incoming trips in order to refresh provisions, sell lumber and salmon from the PNW, and load freight bound for England.8 In relation to this larger context of mid-nineteenth-century maritime networks, the Cowlitz’s voyage was not extraordinary. The presence of Susannah Weynton, however, would have been unusual (although not unheard of), as women did not typically sail on these vessels.9 Indeed, she was the only woman on board for the majority of the voyage.10 Weynton’s unique position and her extensive travel journal offer new possibilities to re-examine the history of HBC maritime activities and of settler colonialism in Hawai’i and the PNW through the revealing perspective of a middle-class, English female traveller.  Susannah Weynton’s travel journal is both historically and historiographically significant as it is believed to be the only first-hand record written by a woman on a maritime fur trade voyage and the earliest known account of what is now British Columbia by an English woman.11 Written in a leather-bound book, her journal contains roughly 150 pages of scrawled handwriting (see figure 1).12 The University of British Columbia Library acquired the document in 2017 and  7 Beattie and Buss, Undelivered Letters, 3; and Alexander Spoehr, “A 19th Century Chapter in Hawai'i's Maritime History: Hudson's Bay Company Merchant Shipping, 1829-1859,” The Hawaiian Journal of History 22, no. 1 (1988): 73. 8 Alexander Spoehr, “Fur Traders in Hawai’i: The Hudson's Bay Company in Honolulu, 1829-1861,” The Hawaiian Journal of History 20, no. 1 (1986): 29-32. 9 Beattie and Buss, Undelivered Letters, 235. 10 As I will discuss in the conclusion, an Anglo-American woman joined the Cowlitz between Honolulu and England on the way back. 11 Michelle Blackwell, “UBC Library acquires first known account of British Columbia by an English woman,” UBC News, 1 August 2017, https://about.library.ubc.ca/2017/08/01/ubc-library-acquires-first-known-account-of-british-columbia-by-an-english-woman/. 12 Weynton’s account of the voyage ends before the Cowlitz reached London on 26 April 1851 as she gave birth on board the ship. The book also includes a partial travel journal written by Weynton’s sister Clarissa Hack during a voyage from London to Sydney, Australia with the Weyntons and their child from March to July of 1852. UBC Library Digitization Centre Special Projects, Susannah Weynton, “Journal of a Voyage to the Pacific and American Shores” (1849–1851), item description, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/specialp/items/1.0349095.  6 historians have not yet analysed it in published research, making this thesis project an exciting opportunity to closely examine a unique and substantial source from a previously inaccessible perspective. As a middle-class white British woman entering colonial contact zones in the mid-nineteenth century, Weynton’s account opens up possibilities to explore how one particular woman recounted her daily experiences of HBC maritime networks during a significant moment in British and American imperialism in the Pacific Northwest and on the Hawaiian Islands. This thesis closely analyses the journal kept by Weynton during her voyage on the Cowlitz, seeking to understand how she represented her experiences on the ship, in the Pacific Northwest, and in Honolulu. Specifically, I am interested in how this source reflected larger colonial values and assumptions about race, gender, and class in the mid-nineteenth century. I acknowledge that performing in-depth analysis on one journal written by one woman will not allow me to generalize her personal account as being representative of British colonial experiences as a whole, or of all women in the Pacific Northwest or Hawai’i at this time. However, with Weynton’s exceptional position in the PNW as an outlier within the relatively small non-Indigenous population––neither a male HBC employee, nor one of the few white women who intended to stay and settle permanently––her journal allows us to see how this historical moment might look different when we consider how a female traveller represented her life, rather than reconstructing this period through male perspectives alone. Although there has been significant research on the perspectives of white women and families in Hawai’i during this time, particularly in relation to the American missionary society, Weynton’s status as a white English woman and an outsider to this community also allows for a critical evaluation of the relationships between British and American “civilizing” missions.13  13 See Joy Schulz, Hawaiian by Birth: Missionary Children, Bicultural Identity, and U.S. Colonialism in the Pacific (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2017); Patricia Grimshaw, Paths of Duty: American Missionary Wives in  7 Historians of the fur trade have traditionally tended to focus on male-centred histories, often in a celebratory mode emphasizing Western ideas of progress and development.14 In recent decades, there has been a turn toward critical treatment of the fur trade, including scholarship addressing gender and labour dynamics. This work has tended to foreground Indigenous women and the crucial, intimate labour they performed within fur trading families, and to a lesser extent considered the imagined role of white women as civilizing forces for the burgeoning colonial societies which emerged during this period.15 However, there simply has not been a source like Weynton’s journal to allow for meaningful work on the perspectives of white women associated with the maritime trade. As late as 2003, Weynton was not even widely known to have been present in the HBC Pacific; in their book on undelivered letters to HBC employees, Helen Buss and Judith Beattie describe a fleeting reference to Captain Weynton bringing his wife on board the Cowlitz, but state that they had “not yet found confirmation of this fact in the Company’s records.”16 The geographical range of Weynton’s voyage also enables us to situate these maritime trading networks within a wider scope that connects England to Hawai’i and the PNW, contributing to recent historiographical calls for transnational and trans-imperial histories.17  Nineteenth-Century Hawai’i (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1989); Margaret Jolly and Martha Macintyre, eds., Family and Gender in the Pacific: Domestic Contradictions and the Colonial Impact, rev. ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010); Patricia Grimshaw and Peter Sherlock, “Women and Cultural Exchanges,” in Missions and Empire, ed. Norman Etherington (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 173-193. 14 See for example, E. E. Rich, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967); Douglas McKay, The Honourable Company: A History of the Hudson’s Bay Company (Toronto: Musson Book Co., 1938); Hartwell Bowsfield, ed., Fort Victoria Letters, 1846-1851 (Winnipeg: Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1979). 15 Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing, 1980); Edith Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company: Work, Discipline, and Conflict in the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1770-1879 (Toronto, Oxford University Press, 1997); Jean Barman, French Canadians, Furs, and Indigenous Women in the Making of the Pacific Northwest (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2014); Richard Mackie, Trading Beyond the Mountains: The British Fur Trade on the Pacific, 1793-1843 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1997). 16 Beattie and Buss, Undelivered Letters, 235. 17 For example, David Igler, The Great Ocean: Pacific Worlds from Captain Cook to the Gold Rush (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); Matt K. Matsuda, Pacific Worlds: A History of Seas, Peoples, and Cultures (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Adele Perry, Colonial Relations: the Douglas-Connolly Family and the Nineteenth-Century Imperial World, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).  8 This project builds on recent literature examining empire, race, and gender in the nineteenth century. Weynton’s journal is especially significant in the context of scholarship on the special role held by white women in British colonization and the “civilizing mission.”18 Adele Perry argues in the context of the Pacific Northwest that white women were imagined by colonial elites as an “imperial panacea,” or a moralizing force who would transform the unruly homosocial colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia into a respectable, orderly white settlement that would adhere to Victorian standards.19 Similarly, in the Hawaiian context, Joy Schulz and Patricia Grimshaw have argued for the importance of white missionary wives and children in the development of non-Indigenous cultural and political authority over the islands.20 However, scholars have often discussed these broader notions of white women as civilizing forces––providing a pious, maternal hand to colonial projects––as ideals projected onto white women, while their own understandings or representations of their lived experiences get subsumed underneath them. Weynton’s journal reveals that (at least some) white English women at this time actively engaged with larger ideas about gender, race, and the civilizing mission––although this wider context never fully determined their experiences. Scholars in the field of critical postcolonial studies, such as Ann Laura Stoler and Mary Louise Pratt, have influenced the methodological directions I have taken with my research.21 Their scholarship draws important connections between larger, transnational histories of colonialism, and the smaller scales of individual family stories and travel writing. Just as Stoler  18 See Adele Perry, On the Edge of Empire: Gender, Race, and the Making of British Columbia, 1849–1871 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001); Lisa Chilton, Agents of Empire: British Female Migration to Canada and Australia, 1860s-1930 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007); Philippa Levine, ed., Gender and Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 19 Perry, On the Edge of Empire, 139.  20 Schulz, Hawaiian by Birth, 2-4; Grimshaw, Paths of Duty, xix-xxii. 21 Ann Laura Stoler, Along the Archival Grain: Epistemic Anxieties and Colonial Common Sense (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, 2nd ed. (London, Routledge, 2007).  9 interrogates Dutch colonial sources by reading along the archival grain to trace “colonial common sense in a changing imperial order,” I am interested in the everyday, common-sense ways in which Susannah Weynton understood and represented her world through her journal.22 Stoler’s theories have been brought into a British Columbian context by Laura Ishiguro as she studies British family correspondence to understand the settler colonial everyday.23 Ishiguro’s approach is particularly relevant for this project, as she examines “epistolary emotion” and affective lenses as sites of colonial knowledge production, including portrayals of Indigenous peoples, the environment, and settler families––topics Weynton addressed frequently. For my own research, I have attempted to embrace Stoler and Ishiguro’s method of reading for what is actually there, working to identify typical concerns and trends in Weynton’s journal before probing its silences or trying to read against the grain to hear the voices of the Indigenous peoples who encountered her and whose first-hand perspectives are not represented in the text. Rather than assuming I understand Weynton’s mentality based solely on her position as a white woman intimately entangled within the British colonial project (and thus projecting a “flat interiority” which Stoler cautions against24), I have approached Weynton’s journal with an open mind, without any specific topics or predetermined arguments ahead of time, and let the threads and patterns emerge organically as I read. Perry’s recent work has built on this method of exploring the affective aspects of colonialism, through examining the family history of the governor of the colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia, James Douglas, his wife Amelia Connolly, and their extended family as an example of lived histories of intimacy, power, and mobility in the British Empire  22 Stoler, Along the Archival Grain, 3. 23 Laura Ishiguro, Nothing to Write Home About: British Family Correspondence and the Settler Colonial Everyday in British Columbia (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2019). 24 Stoler, Along the Archival Grain, 238.  10 during the long nineteenth century.25 Perry frames her approach as “re-reading empire through a critical feminist lens that connects the presumed jurisdictions of the private and the public.”26 She draws further connections between the local and the transnational, as she covers the broader “imperial world” spanning across national borders, rather than taking regional focus. My thesis has benefited from these approaches as I am likewise concerned with written emotions within what might be considered the private sphere of one woman’s personal writings, and yet recognizing the deeply political nature of even her marginalized involvement with the British “civilizing mission” and colonial expansion. The methods used by these scholars have helped me to make sense of the relationship between Susannah Weynton’s affective, personal journal-writing, and the broader, transnational history of British and American imperialism.  Through her representations of the Cowlitz crew, the people and places she visited, and the anxiety she felt regarding their cultivation of proper social values, moral character, and spirituality, Weynton drew on broader nineteenth-century notions of feminine respectability. In particular, she assumed the sort of moral and religious authority imagined as natural to middle-class white women entering colonial spaces.27 Throughout Weynton’s journal she enacted these wider, transnational discourses which framed white women as softening and civilizing the rough, male-dominated margins of empire. Crucially, these discourses were also founded on the explicit Othering and degradation of Indigenous peoples according to Eurocentric assumptions of biologically determined racial hierarchies.28  25 Perry, Colonial Relations, 1. 26 Perry, Colonial Relations, 1. 27 Perry, On the Edge of Empire, 139. 28 Noenoe K. Silva, Aloha Betrayed: Native Hawaiian Resistance to American Colonialism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004), 53-54; Cole Harris, Making Native Space: Colonialism, Resistance, and Reserves in British Columbia (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002), 6-11.  11 Exploring these patterns and their significance in Weynton’s travel journal, this thesis is organized thematically and chronologically, with each chapter addressing a specific part of the trip in order to explore how her “colonial gaze” operated in different contexts. Chapter 1 examines the first leg of the voyage, focusing on Weynton’s representation of life aboard the ship during the long trip from London to the PNW. This chapter considers ideas about labour, class, gender, and race, as Weynton imposed her middle-class Victorian expectations for respectable morality and evangelical Protestant Christianity onto the maritime culture of the HBC seamen. I centre one dramatic incident when most of the crew deserted the ship in Honolulu to pursue individual opportunity opened up by the California gold rush, after which Captain Weynton hired a crew of Kanaka Maoli (Indigenous Hawaiians).29 Through her contrasting representations of the primarily white sailors and the Kanaka crew, Weynton’s journal revealed her gendered, classed, and racialized conceptions of proper masculinity. Chapter 2 considers the time Weynton spent in the Pacific Northwest, on Vancouver Island and at Fort Langley on the mainland. Her representations of the natural environment and of local Indigenous peoples drew on Victorian conventions of picturesque landscape description and assumptions of racial hierarchies. In naturalizing the special treatment afforded to her through her privileged status as an English woman, Weynton’s journal also demonstrates that colonial aspirations for white women were already operating in this space in a time which has typically been framed as the fur-trade period before the turn to sustained settler colonialism. Weynton both reinforced colonial power relationships and emphasized the imagined moralizing  29 Throughout this thesis, I use the terms Indigenous Hawaiian and Kanaka Maoli interchangeably. “Kanaka” means person, and “Maoli” means real, true, original, indigenous. Silva, Aloha Betrayed, 12-13; Jean Barman and Bruce McIntyre Watson, Leaving Paradise: Indigenous Hawaiians in the Pacific Northwest, 1787-1898 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006), x.  12 role of white women as she portrayed the Pacific Northwest as a wild, uncultivated land in need of civilizing and Christianizing. Chapter 3 moves along with the Cowlitz to Weynton’s four-month stay in Honolulu, living with the American missionary community while the ship underwent repairs. I argue here that, despite her status as an outsider to this community, Weynton was positioned to feel personally invested in the American missionary project in Hawai’i because of her commitment to evangelical Protestantism and belief in innate racial hierarchies. She projected her particular gendered and racializing colonial lens onto Hawaiian society by emphasizing the significance of white families and children in ensuring missionary futurity on the islands and by disparaging Kanaka Maoli as fundamentally Other and inferior. Combined, these chapters provide a chronological overview of the voyage and reveal how the gendered, racialized, middle-class Victorian values which Weynton brought with her fundamentally informed her experiences and sense of identity in these varying colonial spaces. Performing widely shared ideals of feminine domesticity, piety, and self-restraint in order to reinforce relationships of servitude and exploitation, Weynton’s journal reveals how she engaged with and enacted larger transnational discourses that centred the role of white women as moralizing, Christianizing, and civilizing forces for colonial projects.      13 Chapter 1  “Unbecoming independence”: Race, Respectability, and Labour Aboard the Cowlitz  In the morning hours of 31 January 1850, the day the Cowlitz was intended to sail from Honolulu to Vancouver Island, the crew stopped their work and refused to resume until they were paid double wages. Five men had already deserted the vessel, and Captain Weynton, apprehensive of more desertions and delays, agreed to the raise.30 The men (ten seamen and three apprentices) then demanded a month’s wages in advance, which Captain Weynton refused because, as his wife Susannah Weynton wrote in her journal, there was “every reason to suppose that they intended to follow the examples around them & as soon as they had the advance in their hands, desert the ship and make their way to California.”31 The British Consul and later the Hawaiian authorities became involved, confining the apprentices on board the Cowlitz and imprisoning the seamen at the Honolulu Fort. Six of the men returned to the ship and a crew of Kanaka Maoli (Indigenous Hawaiians) was hired to replace the men who did not.32 As Weynton indicated in her journal, this individual labour dispute was not an isolated incident but rather part of a larger moment following the discovery of gold in California in 1848, in which sailors frequently abandoned their ships for the allure of the gold fields and the new opportunities for higher paying jobs on boats leaving for California.33 In this context, Hudson’s Bay Company officials like Captain Weynton increasingly felt their dependence on the committed labour of common sailors, with conventional power dynamics destabilized in light of  30 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 204; and Alexander Spoehr, “A 19th Century Chapter in Hawai'i's Maritime History: Hudson's Bay Company Merchant Shipping, 1829-1859,” The Hawaiian Journal of History 22, no. 1 (1988): 92-93; and Beattie and. Buss, Undelivered Letters, 235-237. 31 Weynton, 31 January 1850, 49. 32 Spoehr, “A 19th Century Chapter,” 92. 33 Trading vessels were especially affected by gold fever at Honolulu Harbour, where sailors would take advantage of the bustling port and the proximity to the gold fields. Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 203-205; Beattie and Buss, Undelivered Letters, 17; and Spoehr, “A 19th Century Chapter,” 92.  14 increased opportunities for social and physical mobility. The HBC officials experienced crew desertions and demands for increased wages as threats to their financial interests and the maintenance of authority aboard trading ships. In her travel journal, however, Susannah Weynton framed the California gold rush as a cause for moral as well as economic panic––evoking the dangers of vice and spiritual corruption, beyond mere fiscal concerns. Her focus on threats to individual sailors’ virtues and spiritual health reflected Weynton’s unique positioning as an evangelical Christian woman in this seafaring environment, committed to the spread of middle-class Victorian values and expectations for respectable “manly” behaviour.34 Scholars such as Christopher Herbert, Robert Hogg, and Adele Perry have explored anxieties about “white manhood” in ethnically mixed gold rush societies.35 However, scholarship on HBC maritime activities has tended to examine the turbulence of gold mania through the perspectives of financial interests and shifting labour dynamics between company and crew, with less attention to ideas about gendered respectability.36 In her study of Hudson’s Bay Company labourers, Edith Burley argues that these workers’ priorities, moral codes, and worldviews often clashed with those of their superiors, as the officers and captains were increasingly supposed to aspire to the ideal of the “respectable middle-class gentleman.”37 As the only known account by an English woman of a maritime fur trading voyage, Weynton’s journal offers the unique opportunity to examine how these historiographical strands come together as she reconciled her  34 According to middle-class worldviews in nineteenth-century Britain, there was a single standard of manhood, which was comprised of “physical attributes and moral dispositions,” including assertiveness, courage, independence, and straight forwardness. John Tosh, Manliness and Masculinities in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Essays on Gender, Family and Empire (Harlow, England: Pearson Longman, 2005), 2-5. 35 Christopher Herbert, Gold Rush Manliness: Race and Gender on the Pacific Slope (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2018); Robert Hogg, Men and Manliness on the Frontier: Queensland and British Columbia in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012); Perry, On the Edge of Empire. 36 See Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company; Spoehr, “A 19th Century Chapter”; Mackie, Trading Beyond the Mountains, 321. 37 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 246.  15 conceptions of proper gendered, classed, and racialized social hierarchies with her seafaring experiences. As a middle-class white woman from a deeply religious background, Weynton brought this specific set of expectations and social norms with her on the Cowlitz’s voyage, which often came into conflict with those of the HBC crew, who engaged in a maritime culture which placed less weight on respectability and self-denial.38  This chapter focuses on journal entries written during the first leg of the voyage, aboard the ship from London to the Pacific Northwest, examining Weynton’s views on the passengers and crew of the Cowlitz with an eye to social categories of gender, class, and race. I argue that through her representation of the crew and the anxiety she felt regarding their moral and spiritual characters, Weynton engaged with broader nineteenth-century discourses of gendered respectability, assuming the moralizing and civilizing authority which was imagined as natural to English women entering colonial spaces.39 I centre the gold rush as a particularly revealing flash point in Weynton’s efforts to transform the sailors’ social values and spiritual commitments. I also consider the racial dimensions of her moralizing, revealed through her entries on the crew of Indigenous Hawaiian men. Weynton’s differing representations of the original (diverse, but predominantly white) crew and the Kanaka Maoli whom Captain Weynton hired after the gold rush mutiny, speak to the racialized assumptions which structured her worldview; instead of providing cautioning judgements about how these working-class men should behave or comparing them to the ideal figure of the English gentleman (often exemplified through Captain Weynton), Susannah Weynton scorned the Kanaka men with overtly racist language. This distinction demonstrates that nineteenth-century standards for civilized masculinity were not just  38 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 243. 39 See for instance, Perry, On the Edge of Empire; Chilton, Agents of Empire; Levine, Gender and Empire.  16 informed by ideas about class and labour, but also foundationally shaped by Victorian beliefs in racial hierarchies and biological determinism. Gold Mania Although it was not the first instance in which she expressed anxiety about the sailors’ moral or spiritual welfare, the desertion of most of the crew at Honolulu Harbour marked a moment of crisis during Weynton’s account of the Cowlitz’s voyage. Through her insistence on restraint, humility, and the cultivation of respectable values, Weynton’s framing of the gold rush drew on contemporary Victorian preoccupations with self-improvement and the spread of middle-class expectations for proper white manhood, and was foundationally shaped by her Protestant worldviews.40 By criticizing the men for exercising their newfound independence through distinctly moral condemnations, Weynton promoted widely shared Victorian ideals of Christian piety and self-restraint in order to uphold power dynamics of authority and servitude between the captain and crew.  As a middle-class evangelical Protestant, Weynton’s worldview was ingrained in religious understandings of temptation, sin, and the strict binary between good and evil––frames of reference which she applied to the looming “Gold Mannia.”41 On 25 January 1850, roughly a week before the men of the Cowlitz threatened to desert, Weynton penned a long entry detailing her anxiety about the gold fever sweeping the Pacific world, which she described as “producing a sad and injurious influence over the people.”42 The language Weynton used to communicate her initial fears about the gold rush was fraught with moralizing rhetoric of greed and “evil  40 See Tosh, Manliness and Masculinities, 73, 95; A. James Hammerton, “Gender and Migration,” in Levine, Gender and Empire, 165. 41 Weynton, 25 January 1850, 43. 42 Weynton, 25 January 1850, 43.  17 tendencies,” presenting an image of chaos and depravity, with people “flocking in crowed vessels to California, the land of gold”: [M]any will doubtless become rich, but it is to be feared that many more will fall a sacrifice to the privations & trials they must have to endure; habitations & provisions being altogether inadequate to their wants. Truly has the inspired writer said, ‘that the love of money is the root of all Evil.’ Its evil tendencies are, & will be felt by many and in many ways.43  Here Weynton’s religious lens was signalled most directly in the biblical quote, “For the love of money is the root of all evil” (1 Timothy 6:10), but was also apparent in her use of terminology such as “fall,” “sacrifice,” and “trials.” Weynton went on to express fears that her own crew might be “contaminated & led astray by the temptations & associations on shore.”44 Her choice of the word “contaminated” here spoke to rhetoric of contagion and infection, connoting larger threats to the moral order and the social body as a whole. Weynton’s evangelical worldview was further reflected in the Biblical imagery of men “led astray by […] temptations.”  Weynton also employed this kind of religious language to critique the moral effects of the gold rush when she wrote about the Mary Dare, another HBC vessel whose entire crew had deserted in one night.45 Weynton decried what she viewed as the obsession with money as almost a spiritual threat, with men turning from Christian values to worship a new idol: “So much for the influence of California! The heads & the hearts of the People seem to be turned after Gold.”46 In personifying “Gold” with a capital “G,” Weynton intensified her tone of moral panic by implying that Gold was supplanting the proper place of God as the focus of the people’s “heads & hearts.” By framing the gold rush as an ethical dilemma with consequences intertwined in religious ideology, Weynton’s writing reflected a distinctly moral critique of the gold rush. In  43 Weynton, 25 January 1850, 44. 44 Weynton, 25 January 1850, 45. 45 Spoehr, “A 19th Century Chapter,” 92. 46 Weynton, 19 June 1850, 88.   18 contrast with the more economic interpretations generally held by HBC officials, Weynton represented the potential disruptions caused by the gold rush within a much wider scope of sin and salvation.47 This did not mean that she was somehow ignorant of or unaffected by the economic aspects of the gold rush, but rather that the language she used to express these concerns was grounded in gendered discourses of immorality and respectability. This distinction suggests that Weynton’s account of the voyage was inherently informed by her perspective as a middle-class Protestant woman, engaging with larger assumptions about the civilizing and Christianising role of white women in the colonial project. In her discussion of the Mary Dare, Weynton’s framing positioned the men leaving for the gold rush as dishonourable, greedy individuals who pursued their own self-interest at the expense of proper social relations. In doing so, however, she also revealed the inherent instability of these relationships. Expressing anxieties about social mobility and the threat to established labour dynamics within the maritime trade, Weynton wrote that “Captns can no longer depend upon their crew,” exacerbated by the fact that “even officers have sometimes set the example & left their vessels to go to the mines.”48 The gold rush destabilized conventional HBC relationships of servitude and discipline, which were especially important aboard ships.49 Burley situates the shifting power relations of “gold mania” into a longer pattern of disobedience and labour resistance on the part of HBC employees, as she states that “[l]ike such transgressions as private trade, drunkenness, and negligence, desertion was a sign that the relationship between the company and its workers was not controlled by the former.”50 Men entered employment with  47 The HBC’s fiscal priorities were demonstrated in a January 1850 letter reporting on the crew’s desertion of the Mary Dare, in which officials George Pelly and Dugald Mactavish complained that it took two months to recruit new men, to whom they “must pay exorbitant wages.” Spoher, “A 19th Century Chapter,” 92. 48 Weynton, 25 January 1850, 44. 49 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 243. 50 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 155.  19 their own interests and identities, which they continued to prioritize rather than passively conforming to the ideal of the faithful HBC servant.51 Weynton articulated similar concerns about preserving class hierarchies when she wrote: “as ships are of no use without a crew, owners & Captns are obliged to yield to them, thus sailors find they have the power in their own hands, and thus being the case they are found to behave with most unbecoming independence.”52 Here she conveyed the uncomfortable feeling of vulnerability which HBC captains and officials were forced to confront in light of the gold rush. Weynton’s wording, “unbecoming independence,” in particular reflected her attempts to reinforce the master-servant relationship of the HBC by depicting independence and agency as inappropriate for common sailors according to bourgeois understandings of class divisions. This is not surprising, as Susannah Weynton’s own livelihood and privileged position as a respectable middle-class woman rested tenuously upon Captain Weynton’s elevated status and income. The intimate threat which the gold rush therefore presented to the couple was perceptible in Weynton’s entry about the Mary Dare, as she wrote with personal concern of a matter that would have held significance for her for obvious reasons: “the common sailors receiv[e] almost double the wages of their Captn.”53 While reaffirming the economic worries of HBC officials, Weynton further addressed anxieties about social mobility and the threat to prevailing power and labour dynamics within these maritime environments through Victorian discourses of gendered respectability and pious self-denial. In addition to these practical concerns about the effects of the gold rush, Weynton also emphasized a moral panic wrapped up in ideas about improvidence and self-restraint, reflecting  51 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 17. 52 Weynton, 25 January 1850, 44. 53 Weynton, 19 June 1850, 88.   20 her preoccupation with the proper cultivation of Victorian manliness according to middle-class values. In an entry titled “Sailors Improvident,” written when the Cowlitz had returned to Honolulu after its trip to the Pacific Northwest, Weynton lamented that the increased wages and independence available to common sailors in the context of the gold rush had been detrimental not only to the proper social order, but also to the individual men themselves: We have reason to fear that the high wages given to seamen, is anything but a blessing to very many of them. As an instance, one of our white men received with the rest, on arriving here 100 Dollars (upwards of £20) in addition to their usual wages; and not many hours after he came on board, half intoxicated, and requested the chief officer to ‘employ some one in his place for a day or two, as it was no use his attempting to work until he had spent his money.’ Oh how sad, that money should be so wasted, which to many starving families in England would be almost a fortune.54  In depicting the sailors as frivolous and wasteful of their newly increased wages, Weynton reinforced conventional class hierarchies by arguing that the sailors were unfit for the financial independence now open to them, as they did not know how to properly manage their income. Weynton’s Christian values of frugality and self-discipline were in tension with the crew’s own maritime culture, which normalized drinking and other behaviours Weynton understood as uncivilized vices.55 In his study of the HBC in Hawaiian maritime history, Alexander Spoehr found that Honolulu was a common site for social drinking in response to the strict regulations of life on board, describing “drunk and disorderly sailors seeking release from the discipline and constraints of shipboard.”56 Weynton’s condemnation of drunkenness and a lack of self-control from “one of our white men,” suggests that she saw herself taking on the role of civilizing white mother to bring good graces and respectability to the unruly working-class white seamen––enacting a similar role to that expected of British women in early settler colonial societies.57  54 Weynton, 6 August 1850, 99-100. 55 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 243. 56 Spoehr, “A 19th Century Chapter,” 91. 57 Perry, On the Edge of Empire, 139.  21 Weynton invoked a sense of maternal care, imagining herself as a moral authority by assuming a mother-like role. Burley has written that “[t]he ship, like the household, was a model of paternalistic authority, with the captain fulfilling the roles of father and master.”58 Following this metaphorical framing, we can see Weynton stepping into the role of mother of the ship, committed to the development of respectable white masculinity and desirous of discipline and hierarchical order. Her maternal, moralizing perspective was demonstrated through her concerns about maintaining the peaceful integrity of what she called the ship’s “little community.” Before the men demanded higher wages, Weynton admitted her fears about this possibility, writing that the evidence of gold mania around them caused her and Captain Weynton to “feel rather apprehensive concerning our own little community.”59 She then assuaged these anxieties by assuring herself that men of the Cowlitz appeared to be loyal and morally sound: “tho’ from the quiet, orderly & contended deportment of our sailors during the voyage we might hope for better things.”60 This entry spoke to the traits Weynton valued in “their” sailors––“quiet, orderly & contented”––and read as a hopeful affirmation that the peaceful, domestic unity of their “little community” might shield the crew from the temptations of the gold rush. Weynton also referred to the vessel’s “little community” during an earlier incident in which two young HBC clerks disrupted the ship’s disciplined order by acting in a “shameful and ungentlemanly manner.”61 According to the Cowlitz ship log, kept daily by Captain Weynton, the two clerks refused to follow orders and threatened bodily harm to the captain and boatswain, making use of “much abusive language.”62 After the men refused to apologize and continued to  58 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 243. 59 Weynton, 25 January 1850, 44. 60 Weynton, 25 January 1850, 44. 61 Weynton, 21 September 1849, 8. 62 Archives of Manitoba, Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Ships’ Logs fonds, C.1/265, Ship Log: Cowlitz (barque), Captain Alexander John Weynton, 1 August 1849–26 April 1851, entry 21 September 1849.  22 “behave very insolently,” Captain Weynton forbade the clerks from entering the cabin.63 In her own journal, praising her husband’s response to the situation, Weynton portrayed the captain as a model of respectable gentlemanly behaviour: “I am thankful & delighted with the firm, calm & dispassionate manner in which my husband has transacted this unpleasant business.”64 In recounting this situation, she repeatedly drew on the notion of “peace” and the fear that the actions of these two men threatened the moral order of the ship’s “little community.” After the men had produced a note of apology, for example, Weynton wrote with an air of solemn authority: “I trust the peace of our little community will not be disturbed again.”65  In both this smaller crisis and the larger calamity of the gold rush, Weynton connected her fears about labour disorder and social transgression to moralized, gendered concepts of stability and domestic harmony. However, the notion of a “little community” suggested a sense of equality which masked the reality of social divisions based on perceived class, gender, and racial lines. If the Cowlitz was a community, it was one whose stability depended on adherence to strict roles and hierarchies, such as the necessity of deference to the captain and respect to “his lady.”66 Perhaps most tellingly, Weynton only ever referred to the ship through the utopic image of a “little community” in moments when it was revealed to be much more complicated. Following the labour conflict in early 1850, the introduction of a group of Indigenous Hawaiian sailors further complicated Weynton’s portrayal of the ship as a tight-knit community. Race and the Kanaka Crew  After many of the original crew deserted the Cowlitz, Captain Weynton employed around fourteen Kanaka Maoli (Indigenous Hawaiians), who figured in Susannah Weynton’s diary quite  63 Weynton, 22 September 1849, 8. 64 Weynton, 21 September 1849, 7. 65 Weynton, 26 September 1849, 9. 66 Weynton, 14 September 1849, 7.  23 differently than did their predominantly white predecessors.67 Journal entries written between the ship’s departure from Honolulu and the end of the voyage contained far fewer attempts on her part to mold or improve the crew’s habits and behaviour, with suggestions that Weynton viewed the Kanaka men as too Other and inferior to pose a threat to respectable white British manhood, as the working-class white men had often done. In contrast to her tempered moralizing of the original crew, in which she framed her judgements as helpful advice for the development of proper character, Weynton abandoned such standards of respectable civility for the Kanaka crew, whom she derided with outright racism.  Although the introduction of Kanaka sailors to the Cowlitz crew marked a change in demographics, the crew had always been diverse. Weynton herself drew attention to the presence of Black HBC employees on the ship, for example, when she declared that their “jet Black Cook afford[ed] a fine specimen of honourable principle” as he remained with the ship during the tumult of gold fever.68 She went on to say that the cook was much surprised to find that “a black man, one of the Crew[,] had been one of the first to run away.”69 While in Honolulu, Weynton also made a passing reference to “a little Malay man on board,” a further reminder that the men on the ship came from a diversity of backgrounds.70 Burley notes that sailors on ships like the Cowlitz were recruited in London, and therefore “comprised a far more mixed bag of nationalities than was present elsewhere in the HBC.”71 The fact that Weynton had encountered men of colour on the ship before the Kanaka Maoli, but did not specifically mention them in her  67 There is a long history of Indigenous Hawaiians working in the HBC fur trade which linked the Pacific Northwest and Hawai’i. See Barman and Watson, Leaving Paradise; Tom Koppel, Kanaka: The Untold Story of Hawaiian Pioneers in British Columbia and the Pacific Northwest (Vancouver: Whitecap Books, 1995). 68 Weynton, 4 February 1850, 50. 69 Weynton, 4 February 1850, 50. 70 Weynton, 7 August 1850, 102. 71 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 203. This diversity and the presence of Black workers in the HBC is an unstudied topic worthy of further scholarly attention.  24 moralizing passages, suggests that her disdain for non-white masculinity was not isolated to the Kanaka sailors but part of a longer pattern of disregard.  However, her journal mixed this disregard with outright racism in relation to the Kanaka men. Weynton represented the Kanaka sailors as biologically inferior and almost entirely hopeless in fulfilling the “civilized” expectations for respectable Victorian masculinity. Almost as soon as the men were brought on board, Weynton criticized them sharply for their purported inability to perform necessary tasks. In the Cowlitz ship log, Captain Weynton recorded similar displeasure with the Kanaka men, writing that “10 of the native seamen shipped on saturday last are quite useless, having no knowledge of steerage or any duty on board a vessel.”72 Mirroring Captain Weynton’s negative assessment of their inexperience, Weynton took her pejorative account further, implying that their inaptitude was the result of racially determined traits: The Captn & Officers seem to have their patience sadly tried by the native Crew. Ignorance of their language, together with their extreme dullness of comprehension renders it most difficult to train them into any thing [sic] like usefulness. Their stupidity in looks & manners is such, that I have sometimes almost exclaimed, can it be, that these poor Creatures possess Immortal Souls? We know however that it is so, and we also know, that nothing but the influences of the Gospel can prove efficacious in raising them out of their degraded condition.73  The Kanaka men’s inferiority in Weynton’s eyes was rooted in biological deficiencies, as she derided their “dullness of comprehension” and “stupidity in looks & manners.” Weynton’s pejorative and generalized view of the Hawaiians’ “degraded condition” echoed broader racist discourse which imagined Indigenous Hawaiians as inherently lazy and lacking proper industry.74 Weynton portrayed the men as innately inferior and almost sub-human, as she struggled to convince herself that “these poor Creatures possess[ed] Immortal Souls.” Unlike the  72 Archives of Manitoba, Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Ships’ Logs fonds, C.1/265, Ship Log: Cowlitz (barque), Captain Alexander John Weynton, 1 August 1849–26 April 1851, entry 5 February 1850. 73 Weynton, 11 February 1850, 51. 74 Schulz, Hawaiian by Birth, 78, 47; and Silva, Aloha Betrayed, 53-54.  25 white sailors, whose souls and potential for self-improvement Weynton took for granted, she did not clearly reconcile these men with the standards of respectable Victorian masculinity.  Weynton’s disparaging remarks about the Kanaka crew continued throughout the voyage. On entering Victoria Harbour, Weynton recorded that she was “thankful & rejoicing that we have thus been permitted to reach our destination at last in safety, after a long & anxious passage more especially from the Sandwich Islands [Hawai’i] having a very inefficient crew.”75 At Fort Langley she again emphasized the sailors’ “stupidity” and innate inferiority according to nineteenth-century discourses of race and civilization: “The Captn & cheif [sic] Officer have their patience sadly tried by the Sandwich Island sailors. We were amused with my Husbands remark, after some fresh instance of their stupidity, ‘Surely Job never had a Kanaka Crew!’”76 Referencing the Biblical figure of Job, who represented the epitome of Christian patience and perseverance, Captain Weynton’s remark reflected both a sense of moral superiority and suggested that ridiculing the Kanaka crew was a source of amusement for the Weyntons.  These entries reveal that with the transition from a crew of predominantly white, working-class men to one made up of Indigenous Hawaiians, overt racism replaced Weynton’s more cautious and indirect moralizing. Such moralizing aimed at the white men on board figured often in journal entries she wrote between London and Hawai’i, in which she used anecdotes about the passengers and crew to form generalizable moral lessons about proper behaviour and British manhood. In a long entry titled “Self Government,” for instance, Weynton turned her critical gaze on a young passenger on his way to a clerkship at Fort Victoria––possibly one of the “ungentlemanly” clerks from the earlier “unpleasant business.”77 Initially describing him as “a  75 Weynton, 17 March 1850, 59. 76 Weynton, 6 June 1850, 82. 77 Weynton, 21 September 1849, 7.  26 young man of fine powers, which if rightly directed and cultivated would in a few years prove an ornament to society,” Weynton proceeded to critique the clerk’s lack of self-control and stressed that he “require[d] some wise friend or relation” to steer him in the right direction. Weynton used her description of this individual to expound on the dangers of weak restraint more broadly: The indulgence of self love, and self gratification is most dangerous to our moral, mental and spiritual welfare, if sensual pleasures are allowed or encouraged the morals will relax, the mental powers will become viciated [sic] and degraded, instead of being directed to higher and noble pursuits, and still more serious is the consideration of the sad effects upon the immortal principles within – the soul that can never die.78  Here Weynton expressed a distinctly Protestant form of moralizing through which she linked transgression of the acceptable masculine traits of self-discipline and restraint with spiritual impurity and degradation. Weynton’s use of the adjective “degraded” here also recalls her description of the Kanaka men’s “degraded condition,” suggesting that Weynton viewed the Indigenous Hawaiians as already morally and spiritually fallen by virtue of their race.79  Instead of treating the Indigenous Hawaiians as wayward men with the potential to be elevated through Christian austerity and Victorian social values, Weynton disregarded the Kanaka crew’s moral potential almost entirely. Accordingly, entries written about the sailors after the gold rush contained no passages like “Self Government,” in which Weynton tempered her judgemental moral instruction with appreciation of positive characteristics, and instead fundamentally disapproved of the Indigenous Hawaiians. This disparity revealed the racial dimensions and limits of Weynton’s moralizing––reflecting who she understood as worthy of cultivation and capable of self-improvement. The boundaries of morally and spiritually sound Victorian masculinity were thus prescribed along class and racial lines, foundationally shaping Weynton’s relationships with the men she encountered on the voyage.  78 Weynton, 15 November 1849, 22-23. 79 Weynton, 11 February 1850, 51.  27 Conclusion In framing the gold rush and labour conflict as a particular threat to proper moral, religious, and social order, Weynton expressed anxiety about the maintenance of discipline and authority by drawing on middle-class Victorian conceptions of proper “gentlemanly” behaviour. Weynton’s concern for the seamen’s cultivation of respectable spirituality and gendered values indicates that she actively took on the moralizing and civilizing role imagined for women in colonial spaces. Weynton’s disparaging representation of the Kanaka crew further reveal that these gendered conceptions were grounded in discourses of civilization and racial hierarchy, which positioned Indigenous peoples as innately inferior and unable to adhere to the ideals of white manhood. Viewed through the perspective of a middle-class English woman, the contrasting cultures of the HBC captains and crew came into even sharper focus, and in particular they took on a distinctly moral and religious cast. Just as the crew brought ideas about working conditions, duty, and vice to their positions on the ship, Susannah Weynton came aboard with her own set of worldviews, informed by her particular positioning as an English woman from a middle-class, evangelical Protestant background. In her journal, Weynton evaluated the crew of the Cowlitz according to her own deeply gendered, racialized, and classed expectations for respectable moral behaviour and spirituality––and often found them wanting.   28 Chapter 2  “Wild and beautiful country”: Cultivation, Colonialism, and Landscape in the Pacific Northwest  On 9 March 1850, Susannah Weynton recorded her first view of the “Snowy Mountains of Vancouver Isle.”80 After ten days of difficult sea, calms, and gales following this initial sighting, the Cowlitz finally reached Fort Victoria, marking the beginning of their four-month stay in the newly established colony of Vancouver Island. Between March and July, the Weyntons spent time on the island at Fort Victoria and Fort Rupert, as well as on the mainland at Fort Langley. In her journal entries about the Pacific Northwest, Weynton recorded her appreciation for the “picturesque” natural landscapes, her evangelical Protestant views and support for missionary work, as well as her encounters with local Indigenous peoples and individuals involved with the HBC, including Governor James Douglas and his family.  These four months were essentially the heart of the trip, as Captain Weynton’s main objective for the voyage was to bring men and supplies to Fort Victoria, which the previous year had been named the new headquarters of the HBC’s Columbia Department.81 In 1849 Britain had also made its first official land claims in what is currently British Columbia by establishing the colony of Vancouver Island.82 At the time Weynton was writing, the Pacific Northwest was still on the fringes of the British empire; however, there was a slow turn toward long-term non-Indigenous settlement in the region, mostly concentrated at Fort Victoria.83 Scholars have typically periodized this as the fur trade era, locating the major turn to an entrenched settler  80 Weynton, 9 March 1850, 56. 81 The company had moved their headquarters north from Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River in response to American expansionism. Beattie and Buss, Undelivered Letters, 3. 82 The colony of British Columbia was not created on the mainland until nearly a decade later with the Fraser River gold rush of 1858. See Richard Mackie, “The Colonization of Vancouver Island, 1849-1858,” BC Studies 96 (1992-93): 3-40; Jeremy Mouat, “Situating Vancouver Island in the British World,” BC Studies 145 (Spring 2005): 5-30. 83 See Perry, On the Edge of Empire; and Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia, 3rd ed (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007).  29 colonial project around the start of the 1858 Fraser River gold rush.84 Although she arrived in the PNW in a fur-trade context, Weynton’s emphasis on “civilizing” through middle-class values mirrored the expectations placed on white women as vanguards for the proper development of settler societies. Weynton’s journal therefore opens up possibilities to re-examine the sometimes-too-rigid boundaries between these two stages of British colonialism on the Pacific coast. Scholars such as Adele Perry have examined the tension that existed between colonial aspirations for this place and anxieties about how little it lived up to them. In the early 1850s, non-Indigenous settlement was still quite sparse, mostly composed of HBC employees and fur traders.85 Within this population there existed an extreme gender imbalance, with non-Indigenous men outnumbering non-Indigenous women by more than double.86 As white, heterosexual family units were central to the settlement project, the homosocial colony of Vancouver Island failed to live up to imperial ideals.87 During these early stages of colonialism, the PNW was generally seen as a male-dominated space in which white women figured more as idealized solutions to settler colonialism than as individual and complex people. However, discussions of these colonial anxieties must take into greater account women’s perspectives on their own lived experiences. This is particularly true for the period in which Weynton’s voyage was situated; while scholars such as Lisa Chilton have examined sources produced by white women later in the nineteenth century, comparatively less attention has been given to the  84 See for instance, Ishiguro, Nothing to Write Home About, 13-17; Barman, The West Beyond the West, ch. 4 and 5; Harris, Making Native Space, 23, 69; R.W. Sandwell, Contesting Rural Space: Land Policy and Practices of Resettlement on Saltspring Island, 1859–1891 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2005), 3. 85 Harris, Making Native Space, 24. 86 Perry, On the Edge of Empire, 17. 87 In particular, fears about the scarcity of white British women intertwined with fears about miscegenation and relationships between Indigenous women and white men. Perry, On the Edge of Empire. For more scholarship on settler colonialism, see Patrick Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (2006): 387-409; Laura Ishiguro, “Histories of Settler Colonialism: Considering New Currents,” BC Studies 190, (Summer 2016): 5-13.  30 perspectives of white women in the early- to mid-nineteenth century.88 Weynton’s writing reflected many of the ideals projected onto white women in settler colonial contexts––imagined as civilizing forces associated with morality, domesticity, and piety––indicating that these social expectations and gendered assumptions were already present on the Pacific coast before the period usually associated with sustained efforts to establish a white settler society.  Extending our understanding of these themes into an period earlier than typically considered by scholars, I suggest that, while Susannah Weynton was technically here in a fur-trade capacity, she saw herself as bringing the moral, religious, and “civilizing” presence associated with white women in the settler colonial project. This chapter is concerned with Weynton’s representations of the natural environment, local Indigenous peoples, and her own privileged status during her time in the Pacific Northwest. Weynton’s representation of the land as picturesque, uncultivated wilderness and of Indigenous peoples as racially inferior subjects of ethnographic scrutiny reflected the colonial values she brought with her as a British woman. Specifically, they were informed by notions of middle-class respectability and Eurocentric assumptions of racial hierarchies and the link between cultivation of the land and human civilization.89 Weynton’s positionality as a privileged outsider was also directly relevant to the way she framed herself as a remarkable spectacle in this space, with her whiteness and femininity affording her special treatment according to the imagined moralizing power of English women. By representing this as an uncultivated place in need of civilizing and spiritual  88 Chilton, Agents of Empire. Works by Perry and Barman are notable exceptions to this trend. 89 See Paige Raibmon, Authentic Indians: Episodes of Encounter from the Late-Nineteenth-Century Northwest Coast (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005); Jack I. Little, “West Coast Picturesque: Class, Gender, and Race in a British Colonial Landscape, 1858–71,” Journal of Canadian Studies 41, no. 2 (Spring 2007): 25-29.  31 counsel, Weynton both reinforced colonial power relationships and emphasized the importance of British womanhood in securing settler futurity.90 Picturesque Landscape Description Weynton wrote extensively about the natural environment of Vancouver Island, using language which conformed to picturesque conventions in nineteenth-century landscape description.91 For instance, she wrote frequently of her “romantic rambles” on shore and the scenic views she observed from the windows of the various forts she visited.92 Victorian picturesque conventions were closely linked with notions of British refinement and civility, and were therefore intertwined with colonial ideologies; in an analysis of personal writing by middle-class English men in BC between 1858-1871, Jack Little asserts that picturesque aesthetics supported the aims of imperial expansion by “naturalizing” colonized spaces and interpreting the physical environment as passive “landscapes.”93 Little further argues that narratives by English men in colonial BC conformed to the same picturesque conventions followed by female travel writers, challenging historians such as Mary Louise Pratt who claim that there was a distinctive difference between the colonial gazes of men and women in the Victorian era.94 While supporting Little’s findings on the colonial nature of picturesque conventions, Weynton’s journal allows us to evaluate these themes through the perspective of an English woman in a slightly earlier period and ultimately complicates Little’s flattening of gendered social differences.  90 Referring to aspirations for sustained colonial occupation, settler futurity is essential for the colonial narrative of replacement and belief in the “permanent virtuality” of the settler on stolen land (Tuck 80). See Eve Tuck and Rubén A. Gaztambide-Fernández, “Curriculum, Replacement, and Settler Futurity,” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing 29, no. 1 (2013): 72-89; Laura Ishiguro, “‘Growing Up and Grown Up ... in Our Future City’: Discourses of Childhood and Settler Futurity in Colonial British Columbia,” BC Studies 190, no.1 (2016): 15-37.  91 The picturesque is an aesthetic ideal defined as a blend of the sublime and the beautiful, emphasizing light, colour, and distance. Little, “West Coast Picturesque,” 15; and Terry Abraham, Mountains So Sublime: Nineteenth-Century British Travellers and the Lure of the Rocky Mountain West (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2006), 74-75. 92 See for instance: Weynton, 22 May 1850, 81. 93 Little, “West Coast Picturesque,” 7. See also Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 59. 94 Little, “West Coast Picturesque,” 9.  32 Situating the picturesque within the broader context of Weynton’s journal, I contend that Victorian notions of gender were of great importance to mid-nineteenth-century experiences of the Pacific Northwest––beyond similarities in prose style. By portraying the Indigenous territories which she visited through this colonial perspective, Weynton’s landscape descriptions were intimately connected with her positionality as a middle-class white woman concerned with the cultivation of proper British values and behaviours. Through her picturesque descriptions of the physical environment, Weynton constructed an image of the Pacific Northwest as an uncultivated, naturalized landscape that was available and suitable for British settlement.   The journal demonstrated these themes of wilderness and respectability in an entry from 22 March 1850, titled “Our first ramble on Vancouvers [sic] Island,” in which Weynton recounted a walk she and Captain Weynton took around Fort Victoria: Accompanied my dear husband on shore and enjoyed a ramble with him over wild and beautiful country. The scenery is very varying and picturesque. At one turn will be seen the little Bay surrounded by trees and hills, with the dear old Cowlitz and other ships resting peacefully in this long desired and quiet haven. At another opening we have a fine view of the Straits, with the Olympus range of mountains beyond, their snowy peaks reaching into the clouds, and when the sun shines upon them presenting a beautiful & magnificent appearance.95  This entry illustrated many picturesque tropes, including the “varying” panoramic scenes reminiscent of landscape paintings and the image of sunlight on snow-capped mountains. In characterizing the region as “wild and beautiful country,” Weynton applied Victorian perspectives onto this newly colonized space beyond the aesthetics of views and panoramas. For example, Weynton’s description employed the ships as the human-scale features intended to add a narrative element to the picturesque background, much like the ruined abbeys in European landscape paintings.96 The imagery of ships “resting peacefully in this long desired and quiet  95 Weynton, 22 March 1850, 61. 96 Abraham, Mountains So Sublime, 74-75; Little, “West Coast Picturesque,” 10.  33 haven” framed the PNW as a welcome refuge, as a peaceful and attractive place for British newcomers.97 By referring to the land as a wild and beautiful “haven,” providing peace and safety for the travellers, Weynton’s distinctly middle-class picturesque discourse supported the larger colonial project by articulating that the Pacific Northwest was a safe, healthy place, which in turn would make it a desirable location for European settlement. The class status which Weynton affirmed through her use of picturesque conventions was also relevant as she represented the land as void of both cultivation and Victorian expectations for civil behaviour. Drawing on notions of self-control and English national identity, Weynton recorded the freedom she and her husband experienced in what they understood as a wild place: “In exploring an uncultivated country[,] we seem to leave our English feelings at home & climb fences, wade through difficult passes, & jump across streams & rivulets without hesitation.”98 In “uncultivated” lands, brimming with fruits and wildflowers, a sort of liminal space appeared in which the Weyntons were free to cast off societal expectations for respectability and decorum and to engage in more reckless activities than they would back home in England. Here Weynton associated her British identity with “English feelings,” or middle-class respectability and self-restraint, in contrast with the natural, carefree spontaneity which she suggested was able to exist freely in this “uncultivated country.” By establishing a binary between civility and untamed instinct, Weynton reinforced the notion that this was a wild, untamed land which was explicitly distanced from respectable British society; however, the racialized nature of this discourse was apparent as the Weyntons could still dabble in these “wild” activities without being at risk of becoming uncivilized themselves. In this way, Weynton imagined the physical landscape as an  97 Weynton, 11 January 1850, 40; 12 March 1850, 57; and 28 March 1850, 64. 98 Weynton, 22 March 1850, 61-62.  34 untouched wilderness, available to British newcomers for leisure and recreation, in which they could loosen the restrictions of English “civility” in a safe and risk-free environment. From her first “ramble” on the island, Weynton asserted her understanding of this place as an uncultivated wilderness, writing: “Oak & fir trees surround us in abundance, the soil is peculiarly fine and produces without cultivation fruits & plants which in England we consider rare and choice.”99 Here Weynton represented the landscape as a natural, Eden-like environment, providentially abundant with valuable vegetation produced “without cultivation.” The notion of untouched wilderness worked to support British ways of seeing the land as vacant and unused—disregarding the deep history of Indigenous presence in this place. In other descriptions, Weynton more directly presented the land as empty and available. While traveling from Fort Victoria to Fort Rupert at the northern tip of Vancouver Island, Weynton portrayed the region around her as unoccupied, drawing explicitly on picturesque conventions: “We appear to be passing amongst thousands of small picturesque islands, each varying in size and form, we imagine them to be uninhabited as there are no canoes mooring about.”100 By presenting the land as uninhabited, Weynton evoked the notion of terra nullius, or empty, unused land.101 Daniel Clayton has written about the “anticipatory geography” of colonialism on Vancouver Island, as British newcomers reimagined Indigenous territories as empty Crown land.102 In “imagining” that the islands were uninhabited because she did not literally see Indigenous peoples there, Weynton disregarded the fact that all of the territories on which she travelled were Indigenous  99 Weynton, 22 March 1850, 61. 100 Weynton, 26 April 1850, 73. 101 Daniel Clayton, Islands of Truth: The Imperial Fashioning of Vancouver Island (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2000), 58; Harris, Making Native Space, xxi; and Dara Culhane, The Pleasure of the Crown: Anthropology, Law and First Nations (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1997), Chapter 4. 102 Clayton, Islands of Truth, 235.  35 homelands, instead framing these spaces as scenery to be passively consumed by an outside spectator and as available land which could be actively taken for settlement. Similarly, on the way back to Vancouver Island from Fort Langley, Weynton observed “[s]ome beautiful Islands around us, not yet surveyed or named.”103 By portraying the islands as undiscovered and unnamed, Weynton overlooked the fact that these places had already been named and known by Indigenous peoples for thousands of years. In this way, Weynton replicated colonial discourses which, as Cole Harris describes, involved Europeans attempting “to remake this territory in their own terms: mapping it, renaming it, claiming possession of it, bringing it within reach of the European imagination.”104 This passage demonstrates how Weynton’s seemingly innocuous landscape description intersected with a wider project of settler colonialism, involving the dispossession of Indigenous peoples from their traditional and ancestral homelands.105 In this way, Weynton’s journal revealed the workings of her colonial common sense which was informed by an inherent disregard for Indigenous peoples, similar to the “politics of disregard” which Laura Ishiguro has identified at a later stage in settler colonialism in this place.106 Weynton’s participation in this colonial project of claiming and renaming space was further solidified as her husband named an island in the Johnstone Strait, “Weynton Island,” and the surrounding bay, “Cowlitz Anchorage.”107 Clearly, the Weyntons were not only discursively but also literally implicated in the settler colonial project of laying  103 Weynton, 15 June 1850, 87. 104 Cole Harris, The Resettlement of British Columbia: Essays on Colonialism and Geographical Change (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997), 161. 105 As Patrick Wolfe asserted, the physical dispossession of land is foundational to settler colonialism. Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” 387-409. 106 Ishiguro, Nothing to Write Home About, 119. See also Ann Laura Stoler on colonial “dispositions of disregard” more generally. Stoler, Along the Archival Grain, 247. 107 Weynton, 15 June 1850, 88.  36 claim to the land, which was dependent on the first step of settler colonialism: the dispossession of Indigenous peoples from their traditional, ancestral territories.  Representations of Indigenous Peoples  As with her representations of the natural environment, Weynton depicted Indigenous peoples through her particular colonial gaze as a white English woman, informed by her understandings of civilization and evangelical Protestantism which saw Indigenous peoples as souls to convert. Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest featured in Weynton’s journal entries in two distinct but interconnected ways. Firstly, they appeared in cursory remarks as marginal, depersonalized extensions of the natural environment. Secondly, they figured in longer descriptive passages in which Weynton provided ethnographic details about the manners and customs of various groups. Here Weynton represented Indigenous peoples as primitive creatures in need of British intervention to properly “civilize” and Christianize them, according to her belief in the civilizing mission. These two forms of representation served to both discursively erase and overtly Other Indigenous peoples, bolstering British convictions in their own racial superiority and colonial dominance. Throughout Weynton’s journal writing from her four months in the PNW, Indigenous peoples figured subtly in the background, found in marginal references and passing glances. Pratt argues that colonial travel writing emphasizing the physical landscape often naturalized the human world, which functioned as a backdrop for the author’s narrative.108 Just as Khoikhoi servants in the travel narratives Pratt examines “mov[ed] in and out on the edges of the story,” figuring “[o]ut of the corner of the landscanning eye,” Indigenous peoples in Weynton’s journal appeared as interchangeable and unnamed entities.109 This often took the form of side references  108 Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 51. 109 Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 51.  37 to “Indian guides” who accompanied the Weyntons and their friends on day trips. In an entry titled “Pleasant Ride through a wild Country,” for instance, Weynton wrote that the party was “taking with [them] an Indian guide,” on a horseback ride to Point Gonzales.110 Recounting a day trip to Mount Tolmie, Weynton listed the members of their “Equestrian Party,” naming “Mr & Mrs & Miz Douglas, Father Lamfrit, Governor Blanchard, Captn Weynton, myself and an Indian guide.”111 Although undifferentiated, depersonalized representations of Indigenous individuals were persistent threads throughout Weynton’s journal, the fact that the guide was left unnamed is particularly striking here in contrast to the elite figures who were identified in the entry. Weynton’s discursive erasure of Indigenous personhood was perhaps best exemplified in a passing note she wrote as the Cowlitz had just entered the Fraser River: “Numbers of canoes about catching sturgeon.”112 In this casual remark, Weynton depicted Indigenous peoples with so little agency that it appears that the boats themselves did the fishing. There are no human actors in this scene, only canoes catching sturgeon. Weynton once again employed the term “canoes” as a stand-in for Indigenous individuals on her arrival at Fort Rupert, when she mentioned that, as the Cowlitz raised its ensigns, the harbour “soon became speckled with canoes, hastening in their supprise [sic] to meet us, not having seen so large a vessel before […] The ship surrounded by canoes.”113 As with the previous passage, this entry reads as though the canoes themselves reacted with surprise, as though it was the canoes who had never “seen so large a vessel.” The people in those canoes were thus entirely erased from the scene. Through this framing of  110 Weynton, 30 March 1850, 65. 111 Weynton, 29 June 1850, 92. Underlining in original. Amelia Connolly Douglas was a Métis woman born to a Cree mother and a white father. Although she was Indigenous, albeit not local to Vancouver Island, Connolly Douglas’s identity as a colonial elite demonstrates that categories of race and power were always more complex than a simple binary of English/Indigenous. See Perry, Colonial Relations, 5, 151-153. 112 Weynton, 18 May 1850, 80. 113 Weynton, 2 May 1850, 75.  38 Indigenous peoples as marginalized side notes to the central story of British ventures, Weynton’s journal replicated wider patterns of colonial disregard for Indigenous agency. In contrast with these cursory references to Indigenous peoples who hovered around the edges of everyday entries, Weynton’s journal sometimes discussed Indigenous peoples at length, often taking the form of heavily descriptive ethnographic passages. These followed the conventional perspective of an outside observer, according to what Little characterizes as “the ethnographic manners-and-customs discourse favoured by European travel writers.”114 In these passages, Weynton actively evaluated Indigenous peoples against her own middle-class British values and social expectations, representing them according to widespread assumptions that their societies were primitive and uncivilized.115 In her first contact with Indigenous peoples near San Juan Bay, Weynton used stereotypically racialized language to describe them as “wild, wretched looking creatures” located within an equally wild environment: “The Shore on all sides seems to be a dense impenetrable forest of Pine Trees. A canoe with several Indians came alongside our vessel while at anchor, they seem wild, wretched looking creatures, with nothing but a blanket about them.”116 While Weynton typically depicted the land as welcoming and picturesque, the more sombre, Gothic imagery seen here with the description of the “dense impenetrable forest” served to evoke an unsettlingly Other atmosphere, intensifying her perception of these peoples as primitive and uncivilized. This was evidenced for Weynton by their failure to adhere to European standards of dress, as she noted that they were clothed only in blankets.117 Analysing writing by fur traders on  114 Little, “West Coast Picturesque,” 27. 115 Raibmon, Authentic Indians, 7; Little, West Coast Picturesque,” 32. 116 Weynton, 15 March 1850, 57. 117 European travel writers often recorded their disapproval of Indigenous peoples’ standards of dress and hygiene. See Little, “West Coast Picturesque,” 29.  39 the Columbia Plateau, Elizabeth Vibert found that representations of the landscape and Indigenous peoples were similarly linked; when the traders “were among people they considered hostile, the landscape too took a hostile turn.”118 Weynton’s use of these parallels indicates that they were part of a broader discursive pattern, as her depiction of the landscape as wild and untamed mirrored her pejorative assessment of Indigenous peoples.  Weynton’s evangelical Protestant beliefs were also integral to the way she represented the Indigenous peoples on whose lands she travelled. In particular, she felt great anxiety about the conversion of Indigenous peoples to Protestantism and the pressure to compete with Catholic missionaries who were already operating in local communities.119 Weynton expressed these concerns in an entry titled “Popery Among the Indians,” written while at Fort Victoria: “Missionaries are much wanted amongst the Indians in this land. Not only to introduce Christianity to those who are altogether in ignorance, but to exert a counteracting influence over those who are already enslaved by Popish superstitions.”120 Here she depicted Indigenous peoples as passive recipients of Christianity, either “altogether in ignorance” of the faith or “enslaved by Popish superstitions” and rendered similarly powerless. Weynton further represented missionary work as a race between competing religious groups as she complained that Catholics “are usually the first to enter the feild [sic] and it is difficult to undo, almost impossible to undo what they have done.”121 The final line of this passage was both forward-looking and confident in settler futurity, as Weynton wrote: “I trust ere long some devoted  118 Elizabeth Vibert, Traders’ Tales: Narratives of Cultural Encounters in the Columbia Plateau, 1807-1846 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), 104. 119 For more on religion in colonial BC, see for instance: Lynne Marks, Infidels and the Damned Churches: Irreligion and Religion in Settler British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2017); Susan Neylan, The Heavens are Changing: Nineteenth-Century Protestant Missions and Tsimshian Christianity (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003); Myra Rutherdale, Women and the White Man’s God: Gender and Race in the Canadian Mission Field (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002). 120 Weynton, 22 April 1850, 71. 121 Weynton, 22 April 1850, 71.  40 missionaries, will come to this Island and teach these poor benighted Indians the Gospel of our Lord & Saviour in all its purity and love.”122 In writing “I trust ere long,” she imagined the colonial civilizing mission as underway and advancing quickly. Expressed through the lens of Christian charity, Weynton’s condescending tone toward peoples she viewed as “poor benighted Indians” was underpinned by both the British missionary drive and colonial assumptions that Indigenous peoples lacked proper spirituality and civilized society. Weynton’s ethnographic perspective was further exhibited in a pejorative passage titled “North West Indians,” in which she described the Kwakwa̱ka̱ʼwakw people around Fort Rupert as “in a very degraded condition, having no idea [of] cleanliness or decency.”123 This statement marked the beginning of a long account of Kwakwa̱ka̱ʼwakw appearance and customs, in which Weynton commented on their adornment, trading and marriage practices, and funerary rites: Some of the women wear five or six bracelets of thick brass wire round their wrists, with a ring on every finger, their faces rouged, & red streaks in the parting of the hair; their only dress either man or woman, is that of a blanket wrapped about them. […] They purchase their wives with Blankets and a chief is allowed to have two wives. The unnatural custom of flattening the head with bandages in infancy prevails amongst them, and also amongst most of the northern tribes.124   The entry established an authorial, ethnographical voice by presenting stereotypically exotic imagery of ornamental jewellery and “unnatural” body modifications.125 As with her first description of Indigenous peoples by Fort Victoria, Weynton commented here on their use of blankets as clothing, invoking an image of destitute, primitive peoples lacking even basic protection from the elements. She went on to describe Kwakwa̱ka̱ʼwakw kinship structures  122 Weynton, 22 April 1850, 71. 123 Weynton, 11 May 1850, 77. 124 Weynton, 11 May 1850, 77-78. 125 For a broader discussion of white settler scrutiny of Indigenous material culture in contrast with material markers of Western “civilization”, see Paige Raibmon, “Living on Display: Colonial Visions of Aboriginal Domestic Spaces,” BC Studies 140 (2003): 72-74, 79-81; and Raibmon, Authentic Indians, especially ch. 9.  41 through similarly Othering and degrading language, relating her surprise at finding that “their curious painted characters outside the Huts” denoted “their peculiar Heraldry.”126 Weynton’s use of the adjectives “curious” and “peculiar,” as well as her dismissive reference to their structures as “Huts” drew on travel narrative tropes by evoking a sensational and foreign Other.127  Within these ethnographic descriptions, Weynton evaluated Indigenous peoples according to middle-class British values and social norms. For instance, distinguishing a hierarchy amongst Indigenous peoples according to their perceived adherence to Western “civilization,” she described the Stó:lō peoples around Fort Langley as “rather more civilized in some respects than at Fort Rupert.”128 Through both her ethnographic entries and cursory, everyday comments, Weynton’s travel journal positioned Indigenous peoples as uncivilized, primitive Others. Such discourse served to support the larger aims of colonial dispossession and domination. These representations reflected Weynton’s positionality as an English woman entering this space as an outside spectator, informed by Victorian values and assumptions which framed white women as pious, moral, and civilizing forces. Weynton’s Privileged Position In addition to representing the landscape and Indigenous peoples through a middle-class Victorian colonial gaze which envisioned the space and its inhabitants as wild and primitive, Susannah Weynton’s own presence in the Pacific Northwest was imbedded in colonial power dynamics. Through references to her remarkable position here and accounts of the extraordinary treatment she received by virtue of her privileged status, Weynton’s journal implicitly reinforced  126 Weynton, 11 May 1850, 78. 127 Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 4. 128 Weynton, 23 May 1850, 81.  42 her special role in colonial society based on widely shared imaginings that white women were moralizing and civilizing agents for the British colonial project.  Building on these representations and understandings, Weynton’s journal revealed the exceptional privilege which her whiteness and femininity afforded her in this place. She frequently noted her unique presence as a white woman in what she likely saw as a male-dominated colonial space. For instance, while sailing from Fort Victoria to Fort Rupert, the Cowlitz stopped at Sangster Island, and Weynton wrote that “Captn D. remarked that it was the first time an Englishwoman had landed on any island in the Gulf of Georgia.”129 Clearly, Weynton and her travelling companions were aware of her novel position and placed a special significance onto her as one of the first English women to travel here. The fact that Weynton was understood as remarkable indicated the symbolic significance projected onto white women in colonial spaces, as they were expected to provide a softening, civilizing presence.130 Both her whiteness and her femininity positioned Weynton as a sort of spectacle, which she did not always appreciate; recording her desires to go unnoticed and her feeling of being out of place while at Fort Langley, Weynton wrote that “[t]o one who would rather pass unobserved, the notice of the Indians is any thing but pleasant. They stare as if a white woman was quite a curiosity in nature.”131 The idea that Weynton herself became a sort of (un)natural curiosity through the Othering stare of Indigenous peoples can be read as an ironic reversal of the colonial gaze through which her journal operated. Pratt has called this kind of looking back, in which the European travel writer was scrutinized by colonized peoples, “reciprocal seeing.”132 Revealing anxieties about her particularly gendered whiteness, Weynton’s portrayal of reciprocal seeing  129 Weynton, 27 April 1850, 73. 130 See Perry, On the Edge of Empire; Chilton, Agents of Empire; Levine, Gender and Empire. 131 Weynton, 23 May 1850, 81-82. 132 Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 80.  43 emphasized the agency of those Others who returned her gaze rather than operating passively as the object of her own looking and her own ethnographic accounts of their “curious” traditions and lifestyles.133 Pratt asserts that reciprocal seeing produced sometimes-humorous, sometimes-uncomfortable “reversals of Eurocentered power relations and cultural norms, especially norms about seeing and being seen.”134 Weynton’s discomfort at being rendered a “curiosity” spoke to these larger anxieties about the two-way nature of seeing, and the reversal of what she apparently understood as the proper direction of the Othering gaze. At other times, however, Weynton seemed quite willing to be placed into the spotlight and to accept the special treatment available to her through her privileged position as a white English woman. In an entry from 7 June 1850, a few days before leaving Fort Langley, Weynton recounted a lighthearted tale of a “very pleasant and rather unusual sort of excursion” she undertook with her husband and Joseph Millar, the Chief Officer of the Cowlitz.135 Titled “Romantic Expedition,” the entry established a pleasant tone with Weynton’s typical picturesque prose, detailing “the serenity of the evening, the sweet singing of the birds, natures rich and varied tints” as they traveled in a boat in the vicinity of Fort Langley.136 While sailing along a winding stream they mistakenly believed would lead them back to the fort, Weynton’s group eventually ran aground and were forced to drag the boat over land until they reached the Fraser River. Weynton then recounted the unusual mode of transportation she was provided with once they determined the ground was too swampy for her feminine step: We landed, but finding it very marshy, my careful Husband soon seated me in the boat again, and a looker-on would have been amused with the picture we presented, the sailors, Captn & mate drawing the boat across the land, all highly amused at the novel  133 Weynton, 11 May 1850, 78. 134 Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 80. 135 Weynton, 7 June 1850, 83. 136 Weynton, 7 June 1850, 83.  44 experiment, little me, seated comfortably in it, only sorry to add my weight to their burden.137  After about a half mile of walking, the men found that dragging the boat was “was too fatiguing a mode of travelling to be continued far”––as Weynton noted in a passive voice which minimized the fact that she herself was contributing to their fatigue––and decided to leave the gig and continue on to Fort Langley by foot.138 Still, Weynton was deemed unfit to walk in the knee-high water and so, as she wrote: “My husband & Mr Millar were good enough to carry me seated on the backboard of the boat, between them (the water being above their knees) to the bank on the other side.”139  This anecdote reveals much about status, class, gender, and labour in this moment. Here we see Weynton receiving extraordinary treatment based on an implicit understanding that she held special status as a white English woman. Even within her retelling, Weynton reinforced the values of middle-class respectability by noting the status differences between the men; she referred, for example, to how “the gentlemen” (her husband and Millar) proposed the plan of going overland, and that the working-class sailors followed their orders to perform the laborious task of pulling the boat.140 Although extraordinary and unusual enough to warrant a three-page journal entry, the tale was related as demonstrating proper codes of chivalrous conduct, with Weynton’s “careful Husband” acting as the refined English gentleman duly protecting his delicate wife. Weynton’s diminutive self-reference, “little me,” further emphasized this sense of gendered social propriety. She portrayed the scene as a kind of spectacle, framing the moment through the eyes of an imagined spectator as she declared that “a looker-on would have been  137 Weynton, 7 June 1850, 84-85. 138 Weynton, 7 June 1850, 85. 139 Weynton, 7 June 1850, 85. 140 Weynton, 7 June 1850, 84.  45 amused with the picture we presented.”141 This entry highlighted not only Weynton’s privilege as a white woman in this predominantly male, colonial environment––especially in contrast to the Indigenous people who “were dispatched” to retrieve the boat––but also the way this special treatment was perceived as natural and expected by both her and her gentlemen companions.142 As this telling anecdote demonstrates, Weynton brought her conceptions of class divisions and gendered social roles with her into this unfamiliar colonial environment. Conclusion Weynton’s journal represented the Pacific Northwest as an untamed wilderness, lacking cultivation in terms of both the natural environment and local Indigenous peoples. The same ideas about respectability and civility which underpinned these representations also shaped Weynton’s representation of her own privileged status in this context. Framing the PNW as a “far off land” with the potential to grow and develop according to Victorian notions of progress and civilization, Weynton’s journal reveals that British beliefs in the civilizing role of white women were present in this place before the period generally associated with long-term settlement.143 Her journal stretches the timeline forward on these gendered priorities, blurring the presumed boundaries between the “fur trade” and “settler colonial” periods. From this perspective, Weynton’s maritime voyage was reminiscent of the assisted immigration projects commonly known as the ‘brideships’ which were systematic attempts to bring single white women to the colony in the early 1860s.144 Written over a decade before these women embarked on their own trans-imperial voyages, Weynton’s journal engaged with similar colonial  141 Weynton, 7 June 1850, 85. 142 Weynton, 7 June 1850, 85. 143 Weynton 14 May 1850, 78. 144 Perry, On the Edge of Empire, 148-162.  46 preoccupations with the proper cultivation of the PNW according to Victorian values and social norms, bound up with the expectation for white women to serve as moral and spiritual guides.   47 Chapter 3  “Privileged to unite with the people of God”: Missionary Families and Indigenous Hawaiians in Honolulu  The Cowlitz returned to Hawai’i in late July 1850. Upon casting anchor off “Wahoo Harbour,” Susannah Weynton related her view of Honolulu from the ship’s deck, writing: “The day is very lovely, I have been enjoying the prospect from the deck, and wishing for a clever pencil or rather a clever hand to sketch the beautiful mountains and the picturesque town of Honolulu beneath them.”145 This depiction of the Hawaiian landscape––in particular Weynton’s framing of the scene as a prospect to be sketched by “a clever hand”––was firmly rooted in picturesque aesthetic conventions. However, such picturesque landscape description did not represent a significant trend in Weynton’s entries on Hawai’i; rather, she spent much more time writing about her social engagements and religious gatherings with the Protestant missionary community in Honolulu. These entries can therefore be seen as a contrast to Weynton’s journal writing about the Pacific Northwest, which had emphasized the landscape in the absence of networks of Christian female sociability. The social world in which the Weyntons were situated expanded tremendously while in Hawai’i, due to the large numbers of Euro-American Protestant missionaries who had already established themselves on the islands. Unlike any other destination throughout the Cowlitz’s voyage, Honolulu was home to a community with whom Weynton felt personally and spiritually connected and whom she viewed as her equals. Missionaries had first arrived in Hawai’i in 1820, sent by the American Bureau of Christian Foreign Missions (ABCFM) to evangelize the Hawaiian Kingdom according to Congregationalist and Presbyterian theology. This group consisted of seven couples and five children, who traveled from New England on a six-month sea voyage around Cape Horn––much  145 Weynton, 31 July 1850, 97.  48 like the one Weynton herself took.146 Over the course of the nineteenth century, missionaries established themselves as religious and political authorities on the islands by gaining the support of Hawaiian ali’i (the chiefly class). Kanaka Maoli (Indigenous Hawaiians) faced sweeping changes which disrupted traditional ways of life and devastated populations, including the removal of the religious kapu (taboo) system, the opening up of ancestral lands for private ownership, and the spread of new diseases.147 King Kamehameha III’s adoption of a 1840 constitution which forbade any Hawaiian law from contradicting the Bible was demonstrative of these transformations and the success of missionary efforts.148 In 1893, a group including several sons of missionaries overthrew the Hawaiian monarchy and took control over the islands before Hawai’i was annexed by the United States in 1898.149 The history of missionary work and American colonialism in Hawai’i has generated a vast body of scholarship. Indigenous scholars such as Noenoe K. Silva and Haunani-Kay Trask have written important work which centres Indigenous Hawaiian resistance to colonialism, arguing against the legacy of missionary descendants and ongoing occupation.150 Among texts which critically examine missionaries themselves, Joy Schulz’s recent book Hawaiian By Birth: Missionary Children, Bicultural Identity, and U.S. Colonialism in the Pacific argues that  146 Schulz, Hawaiian by Birth, 1; for more on the early history of the ABCFM in Hawai’i, see Rufus Anderson, History of the Sandwich Island Mission (Boston: Congregationalist Publishing Society, 1870). 147 Barman and Watson, Leaving Paradise, 3-12; Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 2-5; Seth Archer, Sharks Upon the Land: Colonialism, Indigenous Health, and Culture in Hawai'i, 1778-1855 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 2-3. According to Archer, while half a million people lived in Hawai’i during the nineteenth century, by 1850 the population had reduced by over 90%. 148 Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 5. For a discussion of Kanaka engagement with Christian missions for their own reasons and from their own perspective on knowledge-seeking, see David A. Chang, The World and All the Things upon It: Native Hawaiian Geographies of Exploration (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2016), ch. 3. 149 More than one third of these men were graduates of the Punahou School for missionary children, speaking to the generational shift between missionaries and their children, who would ultimately push more forcefully for American imperialism in pursuit of economic and political interests on the islands. Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 84-85, 3-4. 150 Silva, Aloha Betrayed; Jonathan Kay Kamakawiwoʻole Osorio, Dismembering Lāhui: A History of the Hawaiian Nation to 1887 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2002); Haunani-Kay Trask, From a Native Daughter: Colonialism and Sovereignty in Hawai’i, rev. ed. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999).  49 missionary children were the crux of American colonization of Hawai’i. Schulz’s work contributes to a broader body of scholarship which brings attention to the integral role of white settler families and children within colonial projects.151 Weynton’s journal supports historians such as Schulz and Patricia Grimshaw’s claims that women and children were pivotal to the missionaries’ project of shaping Hawaiian society according to a model of Protestant respectability and “civilization.” However, unlike these studies which explore the experiences of missionaries and their descendants, Weynton’s first-hand account offers a lens onto this history through an outsider’s perspective––neither a parent nor child living in Hawai’i, not an American, and not even a missionary. It is striking that despite her lack of immediate involvement, Weynton still reinforced the importance of families and children in asserting missionary control over the Hawaiian Islands; clearly, these colonial values were not isolated to American settlers and missionaries, but part of a larger project based on a belief in the civilizing power of Christianity and the innate inferiority of Indigenous peoples. Expanding our understanding of mid-nineteenth-century Hawaiian history through the revealing perspective of a non-American, non-missionary female traveller, I aim to add to this existing historiography by highlighting the global nature of Christian “civilizing” missions which linked Americans and Europeans aiming to propagate Western religious and cultural norms. Susannah Weynton’s journal provides a unique opportunity to place these American missionaries within the context of trans-imperial networks connecting Hawai’i to England and the Pacific Northwest. Focusing on entries written while in Honolulu during the final leg of the Cowlitz’s  151 For example, Grimshaw, Paths of Duty; Jolly and Macintyre, eds., Family and Gender in the Pacific; Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Ishiguro, “‘Growing Up and Grown Up’”; Esmé Cleall, Laura Ishiguro, and Emily J. Manktelow, “Imperial Relations: Histories of Family in the British Empire,” Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 14, no. 1 (2013).  50 voyage, this chapter examines Weynton’s relationship to the missionary community and her representations of Kanaka Maoli. I argue that, despite her outsider status, Weynton’s commitment to evangelical Protestantism and acceptance of racial hierarchies, which positioned Indigenous lives as fundamentally Other and inferior, enabled her to feel personally invested in the American missionary project in Hawai’i. The journal demonstrated such investment through Weynton’s emphasis on the role of white families and children in ensuring missionary futurity on the islands and through her disparaging accounts of Indigenous Hawaiians. Missionary Families and Children In September 1850, while the Cowlitz was undergoing extensive repairs for damage caused by an accident on the shallow sands of the Fraser River, the Weyntons were required to move off the ship and live for a month with a missionary family in Honolulu. Replicating the racialist discourses which underpinned missionary projects, Weynton described their hostess Maria Chamberlain as “the widow of one of the first messengers of peace to the heathen of this Land.”152 While they were living with the Chamberlain family, Weynton had many more opportunities for socializing with other white, Christian women than she had had for the past year and a half. If Weynton saw the Pacific Northwest as rough, irreligious, and lacking the certain refined domesticity associated with the presence white women, the large number of Euro-American missionary families was the central reason for her approval of Honolulu. Weynton’s account of the Honolulu missionary community upheld an implicit assumption that Western norms of gendered family relations and respectable domesticity would play a crucial role in the maintenance of settler futurity. In so doing, Weynton affirmed her commitment to middle-class Victorian social norms and the Christian civilizing mission.  152 Weynton, 29 August 1850, 107.  51 Through references to sweet children and happy families, Weynton presented the missionary community as exemplary of proper Christian domesticity and respectable civility. Weynton made frequent mention of missionary children, including Frances Lathrop’s “lovely Baby born two days before their arrival at the Islands,” and Julia Damon’s “two sweet little boys.”153 Weynton’s comments spoke to the large population of children within Hawaiian missionary society, numbering over 250 by the 1850s.154 Their parents understood these young people as integral to bringing about the dominance of American Protestant values and moral authority on the land. As Schulz asserts, missionary children became instrumental in the construction of a colonial society in Hawai’i and missionary families used their children to model “proper familial deportment” to Kanaka families.155  In Weynton’s journal, images of domestic bliss exhibited the missionaries’ adherence to a model of respectable middle-class family life. In one entry, for instance, Weynton’s references to “pretty houses” and “sweet smiling families” served to reinforce an idyllic, domestic image of the missionary society: “Spent a very pleasant Afternoon with Mrs Clark & Mrs Castle, two devoted Missionaries. They have very pretty houses just opposite standing in their own grounds, and sweet smiling families round them.”156 Weynton likely would have contrasted these “proper” family units with the social norms of Indigenous Hawaiians, whose fluid kinship structures, collaborative child-rearing practices, and acceptance of sexual freedom scandalized missionaries.157 Through her repeated references to respectable nuclear families, Weynton  153 Weynton, 5 February 1850, 51; and Weynton, 18 January 1850, 42. 154 Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 2. 155 Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 145. 156 Weynton, 7 September 1850, 113. 157 Grimshaw, Paths of Duty, 161-169; Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 46-48, 145; Silva, Aloha Betrayed, 61.  52 characterized the missionary society by domesticity and proper gendered family relations––a demonstration of the Anglo norms and values which they desired to spread to Kanaka Maoli. A sense of futurity was also foundational to Weynton’s understanding of these white families, illustrated most clearly through her accounts of Punahou School for the children of missionaries. Established in 1841, Punahou School emerged out of missionary parents’ desire to train and educate their children according to Euro-American standards and to shield them from what parents understood as the moral corruption of Indigenous Hawaiian society.158 Schulz explains how the school combined “religious, moral, industrial, and classical training” in order to prepare missionary children for leadership positions within the Hawaiian Kingdom and to instill in them the American cultural values their parents had left behind.159 Education and children play an instrumental role in imperial projects. Laura Ishiguro argues in the context of mid-nineteenth-century British Columbia that young people were central to the settler colonial project and, in particular, that “the idea of children was fundamentally important to a collective politics of aspiration […] that lay at the very foundations of settler colonialism.”160 As in colonial British Columbia, education became a key tool in crafting a sustained future and place for missionary children on the Hawaiian Islands.  Consistent with her accounts of the missionary homes and families, Weynton portrayed Punahou School as a respectable, domestic environment which would be well-suited to the cultivation of future generations of white settlers. On 30 August 1850, Weynton joined Julia Damon and Reverend Samuel Damon, her closest friends in Honolulu, to visit Punahou School.  158 Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 78. 159 Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 69-70. 160 Laura Ishiguro, “‘Growing Up and Grown Up,’” 15.  53 In sharp contrast to the more prosaic entries in this section of the journal, Weynton’s account of the landscape around Punahou was notable for its descriptive and picturesque language: It is a large range of buildings with Verrandahs [sic] round pleasantly situated by the side of a flowing stream, a lovely flower garden, and extensive grounds, fields &c where the boys get an insight into agricultural pursuits. The Pacific & the Wiakiki [sic] plains are stretched before them, behind them are some mountains of Volcanic formation, and a lovely valley between, from which they have a refreshing breeze.161  By noting the “refreshing breeze” and the “extensive grounds,” Weynton drew on picturesque conventions to establish this as a pleasant, healthy place, which would be conducive to the proper development of the children’s minds and souls. Imagery presenting Punahou School as a cultivated place further supported this sense of improvement, with Weynton’s mention of the “lovely flower garden” and fields “where the boys get an insight into agricultural pursuits.”162 Her comment that male students in particular were trained in agricultural skills spoke to the rigid gender roles which structured education and upbringing in missionary society.  Weynton’s final line in this entry succinctly captured her perspective on what made one happy and what she valued about the missionary community: If any are happy surely they are likely to be so, so pleasantly situated, houses fitted up with every luxury & convenience, a cheerful and social circle, composed of two missionary families, several teachers and a number of scholars, and above all engaged in a work so good.163  To Weynton, pleasant houses, a “cheerful and social circle,” and “above all,” evangelical pursuits were key tenets to a fulfilling life. As with her representations of missionary families, Weynton invoked the impression of domestic comfort through her reference to the school as  161 Weynton, 30 August 1850, 107-108. 162 Punahou embraced an industrial educational model, requiring students to plant and harvest the school’s fields for hours each day, leading some students to dub their school “Punahou-hoe-hoe.” This manual labour model was based on the reality of financial limitations for the management of the school; however, it also intended to serve as an example of agrarian discipline for Indigenous Hawaiians whom missionaries hoped to train in Western farming practices. Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 72. 163 Weynton, 30 August 1850, 108.  54 “pleasantly situated, houses fitted up with every luxury & convenience.” Through descriptions of picturesque, healthy, domestic life and respectable gender roles, Weynton framed education at Punahou as an important tool for sustaining the missionaries’ civilizing project in Hawai’i.  Weynton described the missionary children through future-oriented language more explicitly in a September 1850 entry, titled “Poonahhoo [sic] School for the children of Missionaries.”164 Weynton recounted another visit she took to Punahou with Ephraim and Mary Clark to hear students present speeches at a “Speaking Day.” Here Weynton directly engaged with the concept of futurity as she imagined what the students’ futures might hold, musing that amongst the missionary children were “perhaps some future American orators, perhaps some future Presidents.”165 The fact that she imagined these Hawaiian children as specifically American leaders revealed the complex nature of their social position––what Schulz describes as their “bicultural identity” as children of American citizens and subjects of the Hawaiian Kingdom.166 Weynton went on to describe them as “very promising youth” and to admire their student newspapers, the Punahou Gazette and the Weekly Critic, as “really clever.”167 Clearly, even as an outsider to the missionary community, Weynton was implicitly invested in the proper development of these young people. With this investment, her journal reflected the foundational link between missionary children and the aspirations for future generations of white settlers on the Hawaiian Islands.   164 Weynton, 16 September 1850, 116. 165 Weynton, 16 September 1850, 116. Although Weynton would likely have been envisioning quite a different individual, the school did produce a future president: Barack Obama. See Barack Obama, Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance (Edinburgh: Canongate, 2007). While the school enrolled its first Indigenous Hawaiian students in 1852 (over a decade after it opened), at the time Weynton was in Hawai’i this was still an exclusive, explicitly white school. Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 78. 166 Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 125-128. While missionary parents wanted to ensure that their children would be well provided for and stable in their privileged positions in Hawai’i, they also expected that their children would travel to the United States in order to pursue higher education, particularly in the missionary field. 167 Weynton, 16 September 1850, 116.  55 Through her approval of the missionary community’s family-oriented nature and Christian domesticity, Weynton displayed her commitment to middle-class Victorian values and support for colonial civilizing missions. In particular, her journal presented missionary children as agents for the entrenchment of American cultural, religious, and political power on the islands. What makes Susannah Weynton’s journal remarkable in this context is that her support for missionary futurity came not as an American settler or missionary, but rather as an ostensible outsider who, through her shared commitment to evangelical Protestantism and the transformation of Indigenous societies, saw the Honolulu mission as a model of proper civilized family life. Rather than emphasizing their Americanness, Weynton prioritized the religious bonds which structured her social world amongst the missionaries, suggesting that she saw missionary work as part of a wider, transnational project to spread Christianity and European/Anglo-American cultural norms. Weynton’s religious imperatives and acceptance of racial hierarchies were further demonstrated through her accounts of Kanaka Maoli. Representations of Kanaka Maoli Protestant missionaries sought not only to convert Indigenous Hawaiians to Christianity, but also to transform their social, political, and economic ways of life more broadly. Articulating their assimilationist priorities, the ABCFM operated with the joint objectives of “civilizing and Christianising” Indigenous peoples.168 Even as an outsider, Weynton would have found these goals laudable and, like the American missionaries, her perspective on Indigenous Hawaiian society was based on a deeply held belief in evangelical Protestantism and racist ideologies. Throughout her journal entries, Weynton established hierarchies both between white missionaries and Kanaka Maoli, and between the Hawaiian elites (ali’i) and ordinary people  168 Silva, Aloha Betrayed, 31.  56 (maka’āinana). She represented Indigenous peoples as potential converts and targets of the civilizing mission which united European and American Christians, and yet also emphasized what she perceived as their essential Otherness and innate inferiority. Weynton’s accounts of Kanaka individuals were predicated on a racial binary that could not be overcome even through the missionaries’ civilizing and Christianizing influence. Weynton’s accounts of Kanaka Maoli were inherently linked with the context of missionary efforts and actions in the Hawaiian Kingdom. Recounting her visits to Kawaiaha’o Church, which she referred to as the “Native Church,” Weynton depicted church-going Kanaka Maoli according to her beliefs in racial hierarchy, asserting that these individuals were still inherently different (and inferior) despite their acceptance of Protestant Christianity. As Kahu (pastor) Ephraim Clark conducted services in the Hawaiian language, which Weynton could not understand, she instead spent her time watching those around her, encouraged by “the devout attention of many present.”169 Weynton situated the Hawaiian mission within a larger evangelical project with transnational imperatives as she reflected, “I wish some of our friends in England could have been present, they would feel encouraged in Missionary efforts.”170 Weynton expressed her excitement to witness the converted Hawaiians congregate in worship: “It was with thrilling emotions I listened to the songs of Zion from the lips of these tawny brethren & sisters, so lately numbered amongst savage heathens.”171 The descriptor “tawny” served to racialize and Other the congregation, demonstrating that although Weynton saw these converts as distinct from those unconnected with the mission, their Christian faith still amounted but a fine line between these individuals and “savage heathens”; although these were “brethren &  169 Weynton, 1 September 1850, 108. 170 Weynton, 1 September 1850, 110. 171 Weynton, 1 September 1850, 108-109.  57 sisters” in Christ, to Weynton their “tawny” complexation would always indicate their essential Otherness. Even as Kanaka Maoli were “improved” through Protestant influences, Weynton could never see them as completely equal to the white Christians and missionaries. Weynton reinforced this sense of inherent racial difference and hierarchy when she attended Kawaiaha’o Church again on 29 September 1850. She described how the church “was quite full, and numbers of them very serious and attentive, many writing down the sermon.”172 By using only the abstract and depersonalized term “them” to refer to Indigenous Hawaiians, Weynton created an us/them binary in which she aligned herself with the white American missionaries. Weynton reinforced this Othering language, as well as her view of missionary work as a shared project which united English and American Protestants, when she again imagined the “Native Church” as a source of inspiration for English missionaries: “How the sight of this large swarthy Congregation would cheer and encourage the hearts of the friends of Missions in England.”173 As with her use of the term “tawny,” the adjective “swarthy,” with its racialized connotations, exoticized and Othered the congregation. Indeed, their perceived Otherness was the very reason Weynton believed the sight would “cheer and encourage” English missionary supporters, as it represented the spread of Christian values and “civilized” society to non-white peoples. Through these pejorative accounts of converted Hawaiians, Weynton’s journal maintained the supremacy of white newcomers over Kanaka Maoli, even those who had apparently accepted the civilizing and Christianizing influence of the missionaries.  In addition to these racial hierarchies, Weynton also reinforced the class hierarchies within Hawaiian society which structured the Hawaiian mission. American Protestant missionaries disdained the maka’āinana, preferring to focus their conversion efforts on the ali’i  172 Weynton, 29 September 1850, 120. 173 Weynton, 29 September 1850, 120.  58 with the aim that a Christian influence would thereby trickle down to the masses.174 Weynton’s journal displayed a similar belief in class hierarchy which held elite Hawaiians in much higher regard than common Hawaiians (to whom she rarely referred, and never named). This trend is best demonstrated by Weynton’s descriptions of Princess Victoria Kamāmalu, a granddaughter of Kamehameha I, who united the Hawaiian Kingdom in 1795.175 Weynton first wrote about Kamāmalu in an entry recounting a Sunday service at the “Native Church,” and her description of the princess reflected a complicated mixture of esteem and blatant racism: [T]he princess Victoria, sister to the young princes lately in England[,] entered the church and took her seat at the instrument, and with much ease & ability conducted the psalmody. This young princess paid us a visit on Saturday, conversed in English fluently & played beautifully on the Piano. She is a fine tall girl, not yet 14, dignified in her deportment; and her intelligent countenance would be almost pretty, were it not for the pouting lips, so usual amongst the Kanakas.176  Weynton’s portrayal of the princess demonstrated both respect for her royal status and the disparaging, Othering manner in which she was still viewed. By noting that Kamāmalu was the sister of “the young princes lately in England,” the entry established a sense of respectability based on Kamāmalu’s proximity to Englishness. Weynton reinforced this approving tone as she commended the “ease & ability” with which Kamāmalu conducted the day’s worship, as well as her fluency in English.177 Indeed the account abound with positive descriptors––“fine,” “dignified,” “intelligent.” However, the final sentence of this passage turned back from these admirations to reaffirm the racial boundaries and hierarchies which structured Weynton’s world. Kamāmalu’s elite status was overshadowed by her Indigeneity when Weynton wrote that she  174 Barman and Watson, Leaving Paradise, 5-6; Grimshaw, Paths of Duty, 60. 175 Gavan Daws, Shoal of Time: A History of the Hawaiian Islands (New York: Macmillan, 1968), 65-66; Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 5. 176 Weynton, 1 September 1850, 109. 177 Like all royal children, Kamāmalu was educated at the missionary-run school called the Royal School, which operated in Honolulu from 1839 to 1850 (known as the Chiefs’ Children’s School until 1846). Taught in English, the students were instructed to adopt American worldviews. Barman and Watson, Leaving Paradise, 8; Schulz, Hawaiian By Birth, 26, 79.  59 “would be almost pretty, were it not for [her] pouting lips.” Weynton specifically criticized the racialized nature of her facial features, as she remarked dismissively that such features were “so usual amongst the Kanakas.” Regardless of her intelligence and royal air, then, in Weynton’s eyes the princess could never be pretty according to English standards of feminine beauty because of her identity as an Indigenous Hawaiian. Weynton’s seemingly complimentary account thus both evaluated Kamāmalu according to Victorian gendered expectations and revealed her belief in a deeper and more foundational divide based on biologically deterministic understandings of race, which positioned Kanaka Maoli as inherently inferior.  Three weeks later, Weynton had another meeting with the princess and her journal again recorded the experience with a mixture of admiration and belittlement. In an entry titled “Juvenile Party at Mrs C[lark]’s,” Weynton recounted an evening she and Captain Weynton spent with a group of missionary daughters and Princess Victoria Kamāmalu. She noted that they “had some interesting recitations &c (the American young Ladies are certainly clever)”––whether Weynton intentionally excluded Kamāmalu from this praise is unclear, but this omission certainly could be read as another instance in which missionary children were distinguished as superior to Kanaka Maoli (even royals). The entry went on to discuss the princess more directly: The young Hawaiian Princess played some favorite tunes which carried me back to our dear little parlour at Blackheath, only that my dear Sister has a better touch than the princess, consequently they wanted sweetness. She seems an interesting girl and has a very pretty easy dignity about her. She delights in the society of the Missionaries Daughters and I trust their influence will be very salutary. She speaks English perfectly.178  Even as Kamāmalu’s piano playing positively associated her with English customs and the skills of young Victorian women––so much so that Weynton was “carried … back” to her home in Blackheath––Weynton’s tone seemed to reverse to re-establish conventional racial hierarchies as  178 Weynton, 23 September 1850, 119.  60 she complained that the princess’s playing “wanted sweetness.” Here her “dear Sister” Clarissa Hack served as an example of the true English lady, in contrast to Kamāmalu’s lack of refinement. Weynton’s final comment that she was confident the missionary daughters would provide a “very salutary” influence on the princess further reinforced these hierarchies as she positioned missionary descendants as the moral and religious authorities who would bring civilizing and spiritually healthy guidance to Kanaka Maoli. Clearly, even though Kamāmalu was royal, fluent in English, and seemingly acculturated into American missionary society, Weynton still viewed her as inherently Other and inferior. In journal entries detailing both her experiences attending Kawaiaha’o Church and opinions on Princess Victoria, Weynton established hierarchies between different classes within Hawaiian society and between Indigenous peoples and white Christians, whether American or English. By treating the princess with something almost like respect, in contrast with the overtly degrading language with which she treated ordinary Hawaiians, Weynton established a divide between Indigenous ali’i and the maka’āinana. Still, even royalty was seen as biologically inferior and in need of the missionaries’ “civilizing and Christianizing” influence. Conclusion Weynton’s account of Honolulu demonstrated a continuation of many of the themes and concerns which filled the pages of her journal throughout the Cowlitz’s voyage––including her preoccupation with the enforcement of a respectable social order through the civilizing, Christianizing efforts of white missionaries and an accompanying criticism of Indigenous behaviours, spiritual beliefs, and cultural traditions. That these particular missionaries were American seemed to matter little to Weynton, who quickly became enmeshed in their social circles and invested in their project of transforming the present and future of the Hawaiian  61 Islands and Kanaka Maoli. Such connection beyond national lines and in direct contrast with Indigeneity suggests that a commitment to the spread of Anglo-Christian “civilization” united the two in a global project of Christianization and white supremacy. These shared religious imperatives and colonial worldviews ensured that even as a relative outsider, Weynton was invested in the development of an evangelical Protestant presence on the islands, through the cultivation of missionary children and the systemic Othering and denigration of Indigenous lives.     62 Conclusion Roughly a week before the Cowlitz left Honolulu, Weynton and her husband discussed the possibility that a missionary woman might join them on the return voyage, on her way to visit her family in New England. Weynton expressed great joy at this prospect of a “female friend & companion.”179 Two days later, however, Weynton recorded an unpleasant new development in her journal, learning instead that a mysterious, unscrupulous character might be joining them: Our hopes are crushed, a note, came from Mr A[rmstrong] declining altogether, and at the same time came an intimation that we are to have a passenger of very different kind[:] one who from his station would expect to be treated as a Gentleman but whose moral character has no claim to it, in short one with whom we cannot all associate with. My Husband is full of concern and perplexity about it.180  In her veiled description, Weynton depicted an individual whose morality was in contrast with his social status––a fact which caused much anxiety and perplexity for the Weyntons. “Perplexity” was a key term in Weynton’s discussion of the mysterious passenger; she wrote that they were “much perplexed about the path of duty, concerning the proposed passenger,” and referred to him as “the subject of our perplexity.”181 Ultimately, the Weyntons’ anxiety was alleviated when a physician, Dr. George Lathrop, and his wife, Francis Lathrop, decided to travel to England aboard the Cowlitz. Weynton described this development as “a burden off [their] minds,” as it would distract from “the” passenger’s unsavory presence: “Dr L. has his wife with him, so that if I can find a friend in her & my husband in Dr L. we shall not feel so much the presence of one whom we who would rather not have were we alone.”182 The whole situation was couched in vague and secretive language, and Weynton never directly named the subject of her unease. However, other sources recounting a scandal within the  179 Weynton, 26 October 1850, 127. 180 Weynton, 28 October 1850, 127-128. 181 Weynton, 30 October 1850, 128; and Weynton, 1 November 1850, 128. 182 Weynton, 2 November 1850, 129.  63 HBC in the same month indicate that this unscrupulous character was George Pelly, head of the Company’s Honolulu Agency. Pelly’s primary job was to manage the specie and bullion, which he kept in a vault in his house. In October 1850, Pelly accused his Hawaiian servants of stealing over $36,000 from the vault. Upon an investigation of his account books, authorities determined that Pelly was living in a style which required an income of more than five times what he was receiving from the HBC. Pelly eventually admitted to spending the money and agreed to take on the debt, sell all of his property, and leave Hawai’i aboard the Cowlitz.183 The Solicitor to the Hawaiian Crown who performed the investigation made vague reference to what he termed Pelly’s “habits and recent outrages upon decency,” and although he refused to give details, he wrote that these moral transgressions had influenced the severe measures he took: “I felt that I was acting wisely for the good morals of the town in inducing Mr. Pelly voluntarily to banish himself.”184 While the nature of Pelly’s “outrages upon decency” are still unclear, they account for Weynton’s strong reaction against his boarding the Cowlitz. This episode speaks to many of the gendered, classed, and racialized anxieties and expectations which underlay Weynton’s journal as a whole. Pelly’s actions evoked in the Weyntons concerns about respectable morality, masculine ideals, and class relations; he not only transgressed the expectations for proper white English manhood, but did so from a position of authority as a HBC official, and for reasons that were too immoral and indecent to be divulged. In one of her last entries about the passenger, Weynton wrote sensationally: “I must not explain on paper”––a line which (likely) she later crossed over many times in pencil (see figure 2).185 Weynton’s self-censoring reminds us of the limitations of her travel journal; this was not a  183 Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 146-147; Spoehr, “Fur Traders in Hawai’i,” 39-41. 184 Asher B. Bates to Archibald Barclay, 29 October 1850, quoted in Spoehr, “Fur Traders in Hawai’i,” 41. 185 Weynton, 2 November 1850, 129.  64 comprehensive or perfect account of her experiences on the voyage, nor was it necessarily representative of the experiences of other women in Honolulu or the Pacific Northwest. To understand what was and was not said, we must recognize the generic constraints and intentions of her travel journal and the larger Victorian discourses in which she situated herself.  Figure 2: Weynton’s self-censoring. This sentence was apparently redacted at a later date as it was crossed out in pencil while the rest of the journal was written in ink.186   Throughout this thesis, I have shown how Susannah Weynton’s particular lens as a middle-class, English, Protestant woman informed her experiences and representations of life aboard the ship, her time in the Pacific Northwest, and her time with the missionary community in Honolulu. While each leg of the trip centred different articulations of similar themes, Weynton continuously emphasized middle-class Victorian social norms and assumptions about gendered social roles, class divisions, and biologically determined racial hierarchies. Her journal further revealed the trans-imperial nature of these assumptions, as she adopted the role of moral and spiritual authority even (or especially) in environments where she was essentially an outsider. Through her perspective as a privileged traveller, Weynton engaged with a broader civilizing and Christianizing colonial project which sought to transform both individuals and societies to adhere to Western standards of “civilized” respectability and religious belief. This project was both future-oriented and grounded in the present, demonstrated by Weynton’s speculative imaginings about the potential for missionary work in the PNW and the future of American missionary  186 UBC Library Digitization Centre Special Projects, Susannah Weynton, “Journal of a Voyage to the Pacific and American Shores,” https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/specialp/items/1.0349095, page 129, image cropped.  65 children in Hawai’i, as well as her response to the immediate pressures of the gold rush labour conflict. This project was based on understandings of race, class, and gender––for instance, seen as Weynton sought to cultivate the rough, male-dominated spaces of the shipboard environment and the PNW. As I have also shown, Weynton’s moralizing was foundationally shaped by colonial assumptions which framed Indigenous peoples as uncivilized and inherently inferior. Her journal illustrated such beliefs through both casual disregard––as seen with her cursory remarks while in the PNW or her subtly demeaning comments about Princess Victoria Kamāmalu––and through outright racism––as seen with her pejorative accounts of Kanaka Maoli both on the Cowlitz’s crew and in Honolulu, and her ethnographic accounts of Indigenous peoples in the Pacific Northwest. Subject to scholarly analysis for the first time here, Weynton’s travel journal is a valuable source which provides an intimate, first-hand perspective onto one woman’s experiences and perspectives within mid-nineteenth-century maritime networks and colonial contact zones. As this trip spanned across the Pacific and the Atlantic, connecting HBC maritime activities and the burgeoning settler societies in the Pacific Northwest and Hawai’i, Weynton’s voyage demonstrates the importance of understanding these themes as trans-imperial and unconfined by rigid nation boundaries. Tracking these themes through her journal, I have aimed to contribute to scholarship on gender and empire, which has emphasized the importance of nineteenth-century colonial aspirations for white women to serve as a kind of “imperial panacea.”187 Weynton’s preoccupation with enforcing middle-class Victorian values and evangelical Protestant beliefs demonstrates that at least some English women actively engaged with and upheld discourses which framed white women as moralizing, civilizing, and Christianizing forces.    187 Perry, On the Edge of Empire, 139.  66 Bibliography  Primary Sources  Archives of Manitoba, Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Ships’ Logs fonds.  Weynton, Susannah. “Journal of a Voyage to the Pacific and American Shores.” 1849–1851. UBC Library Digitization Special Projects. FC3817.1 .W497 1849. https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/specialp/items/1.0349095.  Secondary Sources  Abraham, Terry. 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