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Student Anthropologist : the Journal of the Anthropology Students Association of UBC, Vol. 2, issue 1. Gustafson, Tomas; Aleong, Nicole; McGeough, Megan; Tucker, Alexandra; Mayer, Samara Mar 31, 2013

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Student Anthropologist The Journal of the Anthropology Students Association ofUBC o\og'JS 0<:<" ~ ~ I '~ ..J.J ............. n -~.,.. a-Vo, .. -.4 ./12/,:>0" Student Anthropologist The Journal of the Anthropology Students Association of UBC Editors : Tomas Gustafson, Nicole Aleong, Megan McGeough, Alexandra Tucker, and Samara Mayer. By the Anthropology Students Association (ASA) of UBC. Prepared for the Undergraduate Anthropology Students and Faculty. The full title of this journal is: Student Anthropologist, the Journal of the Anthropology Students Association of UBC, Volume 2, Issue I. The journal was printed in March, 2013. This work (UBC ASA Undergraduate Journal, by Emily Allan, Rachel Zuliniak, Conan Gradson, Michele Morucci, Sarah Jane Kerr-Lapsley, Giulia Sciolli, Craig Turney, and Jessie Tougas), identified by the University of British Columbia Anthropology Student's Association, is free from known copyright restrictions. Introduction Tomas Gustafson Table of Contents Cultural Appropriation, Commodification, and the Agency of the Hip-Hop Artist Emily Allan 2 West Papuan Self-Determination Jessie Tougas Discourses of Agency in the Debate on Consumption Michele Morucci Sustainable Development and the Canadian Mining Industry Craig Tumey Shifting Approaches to HIV in the Pacific Rachel Zuliniak Illness Narratives and the Rhetoric of Contrast 12 23 32 45 Giulia Sciolli 51 Connecting Aboriginal Peoples to Traditional Lands in Guadalcanal Conan Gradson 59 Human Nature and Nature Nature: Anthropological Problems in Theory and Practice Sarah Jane Kerr-Lapsley 71 ) -- ------_ .. _-_ ... _._ . __ .... _ .. _ .. __ .. _--_. __ ._---_._--Introduction Welcome to Student Anthropologist , the undergraduate journal of the University of British Columbia's Anthropology Students Association CASAl. Building on last year's successful launch of the journal, we wanted to continue the tradition of giving students in Anthropology, and, indeed, any students interested in anthropology, the chance to make their voices heard on issues they find pertinent. The journal gives students an opportunity to see their work in print, providing them a chance to see what the world of anthropology is all about once they leave the confines of university. This year we had the invaluable help of some veteran ASA members, whose advice helped make this journal possible. However, for some of us, myself included, it was a new, and interesting experience. Using various techniques, including classroom visits, emails, and TV slides in the ANSO building, we spread the word the presses would be rolling once more. This year we hoped to expand the range of materials included in the journal, such as magazine-style opinion articles, as well as visuals such as photos and drawings. We were pleasantly surprised to see a doubling of the number of submissions this year, across a broad range of topics. We even received a submission from an exchange student in the UK. We did not see the hoped-for alternative submissions we introduced this year, but it is understandable. Our dilemma is much like that of real anthropologists, how to make our , message resonate with a wide audience. We will continue to publish, and in doing so, provide the .opportunity for engaged students to take the chance and show what they krlow. We selected eight submissions this year, based on the input of five editors. The topics are diverse, covering issues such as consumerism, cultural appropriation, land ownership, and indigenous rights . As with last year, the papers are of cultural anthropology, again due to greater interest in topics in that field. We are eager to see the scope of the journal broaden in the corning years, and hope that each volume will build upon the last. We hope you enjoy reading these collected works from the Department of Anthropology at UBC. Thank you for your interest and for encouraging our continuing effort to promote student voices. Sincerely, Tomas Gustafson 2 CII/tllral Appropriation, Commodification, and the Agency of the Hip-Hop Artist Emily Allan Ifip-hop finds its earliest roots in the earl y 1970s in the South Bronx of New York, when " IIIICd spinning songs together at block parties, drawin g in influences from funk, soul, reggae, and other IInilar genres and mi xing beats. Shortly after this came the add ition of call-and-response and rappin g, or ' M :-in g,' (the roots of which can be traced back to traditional African music) over these tracks. The <'Clliral supporters at the beginning of the movement were Illostly yo uth within Caribbean-American, Ii'iean-American, and Latin-Amcrican communities (Gcorgc 1998). The music style, and culture, hl'eame both more popular and more political in the 1980s with breakoul acts like the Sugarhill Gang, Run n ,M.C., and Public Enemy releasing popular hits (Abc 2009:264 , George 1998). Since the 1990s, hip-hop hil S gone in a few different directions, but its origins, when it came into its own as a popular genre, li e in IllOrginalized communities speaking out against oppression. This paper will explore the creation and usc of II ge ney in hip-hop, mea nin g the power the individual hip hop 31tist has and can use 10 incite community II lion within , or against, the greater power structure. T seck to discover the effects that cu ltural ,'ppropriation, the taking of cu ltura l components from one culture by another, and commodification, the lonsumpti on of somethin g into a market menta lity, have had on this agency. Tn this paper, T will a rgue that III some ways these phenomena dilute hip hop , both in quality and social constructi veness, taking away opportuni ties for agency; however, they also provide hi p hop artists wi th new (and perhaps more nuanced) kinds of agency. It is important to recognize here that hip-hop culture is not homogenous: there is great diversity within its music, styles, attitudes, politics, and goals. Thc racial discourse often operates in a 'b lack versus white' framework , contrast ing the soc iall y mobile white person and the disenfranchised black pcrson. Obviously, thi s is not always an accuratc reprcsentation of rca lil y (and thcre is morc a spectrum o f elhnieity included, particularly with Latin American participation in hip-h op culture), howcvcr the past And present oppression of black culturc specifically by a white-dominatcd power structure has been the main focus of most hip-hop for much of its hi story. Further, it is important to distinguish the differences - ------------------------------~~~-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------3 l within hip-hop culture that have emerged since its rise in popularity, hitting thc mainstream in the late 1980s. I make one central distinction in this essay betwcenmainstream hip-hop and underground hip -hop, the former being the more popular, commercialized (and commodified) form, and the latter being one that sticks closer to hip-hop 's origins, focusing less on commercial success and more on political and social change. Michael Dowdy describes underground hip-hop artist as having "different social and political value as wcll as a different niche in thc consumer market than contemporary multi-p latinum, mainstream hip hop" (2007:76). Hip-hop culture, whether mainstream or underground, can be said to rest in the "street culturc' \Of the neighborhoods it originated in, of poverty and margina lization, and the subsequent ways individuals rely on themselves and their families and communities. Many claim that hip-hop's ability to empower individuals to challenge thesc opprcssivc forces has remained strong, partially due to its inclusive, community-oriented nature (Abc 2009:267; Malone & Martinez 2010:542). Though it is only about four decades old, hlp-hop operates in many ways; as a form of "cultural expression and commercial industry," as "a network of social organizations working toward issues of social and economic justice," and as "an avenue for political activism and participation" (Malone & Martinez 2010:542). Not all are convinced that hip-hop possesses this kind of power, however. In his book All Aboll[ the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Call '[ Save Black America, John McWhorter claims that hip-hop has merely been a reaction to the injustice of oppression, but has not moved beyond that into cultural or political solutions: "if the message of this supposedly revolutionary music isjust 'Fuek l' the message is weak. [ ... ]1 am eoncemed with what the ' politics' of hip-hop tells us about where to go after we erupt with the idle, reactive eruption of Flick" (McWhorter 2008:8). The attitude McWhorter speaks oris epitomized by rap group N. W.A's influential 1988 hit Flick the Police. However, hip-hop, particularly in its underground forms, does seem to have moved past a phase of reaction into a constructive one: rappers often provide intelligent social commentaries and suggestions for crcating positive social change. Canadian rapper Shad's song Keep Shil1in' and Seattle rapper Maeklemore's song Same Love advocate women's and gay rights, respectivcly; 2Pac's hit Keep Ya Head Up encourages marginalized women, while his song Dear - [ 4 1 Alllll i n ex presses his deep appreciation and respect for his mothcr. Additionally, the presence of well -II " llc(,;ted female voices in hip-hop such as Lauryn Hill and Missy Elliott have allowcd for more r1i 'I'lI~sion of gender issues, as well as female identity, sexualization, and body image. These arc only a 11'11' examples of how the agency of the hip-hop artist includes this power to inlluence the social dialogue. This agency operates within the context of oppressive power structures and recognizes the ability " I Ih e individual in creatc change in marginalizcd circumstances. Bourdieu famously discusses the 1I ' lnli o nship between structure and agency so prominent within anthropological thought, claiming that Indi viduals often reproduce a strueturc, or "habitus," as he calls the dominant systems of entrenched 1IIIiludes in a society (1977). In hip-hop , the artist has the power to challenge these sets of attitudes, the -'hubitlls" of raci sm and socioeconomic marginalization of black communities. Dowdy notes that, "in live Ihip-hip] shows, performers and audience jointly produce a space of interactive engagement in which they rr ln eontcst dominant cultural valucs," noting that this "cmpowcrs people who arc often left out of public d,'ba tes due to age, race, education, and socioeconomic status" (2007:78). So, how is the agency orthe hip-hop artist created? Artists base their Icgitimaey on a series of irw lors, from authenticity, to skill, to wealth, to street-worthiness, to a ' black identity.' Often, this 'black Id" nlity' is based in some form of street culture: the usc of erimc, violence, and the drug trade Come into pilly here, as many rappers base their legitimacy in being able to navigate this world , and rise above it to ~ ll eeess (while holding on to some of its clements). The basis of authenticity in this 'black identity' can '~ l'lainly be limiting for artists, however it can also provide them with legitimacy and power. It is Imp ortant to make another distinction herc, betwecn hip-hop that glorifies violence, crime, and drugs, to Ihll t which calls attention to it and points to thc need for change (Reyna et al. 2009:362). The latter is not lIecessarily considered 'bctter' within hip -hop culturc, many of iconic artists participate in the former, and ,' VC ll more artists do both. The latter is, howcvcr, much more socially constructive. Legitimacy is also often based in the quality of the artist's music, of its beat and lyrical wordplay, i l ~ usc of metaphors, internal rhyme, double-entendres, and other literary dcvices; and the artist's ability to rcrc rence respected hip-hop songs and artists. Intelligence, therefore, has always becn a central facet to 5 authenticity in hip-hop (Jenkins 20 II: 1234). How this crcated agency is uscd in hip-hop is anothcr considcration: the two main goals tend to be inciting social change (underground), and bccoming successfu l (mainstream), though these are not mutually exclusive. Where normatively, many argue that hip-hop should be aimcd at the fonncr (Dowdy 2007; Reyna et al. 2009), it must be recognizcd that the latter creates a sphere of influence that enables differcnt kinds of agency: hip-hop artists who reach the mainstream have the potential to reach a wider audience if thcy push for social change, though their message might be affected by other messages (such as the glorification of money, crime, and drugs, and often the objectification ofwomcn) which enabled their success. This also begs the question of how ... commodification and cultural appropriation, which occur mostly with mainstream hip-hop, affcct thc agency of the artist. First, I will discuss cultural appropriation. Due to hip-hop's obsession with authenticity, thc taking of clements of hip-hop culture by dominant white culture has been criticizcd by many as illegitimate, taking a dcse~'ved sense of power away from black communities. This is particularly illegitimatc because of the history of white opprcssion of the very culture it then uses for its own purposes; for financial gain , or a false sense of social progressivcness in pretending to identify with thc 'black experience' (the satisfaction of so-called 'white guilt'), or the social prestige associated with elemcnts of hip-hop culture ' (Abe 2009; Rodriquez 2006; Smith 2003). Whether this is intentional on an individual scale, such as at the hands of a white teenager involved in hip-hop culture, it remains the net effect, and this can deteriorate one of the most central sources of power that black communi tics have built (Rodriquez 2006). One of the ways that hip-hop culture has held on to this power is by marking distinctions between white and black participants within itself, and denying white people certain labcls of authenticity. This can be seen in the discourse around the N-word, the main belief within hip-hop being that it should only be used by black individuals (Harkness 2008:40). Opinions on the N-word certainly vary: many, including those within black communities and hip-hop culture itself, believe it should be outlawed entirely. Some however, such as rapper Childish Gambino, suggest that normalizing it is the only way to rid it of its racist connotations, and it should thus be used by everyone: in his song YOli See Me, he implores, "can we hear the N-word -6 """ dilY and not get upset?" The most dominant view within hip-hop culture is that the word is an 1111 l' l1l tant part of the culture, a marker of authenticity, a statement of camaraderie, and a mode for taking h.H' ~ power, that can only be used by black individuals (and, Harkess notes, those of other marginalized I 1I1I1 ic groups, particularly Puerto Ricans, who have always been a part of hip-hop culture) (2008). The N-I< Did thus remains one way that black hip-hop artists can strengthen thcir individual agency. Following this line of thought, some argue that hip-hop should be preserved as a strictly black I lillHral expression (Rodriquez 2006): as many of its formational goals were to work against oppressive 1"l\vcr structures dominatcd by white culture, it should rcmain a tool for this, as well as a cclebration of ,lll'cess in this struggle. However, we must be skeptical of this mindsct of cultural preservation. Thc Ih'x ib ility of social boundaries and the spread of cultural traits arc not new, neither are they necessarily 11Il'vcntablc (Harkness 2008; Smith 2003; Malone & Mal1incz 2010). The question of whether a culture 1'111 ever be prescrved is one discussed in William Roseberry's work: culture, he rccognizcs, is a dynamic IHl)cess, not a finished product (1982). However, the fact that culture is constantly changing docs not 111\ ' 1111 that it cannot be distinct, and perhaps stay that way. Roseberry also focuscs on how important the )I'('ognition of a culture's historical proccsses is, and hip-hop is incrcdible in this respect: both mainstream II l1d underground hip-hop artists constantly reference other artists ' work in their lyrics. This self-1I 1 ~ I'cncing is something that people do not tend to pick up on until they have li stened to a substantial ,11I )Ount of hip-hop and understand these often cleverly worded refcrences: this is another way that hip-hop h,'cps itself exclusive. However, it is important to note, as aforcmentioned artist Shad points out, that " Western music - jazz, hip-hop, rock , blues, etc. - has always developed through cross-pollination across g \lIrcs and betwcen cultural communities and even countries," and that " it' s difficult to talk about ' o!'iginal culllire' [ ... J because nolll1uch happens in isolation in the worlel of popular music" (letter to I\ lIlhor, December 2, 2012). Indeed, hip-hop is particularly exemplMy of this, as it relics heavily on ' IImp ling hooks ancl beats from songs bclonging to other genres. Howevcr, Rosebcrry also discusses the IIl1portance of how stories arc shaped according to thcir context and who is telling them (1982: I 025-1 026). r==-~~------~~o_~-- ~-~-----------------------------~==============-=-=-==-=-=--===========-~~~~------------------------------------------------------------------------------7 This is directly relatable to how American history was, and is, often told fr0111 a white perspective: hip -hop is a way for African Americans to bccome the tellers of their own expcrienee and historical context. The question arises, then: does cultural appropriation of hip-hop by white culture take away this power, the agency of the artist? In some ways it can, if the artist is concerned with telling this story of the 'black experience' and staying true to its formative origins. Rodriquez argues that a "colour-blind ideology," one that sees race as irrelevant (even with the best intentions of 'equality '), can perpetuate the issues associated with raeialmarginalization by implying that they do not exist: "it provides those with more racial power the discursive resources to deeontextualize cultural objects from the histories and experienees from whence they came" (2006:663). Hip-hop's focus on aspects of the 'black expericncc', whether glamorizing poverty and crime, pointing to them as problems, or celebrating the ability to be rid of them, is something that belongs to people who actually cxpericncc it. The culture has always remained a "shared experience of marginalization through various forms of discrimination, violence, poverty and hardship" (M~lone & Martine~ 20 I 0:542): it is not justified for people who do not identify with this to pretend that they do, to try to take this sense of hardship, and accomplishment of overcoming it, as their own. Obviously, blaek communities are not the only groups that face these hardships, so whether this means hip-hop should remain strictly within black culture is contestablc. Shad proposes that hip hop "was definitely born out of specific comlllunities and circulllstanees that should always be privileged and respected by others that engage in it," and that, "the key to creative participation without appropriation is respecting the people and stories at the heart of a culture while remaining creatively open to new ideas and a range of intluences" (l etter to author, December 2, 2012). Pcrhaps the answer to this question, then, is that a listener must simply understand what his or her relationship to the music is. For me, a white person from an upper middle class background, I can legitimately appreciate hip-hop for its artistry, and through it try to gain a better understanding of the racial issucs of oppression it discusses. I cannot, however, legitimately identify with the artist's specific struggles and accomplishments like many can. I cannot take elements of hip-hop in this way and claim them as my own, but I can appreciatc and rcspcct thcm for what they are and who they belong to. 8 So, in some ways, cultural appropriation can decrease the agency of hip-hop artists to fulfill the 1"11 poses widely considered important and foundational; however, it also creates a different kind of agency. II ll ]lenS the genre up to discourse about different issucs, thosc that do not apply exclusively to black , ' "I1111u nitics, or othcr marginalized ethnic groups. White rappers like Eminem and Macklemorc use hip-'''' I' to spcak against discnfranchisement as well. Macklcmore's song Same Love, 111entioned previously, iJ ll ngly advocatcs thc legali zation of gay marriage: "no freedom 'til we're equal, damn right I support it. " I" docs this whil e placing homosexuality specifically in the context of hip-hop culture: "If! was gay, I'd Ih1l1 k hip-hop hates me." He points to homophobia in wider American society, and then opens the ,"" versation within in hip-hop culture, allowing hip-hop to fight an injustice that it has often perpctuatcd. ~ l" cklemore al so exprcsscs, in hi s song A Wake, his struggles with feeling inauthen tic speaking against hliluk oppression as a white rapper: "don't get involved ifthc eausc isn't mine, white privilegc, white gu ilt 1I Ihe samc damn timc. So we just party like it 's 1999, celebrate thc ignorancc whilc thesc kids kecp oI~ In'." In addition to these new opportunities in discussion of issues, thc cultural appropriation of hip-hop ,II '.Il all ows it to rcach a wider audicnce it would not otherwise reach. This ties close ly with my next question: does the commodification of hip-hop, making it all about 11101 all for money, dccrcase the agency of the artist" As Bourgois famously di scusses in his ethnography ,oj I,nsl Harlcm in the 1980s and 90s, thc irony that the mainstrcam "recuperates and eommercializes" I,,·C( culture (2003:8), culminates most in hi p-hop eulture. In some ways, mainstream hip-hop packages "lId sell s povcrty to the wealthy. Further than thi s, it has become an effective strategy for the amassment ,' I wcalth, not just by arti sts, but by record labcls, producers, and the like. Balaji Murali argues that, ,III ists are commodified, [ ... ] and ultimately so ld to audiences" (2009:22), which can be limiting, }lIl1li cularly in the construction of identity for black males (2009). This identity is demonstrated by lI i'l'cssful hip-hop artists, sometimes rcferred to as "moguls." Smith describes the hip-hop mogul as one \. lin rises to the top of the hip-hop industry, reveling in the success he has created despite the odds being Il lcked against him (2003:82-83). Smith explains that this is expressed in the hip -hop mogul's pride in the i' " lousy he incurs through success: moguls "tlaunt thcir risc from among the ranks of the down troddcn by 9 making public disp lays of thei r newly begotten wea lth. For the mogul , jealousy, envy. and hatred from the crowd are merely rites of passage; to be the object of sueh "hatrcd" mcrely serves to crysta llizc his esscntial charisma [ ... )" (Smith 82). This also speaks to the competitive spirit betwecn rappers: each is striving to become the most successfu l, or most authen ti c, or most accomp li shed. This sentiment is present in countless rap songs, such as Jay-Z's Dirt Oil YOlir Shollider: "all the rappers be hat in ', offthc track that ['m makin' , but all the hustlers thcy love it just to sec one of us make it." So, docs this commodification weaken hip-hop's potentia!? Dowdy argues that underground hip-hop is "a necessary corrective to a largely insipid , corporate-controlled mainstream hip hop obsessed with wealth and individualism. [t is also a return to princip les that nurtured the culturc in its ca rl y years-comm un ity-bui lding, direct participation, and live performance" (2007:89). The agency of the artist decreases particularly when those in control of the industry arc not from within the hip-hop community: art ists must play to the mainstream and often are not free to express what they want, how they want to. Celta inl y, ma,instrcam hip-hop tends to place less va lue on things like the intelligence of the artist (Jenkins 20 II: 1240). Jenkins argues that, "the failure to acknowledge tru ly talented hi p-hop arti sts as intelligent demeans both the art producti on and the artist" (Jenkins 1240). While thi s is true, the commodificat ion of hip-hop, li ke cultural appropriati on, also allows for another kind of agency for arti sts. ft can create a space in which popular artists have the power to contest dominant views and have their opinions rece ived by a wider audience. For instance, Murali notes that rap music videos (assoc iated more with mainstream hip-hop than underground) allow artists to contest stereotypes by presenting "alternate constructions of Black male identity" (2009:22) . Further, the kind of success that the hip -hop mogul creates is, in a nuanced way, the ultimate usc of individual agency in the face of an oppress ive power structure: successful hip-hop artists have essenti ally made millions off of the cu lture that oppresses them. [t is paradoxically both nuanced and in-your-face: the ultimate midd le finger to oppression, Whether thi s is particu larly socia ll y constructive is questionab le, but an undeniable sense of agency and deserved liberation is certai nly there. Furthermorc, as Shad notes, " these days the Jay-Zs, Dr. Drc's, Russell Simmons. etc, arc becoming morc 10 I'" \ IIknt [as executives in the industry) which means that both the art and business of hip hop arc ",. " 'II, ingly fa lling within the control of the community itselr' (lctter to author, Dccember 2, 2012). So, thc processes through which agency in hip-hop is created and used within the greater structure ,.f fir ,' mainstream are intricate and complex. Cultural appropriation and commodification of hip-hop l' 'fllinly can have negative effects on the agency of the hip -hop artist, particularly when one believes (as ''',1I'Y do) that hip-hop should stay true to its foundational goals of inciting positive social change. And Inle there is much debate over the legitimacy ofhip-hop's incorporation into wh ite culture, as it can, in ,It. ('ontext of a 'co lour blind ideology,' be detrimental to the discourse around racism, it docs allow for an "I" ning up of new and im portant soc ial discourses. Most importantly, both forces provide different kinds " I .'gency for artists, The forces of appropriation and commodification in the mainstream allow the hip -111,1' artist's message to be heard by a wider audience, and thi s facilitates their celebration of the fact that ' h~y have taken success out of the pockets of their oppressors. I derences \he, Daudi 2009 Hip-Hop and the Acade mic Canon. Education, Citizensh ip and Social Justice 4(3) 263-272. lI11urci ieu, Pierre 1977 Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni versity Press, Hnurgo is, Phi li ppe 2003 In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in EI Barrio, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. Ilowely, Michael 2007 Li ve Hip Hop, Co llective Agency, and "Acting in Concert". Popu lar Music and Society 30(1 ):75-9 1. t I('orge, Nelson 1998 Hip Hop America. New York: Penguin Group, I Inrkness , Geoff 2008 Hip Hop Culture and America's Most Taboo Word. Contexts 7(3):38-42. k"kins, Toby S. 20 11 A Beautiful Mind: Black Male [ntellectua l [dentity and Hip-Hop Culture, Journal of Black Studies 42(8): 123 1-1251. Malone, Chri stopher, and Martinez, George Jr. 20 I 0 The Organic Globa li zer: The Poli tiea I Development of Hip-Hop and the Prospects for Global Transfonnation, New Political Science 32(4):531-545. McWhorter, John 2008 All About the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can ' t Save Black America. New York: Penguin Group. Mura li , Ba laj i /I )-- --- ... _._u r ._-_._------_ ... _ ... _. __ ._-_. __ ._._---_ .. ( 12 )--.. _ ...... __ ._-_._-_. __ ._-_ ..... _ .... __ ._. __ . __ .. _----'---'--'---'--" 2009 Owning Black Masculinity: The Intersection of Cultural Commodification and Self Construction in Rap Videos. Commun icati on, Culture, and Critique 2(J ):2 1-38. Reyna, Christine, Brandt, Mark, and Viki , Tendayi G 2009 Blame It On Hip Hop: Anti-Rap Attitudes as a Proxy for Prejudice. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations 12(3):361-380. Rodriquez, Jason 2006 Color-B lind Ideology and the Cultural Appropriation of Hip-Hop. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 35(6):645 -668. Roseberry, William 1982 Balinese Cockfights and the Seduction of Anthropology. Social Research 49 101 3 1028. Smith, Christopher Holmes 2003 I Don't Like to Dream About Getting Paid: Reprcsentations of Social Mobility and the Emergence of the Hip-Hop Mogul. Social Tex t 21 (6):69-97. ",',' '>afllla/7 Self-Determination and Indonesian Sovereignty: The ConjTicting Rights of United Nations Declarations Jessie Tougas Indones ia has signed two United Nations Declarations- the first on decolonization and the second ·11 ,nd 'genous ri ghts- that claim to give significant power to co lonized and indigenous peoples. However, • 1 I'lipuans have seen little in the way of the ability to exerc ise these rights, including the right to se lf-I h " "II1>1 ti on, without puni shment or disregard. Yet somehow, the Indonesian state's authority over West I' '1" '.1 wil ti nues to be viewed by the international community as legitimate. Moreover, Indonesia has . ., ,",, 'l' tI to strengthen its sovereignty by both signing the declarations and failing to recogn ize West I' 'JlII, II' se lf-determination. This situation hi ghlights an inherent contradicti on in the UN Declarations: a ,,"I'dd iction between indigenous self-determination and the sovereignty of the nation-s lale. In thi s essay, I will examine how the UN Declarations of 1960 and 2007 reassert the rights of the 'nHt.lll -s tate at the expense of the rights of colonized and indi genous peoples through caveats, unequal 1'"JlI,'mentation, a Westphalian-style process, and the assumpt ion of authority. Furthermore, I reveal how I". "" contending ri ghts have an inverse re lationship; that is, when one is strengthened, the other is • "k': lled. Finall y, I outline what thi s means for Indonesian sovereignty and West Papuan self-, I. h'lJl1ination. 1 ht, Favouring of Na tion-State Sovereignty On December 14 , 1960, the United Nations General Assembly issued the Declaration on the 11I.t lllillg oflndependence to Co loni al Countries and Peoples. It proclaimed the "necessity of bringing to a 1"'1' Iy and unconditional end co lonial ism in all its ~orms and manifestations," and was built on the I,,,' mise that "colonised peoples should be liberated from the raci sm and exploitation of European IItlpcri ali sm" (United Nations I 960). This was a weighty event for global politics; dccolonization is what UII cs meaning to indigenous se lf-determination in intemationa1 law, and thi s declaration has yet to be full y II lli cved. Nonetheless, its scope fell short of all the indige nous peopl es who continued to be marginali zed lit 110lions that did not fall under the "Non-Self-Governing" labe l that the 13 1960 Declaration addressed (Keal 2007). After 25 years of drafting, the UN adopted another standard, this time a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, on September 13,2007. But as [ will show, neither of these declarations helped to decolonize or empower the indigenous peoples of West Papua despite the fact that Indonesia signed on to both of them; in fact, they only reinforced the sovcreignty of the Indonesian nation-state. Explicit Caveats The first point [ will argue is that both the 1960 Declaration and the 2007 Declaration favourcd the rights of the nation-state over the rights of colonized and indigenous peoples. For one, neither declaration is legally binding, meaning that the declared rights wcre never meant to be enforced (United Nations 1960). Thus, it would be norms, not laws, which would protect subjects from exploitation. The closest the United Nations came to enforcing one of the declarations was when it establishcd The Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the [mplementation of the Declaration on the Granting of [ndependence of Colonial Countries and Peoples (i.e. the Special Committee on Deeolonization or the Committee of 24), which "annually reviews the list of Territories to which the [1960] Declaration is applicable and makes recommendations as to its implementation" (United Nations 2012). [nterestingly, Indonesia is one of the members of the Committee but it clearly does not consider West Papua as one of the applicable territories, [n any case, the Committee merely establishes norms, not laws, and those norms oftcn worked in the favour of the Committee members. Moreover, the declarations explicitly state that the rights of colonized and indigenous peoples arc inferior to those of the nation-state. The granting of rights to thesc people was a radical move, so the member states of the General Assembly took significant measures to "limit its impact" (Wesley-Smith 2007). The final al1icles of the 1960 Declaration include a useful caveat for existing colonial powers: 6. Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 14 II Shlt es shall observe faithfully and strictly the provisions of the Charter of the Un ited Nations , the I Ill', " ,II I Declarat ion of Human Rights and the present Declaration on the basis of equa lity, non-',iI. I h ,,\!ICC in the internal affairs of all States, and respect for the sovereign rights of all peoples and their f "'HII I.Ii integrity (United Nations 1960). I II, II I ~C, Alticle 46 of the 2007 Declaration offers a similar caveat for nation-states: f f;" tIi1l1g in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, pcople, group or person any "ull t 10 engage in any activity or to perform any act contrary to the Charter of the United Nations or . 'II .tl lIeci as authorizing or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or in part, ,10 f,· II'it orial integrity or political unity ofsovcreign and independent States (United Nations 2007). These Illt. I", make it clear that sovereignty of existing states supersedc the new rights exprcssed in the t . 1,llIltions. 11.,,(" 01 Implementation The second argument I put forward is that the implemcntation of the 1960 Declaration was unequal "id centered on the intcrests of ex isting nation -states. The second article of this declaration states that "a ll I· "p ies have the right to self-determ ination; by virtue of that right they frcely determine their political I·tt tl ~ and frecly pursue their economic, soc ial and cultural developmcnt" (United Nations 1960). "nwcver, different co lon ial powers honoured this right to di ffering degrees. For exam pic, intcrnational l"r,sures caused New Zealand to remove its colonial presence from Western Samoa, Cook Islands, Niue tllt l Tokelau (Wesley-Smith 2007). Meanwhile, Pacific islands like Hawai'i and New Ca lcdonia werc I "mpt from pressures on the basis that the United States and France, respectively, had already offered t1W I11 sufficient self-determ ination to choose th eir political status (Wesley-Smith 2007). Another route was t, "lowed by East Timor, formerly under Indoncsian control. When it achieved independence in 2002, it did so by claiming that it had never been ab le to exercise its right to politica l se lf-determination since the 1960 Declarat ion, implying a 42-year gap of illegitimate Indones ian soverei gnty over the area (Wesley-Smith 2007). The fact that the declaration was implemented unequall y raises questions abou t the causes behind that inequality, and it is clear that those causes were wrapped up in the various interests, norms, and powers of existing na tion-states. Wesley-Smith goes so fa r as to argue that even the outcomes o f pol iti ea l self-determination- the choice between continucd dependcnce, " free assoc iation", or fu ll sovercignty-was primaril y determined by the colon ia l power's interests (Wes ley-Smith 2007). Nowhere is this clearer than in West Papua. Just a year after the first declaration, West Papuans declared sovereignty, but this went unrecognized by the United Nation s and the Netherla nds, which transferred admini strati ve powe rs over West Papua to Indones ia in 1963 because of international pressures, spec ifica lly by the United States (Suter 2001). Further pressures led to the Aet of Free Cho ice (i.e. the Pellenl"al/ Pel/dapal RaAyal or PEPERA) in' 1969, which was meant to all ow West Papuans to exerci se the ir ri gh t to self-determination (Suter 200 I). But they had been ill-represented in the vote, and some ha ve come out to ad mit that they had been coerced to vote a certain way, that is, to remain a prov ince of Indonesia (Suter 200 I). However, the Act of Free Choice- wh ich some Papuans now call the "Act of No Choice"- was used by the United Nations to legitimize a nd finalize Indonesian soverei gn ty over the area and the people li ving there (Suter 2001). As a result, a ny "additional" elaim for West Pap ua n self-determination is seen as ill eg itimate by the UN (Suter 200 I). In other words, they had their chance. Weslphalian Decolol/izmion My thi rd argument lies in the fac t that the whole deco lon ization process by the United Na tions was wrapped up in a Westphalian-style politieal system and left no room for indigenous Papua n no tions of gove rnance. Modern nation-states are founded on a tradition of sovereignty based on the Peace of 16 \\"·'lp ha li a treaties in 1648 and the United Nations is deeply entrenched in this tradition as it is composed " II Westphalian nation-states that recogn ize one another's soverei gnty. The Westphalian noti on of ''' 'c reignty was based on a need " to clarify lines of power by separating one people from another" and l lib need continues today in globa l politics (Brown 2007). But in most co lonies-the is land o f New t ''' 'Ilca is no exception- the boundary lines werc drawn arb itraril y and pa id no consideration to the native I "jlu lations (Ryniker 2001 ; Wcs ley-Smith 2007). So, ifPapuans ha ve a difficult time f0n11ing a cohes ive , "'llll1 llllity with a shared nati onal identity, it should not be of any real surpri se. For the Dutch, however, I iiI' true obstac le behind the Papuans' inabi li ty to create a sovcreign nat ion -state was their "strong ·Ii Inc lination to accept authority" (Van den Broek and Szalay 200 I). From the perspecti ve of Western I' '' li tics , West Papua would need an authoritati ve class of " Papuan elite" to form a success ful nat io n-state; 1 It had none, it was doomed to fail (Van den Broek and Szalay 200 I). As West Papuans qui ckly found out, they wo uld need to conform to modern , Western po litica l ' '' " ms to attain the freedom from Indonesian ru le they wished for. Papuan nationa lists adopted a nationa l ""/\, the Morning Star nag, whi ch new for the first time in 1942 (Rutherford 2012). They chose a skill ed lilihority, Filep Karma, to Icad the nag raising ceremony in 1998, whi ch was accompanied by song (Il ul herford 20 12). They welcomcd internati onal attention in vocal izing the West 1',1plIan Proclamati on o f Independence on Jul y I, 197 1 (Rutherford 2012). Furthermore, they took pains to ', II e flilly document human rights violations, whi ch th ey knew was onc of their on ly chances of convi neing I lie Un ited Nations to interfere in the interna l affairs of the Indones ian nat ion -state (Rutherford 2012). {,.l'IImplioll oj Alllhorily As a fina l argume nt fo r the a forementioned position, I argue that the very idea of the United N,l ti ons acting as a grantor of rights to co lonized and indigenous peoples on ly helps to reaffi rm the 17 18 sovereignty of nation-states. Each declaration assumes an authority that is greater than the Papuans' own 'ill< 1\11 ,' uf indigenous self-determination pits "the legitimacy of hundreds of ancient nations of declarations and proclamations. As a collective of various sovereign member states, the United Nations is Ii~, il i\ lI~ peoples against the asserted legitimacy of Westphalian states" (Morris 2003). Why, then, placing the authority of nation-states over the authority of colonized and indigenous groups. In effect, they .dd Ih ~ Un ited Nations and the Indonesian state adopt these declarations" Are they acting in an arc saying: "With, and only with, our voices is your cause made legitimate." Of course, nation-states I''' 'hlle, se lf-sac rificing way? No. In fact, they are acting out of self-interest. As Paul Keal has asserted, reserve the power to render any cause illegitimate as well. I " II I ind igenous peoples the right to self-determination as expressed in the 2007 This imperialist discourse comes from the notion that European colonization was not an act of 1,1I.llion would work against the interests of the state (Keal 2007). This is so because the indigenous invasion, but of discovery and development, whieh happened through a natural and legitimate process I" IIlIli on would question and then challenge the legitimacy of the nation -state ; this in turn would present (Keesing 1992). From this discourse emergcs the concept of a bestowal of territories back to indigenous 11'01 ' for both the individual state and state collectives like the United Nations as it led to the questioning peoples; while in the guise of a generous act, this "bestowal" only reinforces the idea that the land I . lilillenging of the entire " institution of sovereignty on which the states system is founded" (Keal legitimately belonged to the state and that it is now in the power of the state to give it back. ' ill /) , In a way, then, by paying lip-service to indigenous rights in the form ofthe UN Declarations, the Similarly, rights arc not something that colonized and indigenous peoples always had or can now claim 10,,1. '11 ' sian state seeks to placate West Papuans into recogni zing its own sovereignty. Furthermore, it themselves, but must be granted to them by the superior nation-states who make up the United Nations. ''' I hin es with other nation-states in placating the world's colonized and indigenous peoples and Meanwhile, 'west Papuans are still waiting for their rights to be "granted" them and their lands to be I" \ <' lI ting a global crisis for state sovereignty, "bestowed" upon them. Hcre I have shown how Indonesia ean manage to sign both UN Declarations and continue to refuse The Inverse Relationship of Indigenous Peoples and Nation-States I .. .. 'ognize West Papuan independence. The signing of the declarations speaks more to Indonesia's desire Thus far I have shown how the UN Declarations have aggrandized the sovereignty of the I . IIlIpress its dOl11estie audience than to its actual political intentions. According to Danilyn Rutherford, it nation-state at the expense of colonized and indigenous peoples. In the next section, I take this one step i lili S relationship between sovereignty and audience that "has shaped the history of colonialism and further and contend that it is impossible to maintain increases of power on one without diminishing the " ,IIiJI18Iisl11 in West Papua" (Rutherford 2012). Like the colonial officer in the story "Shooting an other. In my argument, indigenous self-determination and state sovereignty exist on a binary seesaw in 1 II phant", Tndonesian officials, even high-ranking ones, arc "absurd puppet[s] pushed to and fro" by the which the elevation of one results in the debasing of the other. In other words, each is antithetical to the III of others (Orwell 1936). However, these "others" include not only local indigenous populations, but other. I> liIIlipresent intell1ational audiences as well (Rutherford 2012). By signing on to an international This theory can help to explain the behaviour of the United Nations and the Indonesian nation- d, I'Inration, even without the intention of upholding it, Indonesia impresses both its "natives" and the state. Several scholars have already noted that both UN Declarations promote "rights" that necessarily i> lhur members of the General Assembly. This act contributes to the recognition of its legitimate contradict the rights of member states of the United Nations (Keal 2007), One even argucs that the very , "vereignty at an international level. 19 This providcs some insight into why Canada, Austra li a, New Zea land and the Unitcd States cvcntuall y rcverscd their votes on the 2007 Declaration from "no" to "ycs" to render it a conscnsus document (Richardson 20 I 0). Each originally cxprcssed seri ous concerns with its implicat ions, some stating that it contradicted their estab li shed constituti ons (Ibbitson 2010). This might include indigenous peoplcs c laiming land that now belongs to othcr people , or indigenous peoples seek ing to di sregard national laws or secede comp letcly (Keal 2007). Others argucd that it was merely an "aspirational document" full of "empty promises and rhetoric", "political correctness", or "a kind of Illushy, fec i-good multilatera li st gcsture" (Canada Votcs "No" as UN Nati ve Rights Declaration Passes 2007), Ultimately, however, each statc rcspondcd to domcstic and international prcssurcs and signcd the nonbinding agrecmcnt, conv inccd that it cou ld not bc uscd to bring about thei r demi se (Ibbitson 20 I 0; Richarson 20 I 0). The Questioned Legitimacy of the Indonesian Nation-State Nevc'1heless, the situation in Wcst Pap ua did not quite amount to what some hoped. Thc Indoncsian state's efforts to impress its domcstic and international audicnces have somewhat failed. Although it strategically followed many politi cal norms, it forgot or ignored othcr important norms to ensure its survival. For instance, substanti al human ri ghts abuscs have givcn rcason for both West Papuans and other members of the United Nations to qucstion thc legitimacy of Indones ia's sovcreignty over the area (Rutherford 2012). A similar situation occurred in Eas t Timor, whcn the Unitcd Nations hcld a rcfercndum in 1999 to give the East Timorese population a choice to secede from Indonesia (S utcr 200 I). Howcver, unlike the case with West Papua, several countries criticized Indoncsia's origina l occupation of East Timor, so its claim ovcr the area was already significantly wcakcr (Suter 200 1). For thc international community to support Wcst Papuan independence "would mean reversing [its] -----.-- ......... ,...,; .. --------... --[ 20 ,,,"" '~n s i ly ignorcd, in the eyes of the United Nations (Rutherford 20 12). f '11 'Il ~ other hand , I contend that the Indonesian occupation (and Dutch occupat ion, for th at matter) , 1"'11111' was ncvcr legitimate. This argument is nothing ncw, espccially for West Papuans and other " "1'"t)Jlle. Thc words ofFolofo'u , a late Kwaio separatist, have been rcpeated over " It y 'Illlumerable subaltcrns: "Who are you , the government, to come hcre and tellmc th at I can't ,Jr, , u"oms of my anecstors, li ve on the land of my anecstors, fo llow the laws of my anccstors? '" I,) ' land [or thc Ncthcrlands or Indonesia] thc ri ght to come here and rulc us according to their ,,,I 'WII' rlst ours?" (Kces ing 1992). Even accordi ng to Europe's own political theory and """" such as using timc (i.e. history, muscums,l ibra rics, the "past") to justify the occupation and ""'I'IIJ'A parti cular space- co lonial occupation is flawed and proves to be an embarrassment I',h,' is truly the case, then there arc serious implications fo r Indonesia and the United Nations. " ~" III1 () all of those issucs in thi s essay, but J wil l add rcss what this mcans for the 1960 and I. , 1.'"11 io ns. Thesc documents, while claiming to extcnd power to coloni zcd and indigenous peop lcs, til' " 'hAt powcr from an illegitimate source. The im peri alist nat ion-states at the forefront of the .. , ~ . ., ,ons were ncvcr legitimate occupiers of co loni es to begin with, so they do not have the ," '" "!jive" them back. Moreover, contrary to what the UN Dcclarations insist, , " LlI .. , ClIl1not be trusted to act in the intcrests of co lon izcd and indigcnous peoples. Thus, as long as I "", d Ni ll ions is solely composed of nation-states, it cannot reali stically champion thcir proposed h' "I mloni zed and indigcnous pcoples beyond paying li p-scrviee as it has already , " 'N'( ,,' ~ ntia ll y, Wcst Papuan nationali sts should not seck authority from Indonesia or thc Unitcd ", " '" "hlHi n independcnee. original position" (S uter 200 1). Morcover, internationall y recognized sovcrcignty givcs Indones ia "a f "".It,,11I1I monopoly ovcr the legitimate use offorcc", rcndering human rights abuscs a littlc morc palatablc, or Ill" c~say has clearly shown how the United Nations Declarations of 1960 and 2007, despite 21 their claims, fail to help West Papuans. I have explored how the declarations were state-centric and only served to reinforce state sovereignty over indigenous rights with four distinc t methods. Moreover, I have also shown that the elevation of Indonesian sovereignty necessarily results in the devaluation of West Papuan rights, and vice versa. Finally, I argued that Indonesia's asselted authority over West Papua and the United Nations' state-centrism are illegitimate and thus, West Papuans should not seck their authority for independence. However, many questions arc left unanswered. Where should West Papuans look for authority" Why do suba ltern populations seck authority from the United Nations in the first place? What would international politics look like if the legitimacy of nation-state sovereignty was rejected? Would the lives of co lonized and indigenous peoples improve? Clearly, a substantial amount of additional resea rch on these topics is needed- an amount that would overwhelm thi s short essay. References Brown, Michael F. 2007 Sovereignty 'S Betrayals. In Indigenous Experi ence Today. Marisol de la Cadena and Orin Starn, eds. Pp. 171 - 194. Oxford: Berg Publishers. Canada Votes "No" as UN Native Rights Declaration Passes 2007 CBC News, September 13. rldlstory/2007/09113/eanada indigenous.html, accessed December 1,20 12. Ibbitson, John 20 I 0 Ottawa Wins Praise for Endorsing UN Indigeno us-Rights Declaration. The Globe and Mail , November 12. ht tp://www.theglobeandmail .eom/news/po lities/ottawa- notebook/ottawa wins prai se- for- endorsing-un -indigenous- ri ghts- dee laration/article4081652/, aeeessedDeeember I, 20 12. Keal, Paul 2007 Indigenous Self-Determination and the Legitimacy of Sovereign States. International Politics 44: 287-305. Keesing, Roger M. 1992 Custom and Confrontation: The Kwaio S truggle for Cultural Autonomy.Chieago: University of Chicago Press. Morris, Glenn 2003 Vine Deloria , Jr., and the Development ofa Dceolonizing Critique of Indigenous Peoples and Intemational Relations. In Native Voices: American Indian Identity and Resistance. R . Grounds, G. Tinker, and D. Wilkins, eds. Pp . 97-154. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press. Orwell, George 22 1936 Shooting an Elephant. New Writing. 1' " hardson, Valerie 2010 Obama Adopts U.N. Manifesto on Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Washington Times, December 16. http://www.washingtontimcs.eom/news/201 0/dee/16/0bama-adopts-un manifesto-on-rights-of-indigenous-/" page=all, accessed December 1,2012 i' lIlherford, Danilyn 2012 Laughing at Leviathan: Sovereignty and Audience in West Papua. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. I'l niker, David 2001 A Hard Stone Peop le: Social Relations and the Nation State in the Vaturanga District, Guadalcanal , Solomon Islands. University of British Columbia. 1111)1', Keith 2001 Indones ia: Independence for West Papua? Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 57(3): 16- 18. I '1Illed Nations 1960 United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independenc e to Co lonial Countries and Peoples. Ohehr. 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights oflndigenous Peoples. Ohehr. 2012 Committee of24 (Spec ial Committee on Deeolonization). The United Nations and Deeolonization. http ://www.un.orglen/deeo loni zation/spee iaicommittee.shtml, accessed December 17, 2012. I"sley-Smi th, T 2007 Self-determination in Oceania . Race & Class 48(3): 29- 46. ,II' den Brock, Theo, and A lexandra Sza lay 2001 Raising the Morning Star: Six Months in the Developing Independe nce Movement in West Papua. Journal of Pacific History 36(1): 77- 92. --------- --------------------------------------------23 Discourses of Agency in the Debate on Consumption: Towards all Agency of Strategy Michele Morucci Introduction A recent academic worry in the field of consumption anthropology regards the effects of consumption pattcrns in our lives, With a kind of post-modcrn anxiety many scholars have sought to link consumerism and our seemingly insatiable dcsire for consumer commodities with various "evils" like isolation, anomie and environmental degradation (Snodgrass 2009:613; Trentmann 2009:210), The rise of this destructive and degraded consumcrist lifestyle has becn attributed to, among other things, the growing influence of corporations that exercise agency by "producing desire" through deceptive advertisement campaigns (Sklair 20 I 0: 149; Trouillot 200 I: 129), As a result, much debate in academia centers on the influencc of corporations in ' constructing demand' and, thus, the ethnographic field of inquiry has become the 'advertising space', Discourses of 'hegemony' have identified the influence of corporations in influcnein g consumption patterns, They attribute agency to corporations but downplay thc agency of individuals in the advcrtisement to consumption process, Other discourses, instead, have suggested that influence of corporations is not hegemonic and give account to individual consumer agcncy in interpreting and negotiating the meanings of advertisements and in the process of selecting competing products, I contend that his academic debate, in the effort of finding the power-relation between agent ive forces of 'influence' and 'resistance ', mi sidentified where agency actually plays a role in the practices of individual s. By applying Bourdieu's practice theory I will examine the fundamental role of agency within the consumption practice of individuals, I examine the implications of this approach on the scholarly debate and on the issues that consumption is said to have created. 24 First I provide the theoretical foundation of my argument by defining my Bourdieuian app roach of a Jlll lctice theory, Next, I introduce the existing debate in consumption anthropology specifically where I Id()ntify one tradition that locates hegemonic power in corporations and another that attributes to consumers III agentive approach. Finally I will problcmatize the present debate on agency from a Bourdieuian practice IJlproach and suggest that once we look at individual practices of consumption, and not so 111uch Ilidividual's agency in relation to corporations, we come do different conclusions than the post-modern IIl1 tions of consumption as something produced from above as well as the evils that it is associated with. II" the Theoretical Basis The rel evance of Bourdieu's theory of pract ice lies in the in sight of the actual " lived experience[s]" . oj individuals (Bourdieu 1977:5). Through this th eory we can position individuals as li v ing in an ambivalent II1Ichire that predisposes them "to fulfill political functions of [strategy and] domination in and through ,',.,/ormance" (emphasis added; ibid 14), To pos ition more precisely my view of agency through practice liruory, I view Bourdieu's practice theory in opposition to C lifford Geertz's notion of the cultural "text" and dl l'ferentiate it from Ortncr 's view of practice theory, In his classical ethnography, Deep Play: Notes 011 the Balinese Cockfight , Geertz writes about the IlI lcrpretation of culture that comes with the cnactment and re -enactm en t of cockfights by Balinese • lick fight participants (1973:450). What is important here is Geertz 's view of culture as a " text" that, as it is Icad and reread", reali gns an individual 's sensibility with the cultural ethos (Geertz 1973:450). Though th is \ lew of the "external collective text" may well represent the interaction between individua ls and th e broader • IIlture, we must recogni ze that this view makes individual action seem somewhat constrained by the \ IIltural and textual forces (Geertz 1973:449), Bourdieu challenges this textual view for fixing individual s 11110 "predetermined discourses and actions" as well as for viewing individual practices as "stage-parts·' fl. 25 )----- ------------.-----------------------(1977:2). Instead, Bourdieu fa vors less strictly regulated structures that offer "unl imited scope for strategies" (1977:7). Geertz ' s notion of ' text ' is particularly useful when aligned with di scourses of ' hegemony ' in the consumption scenario since they argue that advertisemcnts act as 'tcxts' that influence inactivc individuals without any intcrprctativc proccss. Onner's practice theory seeks to answcr the question of the relationship between the "structure of society and the culturc on one side and the nature of human action on the other" through thc notion of indi vidual agency (Ahearn 200 I :55). In this approach to practice theory, indi viduals arc attributed agency not on ly in ordcr to res ist but a lso to stand in "complicity with, accommodation to, or re inforcement of the status quo" (ibid:55). Thus, differcntl y from Bourdieu 's practice theory, wh ich looks at thc indi vidual 's stratcgic practiccs, Onner's practicc thcory is ccntered on thc question of agcncy in relation to the broader strueturc. Ortncr's approach is thcn uscful for rcprcse nting non-hegemonic discourscs whcrc individual consumcr practiccs work in opposition to or in acco rdance with corporatc practiccs. [n my analysis of agency I a lso cxaminc how certain narratives are employed in speech and how these are relatcd to power. Hcre Foucault's thcory of di scoursc is useful. Di scoursc can bc defincd as "a sublanguagc, a manncr of speaking linked to a particular soc ial group or set of practiccs" (Snodgrass 2002:604). T hi s conccpt will a lso bc uscd to disc uss how agcncy is lalked abo III and defincd by diffcrcnt scholars, which I refer to as ' discourse ofagcncy'. Consllmptioll Debate: The Discourses o/Agency In the current debate between consumer and corporate agency the two main di scourses employed arc the hegcmonic and the non-hcgemonic. Whilc thc hege monic discourse employs a 'tcxtua l' approach that docs not recognize individual agcncy, in ordcr to emphas ize 'corporatc opprcssion ' (Snodgrass 2002:623), 26 Ill' non-hcgcmonic discourse cmploys Ortner's approach that secs mutual negotiations and resistancc l'iwcen individuals and corporations. Here I address thcm and latcr eva luate both approaches. Thc hegemonic discourse of advertiscmcnts rcsts on the textual power of advcrti semcnts that "serve he transnational capitalist class" (Sklair 2010: 152). More specifically, the hcgemonie power of corporations in the "c reation of consumcrist spaec" through the transfo rmation of all public architecture into Ilvertising (ibid: 139). Morc than that, howcvcr, it is about creating a narrativc that can "max imizc IInsumption opportunitics" (ibid: 142). Similarly to Gcertz's view of culture as a 'tcx t ', thi s hegcmonic Ii'eourse secs advert iscmcnts as "scriptcd spaces" wherc thc reitcration of the message works as a "specia l ttcet that makes gen tl e repression [appear] as frcc wi ll" (ibid: 149). Moreover, what is cv ident in both (.ccrtz and the hcgemon ic discourse is the passive vicw of indi viduals, as holding no active or discursive lole and as "actors" of thc written script. Thi s ' hcgclnonic' view of impotent co nsumcrs has bcen cha ll cnged by McCabe and Malcfyt. For litC I11 both eonsu l11crs and corpo rations exert agentive powcr in what thcy ca ll an "interactive" agcntive ,,'Iationshi p (McCabc and Malcfyt 20 I 0:252). Consumers havc agency in "interprcting the mcaning of thc l"oduct, asscssing whet her th e narratives expressed makc scnsc in thc contcxt of their li vcs, in tcsting out hlands and in maki ng purchasing dcci sions" (ibid:258). I-Jcnec, thcy claim that advertis ing is too s impli stic Itl vicw advertising as a onc·way mcdia of pcrsuas ion tell ing eonsumcrs what to buy. Rather, from this view llivertising is a dualistic process wherc consumcrs also act with agentivc forcc in negotiating thc meanings "J' thc product in their interpretive process or mcaning in advcrtiscments. Indi vidual consumers look at Itlvcrtisemcnts in thc search for meaning that "could be used for the construction and performanec of Identity" (ibid:256). In other words, consumers li ve withi n particular life narratives that construct thcir Identities. It is by finding a material and symbol ic "eorrespondenec" that the indi vidua l can s ignal hi s Idcntity to othcrs (ibid:255). III. 27 Other authors have expressed simil ar ideas on the negotiation over the meanings of advertisements. Mazzarella sees "conflict and compromise" in everyday practices both within agencies and between age ncies and cli ents (2003:27). Trouillot suggests similar ideas. Though he acknowledges that transnational corporations exert tremendous power in dete rmining the "global prod uction of desire" and "global cons umption pattems", Trouillot a lso recognizes that indi vidual s will nonethelcss express res istance and contention in the establi shmcnt of these unified mea nings. Just as Lila Abu-Lughod asserts that resistance should not be seen as "a reacti ve force so mehow independent of or outside the system of power", these acts of resi stance against global consumption patterns arc manifestations of power imbued with individual agency (Abu-Lughod 1990:47). In all these approaches, individua ls arc givcn 'agency' to resist the shifting meaning of commodities and the innuence of dictated ' textual' consumption patterns. The debate over the discourse of agency addressed the post-modern concerns about the problems that have caused consumerism and the ev il s that it carried with it. What remains problematic with this practice approach is that it fail s to see the ageney'of individuals in the practi ce of consumption, wh ich is, ironicall y, the moment that carries morc agency for the individual in the overa ll realm of consumption. Corporate agency is undoubtedl y large and their innuence powerful. Advertisements come out 01 weeks of work, which include ethnographic research on targeted consumers to determine their preferences and life narratives (McCabe and Malefyt 2010:250). Howevcr, a lthough corporations may likely ga in the desired interest from the ta rgeted consumer, through well thought-out strategies and deve lo ped discourses. thei r success is not a "predetennined" (Bourdieu 1977: 71), rather it is always subjected to ri sk and the possibility of a "failed ca mpaign" (McCabe and Malefyt 20 10:25 7). Discussion: Towards a Bourdieuian Practice of Consumption 28 Here I wish to make a break from the cu rrent debate and enter the li ved experiences of the n, li vidual s through a Bourdieuian theory of practi ce . This is not done in order to understate the importance I power-relations between corporate and consumer agencies. Rather, it is to view corporate and consumer ,'ncies as somewhat co nstitutive of each other: one li es in the production of meaning while consumer in ' utilization and refashioning of that mea ning. It is throu gh thi s approach of consumer practice that a more ,·n view of indi vidual consumer agency will be produced and a more thorough study of consumpti on and L' ffects wi ll be poss ible. BOlIl'dieuian Practice Approach Individual agency should not be seen merely in rclation to consumption but rather in relation to the If. In .other word s, an indi vidual has agency over his own representation of himse lf through his IIlsumption choices. What follows is that the care ful and strategic advertisement discou rses employed by " porations, of embedding meanings in commociities, arc emplo yed by individuals in their daily lives for h,' ,f' stratcgie purposes, an d don 't simply 'res ist' or 'accommociate' corporate advertising practices. As " Iefy! says, "branding becomes a va luable soc ial currency" (2009:207). Moreover, is within and through hi' social currency, generated from corporate agency, that consumer agency is allowed to function freely hill ugh th e multitude ways of ex press ing th e se lf th rough the meanings instill ed in brands and comm oditi es. Ih lls, on the one side, advertisemen ts allow corporations to " im bue their brand with ideolog ical assoc iations I progress, innovat ion, and change" in order to align the brand' s identi ty with the " lifestyle, va lues and h'n tity of the corresponding target consumer thcy aspire to attract" (Malefyt 2009 :207). On the othe r, h",ugh consumption of particular goods, indi vidual agents arc able to empl oy coneretc boundaries makers , lin "ongo ing and ubiqui tous stru ggle to establi sh definitive worlds of reference, belonging and power" ~t.' zzarella 2003:26). 29 In a world always more embedded in webs of significant and symbolic brands and commodities, individual agency lies in the appropriate consumption choices for proper or desired identification. Thus, through a practice approach of individuals engaged in consumption we see how branded products arc employed to fashion their identity. This works for their social advancement, whether through belonging to " group, signifying wealth or the like. Bourdieu's practice theory can thus bring us away from a view of agency as acting againSI commodities and corporations and into an agency that sees commodities as a "social currency" for sel f-fashioning (Malefyt 2009:207), and self-advancemcnt and therefore in competition with other individual agents (Snodgrass 2002:620). Once we eomc to examine individual consumption practices we can better understand how, in their daily lives, act and relate to brands and goods. This can be equated to how individuals live their lives thinking about how, what they buy, will change the representation of the self (Malefyt 2009:207), and not with how individuals think about their agency in relation to corporations. This should have several implications on how we see commodities, corporations and social issues attachcd to consumcrism. I now discllss thcse themes. Deeper Implications What this view of agency reveals about consumption patterns is that the function of the commodity is more engrained in our social world and in our lives than some scholars recognize (Rudd 1997:58; Trentmann 2009:210). This may be a result not only of the crcative and strategic uses it can be made of but also of the "physical attachment to things" that we feel (Rudd 1997:59; Trentmann 2009:21 I). Therefore, if consumption holds such a primary function in our livcs and since it docs allow for a great degree of potential agentive force through its' various strategic uses, then consumption should not bc so simply discarded as an 'evil' practice as many critics suggest (Sklair 2010: 152; Trentmann 2009:210). Nor can we 30 II 'Si ion that corporations impose, textually, meanings on individuals and thus that the hegemonic powers of "porations should be quenched. Thcrefore if we are to question consumption for its negative effects it has on society and the lI' ironmcnt, then we should look more into the practices that consumers hold in consumption and not Irain to the qucstion of agency between corporations and consumers. Conclusion The purpose of this paper has been to evaluate recent post-modern critiques on consumption for its r parently ' evil' effects as well as for its imposed desire by corporations. An initial approach that looked at II' discollrse of hegemony was made dubious, by applying Ortner's practice theory, because of the ulividual agcney prescnt in the acts of ncgotiation and buying. In order to understand the deeper meanin g I consumption for,eonsumcrs, however, necessitated Bourdieu's practice theory approach, which revealcd II intricate rooting of consumption patterns in the strategies of our daily lives. This problemati zes even \I ,ther the simple claims that consumption should be "dimini shed" (Trentmann 2009:210). Moreover, in ,der to get at the roots of the actual issues that consumption is said to exacerbate , we should look further 111 10 the practices of consumption we arc embedded in within a regime where consumption is the social " rrency. I{ defences \ bu-Lughod, Lila 1990 The Romance of Resistance. American Ethnologist 17(1 ):41-55. \ hearn, Laura 2001 Wearing the Flower One Likes. In Invitations to Love: Literacy, Love Lettcrs, and Social Change in Nepal , Pp. 212-244. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press. Il<lurdicu , Pierre 1977 Outline of a Thcory of Practice, Pp 1-30. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ( ,certz, Clifford 1973 Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight. In The Interpretation of Culture, Pp. 412-454. Ncw York: Basic Books. (online book VBC Library) 31 Mazzarella, William 200] Shoveling Smoke: Advertising and Globalization in Contemporary India. Durham and London, Duke University Press. McCabe, Maryann; and Timothy de Waal Malefyt 2010 Brands, Interactivity and Contested Fields: Exploring Production and Consumption in Cadillac and Infinity Automobile Advertising Campaigns. Human Organization 69(3 ):252-262. Rudd, Nancy Ann 1997 Cosmetic Consumption and Use Among Women. Joumal of Ritual Studies 11 (2):59-77. Sklair, Leslie . 2010 Iconic Architecture and the Culture-ideology of Consumerism. Theory, Culture & Society 27(5): I ]5-159. Snodgrass, Jeffrey G. 2002 A Tale of Goddesses, Money, and Other Terribly Wonderful Things: Spirit Possession, Commodity Fetishism, and the Narrative ofCapitalis111 in Rajasthan, India. American Ethnologist 29(3):602-6]6. Trentmann, Frank 2009 Crossing Divides: Consumption and Globalization in History. Journal of Consumer Culture 9(2): 187-220. Trouillot, Michel-Rolph 2001 The Anthropology of the State in the Age of Globalization: Close Encounters of the Deceptive Kind. Current Anthropology 42(1): 125-138. Waal Malefyt, Timothy de 2009 Understanding the Rise of Consumer Ethnography: Branding Technomethodologies in the New Economy. American Anthropologist III (2):20 1-21 O. 32 Sustainable Development and the Canadian Mining Industry Craig Turney In the past decades there has been a widespread upsurge in criticism and activism against the Ice ived ha rm oflhe Canadian extractive industry. In response to the efficacy of its opponents "the " "ourse of sustain ability has become an industry standard" (Tnternational Council on Mining and Metals 1105, 8). Critics have maintained that the mining industry's adoption of sustainability is an appropriation of nuine criticism in order to maintain positive public relations while avoiding any meaningful changes. Ilflle of the industry's 1110re trenchant critics have labeled sustainable development an oxymoron and ,Irporate grcenwashing" (Kirsch 2010). It is the goa l of this paper to provide an analysis of the discourse around susta inable development in IIln ing, which serves as a focal point in understanding the broader context of Canadian mining abroad. T lill to acknowledge the complexity of the issue, which is increasi ngly polarized into a pro-I, vclopment/anti -development opposition (Seymoar 20 II). r ha ve sp lit my analysis into three scctions: first, I "ddrcss how the globalization of opposition to mining has created a reputational, political and economic II l1pcrative for mining corporations to respect, at the least, the basic tenets of susta inability. Secondly, [ limine thc Ca nadian governmcnt's trend toward deregulation and ncoliberal policies, whieh has had thc nl<:nded effect of encouraging mincral cxploration and cxploitation while simultaneous ly decrcasing the hl li ty of foreign states to effcctively regulate Canadian corporations' actions. Thirdly, T look at how the IlIoIlIstry has addressed the goal of "sllstainabl e development" through voluntary principles such as I ""porate Social Rcsponsibility (CSR), greater links between mining finns and NGOs, and the funding of ',carch bodies such as Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Devclopment (MMSD) to study the impact of II l1fling on communities and the cnvironment. I conclude that thcse industry sponsored initiatives toward 33 self-regulation are insuffic ieI1llO build a sustainable model of development which respects the needs of not just the inveslOrs, but the loca l community, the host state, and the environment. What is Sustainable Development? The topic of sustainabi lity has become a major ta lking point in discussions of responsible mining amongst policy makers and activists alike; However, despite its ncar ubiquitous presence, there remains little consensus around its meaning (K irsch 2010). One of the earliest formalizations wh ieh linked sustainability to development was published by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature whi ch found that " for development to be sustainable, it must take account of social and eco logica l factors, as well as econom ic ones; of the li ving and nonli ving reso urce base; and of the long terlll as wel l as short term advantages and disadvantages of alternati ve actions" (IUCN 1980; I) This approach, which favoured environmental restrictions, was criticized on thc grounds that it would impcde Southcrn countries' ability to compete with their Northern neighbours' to whom these developmental hurdles arc not as significant. In response to these criticisms, a new "equity centered" definition arose ou t of a United Nations initiative to rep lace the IUCN's definition: the 1987 Bruntland Commiss ion (Reed 2002). The commiss ion defined sustainable deve lopment as "a system of development that meets the basic needs of all peop le without compromising the ability offuLUre generations to meet their own life-sustaining needs" (United Nations 1987 in Laurence 2010) The revised definition of sustainable development which arose out of the Bruntland Comm ission is significant in its removal of any reference to eco logy, effectively re-framing the issue of susta inabi lity as primarily an econom ic concern (Negri 1999). The definition has subsequently been adopted as the standard by government and industry. Mining companies are now able to frame development and business projects, particularly after mine closure, as sustainable developme11l initiatives (Kirsch 20 I 0). Oxymoron'! 34 Some criti cs ha ve argued that minerals and metals arc a non-renewable resource and that the tern, II tllinable development" in the mining industry is used to obscure the social, environmental and economic "11 that the industry affects on communities where it operates. In a wholesale condemnation the industry hcen labeled a "harm industry" (Benson and Kirsch 20 I 0); sustainable development in mining has been 1I,'ci greenwashing (Hart 2012) and more definitively, a corporate oxymoron (Kirsch 20 I 0) . Un like """lIure or forestry, mining corporations cannot replace the resources that they extract from the earth. In I. the industry faces the additiona l cha ll enge of a long-term deeline in ore grades; the easi ly-developed her grade deposits arc mined first, leaving behind lower grade deposits (Mudd 2008). As the grade " "rs more ore must be processed which results in more tai li ngs, the usc of more energy, watcr, and 'llicais. The energy and resource expenditure is signi f1eant: bascd orf of 2008 figures the production of !I' kilogram of gold requires about 141 kg of cyanide, 691,000 L of water, releases 11.5 tons of greenhouse • ~s and crcates 2000 tOllllCS of tailings and waste rock (Mudd 2008). Despite the apparent incompatibili ty of the two terms, it is important to rccogni ze both regional and I .hal dependencies on mining. An effective and robust model of susta inable developlllent should avoid the "'plifying binaries of development versus conservation. As Ba ll ard and Banks (2003, 299) argue, Ihtinguishing or singling out ecologica l from other commun ity interests is a curiously archaic argument, h,'n current anthropological thought on the essential entanglement and integration of the different facets of "iallife previously conccived of as distinct institutions." To view susta inability solely as an IIv ironmental im pcrat ive wou ld be to make the same mistake the Bruntland COlllmission's narrow "nomic framing of the issue makes. I contend that in the extractive industry sustainability and Iclopment arc not necessa rily antithetica l (Ba ll ard and Banks 2003, Horowitz 2006, Laurence 2010). 11I"ironmental and Indigenous Opposition 35 Indigenous opposition has played a centra l role in pressuring mining compa nies to recognize sustainable development. [n 1989 the Internationa l Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 169 was adopted, which mandated that indigenous communities be consulted prior to development. It is worth noting, however that the Canadian government has not ratified ILO 169, and lacks any mechani sm to enforce the consultation process abroad. The 1990s was the UN "Decade of Indigenous Peoples" and the advent of new media such as the internet has enabled activists to spread awareness of bad mining practices. All these factors have contributed to the ability of indigenous campaigns to pressure international mining companies, and in some cases even shut down mines. Toronto Ventures Incorporated's (TV I) Canatuan Go ld Project on the Filipino island of Mindanao is a prime example o f indigenous acti vism which shut down a major mi ne. A controversy arose after TVI hosted an information sess ion for the community and had everyone who attended sign an attendance sheet. This signed sheet was later used as a document by TVlto show that they had community support for their project. This sparked community outrage, and in the face of growing oppos iti on the mine was guarded by a private paramilitary security force (Holden, Nadeau, and Jacobson 20 11 ). The International Centre for Human Ri ghts and Democratic Development, an independent Canadian institution, ran a Human Rights Impact Assessment and concluded that the mine fail ed to provide the community of Subanon the right to self-determ ination , human security, and an adeq uate standard of li ving. Various NGOs enabled community representatives to Il y to Geneva to participate in the UN's Working Group on Indigenous Populations, and shortly after to a Canadian Parliamcntary hearing on the TVlmine in Ottawa. These combined efforts of indigenous oppos ition and international NGO support resulted in the withdrawal of the mine's major investor, the Commonwealth Development Corporation (Holden, Nadeau, and Jacobson 20 II ). The case of the Canatuan Gold Project is just one example of effective indigenous activism in collaborati on with NGOs; the globaliza tion of opposition to mining and the recognition of 36 t<h genous rights has made consultation with indigenous groups an imperati ve for mining companies I.-nkins 2004). It wou ld be a mistake, however, to equate indigcneity with the eonterglobalization or It\ ironmenta li st movements. The complexity of indigenous agendas is often overlooked by international (lOs which advocate a simple resolution in line with their agency's own objectives. The use of indigenous , .. vements as actors in NGO agendas has tended to reduce indigenous movements to the binary opposition I "ither development or the environment (Whitmore 2004, Kirsch 2007). For the local community at the It,' of mine deve lopment the situation is more complex. On the one hand , there is the community desire for velopment in the form of medical , postal and educational services, infrastructure such as roads and power IIICS, and the creation of local jobs. On the other hand, there is the need to preserve the environment and ",ure that the development brought by the mine outl ast the sholt life span of the extractive process. ndigenous groups have advoca ted a range of alternatives to outright opposition ranging from the promotion I smaller sca le projects, more stringent environmental practices, economic compensation, and greater mployment opportunities for members of the loca l community, to simply having more contro l over the I velopmcnt process. The trend for NGOs to high light loca l struggles as part of global international II1lpa igns has becn characterized as "globa li zation from below" (Falk 1993) for its appropriation of ud igenous advocacy into a global framework of environmentalism and counter-globalizat ion. Too often the N( iO agenda is misrepresentative of the very groups it cla ims to speak on behalf of. honomic Necessity Proponcnts of "sustainable development" have pointed to growing economic pressures which rltll110te sustainable practice, namely the rapid growth of Sociall y Responsible Investing (SRI) and • ologica ll y conscious financial standards such as the Eq uator Principles and the Dow Jones Sustainabi li ty 37 World Indexes. These structures have contributed to making the corporate image paramount, but do they have the power to affect the deeper policies of mining companies, beyond corporate image') SRI is a large and rapidly growing industry, the worth of the 2008 Canadian SRI market was estimated at $609.2 billion (Coumans 2011). SRI companies arc similar in structure to traditional investmenl fund companies, the key difference being that SRI corporations seck to include social and environmental good with financial return. But what is socially and environmentally good, and who has the power to decide' The language of these principles is resplendent with the language of sustainable discourse. Thc Equator Principle requires that projects "arc developed in a manner that is socially responsible and reOect sound environmental management practices" yet does not define what constitutes sound environmental management practices or social responsibility (Laurence 2010, 91). It is worthwhile to note that the Equator Principles are voluntary and non-binding and that "many investors, particularly in dcveloping countries, arc not required to adhere to them." (Laurence 20 I 0, 280). Beyond using the language of sustainable development, SRI companies must be seen by their shareholders to be using their economic leverage to affect change in the more environmentally or socially harmful companies that they hold. The Canadian mining companies Placer, Alcan, Barrick and Goldcorp have all had shareholder resolutions filed by Canadian SRI companies after facing international scrutiny from intense local opposition (Coumans 20 II). These resolutions open up space for dialogue betwecn sharcholders and corporation but leavc the affected eommunitics notably absent from the remediation process. The exclusion of local communities in the shareholder resolution process results in resolutions which do not reflect the objectives of the community, and often "place additional burdens on a community in struggle and even compromise its own efforts to achieve environmental, economic, and social goals." (Coumans 20 11,38). Aside from the lack of adequate consultation in SRI operations, there is a fundamen tal limit to what systems of economic incentives and pressures can achieve in the regulation of industry. SRI 38 I l1mpanies are imbedded in a capitalist framework which commits them first to their shareholders, and Ihsolves them of any direct responsibility for the affected communities they claim to represent. It is IIlconceivable for an SRI company to intentionally pass a shareholder resolution which would result in an <'onomic loss for their shareholders. Aside from the fonnalizations of SRI, mining companies havc another financial incentive to engage III 'al communitics. A determined community in opposition to a mine can stall or even shut down a project, listing the company millions of dollars. Companies now speak of the requirement for a "social license to ' perate" (Rajaram et al. 2005, Laurence 2010). If a mining company can incorporate practices which engage he community and generate support for their operations then costly and problematic confrontations can be \ oided. The issues with this method of regulation is that, as we have seen, the efficacy of indigenous and Illcal opposition is directly contingent on the ability ofNGOs and global movements to generate enough IIHemational attention to pressurc an SRI company into filing a stakcholdcr resolution. Financial incentives lid shareholder led initiatives arc plausible methods to address the worst instances of corporate social and II vironmental behaviour but arc limited by the ability of cash -strapped NGOs to elevate local struggles to II intemationallevel (Ballard and Banks 2003, 291). N" gulatory Environment In order to undcrstand the nature of sustainable development in the mining industry, it is essential to IlI<ierstand the broader regulatory context in which Canadian corporations operate. The Canadian mining IIdustry is the largest in the world and a major component of the country's economy: in 2003 the Canadian II lIling and mineral processing industry was worth $40.8 billion. Canadian-based mining companies 1I11lprised 60% of all mining companies in the world that spent more than $113 000 on explorations in 2004. II or half of the world's public mining companies are listed on the Toronto Stock Exchangc and Canadian led firms manage around 4200 projects abroad (Mining Works facts and figures). Canada is not only a 39 globa l leader in mining in terms of scale of operation, Canadian mining companies are frequently involved in, and instigate community conflict and practice under notoriously poor environmental standards. A report from the Prospectors and Developers Association of Canada was found that Canadian mining companies were responsible for a thit·d of 171 high-profile Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) violations between 1999 and 2009 (Engler 2012). Despite the glaring issues with extractive companies operating abroad, the Canadian government holds considerable interest in maintaining the profitability of the mining sector and has taken substantial initiatives in the recent decades to promote mining interests. As a whole, particularly in the recent decade, the policies adopted by the Canadian government have tended toward the protection of foreign investments rather than addressing the social and environmental harms of the mining companies. Latin America contains some of the richest deposits in the world and is a prime case study of Canada's mining policies; over a third of expenditures on mineral exploration in the region arc conducted by Canadian mining companies (Gordon and Webber 2008). The introduction of Canadian capital to the region is paralleled by the neoliberal structural adjustments instigated by the World Bank and IMF in the 1980s and 90s (Gordon and Webber 2008, 112). The Canadian government has played an active role in the neoliberal restructuring through free trade agreements such as the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and has signed Foreign Investment Protection Agreements (FIPA) with nearly two dozen countries in order to protect the rights of Canadian companies abroad. A majority of the FIPA agreements havc been signed with Latin America countries and give Canadian corporations the right to sue signatory governments for perceived failures to meet their investment agreements. To date Canadian mining companies have pursued three arbitrations under FIPA, the most notable being Vanessa Ventures' claims against the Costa Rican government's 2002 law banning open pit mining. The efforts of Canadian mining interests, with the aid of the Canadian government, has been largel y successful in restructuring the mining codes to favour Canadian interests over indigenous people , the 40 itnnme nt and labour rights in Latin American countries such as Chile , Argentina, Bolivia, Peru, and ItItJ\b ia (Gordon and Webber 2008, 69). Canadian intervention is not limited to structural adjustment HI 'ht about by investment agreements; projects touted as "development" have played a significant role in IIrnishing foreign states' capacity to control Canadian corporations. Colombia's new mining code, which hui lt with technical and financial assistance from the Canadian International Development Agency lilA), "guarantees private sector control over natural reSOutTeS, even if this means the forcible remova l of c'x isting population from certain areas of the countryside" (HrislOv 2005). In 2002 , CIDA made a 9.6 IlIt<)n dollar investment in Peru, ostensibly to provide technical assistance and improve the administration the country's Ministry of Energy and Mines. While in effect these neoliberal reforms have "facilitated the "stment of foreign capital in these new mining projects while simultaneous ly dismantling regu latory !l,mes desi gned to protect labor, the environment, and the rights of persons displaced or otherwise affected mining" (Kirsch 2007, 305). Communities affected by mining projects arc therefore left without state I[lport, and arc dependent on the competence and ethics of unregul ated mining companies (Reed 2002, Ih). Beyond facilitating neoliberal structural adjustments, the Canad ian government promotes mining ""ugh its steadfast refusal to adopt any environmental or human rights sta ndards for corporations outside I Canada; there is no existing legi slature which could prosecute mining companies for transgress ions htoad. There was an attempt to pass An Act Respecting Corporate Accountability for the Activities of lining, Oil or Gas Corporations in Developing Countries (Bill C-300), which would have given the IIve rnment the authority to investigate complaints against Canadian companies operating abroad. If a IImpany were found guilty of human rights or environmental abuse, the mine would lose the support of ,tnadian Embassy officials and publicly funded agencies. The mining industry responded to this bill with a Ittz of visits fro m "registered lobbyists representing Barrick Gold, Vale Canada, IAMGOLD and the 41 Prospecto rs and Developers Assoc iation of Canada" (Engler, 2012).The b ill was defeated in 20 10 in a vote before the House of Co mmons. As mentioned before, the government has not rat ified [LO 169 wh ich mandates free and informed consent from the indigenous community before a project can proceed. Industrial Policy The Canadian government, at the behest of the extractive industry, has faci li tated the exp loitation of resources from the globa l south at the expense of the foreign state, indigenous groups, a nd the env ironmcnt. Yet the globali zation of resistance has ma intaincd sustainab le development as a repu tational and economic imperative fo r Canadi an m ining companies. [n li eu of government policy, the respons ibility to address these issues has been passed to the industry w hich has answered the ca ll th rough the widespread adoption of Corporate Socia l Responsibi lity (CSR). CSR is a broad set of voluntary principles which seeks to balance th e demands of communities and the cnv ironment with the corporation's ab ility to produce a profit (Heledd 2004). The Mining Association of Ca nada 's Towa rds S ustainable Mining (TSM) ini tiative is an oft-cited example o f "best practice" CSR. The issue with TSM is that it is eoncerned with developing management strategies ra th er than setti ng concrete standa rds. The ta il ings management perform ance indicators arc : " manage ment policy and com mitment; management system developmcnt; assigned accountabi lity and respons ibili ty; annual management rev iew; and an opera tion, maintenance and survci llanee (OMS) manual .' (TSM Assessment Protocol 2011 ,2) The in itiative docs not set any standards with regards to key issucs suc h as water qual ity or ta ilings di sposa l (Min ing Watch 2012). The other approach the minin g industry has takcn in response to criticism is the establ ishment of resea rch bodies, namely Mining, Mineral s and Sustainable Developmcnt (MMSD) and the [nternational Cou nci l o f Mining and Metals (lCMM). Bascd in London and fou nded by some ofthc largest co mpanies in thc industry MMSD was w idely critic izcd by indigcnous groups, NGOs and minc affected eommuni ties (Whitmore 2004). It is the sta ted goal of the organi zati on " to build a platfol1l1 of ana lysis and engagcment 42 I (l ngo in g coope rati on and networking betwcen all communities of inte rest." (MMSD 2007) However, the u.lI1i zation·s framework, objccti ves and strueture arc all dctcrmined by the industry: cvcn the members of ustensibly indcpcndent Assurance Board, whose mandate it is to monitor the proccss, wcrc handp icked Industry (2004, 3 10). Thc primary objcctive of the MMSD is to link mining to susta inable developmcnt hi crcatc a platform from which the industry can cffect ivcly cngage its critics. Accordingly, the MMSD • failcd to generate meaningful dialogue between companies and loca l communities (Whitlllore 2004). In own reports MMSD noted a lack of trust to be an impediment to its process (Moody 200 I). In sUlllma ry , the discourse of sustainable deve lopment has entered into the mini ng industry .':luse it has become an economic and reputati onal imperative. Th is imperati ve is largely the result of dl genous opposition operat ing in conjunction with NGO assistance and a growing body of international IIldards. The Canadian government has not mirrored the intern ational trend to regulate and set bas ic Indards of operation for industries operating abroad. Instead the government has activel y pursucd industry lercsts in the form of free trade agreements, the restructuring of foreign cou ntry's mining codes, and Icgulation. The government has mandated se lf-regul ati on in the mining industry as the sole means of dressing the growing issue o f human ri ghts and environmental abuses by Canadian mines operming Sustainable deve lopment has man ifested in a myri ad of industry initiati ves from the broad tenets of SR to the fundin g of environl11ental and soc ial research bodi cs such as the MMSD. The iss ue is that these If: regul ated mechani sms lack transparency, and arc contro ll ed by mining companies who arc pos iti oned li the top of a globa l hiera rchy. As Whitemore identified it, "the key question is, who has the right to make Ie dec is ion over the future of eOlllmunities: companies, governments, NGOs o r the communiti es .'Ill se lves?" (Whitclllore 2004, 312). Therc is a fundamenta l naw with a system whic h cla ims to be --------------------43 "sustainable" but requires community and indigenous opposition to be so vehement and embattled as to draw international attention before its mechanisms can operate. This is not to suggest, as some critics have (Kirsch 20 10, Benson and Kirsch 2010), that sustainable development is oxymoronie and incompatible wi th the extractive industry. Rather, ) contend that a system of genuine community consultation, which respects the tenets of informed and prior conscnt, could resolve some of the longstanding issues in the current , industry dominated consultation process. Thc power structures which pervade the industry and perpetuate conflict cannot be challenged through self-regu lation. A process of meaningful consultation by the extractive industry with local communities requires a mediating body, a role which the government of Canada wou ld find itself in a position to fill if free trade rhetoric were to be abandoned. References Benson, Peter and Stuart Kirsch 2010 Capitalism and the Poli tics of Resignation. Currenr Anthropology. 15(4):459-486 Engler, Yves 2012 The Ugly Canadian Digs In. The Twe. 21 Nov 2012. Gordon, Todd & Webber, .Jeffery R 2008 Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America. Third World Quarterly. 29( I ):63-87 Hart, Ramscy 2012 Green Mining or Green Washing') Corporate Social Responsibility and the Mining Sector in Canada. Mining Watch Conada. Horowitz, Leah 2004 Mining and Susta inable Development. JOl/rnol o/Cleaner Production. 14:307-308 Holdcn, Nadeau, and Jacobson 2011 Exemplifying accumulation by dispossession: mining and indigcnous peoples in the Philippincs. [-{ul11an Geography. 93 (2): 141 -161 TTristo, Jasmin 2005 Indigenous struggles for land and culture in Cauca, Colombia. Journal 0/ Peasant Studies . 32( I): 11 O. Jenkins, Heledd 2004 Corporate social responsibility and the mining industry: conflicts and constructs. Corporate Social - Responsibilitv and Environl11ental Managemellf. 11 (1 ):23-24 Kirsch, Stuart 20 10 Susta inable Mining. Dialectical Anthropology. 34:87- 93 44 ,'lI\'cnce, David 2011 Establishing a sustainable mining opcration: an ovcrview. Journal ()rCleclllcr Producrioll. 19:278-284 l'micLlx) Andre 2005 Canada's global mining prescnce. Canadian Minerals Yearbook lining Association of Canada 2007 Facts and Figures hap: //\vorks/mcdia lib/doculncnts/Facts Figures 20 07_E.pdf tilling Association of Canada 2001 Tailings Management Assessmcnt Protocol b.1:m:// es/doc downloads/TSM% 20TATLINGS%20PROTOC OL%20Deeember%20201I.pdf IllodyR. 200 I Who Pays the Cost of Mining'? Mil/erals and CO/)//i)/Ii/iries. l .htmO. Mudd, Gavin 2008 Sustainable Mining - An Oxymoron? The Chemical EI/gilleer cgri, Antonio 1999 The specter's smile. In Ghostly dell/areariolls: A s)i/)/posiu/)/ 011 Jacque Den'ida 's specrers a/Marx, cd. Michae l Sprinkler 5- 16. New York: Verso. ",cd, Darryl 2002 Resource extraction industries in developing countries. Journal of Bus iness Ethics 39: 199- 226. \'ymoar, Nola Kate 1998 Mining and sustainable dcvelopment: Opt ions for Canada in the Americas. Cal/adiall Foreigll Policy Journal. 6(1): 127-132. Whitmore, Andy 2006 The Emperor 's New Clothes: Susta inable Mining? JO/lrnal orCleallet Pl'Odlictiol/ 14:309-314. ---------------------------------------------------------------->m .. ~~----------------------- - -45 Shifting Approaches to HIV and AIDS Epidemics in the Pac(fic Rachel Zulinicd. Since its discovery in the 1980's HIV and AIDS have plagued the globe. In the early 2000s this problem began to extend to Papua New Guinea and other areas of the Pacific Islands at an alarming rate. Global health organizations and governments in and around the Pacific Islands began publishing projecti ons and presenting their so lutions to the epidemic. This paper aims to open a dialogue about global and governmental approaches to J-IIV and AIDS in the Pacific Is lands. It also attempts to elucidate some of the shortco mings of the institutional model by j uxtaposi ng it with anthropological literature on the subject. Pla n ~ for this type of action must be regional ly and culturally specifi c and consider local epistemologies rather than implementing a dominant di scourse. Recent changes seem to be yielding positive results but there must be a continuation of these efforts to ensure co mplete success. Karen McMillan and Heather Worth (2011) warn against applying a single model across regions, evell in the case ofthcir da ta, which in itselfacts as a crucial point for thi s discussion. (lvlclvli llan and Worth 20 11 :3 15). It lays the groundwork for criticisms that can be made about in temat ional and governmental organizations regarding their approach to HIV and AIDS. One of the highly contested points involves the noti on of awareness and thc institutional sprcad of"awarencss" about HIV and AIDS. The World Health Organization (2005) reported that some of the majo r issues when trying to deal with the HIV epidemic in Papua New Guinea arc issues " ... related to sti gma and di scrimination and lack of awareness about HIY." (World Heal th Organization 2005:2). Similarly Richard Eves' (2012) cites a 2005 report by UNAIDS (2005) that, boasts ·' ... co llaborati on and wo rking with, rather than against, local practice." (Eves 20 12:6 1) and :'Idaptation of materials to local and " ... rclcvant epidemiological, economic, social and cultural contexts ... " (2012:61). However, one of the key objectives was, in thi s case as well, to promote awareness (2012:61). This is a large and very simplified claim to mak e about such a diverse area and fail s to recognize underl yin ' 46 I tors that may be contributing to the spread of HI V and AIDS and/or arc inhibiting condom usage. For ;itnnce, in areas such as Vanuatu and Tonga where awareness of HIV and AIDS is high they noted the lii crgence ofa disturbing trend. While the youth interviewed felt positivcly about condom usage they still I'd them infrequently at best (McMillan and Worth 20 II: 317). In this region collected data was " ... strongly ;,11 ked by a di sjuncture between attit udes towards, and beliefs about , the efficacy and usefulness of H;Liol11s (2011 :317). They found that extemal factors such as " ... peer and community attitudes to condom " and condom users ... " (20 II :317) were combined with " ... complex of soc ial expectat ions, gendcr norms 1111 cu ltural values" (20 II :317) to create an environment where condom use was not a viable option. While iiS may not be the mitTOr of the situation in other areas, such as Papua New Guinea , it broadens our IIdcrstanding of cu ltura l explanat ions and how stigma and discrimination might be more culpable than I (l reness pe r se. In a contrary study conducted by Agathe Simonin, Jennifer Bushee and Amcli e Courcaud il l I ) in the highlands of West Papua they argue that awareness is a key factor for this arca. Among a II Khland group known as the Western Dani they postulate that the extreme remoteness of th e area leaves Il lagers with " ... very little HIV knowledge and information." (Simonin, Bushee, and Courcaud 20 11:S 186). II;c caveat and arguably the diffe rence between thi s finding and the World Health Organization'S (2005) I,rim is that in this case awareness, nor stigma or disc rimination , arc stand alone factors or root causes. Ihcy address women's issues as equally central to the issue of HI V and AIDS because in their findings Western Dan i women arc " ... Iess educated [than their male counterparts] and less mobile and, therefore. ; ;ye little access to information ... " (20 11:S 186). There is a pattern of unaware Western Dan i men olltracting the infection whilst travelling to less remote areas to make money. The virus is then brought "line to th e remote villages to their spouses who know equally little about why they arc sick and what is ;" flpening (20 I I:S 186). It is a complex issue and if one is going to pinpoint lack of awareness as a cause it IIlIst be further in vestigated within the context of the cu lture. 47 Cultural appropriateness of material is another vital issue that crops up in the literature regarding HIV and AIDS in the Pacific Islands. In 2006 the Australian Government published a report predicting the outcome of HIV and AIDS prevention from 2005 through 2025 in Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and East Timor. Thc paper draws from several prominent scholars on the subject and seems to be fairly well informed about the scholarly and anthropological stance on the subject. Despite this, the report still fell short in some of its methodologies and conclusions. For instance, a " ... generic modclwas separately adapted for Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and East Timor based on available epidemiological and behavioural data ... " (AusAID 2006: I 0). An attempt is made to approach the problem in a more culturally applicable way but it could still be argued that beginning with a "generic" model and tweaking it does not reach core issues. McMillan and Worth (2011) critique the available published research which often " ... Iimited and largely confined to surveys focusing on individual knowledge, attitudes and behaviour." (McMillan and Worth 20 II :314) and excludes accounts of interpersonal factors that they found so prevalent in their own research . To explain the genoric model and data based approaches Jenny Munro and Leslic Butt draw upon a thcoretical modcl conceived by T. M. Li. The concept, which is applied to Munro and Butt's (2012) theory, i ~ referred to as "rendering technical" (Munro and Butt 2012:335). As explained by Munro and Butt (2012) it refers to the: " ... proeess by which complex dimensions of human problems are reduced and simplified in order to produce generally applicable, uncontested approaches that fit the agendas of state govell1ments and international organisations." (2012:335) They argue that social programs and projects, such as HIV prevention and treatment, arc " ... charaeterised in technica I terms, carrying with them forms of judgment, vocabularies of implementation, and ideas about human abilities, all simplified in the service of getting the job done." (2012:335). In other words a culturally adapted approach is not as efficient as data, facts and information. Richard Eves (2012) provides a comparable critique in regards to the organization LlNAIDS (2005) and the lack of culturally 48 lJlro priate solutions in their 2005 mandate. Eves (2012) connects the dismissal of "traditional" and/or III rstian viewpoints and epistemologies in Papua New Guinca with the hegemonic position of'scientifie "c'uursc (CITE). Eves (2012) points out that there is an assumption of" ... neutrality and universality of the IInnnation ... " (Eves 2012:65). He also highlights the notion that " ... beliefs that contradict the authoritative Il\wledge will simply be displaced by the facts .. despite extensive evidence that being given the "correct Ill1I'mation" docs not necessarily change people's behaviour." (2012:65). This point was alluded to in the r lier discussion of McMillan and Worth's (2011) study of condom usage in Vanuatu and Tonga. Simonin et. I (2011) conclude that "Bridging [the] gap requires working towards communication and mutual IIlcrstanding to build a more adaptcd- and less patriarchal and patronising - politics of developmcnt." llnonin ct. 1201 1:3196). Therefore, a dialogue must be opened between the involved parties ·- global institu tions , local htiwtions and the people - with mutual respect and recognition. In 2009 UNAIDS published a document on global health which outlining its human rights based I'proach to global issues relating to HIV and AIDS (UNAIDS 2009:4). According to their report: t-. lany countries have recently completed a full analysis of where and how the most recent new I-IIV II I ~ etions occurred and understand the reasons why they occurred. This data will assist in choosing not ,,,t the right strategies but will also make the investments in the AIDS response more effective." '1109:4) Despite specific criticisms of UNA IDS (2005) mandate by Eves (2012) and more generalized Illieisms of responses UNAIDS (2012) has updated its approach. Based on the most recent fact sheet 10ased by UNAIDS (2012) these strategies seem to be working. For instance, from 200 I through 20 II Pies of new infections throughout Oceania declined from 3700 people to 2900 people (UNAIDS 2012: I). )cuths in Oceania related to AIDS were also reduced from 2005 to 2011 from 2300 to 1300. Additionally lI'OSS Oceania " ... an estimated 69% [60-80%] of people eligible for antiretroviral therapy were accessing it 11 2011, compared to a global average of54% [50-56%]." (UNAIDS 2012:2). This docs not mean that we 49 should abandon the pursuit of ways to relay information that arc spec ifi c to cu ltura l areas and arc cu ltura ll y appropriate. As Munro and Butt (20 12) conclude "Anthropologists have consistently shown how research employing nuanced cthnographic approaches ca n ba lance behavioural and epidemiological research ... " (M unro and Butt 20 12:335). A number of works have been and co ntinue to be published on the treatment of HI V and AIDS in the Paciric Islands. They are crucial to the process of mutual discourse between all facets involved both inside and outs ide o f society. Through these dialogues large-sca le institutions and loca l peop le ca n come to an agreeable and effect sol ution. UNAIDS seems to be taking the initia l steps to accept ing a more regionall y based and culturally relat ivist approac h to tackl ing HIV and AIDS epidemi cs in the Pacific Is lands. Howevel, approac hes to epidemics and other large scale national and internat iona l issues must continue to interrogate and be interrogated References Australian Governnienl. 2006 Impacts ofHIV/AIDS 2005- 2025 in Papua New Guinea, Ind onesia and East Timor. In A usA !D. Retrievcd from cations/Doeumentsiimpacts_hi v.pdf r-,·1cMillan, K. , & Worth, H. 20 I I The impact of socio-eu ltuml contex t on you ng people's condom usc: evidence from two Pacifi c Island countries. Cull/lI'e. hm!,h &. sexuali!y, 13(03), 313-326. Munro, .r.. & Butt , L. 2012 Compelling Evidence: Rcsemch Mcthods, HIV/AIDS, and Politics in Papua , Indonesia. The A sia Pacific Jourl/al of Alllhl'Opology. 13(4),334-35 1. Eves, R. 20 12 Resisting G lobal AIDS Know lcdges: Born-Again Christian Narratives or th e Epidemic from I'npu" New Guine". Aledica/ AUlhmpol(Jgy, 31(1), 61-76. Simonin, A., Bushee, J., & Courcaud, A. 20 11 Soci,,!. cultural and polit ical factors in the design of HI V programmes with Papuan hi ghland eoml11unities. ClIlllIl'e. liea/lli &. se.\'IIaii~»), /3(sup2). 185-199. UNArDS. 2009 A IDS and global health. In UNA TDS. Retrie ved from hltp ://www.una ids.orgien/medi alunaids/contentassetsidataimport/pub/ report/2009ije I 73 I_a ids_and _g loba l_heal th_ en. pdf UNA IDS. 20 12 Regional Fact Sheet 20 12: Asia and the Pacific. In UNA TDS. Retrieved from http://www.unaid s.orgien!mcdi alunaid s/eontentasscts/doe ul11ents/epidemi ology/20 12/gr20 I 2/20 12 JS _rcgional_ asia yae ifi c _ en. pdf ", id Hea lth Organ izatio n. 50 2005 Papua New Gu inea. In World Health Orgallizatioll. Retr icvcd frol11 hllp://www.wilo. im/hivlH IYC P _ PNG.pdf 51 Tlte Poetics of History: Illness Narratives and the Rhetoric of Contrast Giufia Sciolll Introducti on The following essay will explore how illness narratives can function as means of expressi ng th" hi storica l consc iousness of the people to which they belong. The issue is important because it goes against the widespread view that people who do not express historical consc iousness in recogni zed Western wa ys' s imply lack it (Rosaldo 1980:9 1,92; Comaroff and Comaroff 1987: 192, 193). r wi ll argue, instead, th"l illness accounts of ind igenous groups can express their collective historica l consc iousness by means ofth,' rhetoric of contrast in time and space. Fi rst, I will illustrate the theoreti ca l framework within which illness narrati ves can be understood a' ways of cxpressing historical consciousness. I will then provide ethnographic evidence to the argument by present ing Garro's (1990, 1995, 2000) case-study of an Ani shinaabe abori ginal community in Manitob", Canada, in which "the old days" before the arriva l of the Europeans arc opposed to the present and its "new" illness (Gnrro 1995:38). Finall y, r will show another example in which the rhetoric of contrast is fo un d iii work in a similar fashion: Gordillo 's (2002) case-study among the Toba indigenous group of the Argentim' Chaco, in which the illness and deaths ex perienced in the plantation where they worked as migrant labore" arc opposed to the health experienced in the homeland bush. A theoret ica l framework let us begin with the relati onsh ip between illness, stories, culture and hi storical eonse iousncs>, Disease is surely something that happens in the body, something that in volves more or less a phys ica l ami often psychologica l disruptio n. However, as stated by Good, " Disease occurs not oilly in the body [ ... J, bill in time, in place, in history, and in the context of li ved experience and the soc ial worl d" (Good 1994: 13}. emphasis added). Stories arc "ways of th ink ing through the past", of making sense of current situations and 1 Ways such as conventional histo ri ca l narratives of events or accounts of past relat ions {Comaroff and Comaroff 1987:205). 52 I thinking about future action (Garro and Mattingly 2000: 17). Illness narratives arc thus specia l loc i in illch people can express the relationship between ill ness and other events or ex periences in their life (Good ~')4: 133), places where it is possible to explore cu ltural life in its unfolding as both "personal and soc ial ,1111a" (Ga rro and Mattingly 2000: 17). Thi s because cultural knowledge always in forms stori es, at the same lIIe that stories, working as media "between parti cul arities and generali ties", link personal experiences to litural meanings (ibid.:26). Where docs hi storica l consciousness fit in thi s relationship between illness, ories and cu lture? As Jo hn and Jean Comaroff argue, eonseiollsness is the acti ve process, more or less plie it, " in which human actors deploy historical~)' saliellt clIllllral categories to COllstmct their selr \l'oreness": forms of representation li ke illness narratives can thus be understood as the speaking ou t o f " torieal consc iousness (Comaroff and Comaroff 1987:205, emphasis added). l:tbetes accounts in an Anishinaabe community: contrasts in time Garro 's research site was an Anishinaabe reserve community in southern ManitOba, Canada. With te arriva l of the Europeans, di seases were introduced with terrible consequences for the First Peop les such the Anishinaabe: the pop ulation was decimated by infectious di sease epidemics, whose effects were IIlpli fi ed by the fam ine and poor nutrition resu lting from di sruption in subsistence strategies follow ing the 'weomers' arrival. Since World War rr there has been a substantial decl ine in the incidence of infec tious I .~eases, but this has been matched by an "epidemiologica l transition" towards an exponential increase in Ie so ca ll ed "diseases of Westernization": chronic degenerative di seases such as cancer, heart disease and 1995:37, 2000b:289). With respec t to diabetes , several studies among the First Peoples of 53 America document a rapid increase in cases of maturity-onset diabetes 2, from virtually none to ;111 'epidemic' situation. 11 is thus important to explore how the Anishinaabe account for both their personal cases of diabetes and its general increase in their community (Garro 1995:37). Diabetes was generally seen to be related to the presence of too much sugar in the body: in Anishinaalw language it was referred to with expressions which can be translated as "sugar sickness" or "sweet sickness" whereas when speaking in English people often used "sugar" and "diabetes" interchangeably (Ga ITt} 1995:40). When asked about the causes of the illness, people tended to give two general types 01 explanation. The first one, often accompanied by the statement that they had been told so by doctors (1( nurses, focused on individual responsibility: it explained diabetes as coming from eating or drinking tall much of particular things high in sugar, or simply from overealing: "You get 'sugar' eating too many swcel , - sugar, candy bars, sodas - things like that. That 's the main thing. You cat too much, and you get sug'" easily [ ... J (DI4, f, 63)" (ibid.:4I). The second general explanation was instead framed in terms ofsoeie(a l responsibility: diabetes was caused by a general change in eating habits from local wild foods to store bought foods, which arc full of additives and chemicals. Consistently with the recent outburst of diabetes ill the community, diabetes was often called "white man's sickness", together with other illnesses seen n; being introduced by the Europeans, such as measles , tuberculosis, chicken pox, cancer and high blood pressure (Garro 1995:41,42, 2000a:76): Long ago rcop!c lived to be 100 years old. They survived that long. They didn 't cal junk food, like we do tod<1Y. They survived that long withollt these illnesses. And llow<1days, just look, they are coming in with nil these sicknesses ,111 the time (010, Ill , 59) (Garro 1995:41). In the old d<1Ys, Ani shinaabcg \\,('1"(' hCJlthy and h(lPPY; nowadays, Lhey get operations. In the old d3yS they would nC'ver get sick ... Thal's whnL my mother told me - these old people didn'l geL sick. They (lte wild fruit and wild vcgclables - calTots, turnips, ol1iol1s (D 14, r, 63). (ibid.). 2 It is the non-insulin dependent diabetes, called Type II {Garro 1995:37). 54 II \;11)' where somebody gelS sugar di(lbelcs is the food we cat. Nobody aLe eanncd rood beforc [pmlse]. lL's the white mall 'S ull. While people put too much chemicals in the load. Anishinuabeg ncver had sugar dinbclcs. Nobody ate canned meal lore. What someone used to eaL was saIL pork, dried beans, and eggs. Other things were also e::lIell. People would plant their II gardens lor the wintcr. Corn \,vas plamed, ror the) would Cal it during the winter \ViLh oLilcr foods [ .. . ]. (Garro 1I00a:78). It is evident how talks about diabetes bring up "strongly articulated contrasts" between the healthy wild "Id obtained through subsistence activities of the past and the unhealthy purchased foods of the present H1rro 2000a:76). These statements arc not necessarily tied to an individual's personal history, but arc II11111entaries about the cOlllmunity history: they help individuals to account for the recent emergence of (,(betes, while at the same time, following Connerton, " making sense of the past as a kind of eollectivc utobiography" (ibid.:78). Finally, these accounts assert a "collective memory" of a past in which the nishinaabe were healthy (Garro 2000b:299); they arc thus an articulation of shared identity (ibid:303). 1 hcse illness narratives clearly express an historical consciousness cndowed with a moral stand, which IIIp licitly condemns the current situation and resists the biomedical vicw of individual responsibility (Garro 1I00a:79). Moreover, people in the community, whose surrounding area had been settled and cultivated, 1'0 commented that those living "up north" were healthier because they had more access to the kind of .od eaten in the past, for instance through hunting (Garro 1990:434, 1995:43). This resonates with the cgative association found by a national Canadian study between latitude and disease rates, and with the 'searchers' suggestion "that latitude indicates the strength of underlying Eum-Canadian influence, manifest , lifestyle changes along a north-south gradient" (Garro 1995:37). It is important to point out that it was not uncommon for pcople to mix the two explanations, for instance y referring to what a doctor had said about being overweight and then talking about the harmful effects of ,Inned food (ibid.:44). This was probably so because how individuals understand an illness depends both on ersonal experience and on information obtained through other sources, such as listcning to other people's 55 stori es (Garro 2000b:289). Moreover, the ' individua l responsibility framework', being ahistorical ami exclud in g thc broade r socia l context of the disease, failed to account for the recent emergence of diabetes ill the cOlllmuni ty, which people widely saw as one of the many consequences of the di sruption of their way 01 li fe brought about by the Europeans (Garro 1995:44,45) . Narratives of this kind thus worked to strengthen the connection between collective history and illness, providing an explanatory framewo rk to be used as I! cultural resource for understand ing both indi vidual illness experiences and why diabetes had recent I become a significant health concern (Ga rro 2000a:84). It is now cicar, in the words of Crand on, that "whilt people say about their soc ial world through the idiom of med icine arc statements about political and economic realities, and the meanings of ethnic relations" (Garro 1995:38). Toba's illness narratives: contrasts in space Interestingly, a simi lar way of expressi ng historical consc iousness is found among the Toba of th ' Chaco, in Argentina. As Gordillo (2002) argues, the soc ial memory of fear, illness and death that thi , indigenous g roup e.xperienced while wo rking in the plantation economy was produced by contrasting it !(l the experi ence of their homeland: the bush of the Chaco ; through thi s negative dialectic , both the plantation, and the bush were constructed as places embedded with hi storica l meaning (Gordillo 2002:35). Gordil hl expla ins how, in thc mcmory of the Toba, the diseases and deaths experienced in the plantations becanw " the embod iment of the soc ia l strains embedded in the plantation" (ibid.:38). In a s imil ar fas hi on, one coul u say that the white man's sick ne sses experienced by the Anishi naabe represent the embodiment of the alienation and do min at ion embedded in the soeio-po li tieal and economi c world created by the arriva l of til\' Europeans. In particular, the bush of the Chaco emerged as a place of health because of its differences from the cane fields , differences that were enhanced through the cyclical return to it: the bush was a "p lace of their own", 56 Iganized along soc ial relat ions which were very different from those dominating the cane-fields, and thus hce of all those diseases that wcre consequences of their appalling li ving conditions (ibid.:48): I1lhe ingenio there were all types of diseases. You didn't lack disease: coughing, fever, snwllpox ... Tlwt's why many kids h'd, many grownups too ... The diseases came from the moulllain ... Ilcre (in the bush], there's almost no disease. There's une, but aner a while it goes away ... ln the ingell io, there were tons of diseases. They didn't go away. Ilere in the bush, the I ~ases don't show up . It seems thaI over here, we don't have what they have over there. (ibid.). Furthermore, the bush was constructed not only as a place free from the decimating diseases, but as a place of healing, where they could reconstitute their torn physical and soc ial body (ibid.). Among other hings, such as the absence of the maleficent dev il s depicted as responsible for the d iseases and deaths, what \las seen as centra l for the Toba's health and physical strength was bush food: "Around this time of the year October], people were a lready feeling flabby. They wanted to come back home. They were thinking that hey wanted to cat fish and honey" (ibid.:49). Therefore, likc the Anishinaabe, the Toba sec consum ption of wild food as cssc nti al to their health , in ontrast to the packaged food sold in stores. This is not on ly for its nutriti ona l va lu e, but al so for its socia l lualitics: w il d food is a lways avai lab le to those in need, because it is always shared within the community through networks of recip rocity; store-bought food is instead commodified food , it is accessib le on ly to those who earn money, and therefore embodi es the co mmodifi cat ion of the Toba's own life in the cane-fields (ibid.). It is through the tensions connecting the cane-fields and the bush that the contrad ict ion between exp lo itat ion and autonomy that dominated their hi storica l experi ence comes into play in both their ubjeetivity and in their socia l memory: the rhetorical contrast between the terro r of the plantation and the res ilience of the bush thus works as an arena in which people can exprcss and a!1icula te criti ca l awareness of thei r historical pas t (ibid :50). ljonclusion Through thi s essay, [ have attcmpted to show how hi storica l consciousness docs not neccssaril y have to be exp ressed in what we arc used to recognize as conventional history. In stead, it can be arti cu lated, more 57 or less expl icitly, through narrati ves pertaining to the everyday life, such as illness narrati ves: in th Anishinaa be community of Manitoba, illness narratives of people affected by diabetes express hi storical consc iousness of the profoundly negati ve changes experienced since the arri va l of the Europeans; this i, accomplished through a rhetoric of contrast between ' the old days ' free from diabetes and the present stat ,' of di abetes 'ep idemics', with food bein g "its primary tropc" (Comaroff and Comaroff 1987:204). In n s imil m fashion, the Toba people of Argentin a articulate the historical consc iousness of their pasl exp loi ta tion in the pla ntation economy through the rhetoric of contrast which opposes the cane- fi elds as n place of disease and dea th to the bush as place of hea lth and hea ling; and food plays an important role her ' as wel l. Following Lefcbvre, Gordillo argued that " it is espec ial ly in contradictions ill space that forms 01 consc iousness come effectively into play in their current everyday practices" (Gordillo 2002:5 1), which i, perfectly eonsistcnt with hi s case of the Toba of Argentina. However, looking at the Ani shin aabe's diabetc, accounts, it seems· that one shou ld expa nd Lefebvre 's argument to include co ntradi ction s in time Furthermore, even in the case of the Toba time played a central role: people articu lated these narrati ves nol onl y once bac k in their vi llages in the bush, but a lso almost thirty years after thei r experience in tlw plantat ion had ended : the ir memories were thus produced not only by opposing different pl aces, but also by opposi ng different hi storical moments (ibid .:34). In conc lus ion , one should pay more attention to everyda y " poetics of hi story" like these when looking for manifestations of historical consciousness; otherwise, 011(' mi ght just mi ss a great deal of what hi storica l consc iousness is all about (Comaroff and Comaro tl 1987:204,205). References Comaroff, John L. and Comaroff, Jean. 1987 Thc Madman and the Migrant: Work and Labor in the Histori cal Consciousness o f a South Africa n Pco ple . American Ethno logist 14(2): 191-209. 58 llarro, Linda. C. 1990 Continuity and Change: The Imerpretati on of Illness in an Ani shinaabe (Oj ibway) Community. Culture, Medicine and Psyc hiat ry 14:4 17-454. llano , Linda. C. 1995 Indi vidua l or Soc ietal Responsibility? Ex planati ons of Diabetes in an Ani shinaabe (Ojibway) Community. Social Science & Medicine 40( 1):37-46. tiarro, Linda C. 2000a Cultural Knowledge as Resource in Illness Narratives: Remembering through acco unts of illness. III Narrative and the Cultural Construct ion of Illness and Healing. Cheryl Mattingly and Linda C. Garro , cds. Pp. 70-87. Berkeley: Univers ity of Ca lifornia Press. 2000b Remembering What One Knows and the Construction of the Past: A comparison of Cultural Consensus Theory and Cultura l Schema Theory. Ethnos 28(3):275-3 19. (jarro , Linda. C, a nd Mattingly, Cheryl. 2000 Narrati ve as Construct and Cons truct ion. III Na rrati ve and the Cu ltural Construction of Illness and Hea ling. Cheryl Mattingl y and Linda C. Garro, cds. Pp. 1-49. Berkeley: Un ivers ity o f Ca lifornia Press. iood, Byron J. 1994 Medicine, rati onality, and experience: An anthropo logical perspecti ve. Ca mbridge: Cambrid ge University Press. iordi llo, Gaston. 2002 The Breath of thc Devils: Memories and Places of an Experience of Terror. Amcriean Ethno log ist 29( I ):33-57. Rosaldo, Renata. 1980 Doing Ora l History. Soc ial Ana lys is 4:89-99. 59 Connecting A boriginals to their Traditional Lands in Glladalcanal and tlte Solomon Islands Conan Grads!)1/ Introduction Guada lcana l is one of many islands that make up the country of the Solomon Islands. Guadaleanal is the largcst island, represents one of the provinces and holds the capital city of Honiara (Hadden 2007:9). Other th an large forested lands therc are few natural resources throughout thc island, and limi tcd govcrnmcnt control over human acti vities has rcsulted in problems (9). Guadalcanal is dominatcd large ly by tree eovcred vo lcanic mountains and some grasslands, most of which has had littl e deve lopment (9). The fact that GuadaJcanal is largely dominated by forested areas and has few other natural resources has causcd the main forms of economic growth to centrc on fo rcstry and plantations (8). Thi s Icads to issucs that are a major problem for the pcoplc ofGuada lcanal: land ownersh ip. Thc aboriginal pcoplc ofGuadaleanal facc prcssure from outside sources for the exp loitation ofthc forcst. The question bccomcs: how can one link till' past with the prcscnt to allev iatc thc questi ons of land owncrship') I proposc that with thc usc of a ll1ul tidisciplinary tcam, therc could be a way to co nnect th c aboriginal s to the lands that are undcr sicge by forestry groups. I be li eve that through the use of archaeology, cu ltura l anthropology and ora l traditions scholars can come to a conscnsus on thc authentici ty of land owncrsh ip for the abori ginals of Guadalcanal. In thi s papcr, I wi ll explore ways that these di sciplines can work together to better understand the land occupancy of thc aboriginals, as well as how these peoples have claims to tradi tional lands and how thcsc proposed act ions cou ld be bencficial for the Solomon Islands and many other nations that arc being exp lo ited by their governmcnts and trans-national corporations. It wi ll be important that I look at previous studies in these arcas and also cons idcr how this proposal could affcct many pcople who occupy the island today. Therc are nevcr casy answcrs to issucs such as land ownersh ip; howcvcr, it is a common issuc throughout thc world, an issue that must ha ve some reso lution as wel l as a consistcnt way of arri ving at .... _ .. _-_ ............ _ .... _ ... _ .. _-_ ... __ ._-_ .. _-_.( 60 Thc concept of link ing the past to the prescnt is not one that I am alone in proposing: Richa rd B. Lee one of the first to attempt to advocate the multidi sc iplinary ap proach to conncct tradi tional lands to the 'ginal peoples. I will be conncct ing his studies ofthc IKung peoplclbushmcn of Botswana to . 1lI110all Clllla I in an attcmpt to show how his work cou ld be beneficial for reclaiming traditional lands and 'ng lands to the people. Lee says: order to understand the hunting and gathering pa ttern, wc havc to do a rcconstrue ti on to get a picture the di stribution of landholdlllg groups as thcy were during thc 1920's, before the Bantu settlemcnt. 972: 134) statement here expresses the importance of linking the tradi tional ways that land was used by IKung to times bcfore thcir traditions were affccted by outside innucnces or migrations of other pcoplcs cou ld affcct their eulture. I connect thi s to the pcople of Guadalcana l because there is a need to connect past to the present so that land tenure can truly be connec tcd to the traditional arcas used by the peoplc. concepts wi ll be intcgral to the framework that I am proposing. However, before thcre can be a true complete conncction betwcen GuadaJcanal aboriginal land usages and modem forestry controlled lands, need to understand the way that the land has been used and controlled since contact with Europcans, and at the state of thc forestry industry on the island today. 'olonialism and its Effects on GuadaJcanal and the Solomon Islands Colonia li sm has had a lasting effcct on the locations th at wcre controlled by the colon ialists and the Islands were directly influcnced by these activitics. Co loniali sm bcgan in Guadalcanal in 1893 it became a protectoratc of the British cal led the British Solomon Islands Protectorate (B. S. I.P.) yniker 200 I: II & Sofield 2006: I 79). The actions of coloniali sm arc still felt today because of the prcscnce that was forced on the island (Sofield 2006: I 79). The British caused changcs to the by bringing in four different groups of alien mi grants ( 179); they are representcd by co lon ial 61 bureaucrats, missionaries, planters and Chinese workers (179). This brought about the expansion into traditional lands, and under the "Queen's Regulation no. 4 of 1896" and the "King's Regulation no 2 of 1904," lands that were not being used or occupied by the natives were considered "waste land" (179). Thc lands that were not being used or oeeupied by the aboriginals were open to be claimed by the government, its officials or different companies (179). The ability to claim morc land for companies meant that more workers were required to work the lands but the natives ofGuadalcanal were not numerous enough to fill all the new positions (Sofield 2006: 179). The plantation owners had a solution and it came from the neighbouring island to the north , Malaita. (Sofield 2006: 180). Another factor brought about by the Briti sh protectorate caused even more of an influx of Mala it an workers. The creation of the head tax in 1920 brought even more migrant workers from Malaita due to the lack of work on the island, which created a need for its inhabitants to make money to avoid jail time (Ryniker 2001 :43 & Sofield 2006:180). The influx of workers from neighbouring islands added to the pressures of land ownership for the native people of Guadalcanal, since the migrant workers were often occupying areas of traditional lands and this caused increased levels of tension between the groups (Sofield 2006: 180 & Tucker 20 I 0: 12). One contributing factor was that Guadaleanal was the island that received the largest numbers of Mala it an's (Sofield 2006: ISO & lSI). Guadalcanal had become inundated by migrant workers from Malaita and lost many of their traditional lands to plantations, companies and the British protectorate. However, there is still the issue surrounding the question of why so many of these traditional lands were considered not used or occupied when colonialism took control of Guadalcanal and the Solomon islands. Guadaleanalnative peoples lost much of the island when the British protectorate took control of the Solomon Islands, even though in the past the aboriginals had used a large percentage of the land. One might ask how the British did not notice them using these lands when they began to bring in the different groups 01 alien migrants; the answer comes from long before the implementation of colonial rule. It was in the early --------------------------------------------------------------------62 I XOOs that regular but infrequent traders began to arrive in the Solomon Islands (Ryniker 200 I: 10). The 1,lde routes favoured some islands over others: Guadalcanal beeame a favorite, while Malaita was mostly 'nored by the traders (10). This was a key factor in the lack of development in Malaita that led to the large lUmber of migrants that were transferred throughout the Solomon Islands (Ryniker 200 I: 10& Sofield n06: ISO). The concept of trade and the desire for cargo brought people out of the mountainous regions and down to the coastal regions to increase their chances of interacting with passing ships (Rynikcr 200 1:43). his caused a shift in the way the people ofGuadaicanal used many of their traditional lands. The shift allowed the B.S.J.P. to deem many of the lands as "waste land" and claim them for their own use or sell hem to companies or plantation owners (Sofield 2006: 179). But with the migration of new peoples into (iuadaicanal and the restructuring of their lands by the B.S.J.P., there came a period of time when there was I definite disjointing between the aboriginals, their ancestors and the land. Guadaleanal and the Solomon Islands were never really considered an important part of British ·olonial ventures, but they were· seen as lands that could be used for economic gain (Sofield 2006: 185 & ruckcr 2010:5). The lands were primarily used for sugareane and copra plantations, fisheries and forestry, but forestry was not on the same level as the othcr economic systems (Tucker 20 I 0:5). Guadaleanal lands were segregated into distinct categories based around the traditional British system of land tenure, and this was problematic for the aboriginals and their traditional land tenure systems (Soficid 2006: 185). The land ystems implemented were: Crown land, freehold title, park land, rese rve land, waste land, and catchments ,Ireas (185). This continued until after World War II when the British wanted to focus on themselves and ,rilow their colonies to establish their own independenee (Sofield 2006: 185 & Tucker 20 I 0:6). The transition was focused on keeping the fonner colonies closely connected to the British parliamentary "Westminster system" and this led to the first parliament of the Solomon Islands (Tucker 20 I 0:6). However, things changed when colonialism came to an end. 63 At the end of colonialism the way that the people looked at ownership and land rights changed, becoming more close ly aligned with the peoples' outlook on their lands and maybe even leaning towards k OS IOIll ; however, some of the developments incurred during colonialism transferred into thi s new outlook on land and landownership. In was on Jul y 7, 1978 that the government of the Solomon Islands took over frolll the Briti sh and ushered in the first independ ence that these islands had seen in nea rly one hundred years (A ll en 20 12:302 & Tucker 2012:6). There was now a shift from the British system of land categorization to a new system that reflected a more traditional view of the land rights in the region (Sofielil 2006: 186). The new Land & Titles act composed shortly after independence in 1978 dropped the num ber (II recogni zed land categori es to just th ree (A ll en 20 12:302 & So field 2006: 186). The new catego ri es arc: government alienated, leased ali enated and kOSlom lands (So fi eld 2006: 186). All these different forms of land tenure have different rules assoc iated with them. The different land tenures each have their own stipulations that control the way that land can be used, so ld and even transferred between groups. The three systems of land tenure arc di stinctive ly different, but the common thread is that the lease on all lands is 75 years and nonnegotiable, meaning that if th e lease changes hands after 10 years the new owner wou ld onl y have 65 yea rs remaining on the lease (Sofic1d 200(, 186). Leased ali enated lands arc limited to a 75 year lease and can bc bought and so ld (186). The government alicnated lands arc those that fall into the publi c sector, and arc comprised of the capital, provi ncial adm inistrative centers, airfi eld s, and other sites associated with nationa l requirements (186). Th ' final portion of the land tenure act has to do with the koslomlands or tribal lands. These lands have to be lived on by the aboriginals or have a connection through ancestry that require an unbroken line of lineage (Soficld 2006: 186). Thesc lands cannot be bought or so ld and require a connection to patri linea l or matrilineal lines based on where the people reside within the Solomon Islands (A ll en 2012: 309 & Sofield 2006: 186). However, much of the traditionall y used lands have been lost due to the mo vements of workers ~nd the influx of new peoples during coloniali sm, as we ll as the encroachment of piaillations and forestry in nore recent times (Ryniker 20 12: 153). Acculturation has also been a contributing factor to the loss of ~adilionallands because much of the past has been forgotten , mak ing the connection to lhese lands difficult or the aborigina ls (153). Although thcse changes to land tenure have altered the situation since the end of olonialism, there arc still many problems facing the aboriginals ofGuadalcanal. They arc in a vortex of csource development and increas ing economic demands, and yct thc full ex tent of their trad iti onal land usc ps far from understood. So what arc the problems that arc being caused by forestry and why is it a concern or the abori ginals ofGuadaleanal , or why should it be a concern for them') To come to a further ~ndcrs tanding one must have an understandi ng of how the forestry industry operates on the island of ~uadaleanal. Jiorestry in Cuadalcanal Guadalcanal has many issues surrounding landowncrship and how it is being dealt with; howevcr, IW hieh lands arc true trad itiona l lands of the ancestors and how these lands arc being used today arc issucs ~lat seem to ha ve been neglected. I propose that many of the traditional lands arc being used by fores try organi za tions and that thesc lands need to be properl y surveycd for any cultural remnants. There is also a ~eed for studies that focus on oral histories in Guadalcanal to clarify our undcrstanding of traditional landownership and how it affects the people. However, before we can di scuss the ways that th cse studies can assist in reso lving what mi ght be one of the great cu ltural losscs of reccnt times, we mustuncierstn nd th c way the forestry industry operates in Guadalcanal and what type of lands exist in the region. There arc many features about the Solomon Islands and Guadalcanalthat have led to an economy based around plantation goods, forestry, fisheries, mining, etc. The fact that the Solomon Islands ex ist in a lropical region of the Pacifi c where there is a lot of sunshine, high annual rainfall , and mcan dail y emperaturcs of25 to 32 dcgrees Cels ius means that it a prime locati on for the main fo rms of econom ic 65 production (Pauku 2009 :4). The trop ical region of the Solomon Islands has s ix different f0I111 S o f vegetatioll grass lands and non-forested areas (compri sed of mostl y non-tree species of vegetation), saline swamp forests (vegetation that is infl uenced by tidal waters, generally found in estuaries an d foreshores), freshwalci swamps and riverine forests (generally found in regions where there is poor drainage and at low altitudes), lowland forests (forests that exist between 5-70 111 above sea le ve l and are comprised of many different speeies of vegetation), hill forests (forests that ex ist between 400-600 m above sea leve l and in well-drained so il s), and montane fo rest (forests over 600 m above sea level on ridge tops and mountain sum mits) (Pauku 2009:5 & 6). It is estimated tha t within these six different vegetation zones there ex ists about 5000 different plant species (6). It is also estimated th at about 88% of the tota l land on the Solomon Islands is covered by forests (15). With a basic understanding of the different forms of vegetation we can now move forward and look al how the forested regions arc being used. The government of the Solomon Is lands has a policy on how forestry should be managed and sheds some light on the state of the forestry industry in the So lomon Islands. Pauku writes: The Coalition for National Un ity and Rural Advancement (CNURA) government 's policy goal fo r the forestry sector is, "The harvesling o/foresls resources Of a suslainable role wilhfair retllrns to landoll'ners and Ihe government and Ihe replanting and carefor the environmenl including promoting of all protected areas and {() enSlire Salamon Islands receive fair relllrns on the export of round logs that reflectlrue intematiollal market vaille .-' Th is policy goa l docs not rea ll y point out the government's stand on comm unity (sma ll ho lder) forestry. (2009: 14) What thi s shows is that the government is focused on the forestry industry as a contribu ting force for the strengt hcn ing of the economy of the Solomon Islands; however, they arc also neglectin g the sma ll er land owner. Furthermo re, I believe that they arc not foc using on trying to figure out if there are any lands that may have remains that refleet past usage by abori gina ls on the islands. It should be noted that there arc son1\' im portant concessions in the government 's stand on fo restry, ine ludin g required reforestation after cutting on all di fferent lands that arc being used. There arc exa mples of traditional lands being used for forestry and issues have ari se n from these activities. In some eases tribes have neglected to include all members that 66 have ri ghts to lands, whe ther they be of the same tribe or neighbouring ones (Wairau 7). Thi s has resul ted in Iliany leve ls of contention, since what results from these tribal forestry ventures is that only a few peop le profit wh il e the others arc Icft with nothing but the loss of their trad iti onal lands (Wa irau 8). It is obvious that th e government requires the forestry industry 's continued development to ensure econom ic growth for the reg ion; however, the ways that the industry a ffects th e people and the land, especially land that may be traditional, arc being ignored. However, we must not forget that the people of the So lomon Is lands and Uuadaicanal know that their li ves arc dependent on the land. The majority of peoples in the So lomon Is lands ex ist as subsistence farmers and li ve o ff the land (Tucker 2012: 15). Pauku writes: Land in the Solomon Isla nds is a treasure and the people rcgard land as their ' true' identity and like a mother who provides the m with the basie necessiti es of li fc such as food, water, fodder, raw materi als, lirewood and a place within whi ch to li ve. Thus , anyone who has no land or is caused to have no land is regarded as "malter-o f-fact" poor. rhis statement really encompasses the entire argument o f thi s pape r. The land is th e ir li ve lihood and the forestry industry is in a sense a tyrant that is remo ving their li fe line. This brings us to the need for "cademics to try and find ways to link peoples to thcir traditional lands, which will a ll eviate further disputes rela ting to land tenure. Through archaeo logica l and ethnogra phic research a conneeti on mi g ht be made that could bene lit the aboriginals as we ll as the government and the eco nomy of the Solomon Is lands and Guadaicana l, if steps a rc takcn in the ri ght direction. Archaeology in G uada ica na l Although many suggest that little is known about the pre-hi story in Guadalcanal and sugges t that th e earli est evidence of the arrival of the aboriginals comcs around 1000 B.C.E. (Hadden 2007:7), o th ers in more rccent years show that this rcgion has had human occupat ion beginning 1110re th an 40,000 yea rs ago (Allcn 1996: 13 & Bedford 2008:97). However, l11uch is still un known about the levels of co lon ization by the aboriginal s of the Melancsian islands (Bedford 2008:97). Currently there has been liltle archaeolog ical ex ploration throughout the Solol11on Islands and there can also be diffi culties that ari se fo r archaeo logists in 67 regions I ik e these. Because ofa lack of direct archaeological evidence from Guada\canal and most of the Solom on Islands, I w ill be u til iz ing evidence fro m neighbouring reg ions to di scuss what I consider to be the typical evidence that may be found during the excavation process. I w ill draw m y compari sons and theoret ica l development from studies on areas to the north such as New Guinea (Specht 1967:493) and to the south li ke Va nuatu (Bedford 2008:95) that have had so mewhat more of an archaeological tradition. These arcas rcfl ect very s imilar cl imatcs and tc rrain and thus ca n be uscful for c reating a well-developed thcory of what might be found when excavating in Guada\canal. The diffi eulties that arc eonnected with tropical archaeo logy arc numcrou s and can become very probl emati c when trying to develop some sort of chronology associated to land occupancy . There arc difficulties associatcd w ith archaeological remains and the acquisition of th e age of man y artifacts found beca use of the tropi ca l climate and limitations associated with carbon dating (Specht 1967:493). The issues that archaeologists face ha ve to do with the way that o rganic materi als decompose in the tropica l env ironments seen in Melanesia (Bedford 2008: 102). Hi gh levels of moi sture, high heat , and highly ac idi c so il s mean that organic mate ri a ls arc harder to find, which also affccts the chances ofacquirin ' carbon dat cs in these regi ons (102). Carbo n dating rcquires o rgani c material s found ill -s itu (103). The issuc is that w ith the tro pica l climate most orga ni cs do not last a long time and thi s limits our abili ty to get longel elatcs . For exampl e, man y recent finds on the island o f Vanuatu that have been an alyzed on ly reflect dates as far back as :l000 ycars before prescnt (104). This timeline represents a long enough span oftimc to qualify la nd occupancy fo r the abori gi nals residing in thi s region . If simil ar da tes could be aehievcd on excavation, in G uaela leana l, thcre cou ld be changes made to th e way different regions arc viewed by the descendants 01 thc peopl c who originally utilized the is land. However, there could be other form s of archaeo logi ca l evidcnce that could ex pand the timelines of occupation in Guada lcana l and could also link groups tha t 68 ~l1 rrentl y ex ist on the island to regions that they have long forgottcn to be trad itio na l lands. So wi th issues uround preservation of organ ic mater ial s being well documented in thc neighbouring rcgi o ns, we must wonder what other form s of archaeologica l evidenec we could expect to find. [t has been sa id tha t the most prevalent assemblages in the wo rld arc those of li thic re mains. This Ippears to be true in Melanesia as we ll. Thro ughout Melanesia th ere have been numerous finds of lithic romains, reduction flakes being the most frequent (A llen 1996: 16 & C lark 2003: 197) . Along with the lithi c usse mbl ages, archaeologists ha ve found gro und sto ne tools, ground shell too ls and pottcry remains (Allen 1996: 16). These arc the arti facts that 1 wou ld ex pec t to be the most common in Guada1cana l. Potte ry rema ins will probably be the most informative forms of archaeologica l evidence (C lark 2003: 211) ; howeve r, I perso na ll y be li eve that li thic deb itage and tool s wi ll be fo und in th e highes t amounts, and with prope r classification syste ms thi s could lead to a s tron g connectio n bc twee n lands, times and aboriginal peoples. Thesc forms of materials arc difficu lt to date on the ir own but they ea n be dated based on style, and if they nrc found with o th er materials these can he lp to create a dating ch ro nology (Al len 1996: 14 & IS). Another form of ev idence that may be found but that are hi ghl y unlikel y to re main due to regional cond itio ns arc wooden carved fi gurines (Specht 1967:494). Although it is likel y tha t there a rc many different urehaeolog iea lly significant finds in Guadaleana l, it is important to attempt to find ev idcnce that will have the highest chance of remai ning ill sill/. What beco mes clear from research in areas around Guada1cana l is that the archaeo logica l ev idence that will best link gro ups to former traditio nal lands is to be found by des ignating distinctive IlHlI1ul~1c turing techniques and styles of stonc tools and pottery in the differcnt regio ns . To actuall y design a proper class ification sys tem for G uadaleana l wo uld require extensive excavat ions in areas tha t appea r to have feature s that archaeologi sts co nsider cu ltura ll y s ignificant. A long with archaeologica l evidence, a usc of ethnographic materials can bridge thc lin k between what has been a lo ng lasting beliefand what is rea lity 69 (C lark 2003:203 & Specht 1967:497). Conclusion One thi ng that always becomes apparent when one goes about exp loring regions that have had li tt le or no previous archaeological exploration is that it opens the door to a Pandora 's box of new and exc iting development s. The more we explore regions that we know have a long cultural hi story, the more we come 111 rea lize that we know so li tt le about the past. There arc of course many other fa ctors that can be bro ught up regard ing land tenure and how land is being used in Guadaleanal. As we gai n understanding through ethnogra phic rcsearch, archaeo logy and o ra l tradi ti ons, we will gain a broader understanding of how lands werc uscd be fore first contact with E uropean explo rers. We can also ga in insight into what parts of abo ri gi nal culture ha ve been lost or transformed through migration of groups and acculturation by outside controlling groups. Creat ing a more prec ise understa nding of land tenure issues in G uada1cana l and how tlw land was used throughout pre-European contact may result in the aboriginals regainin g prev ious ly lost and/or forgotten latlds. Creating these connections between the anthropol ogica l di sc iplines will widen our understandi ng of peo ples and regions as we move forward and attempt to create li nks between the past and prese nt. References Al len , Ji m 1996 The Pre-A ustones ian Settlement o f Island Melanesia: Impact for Lapita Archaeology. Ameri can Ph il osophica l Society, 86(5): 11 -27. A ll en, Matthew G. 20 12 Information Formali sation in a hybrid property space: The Case of Smallho lder O il Pal m Production in So lomon Islands. As ia Pacific Viewpoint, 53(3): 300-3 13. Bedford , Stuart & Spriggs, Mathew 2008 Northern Vanuatu as a Pac ifi c Crossroads: The Archaeology of Discovery, Interac ti on, and the Emergence of the " Ethnographic Prese nt". Asian Perspectives, 47( 1): 95- 120. Cla rk, Gcoffrey 2003 Sha rds of Meani ng: Archaeology and the Me lanes ia-Polynesia Divide. The Journal of Pacific History, 38(2): 197-215. Hadden R. Lee 2007 The Geo logy ofGuada1cana l: A selected Bibliography of the Geology, 70 Natural Hi story, and the Hi story ofGuada1cana l. Topography Engineering Center, US Army: 1-176. I'auku , Richard L. 2009 So lomon Is la nd Forestry outlook study. Food and Agri cul ture Orga ni za tion of the Uni ted Nations Regional Office for Asia and the Pacifi c. kyniker, David 200 I A hard Stone People: Social Relations and the Nation State in the Vaturanga Distri ct, Guada lcanal , Solomon Islands. Un iversity of Briti sh Co lumbia , Canada. 2012 The Silent Missi les ofGuadaleana l. Oceania, 82: 152- 163. Tucker, Al ex is EI izabcth 2010 Why Don't Things Fall Apart" A Study of the Survival of the So lomon Islands Sta te. Universi ty of Ca li forn ia, San Diego. Sofield , Trevor H. B. 2006 So lomon Is lands: Unity in Diversity - The End of a Dreall1" III A ustralia's Arc of Instabi li ty: The politica l and cultural dynamic of regiona l sec urity. D. Rumley et al cds. Pp. 17 1- 198. Springer Publishing: The Netherlands. Specht, Jim 1967 Arc haco logy in Melanesia: A Suggested Proced ure. Mankind, 6: 10: 493-498. Wairiu, Morgan & Nanau, Gordon Logging and Confli ct in Birao Ward ofGuada lcana l, Solomon Islands. Island Knowledge & Research Programmc. http .// land-k no wJcdgc.o rg. 71 HUlIlan Nature and Nature Nature: Anthropological Problematizatiol1 and the DiffiCltl,\ of Applying Anthropological Theory to the Real World Sarah Jane Kerr-Lap.I'/' I Anthropologica l discourse has for quitc some timc problcmatized environmentalism for ignoring 1> 111 right s, particularly when it comes to First Nations communities (Braun 2002, Einarsson 1993), and many individua ls have criticized humanitarianism for its incffie ieneies and for bcing counterproducti ve ly ethnoul (Klein, Brandon, et. al. 2008, Orbinski 2008). The binary opposition of humanitariani sm and environment lll problematic in that the furthest oppositions between the two arc so extreme. There is radical environment lllJ in which a pri stine natural environment untouched by human existence is the goa l, and on the other end 0111 spectrum , specifi c humanitarian issues that con fli ct with idea ls of environmental respon sibility. These inehlil issues like the employment of environmentally damagi ng technologies by famine relief programs, such as III of artificial fertili zers and the diversion of mass ive amounts of fresh water for irrigation purposes in order III produce the vo lume offood required. The tension that exists between environmentalism and humanitarialll\1i particularl y in teresting given that these two broad campaigns generally arise from a similar sentiment of th ' importance and indi vidual responsibility of human beings to take an acti ve role in repairing injustices and inequali ties in the world . In thi s way it can be a use ful dichotomy as, despite the very similar roots ofthes.: I types of activism, the two arc often at odds. As a supporter of both environmental and humanitarian efforts, J ha ve experienced firsthand the moral dilemma that occurs for those who see themselves as Suppol1ers ofb"l1-campaigns but come to wonder if the two can co-ex ist ideologically. In this paper, I am attempting to targel ll di stinct issues: how problematizing terms and dichotomies in anthropology has become debilitating, how complica ted it is to app ly anthropo logical th eory to the rea l world , and how both of these issues arc exempl tli in environmental efforts, which contributes to the tension between environmentali sm and humanitariani sm, Through Bruce Braun 's Thc Intemperate Rainforest: Nature, Culture and Power on Canada's West Coast alld 72 Is Einarsson's All Animals are Egual but Some Arc Cetaceans: Conserva tion and Cu lture Confli ct, I attempt , how how exceedingly difficult it is to avoid problematizing terms and dichotomies as we try to criti ca ll y Iyze any acco unt of firsthand experience, be it academic research , hi story, media or narrati ves. Research, mcdia and narratives arc sources from which we ga in much, if not all, of our informati on regarding both 'an and environmental issucs, and thus, in attempting to understand the tension between these two we must first understand how we arc interpreting the sources that inform us about them. The di sc ipline of anthropology is entering an interesting era where sounding the alarm is no 10llger 1.a:·volut:iOll3i·V and calling attention to systemic inequalit ies and shortsightedness often fa ll s on dear, ca rs. We have problematized nearl y every term and dichotomy, whi le con tinui ng to point and throw red flags without any suggestions for alternati ve terms or new ways of' approaching these We have no answer as to how we rebuild a functional sys tem with our refo rmed understandings of ,apt and inclusive language. It is in this way that the intensive problcmati zmion ortenns and mies in anthropo logy (Braun 2002, Geertz 1973 , Clifford 1986, Behar 1995, Ram es 1999) has had a • • Idelhili'laling efleet on anthropological academic di scourse. These terms and di chotomies arc undeniably and therefore the deconstruction of the issues affec ting th eir usc is necessary and important for understanding how complex these issues are and how much they a ffect every facet of rescareh and ion. However, it olien seems as though attention is bcing pa id so exclusively to th e problemati zation di scourse that di scourse itse lf is neglected. Philippe Bourgois encapsulates this sentiment by H~."U''''' L lIlg hi s research "irrespect ive of the petty theoreti ca l infighting of academic intell ectual s" _\~v .. ,"""o 2003,14). This may be easier said than done, as it is incredibl y difficult to di scuss any . :ant.lmoll,olc'9'·cal issue with any degree of thoroughness wi thout refe rring to theory, and without using UIIJUIl:lIlmI 7C:C1 terms and di chotomies (Rames 1999, Braun 2002). Add itionally, in an altemptto prescnt a coherent argument, it is often impossible to also unpac k every last problematic aspect of each te rm UII I di chotomy that is bcin g uscd. It bcea mc clcar through my rcscarch that it is not advocatin g for thc fa ir and rcsponsibl e treatmcnt "I thc natural, ccologica l world (Einarsson 1993:73 -84, Braun 2002) that is prob lematic , but ra thcr the eeoeentrism (E inarsson 1993:77) of extrcmc environm cntalism that "scc[s] people on ly as intrudcrs who shou ld be removed from pri stine natural sett ings" (E inarsson 1993:82). For thi s rcason I will bc usi ng the terms "ex tremc cnvironmenta li sm/ts" and " radi ca l cnvironmcntali sm/ts" to rc fcr to the type o fcnvironmentalism th at is the most inco mpatible wi th fulfillin g the basic needs o f hu ma n subs istenec and li velihood , a nd there fore, what provides the underlyin~ fri c ti on between cxtreme environmenta li sm and humanita ri ani sm. I will a lso occas ionall y be usin g th e terlll " moderate environ mcnta li sm/ts" to rc fcr to thosc who advocatc th c fair and rcspons ib lc trcatmcnt o f nature" as notcd above, but not to thc cx tcnt that human bc in gs arc cntircly rcmoved from naturc. Th c prima ry concc rns w ith radi ca l cnvironm enta li sm arc that it is un sustai nabl y ecocentr ic (Ei narsson 1993:77), and that it rcduccs thc comp lex ity of cco logical politi cs to thc " bi na ry logic" of "p rist inc na tu re/destructi vc humani ty"' (Braun 2002 :2). Pri stin c nature/dcstructivc humanity ca ll s fo r prescrved ' na turc ' frec from a ll hu man influcncc, w hich ignorcs thc si mplc rca lity that human bci ngs requirc the natural rcso urccs o rthc carth for th cir most bas ic subsistcnce nccds: food, shcltcr, water and c lothing. It al s" ignores the rca lity o f culturcs and commun i tics who employ pro foundly sustainable environmc ntal practice, in the ir rc lati onsh ip w ith natura l resourccs . Thc argumcnt to cons ider thc human impacts ofcnvironmcntal campaigns is clcarl y illustratcd in situations in which thc pro tecti on of 'w ild , pri stine nature ' supe rsedes aborig in al la nd and subsistcnce ri ghl s This prec ise scenario is d iscussed a t Icng th in Brucc Braun 's The Intemperate Rain fo rest: Nature. Cul turc and Power on Ca nada's West Coast (Braun 2002). Through his d iscussion of thc cfforts of radi ca l 74 ' ronmcntalist groups in C layoquot Sou nd, Briti sh Co lumbia in thc carl y 1990's (Braun 2002: I) he br ings light a situation that invo lved three di stinct groups w ith conflicting goa ls. Onc of these groups was a company whi ch, though rcmov ing trccs in order to makc lumbe r, was s im ultanco usly provid in g jobs thc employmcnt of those cutting trces, those manu facturing thc raw product into lumbc r, those npl oyed at the lumber yard and those whosc employmcnt relied on the lumbcr bc ing availab le: carpe nters , U JlllI aC llors . construction workcrs, house builders, c te. In sp itc of thc jobs it was cremi ng loggin g was, and is , threatening the natural beauty of C layoquot's "she ltered inlets, mi st-enshrouded fo rests, and remo te (Braun 2002:2), not to mention thc eco logica l damagc that deforesta ti on causes. The ·roup that actively targcting the logging company fo r these precise reasons was the eX ll'em~ ~n v il'(l l lln c nt :t l i s t s, ca ll ed fo r thc rcturn or the fo rcst to pristine wi lderness, an idea that was prob lCIIl:Jlic lor 13raul\. Wh ile docs not dcny the ex istence of vast landscapes of natura ll y occ urring 11 0 I'll and lilll lHl , water, eart h and air, argues th at " natu rc" and "the fo rcst" as spec ifi c spaces arc hu man conceptua lizati ons (B raun 2002:2 -3 ). Additi onall y, through his dcta il ed disc uss ion o f the N uu-chah-nu lt h Fi rst Nat ion , he reminds hi s audience of the inex tricable link between human beings and the natu ra l world . He a lso highli ghts thc values of 'Ioco l()gica l sustainability and balancc that arc cncouragcd by aborigina l atti tudcs towards the usc of natural resources and the earth itsel f (B raun 2002: 8 1-82). These va lues arc fundamental to F irst N ations land claims in ccopoliti es, as they ali gn the F irst Nation communities with the val ues of moderate cnvironmentali sm. It is th e Nuu-ehah-nulth First Nation themse lves that arc the third group , one whi ch has abori g inal , ancestral and subs istence cla ims to th e land. Braun goes on to di scuss thc e lTec ts o f ccopoliti cs, somc of whic h arc encaps ulated in the "C layoq uot Sound Land Use Plan" map that was rc leased by th e BC Government in 1993 (Braun 2002:6-7). This map indica ted land usc for preservati on, logging, wild li fc, recrea ti on, etc. bu t in no way mcnti oned land ava il able fo r First Nations "spatia l, environmenta l, and eco nomic prac ti ces" 75 (Braun 2002:7). Braun illuminates the irony that despite First Nations knowledge of their land and culttll ill knowledge of the functions of nature and the forest, it is typically a middle class caucasian person that is ultimately making decisions on land usc in areas where First Nations land claims and natural resource industrics conflict. This typc of reaction , bascd on thc idea of First Nations' intrinsic relationship with tlw earth, illuminates another aspcct of the tcnuous rclationship between indigenous peoples and en vi ronmentalists. It highlights the extreme romanticization of the closeness of indigenous pcople to the land (Braun 2002:94 , 103-104), which serves to equate saving the environmcnt with saving indigenous people (Muchlmann, class discussion, October 25 20 II, Braun 2002:81). Niels Einarsson provicles an even more complicated example of the effects of radical environmentalism through an anthropological perspective on the effect of the environmental campaign against whaling on fcelandie whalers and fishell11an in his article All Animals arc Equal but Some are Cetaceans: Conservation and Culture Conflict in Kay Milton's 1993 book Environmentalism: Thc View from Anthropology. likc Braun , Einarsson refcrs to an 'indigcnous' community, or one that claims indigcncity, however in Einarsson's case ' indigenous' docs not mean aboriginal or First Nations, as thc Icelandic people arrived originally fro m Northern and Northwestern Europe to the previously uninhabited island of" Iceland (Karlsson 2000:9-15) , a complication that will be discussed in morc detail in the followi n ~ paragraphs. Overall, Einarsson's s trongest point is the opposition of anthropoccntrism and ccocentrism as the most basic point of contention between extreme environmentalists and the communities that their cffoll , affect (Einarsson 1993:76-77). Einarsson encapsulates thc tcnsion in environmentalism whcn he statcs that: " It is onc thing to postulatc that [ ... ] animals should havc rights, and anothcr thing to condcmn thc cultural practiccs of peor le rclating to thc usc of animals and attempt to force thcm to give up these practices" (Einarsson 1993:80). - -------------------------------------------76 " is an important quotation for several rcasons. First of all, it calls attention to the absurdity o r enlll ~ I \' luding human bcings from the 'natural world', and acknowledges the necessity of human bcin gs to Il illk ., ' of the worlds' natural resources in order to sustain themselves and their families. However, thcre is an vious difference betwcen taking only as much as is absolutely necessary from nature, and pillaging; cutting down logs to build a village, and clear-cutting a rainforest. For this reason, the Nuu-chah -claim to the rcsources of Clayoquot Sound is more easily dcfcndable than that of the Icelandic minke halers, as we will sec. The core values of aboriginal tradition with regards to the treatmcnt of nature and its make a case that satisfies the values of moderate environmentalists, in balance that should be maintained betwcen human beings and thc environment. This quotation is also important because a nceessary problematization is rcquired in deciding what ,'onstitutes the "cultural practices" of a particular peoplc, for without this problcmatization, there would be 110 reference for what "cultural practiccs" should be condemned for violating the earth, and which arc lIoeeptablc in the name of subsistence and cultural survival. For example, Einarsson makes reference to the connicts bctween the conscrvationists and the "indigenous resource-users" (Einarsson 1993:8 1). Thc ideas llf"eultural practices" and "indigenous resource- users" are both intcresting. How long must a people livc in II given place to be considered indigenous, in a situation like Iceland where therc were no previous inhabitants? How long must they routincly pcrform the same, or similar, activities and traditions , for thcse activitics to be considered "cultural practices'''! Say it has been dccidcd that " indigenous" willmcan "aboriginal", and "cultural practices" arc the anccstral practices of those peoplc. Then considcr a scc nario in which the ancestral practices of an aboriginal people change over time, as their technologies change and as they experience increased contact and trade with other communities. Considcr also that North American companies and governments have becn digging oil wells, logging forests, quarrying mountains and trawling 77 fish for over a hundred years. Docs that make it North American "cultural practice" and therefore exempt from environmental efforts to reduce damage to the earth's ecosystems? With these questions in mind, Einarsson introduces the unique situation involving Icelandic mink e whalers (Einarsson 1993:73-84). In this case, the Icelandic ancestors have been in Iceland for over 2000 years, but these predecessors were actually Norse and Celtic (Karlsson 2000:8-14). This is further complicated by the fact that Norse and Celtic heritages arc both fusions, the first of Norwegian, Scandinavian and Gernlanie background (Merriam-Webster) and the latter meaning "a modern Gael, Highland Scot, Irishman, Welshman, Cornishman, or Breton" (Merriam-Webster). Additionally, the island was previously uninhabited and so the Norse and Celtic settlers were, in fact, the first people to ever settle on Iceland (Karlsson 2000:9). The situation in Iceland is also unique in that fishing and whaling arc not on ly essential , traditional subsistence practices, but given the limited natural resources on Iceland (Karlsson 2000:9), they arc one of very few industries available to Icelandic workers (Karlsson 2000:287-291,292-296). The situation is additionally complicated by the fact that minke whales arc not endangered (Einarsson 1993:75), and that in 1986 when the moratorium on whaling was introduced, there were only nine minke whaling boats in all of Iceland (Einarsson 1993:80). It is not particularly difficult to successfully argue the right of'vVest Coast First Nations to the land they have inhabited for thousands of years, particularly due to the susta inably focused values of resource usc amongst West Coast First Nations that arc perpctuated from both within and outside of those communities (Braun 2002:81-82). The commercial fishing industry in Iceland however, docs not fit as cleanly into the ideals of sustainable environmentalism. As I stated earlicr, it see111S that in nearly all cascs it is not advocating for the fair and responsible treatment of the natural, ecological world that is problematic, but rather extreme environ111entalism that calls for the eradication oL il l human innuence that is. The voices that oppose extre111e environmentalism arc further challenged by the fnct --------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------. 78 that they arc not unified (Braun 2002:4). Some argue from the perspective that indigenous, aboriginal ways are innately environmentally responsible, while others arguc that their livelihood and that ofthcir families depends on industries that may be environmentally destructive in thcir own way, but that require the earth's ecological systems to remain rclatively undisturbed in order for that industry to rcmain viable, such as the effects that the destruction of the forests has on the marine community, and therefore, on the fishing industry. These two contributions to anthropological discoursc exemplify how difficult it is to form a thorough and convincing argument when the discipline itsci f is fraught with contention. I introduced only a few topics, all of which arc deeply interconnected and still there arc dozens of terms, arguments and points that a critical reader will find problematic. It scems that anthropology is caught in a catch-22 where the absence of the deconstruction of tcrms and thorough explanation of choices in terms makes rcsearch an casy target for scathing critical analysis, however if you arc to completely thoroughly discuss each contcntious point in your argumcnt, you arc forced to oversimplify your research in some way. As we have seen in anthropological discourse, where the discussion of a single word such as "culture", "naturc" or "local" (Geertz 1973, Braun 2002, Raffles 1999), can rcsult in an cntire book or a forty page journal article, the idea of ' thorough discussion' poses a serious logistical problem. The simplification that results from the thoroughness that the discipline demands is also problematic in that it loses the biggcr picture of the research, the interconncctedness of issues, contention and cxistcnce, the complexity of culture. I f we have learned anything from anthropological theory, it is that nothing is simple and everything is complicated. As anthropologists, how do we discuss our research in a way that thoroughly acknowledges its limitations, but also communicates its valid contribution to understanding the world around us') Braun says something very profound in the introduction to The Intemperate Rainforcst, while discussing the meetings that were arranged with the groups that united to oppose the logging company, 79 which included environmentalists, members ofNuu-chah-nulth communities, politicians, fishcrpcop le and many othcrs (Braun 2002:4). He says that over the course of one patiieular weekend meeting "tempers rOh[ and fell, participants left and then wcre convinced to return, and speakers berated each other for their intolerance and inflexible positions" (Braun 2002:4). [ found this particularly disheartening, because for me it showed the lack of ability, even in adul t professionals with similar values, of people to reach consensus or come to any common understand ings th ll! are in the best interests of all those involved, both human and environmental. [n that way, [think that ultimately it is part of our social responsibility as pariieipants in anthropological discourse in the 21 st century to reevaluate problematized concepts and providc options or so lutions. [ argue that the best solut ion for environmentalism is a middle ground, one in which bcing environmentally rcsponsible and rcspcctful is combined with an acknowledgement of both indigenous, aboriginal land claims and li vel ihood, as well as the basic needs ofallllLrman subs istence. Thai being said, this solution is fraught with the problematizations of who is "aboriginal" or "indigenous", wh at constitutes "environmcntally responsible" or "environmentally respectful", what "basic needs" are, and who dceides the limitations of all of these. Perhaps it is time then, to collect the enormous variety of theoretical problematizations and reflect on thcm as a whole, in addition to individually. [think that for our own benell!' a nd the benefit of future generations of anthropologists and critical thinkers, we need to identify, or re-iclenti fy, the purposes of critical thinking and begin to offer at least the possibility of discussing whcre we gn from here. As anthropologists, with our philosophies of subjec tivity, awareness of the construction of th e "Other" and our insight into univcrsalism and cultural relativism, we are arguably in an excellent position til bring different perspectives and more inclusive ways of thinking into the world, and particularly into thc rcalms of humanitarian and environmcntal efforts. We may not be able to change how things wcre .,,-~------------------------ - ----, ---------- --------. 8U approached in the past, but we can change how they arc approached in the future. References Behar, Ruth and Deborah A. Gordon 1995 Women Writing Culturc. University of California Press: Berkcley and Los Angeles , California, London, England Bourgois, Philippe 2003 In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in EI Barrio. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, NcwYork. Braun, Bruce 2002 The Intemperate Rainforest: Nature, Culture and Power on Canada's West Coast. University ofMinncapolis Press: Minneapolis, Minnesota. Clifford, James 1986 [ntroduetion. IJ/ Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. University of California Press: Berkeley and Los Angeles, Ca lifornia Einarsson, Niels 1993 A ll animals arc equa l but some arc cetaceans: Conservation and culture eonn ic!. /J/ Environmentalism: The Vicw from Anthropology. Kay Milton, cd. Pp 73-84. Routlcdge: London and New York. Geertz, C lifford 1973 The Interpretat ion of Cultures: Selected Essays. Basic Books, Inc.: New York. Karlsson, Gunnar 2000 History of Iceland. University of Minnesota Press: Minneapolis, MN. Klein, Brandon and Daniel Klein, Nicholas Klcin, Tim Klcin, dirs. 2008 What arc we doing hcrc'? Doeumcntary. 82 min. Klein Pictures Film. USA. Merriam- Webstcr 20 II "Norse" and "Celt". Retrieved November 20, 20 II from http://www.merriam- websteLeoml Orbinski, Dr. James 2008 An Imperfcet Offcring: Humanitarian Action in the Twenty-First Century. Doubleday Canada: Toronto Rames, Hugh 1999 "Loca l Theory": Naturc and the Making of Amazonian Place. Cultural Anthropology 14(3):323-360 Student Anthropologist The Journal of the Anthropology Students Association of UBC 


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