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Policing women : clubswomen, policewomen, and delinquent girls in Vancouver, 1910-1930 Gooding, Anna Apr 20, 2015

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       Policing Women: Clubswomen, Policewomen, and Delinquent Girls in Vancouver, 1910-1930 By Anna Gooding  A graduating thesis submitted in partial fulfilment  of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in The Faculty of Arts History Department  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard.                            University of British Columbia April 20 2015    ii  Table of Contents Acknowledgements          iii  Introduction           1  Chapter 1: Delinquency in Vancouver         13  Motherhood and Maternal Feminism       15  Delinquency: A Working Girl Problem?                 20  Racial Tensions and White Womanhood       24  Chapter 2: The Campaign for Policewomen        30  Vancouver's First Policewomen, 1912       32  The Campaign for More Policewomen, 1918-1920      36  The LeSueur Incident         38  The Campaign for the Women's Division, 1927-1929     43  Chapter 3: Policewomen and the Physical Spaces of Delinquency     51  The Role of Policewomen in Regulating Delinquent Spaces    52  Incorrigible Girls: The Crimes of Delinquency      56  Moral Spaces: Reforming and Punishing Delinquency     61  The Policewoman Paradox         66  Conclusion            69  Bibliography  Primary Sources          74  Secondary Sources         75 iii  Acknowledgements I wouldn't have accomplished this project without help from a number of excellent people this past year. My research was aided by the assistance of archivists at the City of Vancouver Archives and UBC Rare Books and Special Collections, as well as Kristin Hardie at the Vancouver Police Museum. My cohorts in the Honours programs gave helpful advice and feedback. Special thanks to Shannon and Catherine; our coffee dates definitely enhanced my thesis experience. I'm grateful for my amazing friends and roommates Nichola, Jake, Veronique, Liberté, and Nani who witnessed my bouts of enthusiasm and moments of despair over the course of the last eight months. The kitchen table will be much clearer now without my books. Special thanks to Kevin, who provided encouragement and praise when I needed it most. My studies wouldn't have been possible without my parents. Without them, I never would have developed a love of reading and history, the ambition to attempt this project, and the confidence to finish it. Thank you for your love and support, Mom and Dad. My work was guided by the knowledge and insight of my advisor, Laura Ishiguro. She provided fascinating research suggestions, useful writing help, and generally good advice. I am beyond grateful for her enthusiasm, patience, and kindness. Thank you for encouraging me to trust myself and trust the process. And lastly, Claire and Grace: growing up as a young woman can be difficult. I'm torn between urging you to be good and encouraging you to be delinquents who challenge the system. I'll try not to police your behaviour, as long as you stay smart and take care.    1  Introduction  On March 18 1918, five girls between the ages of fifteen and nineteen ran away from the Girls' Industrial School in Vancouver.1 City authorities caught and confined the girls in the police station, two for seven days and three for ten days, before sending them to Oakalla Prison. The Vancouver Local Council of Women (VLCW) was outraged at the girls' treatment. They promptly wrote a resolution to “strongly protest” and “strongly denounce” the actions taken, which they sent to the Attorney General.2 “Such action,” the Council wrote, was “not only not humane, but entirely contrary to the spirit of modern methods of treatment of youthful delinquency.” Why was the Council concerned about these girls, and what were these “modern methods” of addressing juvenile delinquency?  This thesis addresses this question by exploring how elite women attempted to police and regulate other women and girls in early twentieth-century Vancouver. It investigates three groups of Vancouver women and the relationships between them from 1910 to 1930: VLCW clubswomen, policewomen, and so-called delinquent girls. Clubswomen and policewomen sought to regulate young women who they thought were rejecting appropriate feminine behaviour, and they adopted a label for these girls: delinquents. I argue that Vancouver clubswomen and policewomen, guided by their maternal feminist values and empowered by high social status as upper- or middle-class Anglo-Saxon women, sought to regulate women's femininity by policing delinquent girls. Furthermore, I argue that Vancouver stands apart from other Canadian cities with regards to the specific forms that concerns about delinquency took. In Vancouver, Anglo-Saxon residents were concerned about Asian immigration, making it a site of racial tension that was different from Eastern Canadian cities.                                                           1 The Girls' Industrial School, established in 1914, was a home to reform adolescent girls who were labelled delinquents by the Juvenile Court. It will be discussed in greater detail in chapter three. 2 Corresponding Secretary to Attorney General J.W. deB. Farris, April 3 1918, box 1, folder 1, Vancouver Council of Women Fonds, Rare Books and Special Collections, University of British Columbia Libraries. 2  Additionally, Vancouver had a very small population of working women compared to cities like Toronto and Montreal. The scholarship on delinquency in Canada has focused on Eastern cities, but a study of Vancouver complicates this understanding since delinquency in Vancouver was influenced in different ways by anxieties about race and women's employment.  In Vancouver, so-called delinquent girls were adolescents in their teenage years and young women in their twenties who were not behaving in gender-appropriate ways and often as a result found themselves in trouble with the law. Most came from white working-class families. Some young women were charged with crimes such as theft or assault, but most came in contact with the law because they acted generally disobedient or unladylike. Using the language of the Juvenile Court and Industrial Schools, they were “incorrigible.” Young women found themselves in trouble for behaviour that was seen as sexually promiscuous, which could range from dating boys to taking familiarities with non-white men to engaging in prostitution. Sometimes parents reported their daughters for being disobedient and defiant. Many young women did not break any laws, but rather they were in the wrong place when policewomen were making their rounds: picnicking with friends at English Bay, or spending the evening with a young man at a dance hall, for example. While clubswomen and policewomen expressed anxiety about delinquent girls as a group, individual young women are often nameless and anonymous figures in the historical record. Because of the gaps in the historical record, it is difficult to gain insight into what these young women thought about their own behaviour and the persistent attempts by clubswomen and policewomen to regulate and reform them. Delinquent girls' voices are not the focus of this thesis, but nonetheless they deserve recognition as young women demonstrating agency, whether they accepted reform activities or willfully resisted them.  There is much more information in the archive about the women who sought to control delinquency. Clubswomen were outspoken and politically active in early twentieth-century Vancouver. 3  Clubswork was a respectable and popular activity for upper- and middle-class Anglo-Saxon women who were supported by their husbands and had few responsibilities at home, whether they were childless or had school-age or grown children.3 By the 1910s there were numerous clubs in Vancouver for prospective clubswomen to choose from. Some were local while others were affiliated with national organizations, and they represented various religious, political, cultural, and social reform interests. Clubswomen commonly adopted causes relating to the welfare of women and children: mothers' pensions, prohibition, better prenatal and maternal health care, music and hygiene education in schools, female guidance counsellors in schools, institutional homes for needy and delinquent children, and policewomen.   I focus on the Vancouver Local Council of Women in this thesis because of its extended campaign for policewomen and its considerable size. The VLCW was exceptional in that it operated not as a council of individual women, but rather as a council of women's clubs. It was founded in 1894, when Vancouver was only eight years old and the National Council of Women of Canada was in its first year. By 1911, the VLCW had 45 affiliated clubs; in the following two decades, that number would range between 52 and 73.4 Affiliated clubs sent delegates to monthly meetings, which served as a forum for dialogue for like-minded, but by no means identical, organizations. A small group of women did the  majority of the work, but the VLCW claimed that they represented 5,000 members through their affiliated clubs. They were quick to remind politicians and civil figures of their membership; a letter might include a reminder that “as this resolution comes from an organization representing some five thousand women, it should have some weight.”5 Empowered by their high                                                           3 Gillian Weiss, “As Women and As Citizens: Clubswomen in Vancouver 1910-1928” (PhD diss., University of British Columbia, 1983). 4 Ibid., 44. 5 Corresponding Secretary to Mayor Harry Gale, March 10 1920, box 1, folder 2, Vancouver Council of Women Fonds, 4  social status, traditionally maternal concerns, and their desire to “mother” society, clubswomen like VLCW members took it upon themselves to judge proper behaviour and try to control women who did not follow their rules.  While clubswomen judged and condemned delinquency from afar, policewomen encountered it on a daily basis. In 1912, Vancouver became the first city in Canada to hire policewomen. Clubswomen campaigned for the extension of policewomen's powers throughout the 1910s and 1920s. Policewomen literally policed other women. They patrolled streets, parks, bars, and dance halls in search of delinquency and immorality, and they had the power to arrest both men and women. Neglected children fell under the jurisdiction of policewomen, but policewomen's greatest concern was delinquency in young women. Policewomen represented a small group of Vancouver women: likely no more than fifteen individual women worked as policewomen between 1912-1929, and no more than eight worked during a single year.  As clubswomen and policewomen sought to regulate other women, they rejected certain feminine behaviours themselves and gained influence in society. At the turn of the twentieth century, the cult of domesticity remained an influential ideology that contrasted a feminine private sphere with a masculine public sphere.6 Women's visibility outside the home could be controversial, and “respectable” women remained largely in the domestic sphere. As historian Robert McDonald writes, “the language of separate spheres for men and women continued to be heard in twentieth-century Vancouver.”7 So-called delinquent girls found themselves in trouble largely because they were outside                                                                                                                                                                                                        Rare Books and Special Collections, University of British Columbia Libraries. 6 For the British context, see Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class 1750-1850 (London: Routledge, 1987). 7 Robert A.J. McDonald, Making Vancouver: Class, Status and Social Boundaries, 1863-1913 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1996), 164. 5  the domestic sphere and visible on the streets, in parks, and attending dance halls. Clubswomen and policewomen, meanwhile, became increasingly visible in Vancouver but remained respectable because of their upper- or middle-class status and Anglo-Saxon race. Clubswomen appeared conservative, with their prestigious social position and traditionally feminine concerns about the wellbeing of women and children. However, they were public and outspoken in their campaigns: they stood as delegates at City Hall; they met with politicians at the BC Legislative Assembly; they were visible on public streets during “Tag Days” to raise money for local schools and orphanages; their activities were featured in local newspapers; and they collectively owned their own building downtown for meetings and events. The visibility of clubswomen rarely raised eyebrows. Like clubswomen, policewomen were dedicated to aiding women and children, but they further frustrated traditional notions of femininity. With their public presence and physicality, policewomen were hardly pictures of demure femininity. Instead, they patrolled public spaces, worked all hours of the night, and arrested men and women alike. Policewomen were more controversial than clubswomen but nevertheless they quickly became a fixture of law enforcement in Vancouver, a conservative institution with the air of an old boys' club. Paradoxically, by regulating unfeminine behaviour in other women, clubswomen and policewomen gained power for themselves in society.  Gaining power was not the only motivation for clubswomen and policewomen. They were also motivated by a sympathetic desire to aid individual women, as well as an urge to strengthen the wellbeing of society, the nation, and the white race. As maternal feminists, clubswomen and policewomen believed that a woman's duties were inherently related to motherhood.8 They thought that                                                           8 See Veronica Strong-Boag, The Parliament of Women: The National Council of Women of Canada 1893-1929 (Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1979); Gerald E. Thomson, “'A Baby Show Means Work in the Hardest Sense': The Better Baby Contests of the Vancouver and New Westminster Local Councils of Women, 1913-1929,” BC Studies, 128 (2000), 5-36. 6  a woman's responsibility was to raise moral, healthy children who would be the citizens of tomorrow and further a superior white race. Outside her home, a woman ought to continue this mission by reforming society and demanding that all children be moral and healthy.9 Clubswomen and policewomen were also driven by compassionate intentions to help women experiencing difficult times, and they felt a sense of responsibility to aid women who could have been their daughters or sisters. Despite their intentions, however, they upheld standards of femininity that were alienating and unworkable to young, working-class women in their attempts to eradicate delinquency. When young women failed to conform, clubswomen and policewomen often punished individuals already facing hardship.   This thesis is informed by, and contributes to, the history of delinquency in Canadian cities. Most historians in the field have focused on delinquency in Eastern Canada. While this has been a fruitful area of study, concerns about delinquency manifested differently in Western Canada, and this deserves attention. In Toronto and Montreal, the concept of delinquency was tangled with fears revolving around working women and their encroachment into public space; this was less of a concern in Vancouver, where far fewer women worked. Delinquency in Vancouver was instead influenced by racial tensions and Anglo-Saxon anxieties about protecting white womanhood. Historians have paid modest attention to delinquency in Vancouver, but these studies have not examined the influence of upper- and middle-class women's reform attempts and the role of policewomen, which is significant in understanding delinquency in Vancouver.  Historians Carolyn Strange, Tamara Myers, and Joan Sangster have conducted extensive studies                                                           9 See Anna Davin, “Imperialism and Motherhood” in Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, eds. Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (Berkeley: University of California, 1997), 87-151; Katie Pickles, Female Imperialism and National Identity: Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002) 7  of girls' delinquency and explored the link between gender and urbanized space. In Eastern Canada, concerns about delinquency were a reaction to changing roles of women in cities, where urbanization and growing industrial capitalism produced new economic opportunities for women, specifically women who were young, single, and working-class.10 While their mothers and grandmothers may have toiled on farms or in domestic service, young women flocked to urban centres to find work. In the cities, single working-class women encountered new opportunities as well as the threat of economic and sexual exploitation. More than that though, working girls posed a threat to contemporary sensibilities because they expressed their independence by partaking in urban recreation and pursuing romantic relationships. In Strange's Toronto and Myers' Montreal, urban space provided new and accessible opportunities for leisure and excitement. Young women spent their leisure time socializing with young men and each other in cafes, dance halls, cinemas, and on the streets. Girls' pursuit of excitement and romance in the city was alarming to social reformers, who took issue with what they considered a brazen expression of sexuality. Myers argues that “girls embodied delinquency in a way boys could not” because social reformers linked female delinquency to sexuality; female delinquency “was widely understood as a pattern of modern behaviour that included sexually suspicious, if not dangerous, nighttime behaviour and resistance to a model of passive femininity.”11 The visibility of girls in the city added fuel to these anxieties, making them impossible to ignore.  Scholarship on delinquency in Vancouver has been comparatively limited. Scholar Lindsey McMaster, who adopted a literary approach to study the construction of the working girl identity in                                                           10 Tamara Myers, Caught: Montreal's Modern Girls and the Law, 1869-1945 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006); Joan Sangster, Girl Trouble: Female Delinquency in English Canada (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2002); Carolyn Strange, Toronto's Girl Problem: The Perils and Pleasures of the City, 1880-1930 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995). For delinquency in the United States, see Mary E. Odem, Delinquent Daughters: Protecting and Policing Adolescent Female Sexuality in the United States 1885- 1920 (Chapel City, NC: University of North Carolina, 1995). 11 Myers, Caught, 7. 8  Western Canada, investigated narratives of working girls' deviant morality in depictions of the delinquent and feeble-minded; the morality of working girls, she argues, was a constant source of worry.12 Historians Indiana Matters and Alastair Glegg have studied the Vancouver Girls' Industrial Home, which was the destination for many delinquent girls in the city. Indiana Matters argues that most young women were sent to the school as punishment for being poor and female, rather than for any real wrongdoing; most young women were sent to the school for moral offences and “incorrigibility” rather than committing crimes like theft or assault.13 Glegg adopts a more forgiving view of the Girls' Industrial School in his biographical study of Margaret Bayne, who ran the school from 1918 to 1929, and her attempted reforms to make it more home-like and emphasize domestic training.14 In historian Diane Matters' study of the Vancouver Boys' Industrial School, she argues that school administrators believed delinquent boys, made criminal by their working-class background, could be reformed through a moral home (or industrial school) environment, firm discipline, and physical labour.15 The upper-class ideology of a potentially immoral working class or “criminal class” has been studied by historian Robert Adamoski in relation to the Vancouver Children's Aid Society.16 Studies of the eugenics movement in Western Canada hint at delinquency, since the classifications of mentally                                                           12 Lindsey McMaster, Working Girls in the West: Representations of Wage-Earning Women (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2008). 13 Indiana Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?: Historical Aspects of Female Juvenile Delinquency in British Columbia” in Not Just Pin Money: Selected Essays on the History of Women's Work in British Columbia, eds. Barbara K. Latham and Roberta J. Pazdro (Victoria: Camosun College, 1984), 265-278. 14 Alastair Glegg, “Margaret Bayne and the Vancouver Girls’ Industrial School,” Historical Studies in Education, vol. 18 no. 2 (2006), 201-223. 15 Diane L. Matters, “The Boys' Industrial School: Education for Juvenile Offenders, Schooling and Society in Twentieth Century British Columbia” in Schooling and Society in Twentieth Century British Columbia, eds. J. Donald Wilson and David C. Jones (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1980), 53-70. 16 Robert Adamoski, “'Charity is One Thing and the Administration of Justice is Another': Law and the Politics of Familial Regulation in Early Twentieth-Century British Columbia” in Regulating Lives eds. John McLaren, Dorothy E. Chunn and Robert Menzies (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002), 145-169. 9  deficient, criminal, and delinquent often blurred together.17 These studies reveal that delinquency was a label that Vancouver social reformers and Juvenile Court authorities applied to juveniles who were working-class, and often also regarded as feeble-minded or sexually promiscuous, but these studies have been limited in their scope.  Studies of delinquency in Vancouver have not examined the visibility of girls in Vancouver, despite the public nature of the so-called girl problem in other cities. In Eastern Canada, the concept of delinquency was connected to public working women, but Vancouver was home to far fewer women working in waged labour. The opportunities available to women in Vancouver were significantly different. In 1911, only forty percent of Vancouver's 121,000 residents were women, compared with half of Toronto's 381,000 and over half of Montreal's 491,000.18 Only one in eight women in Vancouver worked, compared with one in four Toronto women. The cities' economies had grown in different ways, which offered different employment opportunities for women. Montreal and Toronto were manufacturing hubs, and manufacturing jobs employed a large percent of working women in the cities.19 Vancouver was not a manufacturing centre, so instead most of Vancouver's working women worked as domestic help and in personal service.20 Overall, Vancouver had fewer women in the city, these women were less likely to work waged labour, and employed women were largely restricted to                                                           17 See Nic Clarke, “Sacred Daemons: Exploring British Columbian Society's Perceptions of 'Mentally Deficient' Children, 1870-1930,” BC Studies, 144 (2004), 61-89; Erika Dyck, Facing Eugenics: Reproduction, Sterilization, and the Politics of Choice (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013); Angus McLaren, Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1945 (Toronto: McClelland & Steward, 1990). 18 Canada Year Book 1932 (Ottawa: F.A. Acland, 1932), 103. 19 40% of working women in Montreal, 25% of working women in Toronto. Robert A.J. McDonald, “Working Class Vancouver, 1886-1914: Urbanism and Class in British Columbia” in Vancouver Past: Essays in Social History, eds. Robert A.J. McDonald and Jean Barman (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986),  43;  Tamara Myers, “Criminal Women and Bad Girls: Regulation and Punishment in Montreal, 1890-1930” (PhD. Diss., McGill University,  1996), 21. 20 42% of working women in Vancouver were in “domestic and personal service.” McDonald, “Working Class Vancouver, 1886-1914,”  36. 10  domestic service positions. Strange argues that girls' enormous cultural weight in Toronto was a result of young women's widespread entrance into the workplace; Myers links the phenomenon of Montreal's modern girls with their employment status. In Vancouver, concerns about delinquency did not emerge from the same roots, and this discrepancy deserves investigation.  This thesis undertakes to understand this difference, and in doing so it also contributes to scholarship on clubswomen and policewomen. While historians have explored clubswomen's influence in Vancouver and the status of early policewomen in Canada, no projects have combined these topics. Historian Gillian Weiss' extensive study on Vancouver clubswomen explored their civic involvement, the demographics of clubswomen, and their pursuit of social reform, including the VLCW.21 Other historians have explored clubswomen's understanding of mother's rights and responsibilities in different ways, including relating to Mothers' Pensions and Better Baby Competitions.22 Policewomen in Canada have received little attention from historians.23 The most significant study is Myers' work on Montreal's policewomen, who worked to police and punish delinquent girls.24 There are some comparative studies of policewomen in the United States and Canada, although they minimally explore the early period of policewomen.25 In the context of Vancouver, there have not been scholarly histories                                                           21 Weiss, “As Women and As Citizens: Clubswomen in Vancouver 1910-1928.”  22 Margaret Hillyard Little, “Claiming a Unique Place: The Introduction of Mothers' Pensions in B.C.,” BC Studies, 105-6 (1995), 80-102; Thomson, “'A Baby Show Means Work in the Hardest Sense': The Better Baby Contests of the Vancouver and New Westminster Local Councils of Women, 1913-1929,” 5-36. 23 Historians of the United States and Great Britain have explored early policewomen in greater depth. For the United States, see Janis Appier, Policing Women: The Sexual Politics of Law Enforcement and the LAPD (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998). For Britain, see Philippa Levine, “'Walking the Streets in a Way No Decent Woman Should': Women Police in World War I,” The Journal of Modern History, vol. 66 no. 1 (1994), 34-78. 24 Tamara Myers, “Women Policing Women: A Patrol Woman in Montreal in the 1910s,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association vol. 4 no. 1 (1993), 229-245. 25 Jennifer Brown and Frances Heidensohn, Gender and Policing: Comparative Perspectives (London: Macmillan Press, 2000); Marilyn Corsianos, Policing and Gendered Justice: Examining the Possibilities (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009). 11  written on policewomen, although there has been public interest in policewomen in recent years.26 Eve Lazarus wrote about Vancouver policewomen's work and a number of high-profile cases in her popular history book Sensational Vancouver.27 Lazarus presents an intriguing look at policewomen, but this thesis aims for a deeper understanding by exploring the concept of delinquency and elite women's policing of working-class femininity.  This thesis draws on a number of documents produced by the VLCW and the Vancouver Police Department in the 1910s and 1920s, which was a particularly important time in the history of delinquency, policewomen, and clubswomen in Vancouver. UBC Rare Books and Special Collections contains the VLCW's records, including records of meeting minutes beginning in 1910 and correspondence records dating from 1916. VPD records include general annual reports, annual reports of the Policewomen's Division, and various other documents, such as reports from the LeSueur inquiry. These records are kept in two locations: the Vancouver Police Museum Archive and the City of Vancouver Archives.  This thesis is comprised of three chapters. Chapter One investigates the meanings of delinquency in the context of Vancouver. It argues that ideas of motherhood and women's maternal nature informed elite women's concerns about delinquency, which were influenced by understandings of delinquency in Montreal and Toronto as well as different social, economic, and racial circumstances unique to British Columbia. Chapter Two explores how clubswomen (predominately from the VLCW) campaigned for policewomen as a solution to delinquency. It argues that elite women imagined the role                                                           26 In 2012, the Vancouver Police Museum opened a new exhibit entitled “Women in Policing: 100 Years in the Vancouver Police Department” to celebrate a century since the first policewomen were hired. There are also popular history books on the VPD generally, most notably Joe Swan, A Century of Service: The Vancouver Police 1886-1986 (Vancouver: Vancouver Police Historical Society, 1986). 27 Eve Lazarus, Sensational Vancouver (Vancouver: Anvil Press, 2014). 12  of policewomen in gender-specific terms of protection and prevention, and investigates the ways in which policewomen's qualities and qualifications were controversial. Chapter Three looks at policewomen's activities in Vancouver, including patrols and arrests. It argues that policewomen understood girls' delinquency and immorality to have a physical spatial dimension, and it examines the ways in which policewomen qualified and encountered delinquency in young women. It also explores what happened to young women who were classified as delinquent, and the “modern methods of treatment of youthful delinquency” that the VLCW promoted, in the 1910s and 1920s.28 These three chapters draw a picture of the so-called girl problem in Vancouver, and the ways in which clubswomen and policewomen conceptualized and addressed delinquent girls. Influenced by early twentieth-century ideas about gender, age, motherhood and space, I argue that clubswomen and policewomen attempted to regulate, reform, and punish delinquent girls in the city and turn them into respectable young women.                                                           28 Corresponding Secretary to Attorney General J.W. deB. Farris, April 3 1918, VCW Fonds. 13  Chapter 1: Delinquency in Vancouver “Considering court records and other facts which have from time to time been brought to our attention, we are led to believe that juvenile delinquency, more especially among young girls, is on the increase.”1   In 1918, the Vancouver Local Council of Women wrote to Mayor Harry Gale to voice their concern about girls' delinquency and to advocate for more policewomen in the city. Vancouver residents, especially upper- and middle-class Anglo-Saxon women, frequently voiced this worry in the early decades of the twentieth century. These women thought girls (or, more accurately, young women in their teenage years or early twenties) were becoming increasingly unruly. It seemed to them as if more girls were committing petty crimes, disobeying their parents, visiting urban leisure sites, and engaging in sexual behaviour outside of marriage. In the previous decade, Vancouver clubswomen had lobbied the government to create an entire network of institutions to address the problem of girls' delinquency, from a Juvenile Court to a Girls' Industrial Home to the hiring of policewomen. In the 1910s and 1920s, they continued to anxiously advocate for regulation. Why did these women seek to regulate delinquency in young women, and how did concerns about delinquency manifest in early twentieth-century Vancouver?  This chapter explores this question by examining the ideologies that influenced elite women's concerns about motherhood and delinquency, and how these anxieties both grew from and transcended the specific context of Vancouver. First, I examine the ideologies of gender that Vancouver women encountered and, sometimes, encouraged in others. Motherhood was a powerful idea, and many men and women believed that a woman's influence was intrinsically linked to her maternal nature. I                                                           1 Mrs. R.C. Stoddard to Mayor Harry Gale, September 6 1918, box 1, folder 1, Vancouver Council of Women Fonds, Rare Books and Special Collections, University of British Columbia Libraries, hereafter VCW Fonds. 14  demonstrate that this ideology empowered some women to organize into clubs and campaign for a greater role for women in society; it also motivated them to police, regulate, and reform young working-class women who did not act appropriately maternal and whom they labeled “delinquent.” Next I examine delinquency in Vancouver compared to Eastern Canadian cities. In other Canadian cities, such as Toronto and Montreal, maternal feminists conceptualized delinquency in relation to women's employment. In Vancouver, women had different employment opportunities and, as a result, far fewer women worked in Vancouver. However, residents of Vancouver were aware of the problems facing Eastern Canadian cities and occasionally represented delinquency as a problem related to working women's economic vulnerability. At the same time, concerns about delinquency in Vancouver were influenced by racial tensions that were specific to British Columbia. Anglo-Saxon British Columbians were anxious about Asian immigration, and these concerns spurred arguments about protecting and controlling young women. Overall, I argue that Vancouver clubswomen understood a woman's role as maternal, and sought to regulate young women who threatened this ideology in ways that were both specific to Vancouver and influenced by ideas from elsewhere.  Vancouver was a city of modest but rapidly increasing size at the turn of the twentieth century. Vancouver was incorporated as a city in 1886, the year the first transcontinental train arrived at Vancouver's terminus station of the Canadian Pacific Railroad. Over the next fifteen years, the city steadily grew to be the largest in British Columbia with 26,000 residents in 1901.2 By 1911, the population ballooned to 121,000.3 Vancouver had a decidedly Anglo-Saxon character with nearly four in five residents classified as having British heritage in the 1911 census; of these, nearly half were born                                                           2 John Douglas Belshaw, Becoming British Columbia: A Population History (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002), 196. 3 Ibid., 196. 15  in Canada.4 Due to the newness of the city, most Canadian-born residents were from the Eastern provinces, namely Ontario. People from the United States and Europe were present in the city, as was a small Asian population.5 Aboriginal people were present in reserves within city limits, but as part of the colonial project their movement was restricted and later some were forced off urban reserves.6 Class differences and income disparities were visible across the city and its suburbs, from the homes of the upper-class in the West End and Point Grey, to the working-class families in South Vancouver, to the poor bachelors and new immigrants of the East End.7 As Vancouver grew, residents negotiated living and working in close proximity to people of different class and races, which resulted in tension at times. Motherhood and Maternal Feminism  Vancouver's women navigated the new city, and it was in this environment that anxieties about women materialized. Vancouver had a visible gender imbalance during its early years, and by 1911 women made up barely forty percent of the population.8 It was not until the late interwar period that the gender divide evened out; scholar Lindsay McMaster remarks that in contrast to cities like Toronto,                                                           4 Jean Barman, “Neighbourhood and Community in Interwar Vancouver: Residential Differentiation and Civic Voting Behaviour,” in Vancouver Past: Essays in Social History, eds. Robert A.J. McDonald and Jean Barman (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986),  110-111. 5 Robert A.J. McDonald, Making Vancouver: Class, Status and Social Boundaries, 1863-1913 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1996), 202-203. 6 Jean Barman, “Erasing Indigenous Indigeneity in Vancouver,” BC Studies 155 (2007), 3-30; Jordan Stanger-Ross, “Municipal Colonialism in Vancouver: City Planning and the Conflict over Indian Reserves, 1928-1950s,” The Canadian Historical Review vol. 89 no. 4 (2008), 541-580. 7 Barman, “Neighbourhood and Community in Interwar Vancouver,”  98-102; Robert A.J. McDonald, Making Vancouver: Class, Status and Social Boundaries, 1863-1913 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1996), 189-194. 8 Robert A.J. McDonald, “Working Class Vancouver, 1886-1914: Urbanism and Class in British Columbia” in Vancouver Past: Essays in Social History, eds. Robert A.J. McDonald and Jean Barman (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986), 43. 16  Vancouver “was always disproportionately male” during its early years.9 Eighty-two percent of women in Vancouver had British heritage, which was slightly more than the overall population.10 American and European women were also present, while Asian women were a very small minority. Only a small number of women (about one in seven) worked outside the home, and these were predominately young working-class women.11 Most Vancouver women were unemployed in waged labour but instead worked in the domestic sphere as wives and mothers.   Motherhood had powerful connotations in early twentieth-century British Columbia. Many upper- and middle-class Anglo-Saxon men and women subscribed to the “cult of motherhood” and believed that women were morally strong forces empowered by their societal role as mothers. Under this ideology, women were inherently maternal; their societal strength and value came from their maternal power. As mothers, women were responsible for raising physically and morally healthy children who would become virtuous citizens in the future.12 They were also responsible for producing racially strong children and advancing a superior white race, thereby making women complicit with the budding eugenics movement. Historian Gerald Thomson described Better Baby Contests in Vancouver and New Westminster as a “positive eugenics program to increase the number of fit offspring” that rewarded mothers who produced strong, healthy, white infants.13 As historian Anna Davin notes in the                                                           9 Lindsey McMaster, Working Girls in the West: Representations of Wage-Earning Women (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2008), 117. 10 Weiss, “As Women and As Citizens: Clubswomen in Vancouver 1910-1928,” 252. 11 McDonald, “Working Class Vancouver, 1886-1914,” 43. 12 Norah L. Lewis, “Creating the Little Machine: Child Rearing in British Columbia, 1919-1939,” BC Studies 56 (1982), 44-46. 13 Gerald E. Thomson, “'A Baby Show Means Work in the Hardest Sense': The Better Baby Contests of the Vancouver and New Westminster Local Councils of Women, 1913-1929,” BC Studies 128 (2000), 11. 17  British context, “it was the duty and destiny of women to be the 'mothers of the race.'”14 The success or failure of a mother, therefore, was seen to have a tremendous influence on the future wellbeing of the nation and the white race. In 1920, an anonymous writer for the Victoria Daily Colonist summarized the role of women: Woman is the guardian of the race's chastity, and as Anglo-Saxon today there is a duty devolving upon [us] that we cannot afford to neglect or to pass by. Three things we stand for, as the mothers of this generation and of the generations yet unborn – The purity of the white race, the standards of Anglo-Saxon civilization and the ethics of Christianity.15 This writer, like many at the time, believed that women were responsible as mothers for producing children who would strengthen society racially, civilly, and religiously.  Women's maternal responsibilities were understood to continue outside of the home, as well. Not only were women seen as responsible for raising children, but this nature compelled them to play a distinctive public role in society and politics. Many women believed, as historian Veronica Strong-Boag writes, that “'mothering' was not to be restricted to a single household but extended almost indefinitely throughout society.”16 In 1893, Lady Aberdeen, wife of the Canadian Governor General, argued that to describe the mission of a woman in a single word, “can we not best describe it as 'mothering' in one sense or another? We are not all called upon to be mothers of little children, but                                                           14 Anna Davin, “Imperialism and Motherhood” in Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, eds. Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (Berkeley: University of California, 1997), 91. 15 Quoted in Michael Scott Kerwin, “Re/Producing a 'White British Columbia': The Meanings of the Janet Smith Bill” (MA thesis, University of British Columbia, 1996), 28. 16 Veronica Strong-Boag, The Parliament of Women: The National Council of Women of Canada 1893-1929 (Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1979), 7. 18  every woman is called upon to 'mother' in some way or another.”17 In this sense, women's work was intrinsically linked to motherhood, whether a woman was mothering a child or society more broadly. Furthermore, this ideology did not encourage women to take up the work of mothering society, but rather obliged them to; it was, after all, a woman's duty as a maternal force. With this ideology, many women saw a new role for themselves in society and campaigned for more rights for women in society, including enfranchisement, equal opportunity employment, and legislature to support maternalism, such as Mothers' Pensions. This early twentieth-century understanding of women's roles and rights is often called “maternal feminism” by Canadian historians.18  To take advantage of this new understanding of feminine responsibility, many women began organizing themselves into clubs and societies in Vancouver. Most of these women were upper- or middle-class Anglo-Saxon women. By the early twentieth century, dozens of clubs were operating in Vancouver, as they were in cities and towns across Canada.19 Women's clubs represented different social reform, political, religious, and cultural interests. Some clubs were the result of local grassroots assembly, while others were branches of national or international organizations. Despite these differences, women's clubs clearly expressed maternal feminist values through their collective actions. It was through these clubs that women campaigned to have women elected and appointed to positions of power in politics, education, justice, and law enforcement; maternal feminists argued that these women would serve as a positive maternal influence. They also advocated for social policies that would improve the lives of women and children such as enfranchisement, mothers' pensions, prohibition,                                                           17 National Council of Women of Canada, Women Workers of Canada, (Ottawa, 1894), 10-13, quoted in The Proper Sphere: Woman's Place in Canadian Society, eds. Ramsay Cook and Wendy Mitchinson (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1976), 200. 18 Strong-Boag, The Parliament of Women, 2-8; Weiss, “As Women and As Citizens: Clubswomen in Vancouver 1910-1928,” 7-9. 19 Weiss, “As Women and As Citizens: Clubswomen in Vancouver 1910-1928.” 19  institutional homes for needy children, prenatal and maternal care, and education for women and children.20 These campaigns were largely successful. By the late 1920s, the Vancouver Women's Building Society, an association of different women's clubs, was “celebrat[ing] annually Carnation Day (Saturday before Mother's Day) as dedication to the women's associations 'mothering' the City.”21 Maternal feminists thought that it was through women's unique maternal nature that they were so successful in influencing society.  Maternal feminist ideas enabled clubswomen to speak with authority, and it also gave them a target to speak against: women who were not behaving as respectable maternal figures. Maternal feminists argued that if a woman's value came from her maternal influence, then a woman who failed to fulfil her maternal duties was a problem. Many modern young women stayed out late, visited sites of urban recreation, and engaged in sexual relations outside of marriage; they were not pursuing lives as wives and mothers, and maternal feminists found this troubling. Anglo-Saxon girls in their adolescence and young women in their early twenties were seen as particularly valuable in society because of their maternal potential. One day they would be wives and mothers, and their responsibility as mothers was to produce strong, moral children. These girls, on the cusp of womanhood, were at a pivotal moment in their lives. Maternal feminists thought they could either refrain from vice and grow up to become virtuous women, or they could embrace immorality and begin a life of personal ruin and, potentially, contribute to societal degeneration. As historian Tamara Myers wrote, girls' “maturing sexuality and promise of maternity were read as harbingers of society's destiny.”22 For maternal feminists, girls                                                           20 Margaret Hillyard Little, “Claiming a Unique Place: The Introduction of Mothers' Pensions in B.C.,” BC Studies, 105-6 (1995), 80-102; Lisa Pasolli, “'A Proper Independent Spirit': Working Mothers and the Vancouver City Creche, 1909-20,” BC Studies 173 (2012), 69-95. 21 Isabel M Thompson to Vancouver Local Council of Women, April 29 1929, box 1, folder 11, VCW Fonds. 22 Tamara Myers, Caught: Montreal's Modern Girls and the Law, 1869-1945 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 7. 20  embodied both potential and anxiety. Maternal feminists described these girls, who were not behaving like respectable women and often as a result came in contact with the law, as delinquents.  Delinquency: A Working Girl Problem?  In Eastern Canadian cities, early twentieth-century maternal feminists concentrated their concerns about young women's behaviour on issues related to female employment. Canadian historians have understood delinquency and the so-called girl problem in connection to women's employment in urban spaces. Historian Carolyn Strange argues that in Toronto, the widespread entrance of young women to the workplace resulted in the enormous cultural weight of the “working girl.”23 Strange's argument understands the social phenomenon of delinquency in terms of women's economic situation. Similarly, Myers links the phenomenon of Montreal's modern girls with their employment status.24 In both Montreal and Toronto, most employed young women were single and childless, and by pursing employment instead of marriage and motherhood they were challenging maternal feminist values. With their modest disposable income, employed young women frequented sites of urban recreation and socialized with young men in ways that social reformers found threatening. At the same time, young women were vulnerable to economic and sexual exploitation within the urban capitalist economy. Economic exploitation frequently took the form of meagre wages, while sexual exploitation was the risk of sexual assault or trafficking at the hands of urban men. In Toronto and Montreal, historians have primarily explored delinquency in the context of women's economic situation as they entered an urban workforce.  In Vancouver, residents understood the economic position of young women as precarious and                                                           23 Carolyn Strange, Toronto's Girl Problem: The Perils and Pleasures of the City, 1880-1930 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995). 24 Myers, Caught: Montreal's Modern Girls and the Law, 1869-1945. 21  thought that prostitution was a danger, but this understanding could only be extended so far because fewer women worked in Vancouver compared to Eastern cities and the employment opportunities for women were different. In Toronto, women were 25.3 percent of the city work force, while women in Vancouver made up only 12.7 percent of the city work force.25 The cities' economies had grown in different ways, which offered different career opportunities for women. More than half of Toronto's workforce was employed in manufacturing and commerce in the form of trade and merchandising, which afforded women an opportunity to work, and nearly half of working women were in factories.26 Vancouver, meanwhile, had proportionately more construction and transportation jobs, both male-dominated occupations. There were few job prospects for Vancouver women in factories or merchandising, and most women who entered paid labour worked in domestic service. Regardless of the reasons, Vancouver was home to far fewer working women, especially when Toronto's size is considered. Toronto's workforce was over three times larger than the workforce in Vancouver. As a result, Vancouver contained some six thousand working women compared to nearly fifty thousand in Toronto. In short, Vancouver had fewer women generally, fewer women working, and fewer working in places like factories where large numbers of working women would congregate.  Despite the different circumstances in their city, Vancouver residents were influenced by discussions of delinquency in Eastern Canada. Historian Jean Barman writes that “the combined effects of industrialization, urbanization, and immigration had caused alarm in nineteenth-century Ontario and Quebec at a time when British Columbia was still a frontier society.”27 Vancouver residents, many of                                                           25 McDonald, “Working Class Vancouver, 1886-1914,” 42-3. 26 Tamara Myers, “Criminal Women and Bad Girls: Regulation and Punishment in Montreal, 1890-1930” (PhD Diss., McGill University,  1996), 21. 27 Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 203. 22  whom were recent transplants from Ontario or had family in the East, saw the “problems” of working women materialize in Toronto and Montreal and many drew comparisons with their own city. The 1911 census counted 6,452 female wage earners in Vancouver (about one in seven women) and most were single young women in their adolescence or twenties.28 As job postings in Vancouver newspapers reveal, employers had a specific idea of the age of their female worker. A typical classified listing under “Help Wanted - Female” in the Vancouver Sun advertised a position for a “Good, reliable girl for general housework and plain cooking; no washing; good home and good wages” and another called for “Young Ladies, 17 to 24, for Telephone operators, unmarried girls of refinement and fair education.”29 Another advertisement stated, “Wanted – Girl or Old Lady to mind baby; good wage, no washing,” revealing that such positions were often intended for young or elderly women.30 Employers expected women to be unmarried and childless, widowed, or too old to have young children. In early twentieth-century Vancouver, it was generally not socially acceptable for a married women, especially one with young children, to work in the labour market instead of the domestic sphere.31 This was especially true for middle-class women, although working-class women encountered this pressure as well.  Similar to Toronto and Montreal, Vancouver's residents were aware that young women could be vulnerable to exploitation in ways which left them prone to delinquent behaviour. In particular, they worried about prostitution, which contemporary politicians, police officers, and social reformers understood as being on a spectrum of sexually immoral and delinquent behaviour. Prostitution was a                                                           28 In 1931, half (48%) of working women were between the ages of 10 and 24 and basically all (97%) were single; earlier data is difficult to find, but likely similar. Gillian Creese, “The Politics of Dependence: Women, Work and Unemployment in the Vancouver Labour Movement before World War II,” The Canadian Journal of Sociology vol. 13 no. 1-2 (1988), 126; McDonald, “Working Class Vancouver, 1886-1914,”  41. 29 Vancouver Sun, May 1 1920, 14. 30 Vancouver Daily Sun, October 1 1917, 8. 31 Creese, “The Politics of Dependence,” 125-7; McDonald, Making Vancouver, 189. 23  profitable occupation for a young woman, and a growing industry in early twentieth-century Vancouver.32 As a writer for the British Columbia Federationist asked in 1912, Supposing I were a girl, good-looking, young and full of the joy of life, and I found that by working in a department store I could get only from $4 to $10 a week, and that by obliging my outwardly virtuous men friends from time to time I could make from $50 to $200 a week, which should I be likely to do?33 Many residents of Vancouver were anxiously aware that young women made a meagre income working what were seen as respectable jobs as shop clerks or domestic help, while prostitution represented a more profitable avenue. Young women recognized this, as well. In 1918, the Vancouver Daily Sun reported in rather sensational terms that, A young lady who had tired of the life of a servant in a West End home and who had started out to see the world dressed in youth's clothes and with her hair cut short was yesterday brought to the police headquarters ... and later turned over to her mothers [sic]. She had been missing from home for several days and had intended entering some more interesting and lucrative employment than housework.34 This “more interesting and lucrative employment” may have been an ominous and euphemistic description of prostitution, which also acknowledged that domestic service could be a boring and                                                           32 McDonald, Making Vancouver, 190-191. 33 Quoted in Eve Lazarus, Sensational Vancouver (Vancouver: Anvil Press, 2014), 24. 34 “Get Tired of Housework,” Vancouver Daily Sun, April 2 1918, 2. 24  poorly paid occupation. Vancouver residents frequently discussed prostitution as a social problem, but in practice it was never as widespread as these anxious discussions would suggest. More common forms of delinquency, from disobeying parents to visiting dance halls to being “incorrigible,” were unrelated to young women's employment status, or only tangentially related if their activities required income or spending money. Racial Tensions and White Womanhood  However, while delinquency in Vancouver was less related to female employment, it was influenced by racial tensions that were unique to British Columbia in Canada. In the early twentieth century, many white British Columbians saw their province as a young frontier society that they wanted to turn into a racially pure white society.35 British Columbia was the only province in Canada with notable numbers of Asian immigrants, and Vancouver the only sizable city in Canada with a so-called “Oriental problem.” Asian residents constituted six percent of Vancouver's population in 1911, with 3,364 Chinese, 1,841 Japanese, and fewer than 1,000 Indians, most of whom were Punjabi Sikhs but often erroneously called Hindus at the time.36 These classifications represented three groups with different cultural, religious, and racial backgrounds, and it was uncommon for Japanese people, for example, to see themselves as sharing common interests with Chinese people.37 However, white British Columbians commonly grouped them together into a vague “Oriental” population.   Vancouver became a stronghold of anti-Asian sentiments in the early twentieth century, and racial tensions arose as the white majority clashed with a small population of Chinese, Japanese, and                                                           35 W. Peter Ward, White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy Toward Orientals in British Columbia (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1978).   36 McDonald, “Working Class Vancouver, 1886-1914,”  40. 37 Barman, The West Beyond the West, 145. 25  Sikh people. Asian people were normally older, single men who settled in Vancouver's Chinatown or Japantown in the East End, or moved through the city as transient workers between seasonal employment in salmon canneries or lumber mills. Their visibility in the city and their perceived refusal to assimilate was distressing to Anglo-Saxon residents. In 1907, an anti-immigration protest in Vancouver dissolved into a violent riot where angry protesters stormed Chinatown and then Japantown, breaking windows and vandalizing shops and homes.38 The riot lasted four hours, caused thousands of dollars worth of damage, and only ended when Japanese residents began fighting back. A few years later in 1914, tensions rose again when the Komagata Maru arrived in Vancouver with almost four hundred prospective South Asian immigrants; after keeping the ship in the harbour for two months, Canadian authorities forced the ship and its passengers to return to Asia.39 The years surrounding these incidents were marked by less explosive but still pervasive racism. As historian Margaret Hillyard Little found, “Anglo-Celtic residents responded to Asian immigration with virulent racism, expressed through fears about jobs, health, and the moral environment.”40 This xenophobia was reflected in the legislature as many white British Columbians lobbied the government to establish legislation to limit or prohibit Asian immigration, including the Chinese Head Tax (1885 with subsequent raises in 1900 and 1903), the Chinese Immigration Act (1923), and a “gentleman's agreement” to limit Japanese immigration (1908).41  Fears about the “moral environment,” as Little describes it, were often expressed as anxieties about the wellbeing of young white women. In North American cities, social reformers expressed                                                           38 Barman, The West Beyond the West, 146-7. 39 Ibid., 147. 40 Little, “Claiming a Unique Place,” 85. 41 Ibid., 144-6. 26  anxiety in the early 1900s about young white women kidnapped and forced into prostitution, often by non-white men; this “white slavery scare” reached a peak between 1910-1915.42 Vancouver maternal feminists feared for the sexual purity and physical wellbeing of young white women, who they thought might by tempted by Asian men to engage in delinquent activities such as sexual activity and drug use. Maternal feminists thought sexual contact between Asian men and white women would damage young white women's sexual purity, and it could result in mixed-race offspring. Maternal feminists were afraid that Asian immigrants would harm the maternal potential of young white women by forcing them into prostitution. White residents thought Chinese men were the worst traffickers of young women. In 1908, for example, the local newspaper Saturday Sunset reported that “a regular traffic of women is conducted by the Chinese in Vancouver. The Chinese are the most persistent criminals against the person of any woman of any class in this country.”43   While the terminology of “white slavery” placed blame on men and cast young women as victims, discussions of delinquent sexual behaviour did not always follow this trend, especially during later years. In 1929, for example, the Vancouver Juvenile Court found one fourteen-year-old girl “prostituting herself with Hindus and admitted ... that she had been in the habit of doing this for some time.”44 The fact that she was engaging in sexual activity with South Asian men was significant, or else it would not have been included in her record. It does not appear that she was coerced, but rather the activity was a “habit.” She was committed to the Girls' Industrial School. This case illustrates that not only were Vancouver residents concerned about socialization and sexual contact between young white                                                           42 Roy Lubove, “The Progressives and the Prostitute,” The Historian vol. 24 no. 3 (1962), 308-330. 43 Quoted in Michael Scott Kerwin, “Re/Producing a 'White British Columbia': The Meanings of the Janet Smith Bill” (MA thesis, University of British Columbia, 1996), 34. 44 Quoted in Indiana Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?: Historical Aspects of Female Juvenile Delinquency in British Columbia” in Not Just Pin Money: Selected Essays on the History of Women's Work in British Columbia, eds. Barbara K. Latham and Roberta J. Pazdro (Victoria: Camosun College, 1984), 270. 27  women and Asian men, but Vancouver's Juvenile Court worked to prohibit or punish such delinquent activities.  Maternal feminists were afraid that Asian residents would also introduce young women to other delinquent behaviours associated with vice. As historian Michael Scott Kerwin explores, Anglo-Saxon residents also thought Chinese men were threatening because they would lead young white women to drugs.45 Vancouver residents thought their city had a drug problem in the early twentieth century that was mostly associated with opium dens in the East End. Many maternal feminists were afraid that opium dens would attract white young women. Kerwin writes that “most narratives of 'white' girls being lured into opium dens begin with the assumption that they were of 'impressionable youth' who, without knowing any better, began experimenting with drugs out of curiosity.”46 The narrative continued to explain that a curious young woman would suffer morally and physically at an opium den, regardless of her intentions. As Juvenile Court Judge and social reformer Emily F. Murphy ominously described when she visited Vancouver's East End, “under the influence of the drug, the woman loses control of herself; her moral senses are blunted, and she becomes 'a victim' in more senses than one ... she is a young woman who is years upon years old.”47 City authorities thought drug use was a problem, and the Chief Constable mourned in 1918 that many young men and women were using drugs, while arguing that “early and effective precautions might be the means of preventing the ruination of their lives and making them criminals.”48   This “ruination” did not only imply personal destruction; even more alarmingly, it was a                                                           45 Kerwin, “Re/Producing a 'White British Columbia': The Meanings of the Janet Smith Bill,” 34-7. 46 Kerwin, “Re/Producing a 'White British Columbia': The Meanings of the Janet Smith Bill,” 37. 47 Emily F. Murphy, The Black Candle (Toronto: Thomas Allen, 1922), 17. 48 Chief Constable Report 1918, VPD General Fonds, Vancouver Police Museum Archives. 28  potential cause of racial breakdown. Maternal feminists were concerned about young women's sexual morality, but they also worried about white racial purity. If a woman's responsibility was to produce strong white children, then any sexual activity with Asian men jeopardized that duty and risked producing unwanted mixed-race offspring. Additionally, as Kerwin notes, Vancouver residents understood that drugs like opium could lead to sterility so a woman could not conceive.49 Elite white women attempted to protect young women from Asian men, and thereby protect their ability to have white children. To do this, they sought to regulate delinquent behaviours including drug use and sexual activity.   When the Vancouver Local Council of Women wrote in 1918 that “juvenile delinquency, more especially among young girls, is on the increase,” they were responding to anxieties that were specific to Vancouver as well as shared more generally across cities in Canada.50 As maternal feminists, the Council saw women's roles at home and in society as linked to their maternal nature. They worried about the wellbeing of young women, who carried enormous cultural meaning because they were responsible for producing the next generation. When young women were seen to reject this responsibility, Vancouver residents expressed concerns about delinquency in ways that were both similar to and different from concerns to elsewhere in Canada. First, unlike Toronto and Montreal, Vancouver had a small population of working women, but concerns were still sometimes articulated with regards to working women's precarious economic situation. Second, racial tensions in Vancouver influenced anxieties about delinquency because many white residents thought Asian men were dangerous forces who might introduce young women to drugs and sexual activity. While many maternal feminists in Vancouver shared these concerns, as the next chapter will explore, it was                                                           49 Kerwin, “Re/Producing a 'White British Columbia': The Meanings of the Janet Smith Bill,” Re/Producing 37 50 Stoddard to Gale, September 6 1918, VCW Fonds. 29  clubswomen who vocally expressed anxieties about young women and advocated for a solution: policewomen.                 30  Chapter 2: The Campaign for Policewomen  In April 1929, a delegation of between fifty and sixty members of the Vancouver Local Council of Women (VLCW) met with the Mayor of Vancouver and the Board of Police Commissioners to create a plan for the new Women's Police Department. This plan was successfully implemented, representing a major victory for an organization that had been advocating for policewomen in Vancouver for nearly two decades. This chapter explores clubswomen's campaign for policewomen starting in 1912, when the first policewomen were hired in Vancouver, and continuing to the 1929 reestablishment of the Women's Division. I argue that clubswomen saw policewomen as equipped by maternal feminism to protect and prevent delinquency in young women, so they campaigned extensively for greater roles for policewomen in Vancouver; these campaigns were largely successful, although policewomen were not without controversy.  This chapter explores the gendered ideologies that informed clubswomen's lobbying for policewomen in early twentieth-century Vancouver, as well as the ways in which clubswomen and police officials understood the roles, responsibilities, and character of policewomen. First, I explore the historiography of policewomen in Canada, the United States, and Britain. Transnational trends regarding policewomen influenced Vancouver, where the first policewomen were hired in 1912 as the result of lobbying by social reform groups. I argue that these social reform groups thought maternal feminism uniquely allowed policewomen to work in the police force and deal with women and children. Secondly, I explore how women's clubs began to lead the campaign for more policewomen in the late 1910s, and the VLCW was instrumental in the VPD's decision to hire more policewomen and establish a Women's Division from 1918 to 1920. At this time, clubwomen framed policewomen's work in terms of protection and prevention. Third, I examine the scandal that erupted in 1921 over the firing of a policewoman, Evelyn LeSueur. I argue that at the heart of this scandal was contention over 31  what qualities a policewoman should have. The Women's Department was largely dissolved following the incident, but the VLCW began to push for its reestablishment in 1927. In the fourth and final section, I explore the VLCW's 1927 campaign. I demonstrate that the VLCW conceptualized policewomen in a manner that both reiterated the principles of maternal feminism and reflected new concerns that had emerged in the 1920s, specifically human trafficking. The establishment of the Women's Department in 1929 represented a success for clubswomen and policewomen alike, who thought that policewomen provided a valuable and maternal outlook to police work that would help young women and so-called delinquent girls.  When the Vancouver Police Department first hired policewomen in 1912, they were participating in a transnational trend. The early twentieth century witnessed the emergence of policewomen in numerous cities across Britain, Canada, and the United States. Historians have attributed this phenomena of women joining the police force, a field that sociologist Susan Martin describes as “one of the most stereotypically masculine occupations in our society,” to a conceptualization of policewomen as uniquely equipped to help women and children.1 In Toronto, policewomen were concerned with protecting and penalizing women and girls, as historian Tamara Myers found.2 Historian Philippa Levine explored the work of policewomen in England as they patrolled and attempted to protect women from morally dubious situations.3 Many jurisdictions across England first hired policewomen during World War II, a time of upheaval where police work offered an opportunity for female empowerment and public authority, but the only way to “secure that                                                           1 Susan Martin, Breaking and Entering: Police Women on Patrol (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 79. 2 Tamara Myers, “Women Policing Women: A Patrol Woman in Montreal in the 1910s,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association vol. 4 no. 1 (1993): 229-245. 3 Philippa Levine, “'Walking the Streets in a Way No Decent Woman Should': Women Police in World War I,” The Journal of Modern History, vol. 66 no. 1 (1994), 34-78. 32  authority was by claiming a female need for women police within the system.”4   In the United States, cities hired policewomen guided by the rhetoric of gendered prevention and protection.5 Portland was the first American city to hire policewomen in 1905, and as historian Gloria Myers found, Portland's policewomen stressed crime prevention and protection for women and girls. Similarly, historian Janis Appier argued that in Los Angeles, residents saw policewomen as “the necessary and natural protectors of women and children, especially teenage girls.”6 The International Association of Police Women based in Washington, D.C., which was the largest organization of policewomen worldwide, advocated that the “work of women police officers should be largely preventative and protective” when they were founded in 1915.7 The emphasis on policewomen's gendered protective roles was visible in cities across North America and in England, and this commonality persisted despite different duties and powers; in England, for example, it was common for policewomen to have uniforms but not the power to arrest, while policewomen in Vancouver could arrest individuals but did not have access to uniforms. Vancouver residents were aware of these broader trends as the VPD added its first policewomen, and in the following years as policewomen became increasingly common in other cities. Vancouver's First Policewomen, 1912  In 1912, Vancouver was the first city in Canada to hire policewomen. Prior to this, women had                                                           4 Ibid., 75. 5 See Marilyn Corsianos, Policing and Gendered Justice: Examining the Possibilities (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009). 6 Gloria E. Myers, A Municipal Mother: Portland's Lola Greene Baldwin, America's First Policewomen (Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 1995); Janis Appier, Policing Women: The Sexual Politics of Law Enforcement and the LAPD (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), 34. 7 Chloe Owings, Women Police: A Study of the Development and Status of the Women Police Movement (New York: Frederick H. Hitchcock, 1925), 192. <http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001135004> 33  been employed as jail matrons to deal with female prisoners, both in Vancouver and in other Canadian cities; within a few years, many other Canadian cities hired policewomen, including Edmonton, Montreal, Toronto, and Winnipeg.8 Vancouver's first two policewomen, Lurancy D Harris and Minnie Miller, were sworn in on June 18 1912 with a yearly salary of $960, the lowest in the department.9 Miller (1878-1927) arrived in Vancouver in 1909 to work as a nurse. She was unmarried and originally from Ireland.10 Harris (1864-1947), a widow from Nova Scotia, had moved to Vancouver the previous year.11 Exactly what drew Harris to the city is unclear, but she found a place for herself in the VPD and remained on the force for seventeen years. Miller's tenure was shorter; she left the VPD within a year for unknown reasons, but she was rehired in 1919. Harris and Miller could not carry firearms nor wear a police uniform, although they had the power to patrol and arrest men and women. Both women were enabled by their high social status, as middle-class white Anglo-Celtic women, as well as their single or widowed marital status which made procuring and keeping a career easier.12  Their work was also shaped by their gender since policewomen's roles and responsibilities were different from those of their male counterparts in early twentieth-century Vancouver. Advocates for policewomen, most of whom were maternal feminists, imagined that policewomen were uniquely equipped to work in the police force and undertake certain types of work because of their gender.                                                           8 Marilyn Corsianos, Policing and Gendered Justice: Examining the Possibilities (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 12-14. 9 Eve Lazarus, Sensational Vancouver (Vancouver: Anvil Press, 2014), 23. 10 Ibid., 23, 26-27. 11 Ibid., 23-25. 12 In 1929,  Ada Tonkin replaced LD Harris as Head Inspector of the Women's Protective Division. Tonkin faced criticism from community groups because she was married, and the Central Ratepayer's Association wrote that “never in the history of employment of police women has a woman with a husband been considered eligible as it is very much unfair to our married men, our self supporting women and spinsters.” Tonkin, Mrs. Ada: her appointment as Policewoman Inspector, 1929, Box: 75-C-2, folder 9, Vancouver Police Department Fonds, Vancouver City Archives. 34  Maternal feminists believed that women were defined by their maternal nature, and their responsibility as maternal forces extended beyond women's own homes to society generally. Policewomen therefore were responsible for caring for children, helping women, and upholding moral standards. One Vancouver newspaper, the Vancouver Daily News Advertiser, reported in 1912 that the first policewomen would work mostly with “women prisoners and juveniles,” while The Vancouver World reported that policewomen were “devoted towards the work of reclamation and administration in connection with the female morality question.”13 Their gender allowed policewomen to act as agents of maternal authority and morality, and with that identity they could strengthen and complement the “incompleteness of exclusively male policing,” as historian Philippa Levine described it.14 Advocates carved out a space for policewomen within the existing system by arguing that policewomen contributed a new, and necessary, attitude to police work. The Police Department eventually accepted this argument. As an undated VPD job description for policewomen explained, “there is a very definite place for women in police work because of their natural instinct to care for, protect, and heal the ills of the human being and in their feminine outlook, which, together with the male outlook, brings about a proper perspective and balance.”15 Policewomen were not merely female police officers; maternal feminists and social reformers saw them as bringing an indispensable feminine perspective to an otherwise incomplete and masculine field.   Social reform organizations held these values and lobbied the Vancouver Police Department to hire Harris and Miller. The Moral Reform Association, the Good Government League, and the                                                           13 “Lady Constable Sworn in Today,” The Vancouver World, June 18 1912, 20; “Female Police Sworn,” Vancouver Daily News Advertiser, June 19 1912, 3. 14 Philippa Levine, “'Walking the Streets in a Way No Decent Woman Should': Women Police in World War I,” The Journal of Modern History, vol. 66 no. 1 (1994), 72. 15 Mrs. R.C. Stoddard to Mayor Harry Gale, September 6 1918, box 1, folder 1, VCW Fonds. 35  Ministerial Association campaigned for the hiring of policewomen, as did the Central Mission Rescue and Protective society who wanted policewomen “to look after the way-ward young women in the city.”16 Archival records do not reveal direct links between any of the local women's clubs and the VPD at this time, likely due to the scarcity of records from the early 1910s. Nevertheless meeting minutes reveal that the VLCW was engaged in a conversation about women and police by 1912, if not much earlier; in 1894, the year of the VLCW's establishment, the National Council of Women of Canada passed a resolution supporting the hiring of women as police matrons. By June 1912, the VLCW was well aware of the VPD's plans. They knew the identities of the first policewomen, and the VLCW corresponded with Harris and Miller before they were sworn into the force. The Council, aware of the establishment of policewomen in other jurisdictions, researched the role of policewomen in other North American cities. The Council found an expert in Portland, Oregon, where policewomen had been working since 1905. Mrs. Lola Baldwin of the Municipal Department of Public Safety for Young Women talked with the VLCW, and invited clubswomen to visit her in Portland.17 A VLCW clubswomen put Harris and Miller in touch with Baldwin.18 The VLCW was pleased about the hiring of Harris and Miller, and had high hopes for their role in “the suppression of Social Evil,” a euphemistic term for prostitution.19 Clubswomen and other social reformers imagined that policewomen would care for “way-ward young women” and suppress the “Social Evil” because of their gender.                                                            16 Central Mission Rescue and Protective Society to Mayor, February 1912, box 8A, WD Fonds. 17 Minutes, May 6 1912, box 6, folder 2, VCW Fonds. 18 Minutes, June 3 1912, box 6, folder 2, VCW Fonds. 19 Ibid. 36  The Campaign for More Policewomen, 1918-1920  While women's clubs might not have been leaders in the initial campaign for policewomen, that changed in the late 1910s when the VLCW began lobbying for greater roles for policewomen. In 1918, the VLCW approached the City Council and the VPD and asked them “to create a police woman's department; an experienced and capable women to have charge; having under her several women, and all supervised by the Chief of Police.”20 The VLCW was supported by a number of other women's clubs, including the newly-founded New Era League which proved to be highly influential.21 The Council reasoned that “considering court records and other facts which have from time to time been brought to our attention, we are led to believe that juvenile delinquency, more especially among young girls, is on the increase.”22 They thought policewomen's primary responsibility was addressing delinquency in girls and young women, which the VLCW saw as a serious problem.   The VLCW not only saw policewomen as a solution to delinquency, but they thought policewomen would prevent crime and protect young women more generally. In 1918, the VLCW advocated for policewomen because they believed in the “principle of protection and prevention, rather than penalizing.”23 The VLCW wanted policewomen to protect women and juveniles from crime and behaviours associated with vice; policewomen were also supposed to prevent crimes committed by or against women and children, especially crimes related to morality. Here the VLCW articulated beliefs that Vancouver's policewomen held as well. Since 1912, policewomen concerned themselves with gendered crimes and behaviours that they saw connected with sexual misconduct (rape, prostitution,                                                           20 Mrs. Stoddard to Mayor Gale, September 6 1918, VCW Fonds. 21 Gillian Weiss, “As Women and As Citizens: Clubswomen in Vancouver 1910-1928” (PhD diss., University of British Columbia, 1983). 22 Mrs. Stoddard to Mayor Gale, September 6 1918, VCW Fonds. 23 Ibid. 37  “vagrancy”), other behaviours associated with vice (drug or alcohol use), or potentially family breakdown (spousal abandonment, abortion). This did not mean that policewomen were uninvolved in punishment. Like policemen, they arrested and laid charges against men, women and juveniles. However, advocates wanted policewomen to be more involved in prevention than punishment. The VPD largely adopted this idea; in a later document, the VPD stated that it was “the primary function of the Policewomen's Section [to be] in the preventative-protective field of police work concerning women and children.”24 Policewomen did not maintain law and order like their male counterparts by addressing crimes like assaults, robberies, and murders. Rather, policewomen policed morality and attempted to protect women and children from crimes that offended contemporary ideas of respectability and morality.  In part, Vancouver policewomen were influenced by the juvenile legal network created in the last decade that saw children and adolescents as in need of protection. The federal Juvenile Delinquents Act (1908) clearly stated that “every juvenile delinquent shall be treated, not as criminal, but as a misdirected and misguided child, and one needing aid, encouragement, help and assistance.”25 Like a child, a juvenile delinquent required help and protection. New juvenile institutions were established within the next few years, including the Vancouver Juvenile Courts in 1910 and the Girls' Industrial School in 1914. The Vancouver Boys' Industrial School was opened earlier in 1905. A whole network to address juvenile delinquency was forming in Vancouver. In this network, a so-called delinquent adolescent was most likely to first interact with a policewoman.  In their 1918 resolution, the VLCW argued that policewomen would prevent delinquent                                                           24 “Vancouver Police Department: Policewoman” document, undated, box 8A, Women's Division Fonds, Vancouver Police Museum Archives, hereafter WD Fonds. 25 Juvenile Delinquents Act, sec. 38. <http://www.lawyers.ca/ycja/jda.htm> Also see Carolyn Strange and Tina Loo, Making Good: Law and Moral Regulation in Canada, 1867-1939 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 95-97. 38  behaviour and protect young women. Their secondary argument spoke to the practicalities of wartime hiring, since “our police force has been depleted owing to enlistment among the men for military purposes.”26 The Board of Police Commissioners received the VLCW's resolution favourably. They asked for recommendations for qualified women and hired Eva Pelton and Evelyn LeSueur; LeSueur was one of the women the VLCW recommended.27 This led to the establishment of a Woman's Department in 1920. The LeSueur Incident  By the time that the Woman's Department was established, the VPD and VLCW alike believed that policewomen were the best solution to delinquency and immorality. However, the issue of who would make a good policewoman proved to be a contentious matter. In 1921, a scandal shook the Police Department when newly appointed Chief Constable James Anderson fired Policewoman Evelyn LeSueur. Anderson claimed he fired LeSueur because of “her absolute unfitness for the office of Police woman.”28 LeSueur protested her dismissal, claiming that Anderson was reacting vindictively. She was asked to resign the day after a meeting of the Women's Pioneer Equality League where LeSueur expressed indignation after learning that Anderson had chosen to hire a man to fill a vacant magistrate position despite appeals by women's organizations, including the VLCW, to hire a female magistrate.29 Given the circumstances of the dismissal, the Police Commissioners and the Mayor held a hearing with LeSueur and Anderson. The hearing revealed a number of tensions between Anderson, LeSueur, and the VLCW. LeSueur's public challenge to Anderson's authority was no doubt a scandal, but at the heart                                                           26 Mrs. Stoddard to Mayor Gale, September 6 1918, VCW Fonds. 27 Ibid. 28 LeSueur Reinstatement Document, September 22 1921, box 8A, LeSueur Reinstatement, WD Fonds. 29 Ibid. 39  of the LeSueur incident were conflicting ideas about what qualities a policewoman ought to have.  Anderson provided an extensive list to illustrate LeSueur's “absolute unfitness,” which reveal larger beliefs that Anderson held about the role of policewomen. According to him, LeSueur had a poor attitude, created trouble amongst the other policewomen and upset them with her “Bolshevici talk,” left the jail dirty, refused to do Matron's duty, and abandoned her post to visit friends.30 Anderson took particular issue with LeSueur's political leanings. His remark about her “Bolshevici talk” reveals a fear of communism, and she was a member of the Women's Pioneer Equality League, one of the more liberal women's associations in the city which had roots in the suffrage movement. Anderson was also troubled by LeSueur's religious beliefs. Soon after the dismissal, Reverend A. Macaulay filed a complaint to the VPD against LeSueur, alleging that she had expressed to him that she had difficulty believing that Jesus Christ was the son of God. She believed in God, but she thought Jesus was only a good man. Macaulay disapproved and asserted that he “thought at the time that she was not the sort of person to be associated with young girls.”31 Anderson made a similar claim, saying that LeSueur was “not the proper person to handle these wayward girls; she was not the proper person to uplift.”32 For them, policewomen were supposed to be forces of morality, and Anderson found LeSueur's religious beliefs unconventional and problematic: without Christianity, he thought, how would she be able to uplift young women and instill in them a sense of virtuousness and propriety? In short, Anderson considered LeSueur's political and religious values to be incompatible with her responsibilities as a policewoman.    While Anderson disapproved of LeSueur, many clubswomen thought she was well suited to be                                                           30 Ibid. 31 Statement from Rev. A. Macaulay, LeSueur Reinstatement, WD Fonds. 32 LeSueur Reinstatement Document, September 22 1921, WD Fonds. 40  a policewoman. Mrs. Wilson, a representative of the VLCW, expressed support for LeSueur during her hearing. The VPD had hired LeSueur at the recommendation of the VLCW and other women's associations, which Wilson reminded those attending the hearing, saying that “as women we had a good deal to do with the appointment, perhaps, of Miss Le Sueur.”33 Wilson supported LeSueur by stating that “we followed her course through Police work, and we feel as far as we are concerned we know the attitude that she took with regard to any criticism she may be accused of,” thereby expressing doubt about Anderson's claims.34 Wilson believed that LeSueur was fit to be a policewoman, and that she would accept any fair criticism with a good attitude. Wilson also argued that LeSueur's reappointment would be “in the interests of women and girls.”35 LeSueur herself made it clear at the hearing that she was concerned about women and girls when the Mayor questioned her: The Mayor: As a woman you are interested. I mean you are interested in matters pertaining to women? Miss Le Sueur: Yes The Mayor: Especially young women?   Miss Le Sueur: Especially girls.36 Here, LeSueur and the Mayor expressed a maternal feminist belief that LeSueur was concerned about girls and young women because she was a woman. Wilson and the VLCW supported LeSueur and did not believe Anderson's accusations.                                                            33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid.  41   The relationship between LeSueur and women's clubs in Vancouver further agitated this conflict of opinion between Anderson and Wilson. The circumstances around LeSueur's hiring was an issue for Anderson, who claimed that LeSueur bragged about her connection to women's associations. He claimed she was heard “saying she had five hundred women at her back” and that clubswomen could influence the Department to give her higher pay.37 He accused LeSueur of using her connection to women's associations as leverage within the police force, which LeSueur denied.38 But while she may not have asked the women's associations to get her a raise, she was in contact with them. Anderson took issue with an invitation LeSueur extended to members of an undisclosed women's club to attend a criminal trial. She defended the invitation, asking “why should it embarrass [the Police Department] to have forty or fifty reputable citizens of this City, women who have been working for years to help women and children?”39 LeSueur reminded Anderson that these women were respectable citizens who had worked for equal guardianship law and “our mothers' pension.”40 She said that “I am offering no criticism of the Police Department, you understand, but of the difficulty that we experience in getting protection for these young girls.”41 Not only was LeSueur interested in the welfare of young women and girls, but she wanted to provide clubswomen with “some sort of insight into the conditions ... that make women and girls criminals, and into the difficulties that are experienced in defending the women and girls.”42 LeSueur thought clubswomen who sought to regulate and help                                                           37 Ibid. 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid. For more information on women's clubs and Mothers' Pensions, see Margaret Hillyard Little, “Claiming a Unique Place: The Introduction of Mothers' Pensions in B.C.,” BC Studies 105-6 (1995), 80-102; Weiss, “As Women and As Citizens: Clubswomen in Vancouver 1910-1928.” 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 42  women and children ought to learn about the realities of the justice system.  Additionally, Anderson feared that LeSueur would divulge sensitive information to clubswomen. This fear caused the Mayor to ask Wilson if the VLCW considered policewomen to be special representatives who would supply the Council with information; she replied no, saying that “there has been nothing at any time in our minds as regards Miss Le Sueur as a spy for us. We have never asked or expected her to come to us with any information at any time.”43 Wilson's response, and her scepticism about Anderson's claims, provoked Anderson to express that he “regret[ted] exceedingly, and have always done, that the women seem to think I have something against the women's associations.”44 An unidentified woman responded directly to this, asserting “very few women in the City even knew the name of the Chief of Police” prior to LeSueur's dismissal. She contributed: There has been a misunderstanding all round; and the women's societies do not feel the way the Chief thinks we feel ... I think, Chief, if you can do this thing now [rehire LeSueur], it would create a lot of satisfaction, and do away with dissatisfaction in the future.45 She thought Anderson had an opportunity to smooth over relations. The Mayor suggested that Anderson and LeSueur should “admit that perhaps both in a sense were to blame.”46 He and the Police Commissioner advised LeSueur to make an appeal for subordination, and they advised Anderson to accept an appeal and rehire her. It is unclear whether LeSueur made an appeal, but ultimately Anderson                                                           43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid. 43  did not rehire her.  The LeSueur incident highlights that policewomen were a source of contention in Vancouver. Exactly what qualities a policewoman should have was debatable, and that was exactly what brought Anderson and clubswomen into conflict at LeSueur's hearing. This incident also illustrates that policewomen like LeSueur were, in the words of Levine, “bound by the conservatism and prejudice of the authorities on whom they relied for legitimation.”47 Conservative policemen like Anderson took issue with policewomen, in part because these women occupied a space between traditionally feminine and masculine behaviour. Policewomen drew their authority partly from their gender and maternal feminism, but they also patrolled public spaces, worked all hours of the night, and arrested both men and women. This status could be a difficult one for policewomen to negotiate, and one that may have irked conservatives like Anderson. Many of Anderson's criticisms focused on aspects of LeSueur that he considered unfeminine in some way: she had unconventional religious beliefs rather than uplifting ones; her attitude was brash and haughty rather than humble; she bragged about her connections rather than acting modestly; and she publicly expressed her disapproval of Anderson's magistrate hire. Even Anderson's accusation that she had left the jail dirty implied a lack of femininity and domesticity on LeSueur's part. Overall, Anderson's conflict with LeSueur was rooted in anxieties about women's roles in society and within the police force. The Campaign for the Women's Division, 1927-1929  Following the LeSueur incident, the VLCW distanced itself from the VPD and the Women's Department. The character of the VPD changed a few years later, when Chief Constable H.W. Long                                                           47 Levine “'Walking the Streets in a Way No Decent Woman Should': Women Police in World War I,” 73. 44  replaced Anderson in 1924, and the VLCW then resumed contact with the VPD.48 They continued to advocate for more policewomen but despite their protests, Long reorganized and essentially dissolved the Women's Department, with only two police women remaining in the force by 1926.49 In late 1927, the VLCW started to campaign to have the Women's Division reestablished. In a curious case of collective forgetfulness, the VLCW described a need to establish, rather than reestablish, the Women's Division. The reason for this is not clear, but regardless, they saw a need for a new Women's Division. The VLCW argued that more policewomen were necessary because of Vancouver's growing size and the underrepresentation of women in the police force.50 Additionally, members of the VLCW may have been inspired by a talk they hosted earlier in the year; Helen Pidgen of the International Association of Police Women in Washington, D.C. gave a talk on the topic of “Policewomen.”51 It was time, the VLCW's Equal Moral Standards Committee (EMSC) decided, to return in earnest to the campaign for policewomen.  It was during this second campaign for a Women's Division that clubswomen most clearly articulated the roles and responsibilities of policewomen as they imagined them. In some ways, the VLCW understood policewomen the same way they did a decade earlier when they were first advocating for a Women's Department. At the most fundamental level, the EMSC wanted policewomen to do “preventive-protective work” and address issues of morality relating to young women and girls, echoing the language of the 1918 resolution.52 However, the 1927 resolution also stressed a desire for                                                           48 Corresponding Secretary to Mayor L.D. Taylor, September 28 1925, box 1, folder 3, VCW Fonds. 49 Joe Swan, A Century of Service: The Vancouver Police 1886-1986 (Vancouver: Vancouver Police Historical Society, 1986), 51. 50 Corresponding Secretary to Chairman LD Taylor, January 23 1928, box 1, folder 7, VCW Fonds. 51 Corresponding Secretary to Members of the VLCW, June 6 1927, box 1, folder 6, VCW Fonds. 52 Ada Tonkin to VLCW, November 3 1927, box 1, folder 6, VCW Fonds. 45  policewomen to be involved in every incident in which women or children were involved, revealed new anxieties about human trafficking in the 1920s, and expanded certain points about their understanding of policewomen's qualifications.  First, in a new interpretation of the roles of policewomen, the EMSC wanted policewomen to “exercise the functions of the police in all cases of women and children, whether offenders or victims of offences.”53 They emphasized the “desirability of the presence of a Woman Officer when a woman is arrested, and at the time of her trial.”54 Policewomen had always been concerned with women and children, but advocating policewomen's involvement in all cases with women and children represented a vision of extensive scope on the part of policewomen. In taking this position, the EMSC implied that a Women's Division was the best way to increase the reach of policewomen in the city.  Second, the EMSC was influenced by contemporary concerns about the trafficking of women and girls for sexual exploitation, which added a new dimension to their understanding of policewomen's relationship with young women. Concerns about human trafficking in its early twentieth-century incarnation was not new in 1927. In the United States, social reformers expressed anxiety in the early 1900s about young white women forced into prostitution, and the anxieties about the “white slavery scare” reached a peak between 1910-1915.55 As demonstrated in chapter one, there were anxieties in Vancouver about Asian men introducing young white women to opium dens where they would pick up destructive additions, or forcing white women into prostitution in other ways.56 Regardless of how rooted in reality these anxieties were, social reformers and clubswomen expressed                                                           53 Ibid. 54 Ibid.  55 Roy Lubove, “The Progressives and the Prostitute,” The Historian vol. 24 no. 3 (1962): 308-330. 56 Michael Scott Kerwin, “Re/Producing a 'White British Columbia': The Meanings of the Janet Smith Bill” (MA thesis, University of British Columbia, 1996), 35-37. 46  concern. In the 1920s, the League of Nations turned their attention to this phenomenon, abandoning the term “white slavery” and adopting “trafficking” instead.57 In 1921, the League created the International Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Women and Children to compel nations to devote resources to the elimination of sex trafficking. In 1927, the League published an extensive report on trafficking in Europe, South America and North America.58 Canada was a member of the League of Nations, although it was not the focus of the report. The League argued that the trafficking of women was a problem, although they had difficulties determining the number of victims.   The EMSC made explicit mention of the issue of trafficking in their 1927 resolution advocating for policewomen. One responsibility of policewomen, they wrote, was to find “the location of missing girls, and the seriousness of this question in view of the International Traffic in Women and Girls question in view of the International Traffic in Women and Girls as reported by the League of Nations.”59 The League's study of trafficking offered clubswomen a new way of framing the dangers facing girls and young women, while reinforcing ideas about victimhood and blame. Clubswomen and policewomen understood prostitution on a spectrum of delinquent sexual behaviours; young women were largely to blame if they engaged in these behaviours. Similarly, the League of Nations reported that most trafficked women were not “unsuspecting or defenceless.”60 Instead they claimed that women were aware of what they were getting themselves into, but often found themselves in bad situations outside of their control. The language of trafficking and its international scope shaped new ways of conceptualizing the so-called girl problem in Vancouver; it was a larger problem than previously                                                           57 Jean Allain, Slavery in International Law: Of Human Exploitation and Trafficking (Leiden, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff, 2012), 343. 58 Sheila Jeffreys, The Idea of Prostitution (Melbourne: Spinifex, 1997), 13-16. 59 Ada Tonkin to VLCW, November 3 1927, VCW Fonds. 60 Jeffreys, The Idea of Prostitution, 15-16. 47  understood, but nevertheless one that policewomen were well suited to address.  Third, the EMSC argued that intelligence and idealism were important qualities that a good policewoman should possess. The VLCW had offered their opinion on this matter in 1918, when they briefly described the Director of the Women's Department as preferably being “an experienced and capable women.”61 Perhaps the LeSueur incident encouraged them to clarify their values more thoroughly in 1927. The EMSC specified that the Director “should be a women of high mental calibre with an intimate knowledge of community life, and should have had training in social service work.”62 The EMSC emphasized the training and education of social work as a background for policewomen, which suggests that police work was becoming more professionalized by the late 1920s. For them, the responsibilities of policewomen required more than a virtuous character, although morality continued to play a role. The EMSC stated that policewomen “should be well-trained and should enter the service from an idealistic standpoint.”63 Both training and idealism were important qualifications for a policewoman: with training she would be up to date on modern approaches to social work and law enforcement, and with idealism she would be able to uplift young women and project optimism.  The EMSC's campaign for a Women's Division was successful. In April 1929, the Board of Police Commissioners met with a delegation of between fifty and sixty women of the VLCW to create a plan for the new Women's Protective Division. The VLCW found an ally in the new Chief Constable, W.J. Bingham, who was sympathetic to the campaign for policewomen. Bingham collaborated with members of the Council, who were able to influence the creation of an acceptable plan for the Division. Like clubswomen wanted, the Division set out to be involved in all police cases with women or                                                           61 Mrs. Stoddard to Mayor Gale, September 6 1918, VCW Fonds. 62 Ada Tonkin to VLCW, November 3 1927, VCW Fonds. 63 Ibid. 48  children. Under this new system, a policewoman would “be in attendance whenever women or children are present [in Court], either as offenders, victims of offences, or witnesses” and “accompany all girls and women to and from all Courts, and in transit from jail or Court to prisons and institutions.”64 This was an ambitious goal, and likely policewomen were unable to accompany all women, despite their efforts. The Division also took special interest in women's and children's issues relating, including neglected children, deserted or unmarried mothers, rape, infanticide, and abortion.65 The Division attempted to combat delinquent sexuality in young women, which could range from prostitution to sexual relations with a boyfriend.66 Both clubswomen and the VPD continued to understand delinquency in terms of sexuality. Policewomen continued to take on the important task of patrolling public places, with a focus on places such as dance halls, cinemas, public toilets, parks, public bars, employment agencies, and railway stations.   The VPD hired Ada Tonkin, clubswoman and convenor of the EMSC, as the Director of the Women's Protective Division in 1929. The VLCW influenced the VPD's hiring which they must have been pleased about, since Tonkin's appointment meant clubswomen would again have a personal relationship with a policewoman in the force. Tonkin replaced Lurancy Harris, supervised all work within the jurisdiction of the Women's Division, and reported to the Chief of Police.67 The VPD also hired two other women as officers, so there was a total of six women officers and three jail matrons.68 This collaboration between the VLCW and the VPD ushered in a hopeful era for clubswomen, local                                                           64 Corresponding Secretary to Mrs. McLaws, October 6 1930, VCW Fonds. 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid. 67 Tonkin, Mrs. Ada: her appointment as Policewoman Inspector, 1929, Box: 75-C-2, folder 9, Vancouver Police Department Fonds, Vancouver City Archives. 68 In the mid-1910s, there were normally one or two policewomen and two matrons. When the Women's Department was first established in 1920, there were four policewomen; by 1926, there were two policewomen. 49  politicians, and the police, who were optimistic about the future of the Women's Division. Mayor W.H. Malkin wrote to the VLCW stating that “the Chief and I heartily agreed on the necessity of looking after the interests of the young girls on the street where the tendency to go astray is so much in evidence.”69 He believed that the Women's Protective Division would help these young women who might otherwise “go astray.” Similarly, Bingham wrote to the VLCW to express his appreciation for “the work of women in the prevention of crime.”70 The VLCW in turn expressed to Bingham “their deep appreciation and sincere thanks for your splendid co-operation.”71  With the 1929 establishment of a Women's Protective Division, the role of women in the VPD reached its pre-World War II height.72 The success was short-lived; soon after, the Great Depression led to cutbacks in the VPD, and the Women's Division was reduced to one policewoman and five matrons in 1932.73 In the preceding two decades Vancouver residents had witnessed policewomen emerge in the city and saw policewomen's numbers and influence grow, decline, and grow again. This growth was thanks in large part to the actions of Vancouver clubswomen, who turned to the principles of maternal feminism to argue for women in law enforcement. In turn, maternal feminism enabled policewomen to find a role for themselves within the preexisting, male-dominated field, although this was not without some controversy and challenges. In particular, controversy emerged from different opinions on policewomen's ideal qualities and qualifications, and while police authorities and maternal                                                           69 Mayor WH Malkin to Mrs Geo O Fallish, February 18 1929, box 2, folder 10, VCW Fonds. 70 WJ Bingham to HJK Labsik, May 23 1929, box 2, folder 12, VCW Fonds. 71 Ibid. 72 Michaela Freund, “The Politics of Naming: Constructing Prostitutes and Regulating Women in Vancouver, 1939-45,” in Regulating Lives: Historical Essays on the State, Society, the Individual, and the Law, eds. John McLaren, Dorothy E. Chunn and Robert Menzies (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002), 248. 73 Ibid., 248.  50  feminists alike thought a policewoman's primary responsibility was protecting young women, some conservative authorities scrutinized policewomen's religious and political beliefs or took issue with their nontraditional status. Despite challenges, policewomen remained consistently present in the force. But exactly what policewomen were doing in Vancouver during this pre-Depression period, and how they encountered girls' delinquency in the city, still needs to be explored.               51  Chapter 3: Policewomen and the Physical Spaces of Delinquency The fact that Police Women are in this city has a wonderful effect on some of the juveniles [and] delinquent girls ...1  In 1920, Lurancy Harris used her annual report as an opportunity to applaud the excellent work that her policewomen were doing. It had been eight years since she was hired as one of the first two policewomen in the Vancouver; before that, the only women in the Vancouver Police Department were jail matrons, without the powers to patrol or arrest. Since 1912, Harris had been a visible presence in the city, dressed not in a police uniform but instead a long skirt and heavy jacket as she patrolled city streets, dance halls, and boarding houses. Hers was the face that countless women and children encountered when they found themselves in contact with the law. It was through this contact that policewomen supposedly had a “wonderful effect” in Vancouver. This chapter explores policewomen's attempts to regulate delinquency and their so-called “wonderful effect” on young women.  As the previous chapter explored, policewomen's work was cloaked in the terminology of protecting women and children and preventing crimes relating to sex and vice. This chapter investigates the ways in which policewomen sought to protect young women. I demonstrate that policewomen thought certain physical spaces encouraged delinquent behaviour in young women. As such, policewomen attempted to counter delinquency by patrolling dance halls, hotels, parks, train stations, and other locations; through this, they upheld a double standard as they attempted to warn young women and prevent behaviours associated with vice, while allowing men to freely move around the city. Prevention was not the only task of policewomen, though. This chapter also explores arrests of girls and the crimes they were charged with, which reflected contemporary anxieties about young                                                           1 L.D. Harris to Chief Constable James Anderson, January 1921, box 8A, Women's Division Fonds, Vancouver Police Museum Archive. 52  women engaging in sexually promiscuous behaviour. Then I investigate what happened to young women who were arrested. Policewomen, working together with institutions like the Juvenile Court, imagined that delinquency could be solved by placing girls in spaces that encouraged morally virtuous behaviour. The Girls' Industrial School represented a space of morality and, in the eyes of policewomen and Juvenile Court workers, would reform young women. Oakalla Prison could potentially reform young women as well, but was a more controversial option because it meant treating girls as criminals rather than children. Lastly, I recognize the challenges policewomen faced as they navigated spaces associated with immorality. Policewomen discouraged young women from frequenting spaces of immorality and attempted to regulate young women's supposedly unfeminine behaviour, but at the same time policewomen were visible in those same spaces and challenged the very notions of gender and space that they sought to regulate. Overall, I argue that policewomen sought to protect young women from men and behaviours associated with vice by patrolling spaces they associated with immorality and removing young women from these spaces; immorality and morality, they thought, had a physical spatial dimension.  The Role of Policewomen in Regulating Delinquent Spaces  Vancouver's policewomen sought to protect young women by patrolling public spaces. The police understood immorality as linked to physical space. Some spaces, such as boarding houses, cafes, dance halls, and even city streets, were sites of immorality in various incarnations. Spaces that allowed meetings with young men for romantic or sexual companionship, as well as establishments serving alcohol, were the most worrisome. In 1912, The Daily Province newspaper quoted Mayor James Findlay describing the work of the first policewomen: Their duties are along the lines of what the commissioners are doing their 53  best to eradicate, that is, the danger surrounding the moral life of the young girls in Vancouver. They will also help the police in governing the rooming houses, apartment houses, cafes, houses of assignation and such other places where immorality is made possible.2 Immorality was intrinsically linked to physical space for young women, most of whom were white and working-class. However, men receive no mention here, and indeed rarely did. Policewomen were not concerned about men visiting these spaces; these physical spaces of delinquency were not immoral for everyone, but rather immoral for young women. Policewomen upheld a double standard where men could freely visit urban spaces, but the movement of young women was constantly policed. Policewomen thought patrolling these spaces was the ideal way to curb immoral behaviour in young women.  Policewomen recorded their visits to various places associated with immorality. Annual police reports and other police records are an invaluable source and, although only a handful survive, they provide a glimpse into the activities of policewomen.3 In an annual report from 1920, for example, policewomen reported 145  “visits to Rooming Houses, Homes, Hotels,” 129 visits to department stores, 113 visits to “Dance Halls, Cabarets, Pool Rooms, Cafes, Restaurants,” 112 visits to “Railway Stations and BCE Depot,” and 15 visits to English Bay, beaches, and parks.4 In the same year, Harris reported that the presence of patrolling policewomen prevented girls “from congregating at the B.C.E                                                           2 “Moral Reformers Can Render Aid,” The Daily Province, June 17 1912, box 8A, Newspaper Articles 10-003-001, Women's Division Fonds, Vancouver Police Museum Archives. 3 Between 1912 (when the first policewomen were hired) and 1930 (a year after both the reestablishment of the Women's Division and the start of the Great Depression), six Chief Constable annual reports survive: 1913, 1914, 1915, 1918, 1929, 1930. Additionally, there is a Policewoman's annual report written by LD Harris from 1920.  4 Harris to Anderson, January 1921. 54  tram Offices [and] depots [and] up to certain ages they are afraid to patronize cabarets, dance halls [and] places of assignation.”5 Such places were seen as dangerous because they were spots for meeting young men. Harris also reported that “several girls [were] taken home to parents and warned.”6 Policewomen imagined that their presence served as a reminder, and they broke up congregations of young people and issued verbal warnings to young women.  Patrols remained a mainstay of policewomen's duties throughout the 1920s, and they reported that it was an effective way of discouraging vice. In the 1929 annual report, a list of policewomen's duties included “patroll[ing] regularly public places such as Dance Halls, Beaches, Rest Rooms, Theatres and Moving Picture Houses, Skating Rinks, Beer Parlours, Parks, etc.” in addition to conducting investigations and attending court cases.7 The following year, a list of patrol visits included 267 visits to “Beer Parlours,” 124 visits to dance halls, and 47 visits to theatres.8 Policewomen continued to be physically present on the streets and warned girls of the consequences of their behaviour. During a discussion of “street walkers,” Police Chief W.J. Bingham noted with pride that the work of Inspector Ada Tonkin and the other policewomen was curbing prostitution in the city, and “the warnings given to the younger girls who would take a false step ... is having the desired effect.”9  Policewomen reported that their patrols were successful, but given that policewomen were addressing the same concerns about young women as they were nearly a decade earlier, it is clear that the problem of delinquency was not easily solved. Policewomen, wanting to legitimize their role as                                                           5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Chief Constable Report 1929, VPD General Fonds, Vancouver Police Museum Archives. 8 Chief Constable Report 1930, VPD General Fonds, Vancouver Police Museum Archives. 9 Chief Constable Report 1929. 55  women in the VPD, may have overemphasized the “wonderful effect” or “desired effect” they were having on young women.  Policewomen were not only involved in preventing vice; they were also capable of arresting individuals. Vancouver policewomen had the power to arrest both men and women, which was not the case in many jurisdictions. In one of the first cases of a policewomen arresting a man in Canada, Minnie Miller arrested a man for making himself “objectionable” to women at a public beach in August 1912.10 Policewomen were responsible for addressing women and juveniles by arresting them, laying charges, and escorting them to the police station, jail, or court. It is clear from annual reports that women and adolescents were a minority when compared to total arrests by the Vancouver VPD.11 In 1915, when some 5800 individuals were arrested, women made up eleven percent and juveniles of both sexes (aged fifteen to twenty) comprised four percent of the total.12 But their numbers were not negligible, and annual reports show that police officers arrested between 346 and 447 young women between the ages of fifteen and thirty. Most women were in their twenties (312 to 398 arrests) but young women aged fifteen to twenty were also present. If policewomen interacted with all juveniles and women who were arrested, they would have addressed some eight hundred cases annually. Given that there were no more than four policewomen and matrons on the force at any given time throughout the 1910s, this would mean that policewomen had their hands full with arrests.  Policewomen did not find their work subsided in the 1920s. In 1920, policewomen “cared for” some 1116 women who were arrested predominately by male officers. Records from the 1920s are                                                           10 Marilyn Corsianos, Policing and Gendered Justice: Examining the Possibilities (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 15. 11 Annual reports survive from 1913, 1914, 1915, and 1918. 12 Chief Constable Report 1915, Vancouver Police Department: Annual Reports, City Publication Collection, City of Vancouver Archives. 56  scarce, but statistics are available after the Women's Protective Division was established in 1929. With the establishment of the Women's Protective Division, five new policewomen were hired, supplementing the force of three policewomen and three matrons.13 In their first year, the Women's Protective Division detained 1280 women as female wards and laid 963 charges. The following year, they detained 1059 women as female wards and laid 1113 charges. Statistics for juvenile delinquency had increased as well, representing more work for policewomen who dealt with adolescents. In 1929, officers apprehended 457 juveniles to be charged in the Juvenile Court, as well as 45 adults who were “contributing to Juvenile Delinquency”; that number increased to 508 juveniles in 1930.14 By the end of the decade, policewomen arrested, laid charges, and escorted upwards of a thousand women and juveniles annually. Despite the increase in policewomen, elite women's anxieties about young women did not subside and they continued to be concerned about young women visiting spaces associated with immorality. Whether more young women were engaging in so-called delinquent behaviours, or more policewomen simply meant they could better regulate young women, policewomen saw juvenile delinquency as an ongoing problem. Incorrigible Girls: The Crimes of Delinquency  Young women, both in adolescence and in their twenties, were targeted by policewomen for behaviours that reflected contemporary anxieties about supposedly immoral actions and sexual promiscuity. These behaviours could vary extensively, from attending dances to prostitution, and were often accompanied by other behaviours related to vice, such as drinking and drug use. These behaviours were recorded in police reports and Juvenile Court records. Police reports classify crimes                                                           13 Two policewomen, including Harris who was hired in 1912, retired that year, but the force was left with six policewomen and three matrons. 14 Chief Constable Report 1929; Chief Constable Report 1930. 57  according to gender but not age, which makes it difficult to determine what crimes adolescent girls – rather than older women – were committing. But given that more women in their twenties were arrested than any other demographic of women, statistics of arrests and charges for women are relevant. Records from the Juvenile Court, and related institutions like the Girls' Industrial School, also provide insight into underage girls and the supposedly moral spaces used to reform them. Drawing from these records, I conclude that the main charges laid against girls were for incorrigibility, prostitution (bawdy or disorderly houses), and alcohol or drug usage.  Many young women found themselves in trouble for being “incorrigible.” Incorrigibility was a common charge and vaguely meant a young woman “is beyond the control” of her parents or guardians.15 It was essentially a catch-all term for a girl that the Juvenile Courts considered troublesome, and it could also encompass vagrancy, wandering abroad, curfew infractions, indecency, and other charges. One fourteen-year-old, charged with “wandering abroad” in 1914, was arrested because “she took off her skirt and played around in her bloomers” in a park; while she said they were acceptable gym bloomers, the man who reported her disagreed.16 Another girl found herself in trouble because “apparently she would not do what her father told her and was too fond of going out to dances, etc.”17 Many of these behaviours seem non-threatening, but policewomen thought young women held significant cultural weight as future mothers, and wanted to prevent them from acting in ways that they thought were unladylike and potentially promiscuous. Juvenile Court workers agreed, and sent many supposedly incorrigible young women to the Girls' Industrial School. Historian Indiana Matters notes                                                           15 Indiana Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?: Historical Aspects of Female Juvenile Delinquency in British Columbia” in Not Just Pin Money: Selected Essays on the History of Women's Work in British Columbia, eds. Barbara K. Latham and Roberta J. Pazdro (Victoria: Camosun College, 1984), 270. 16 Quoted in Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?” in Not Just Pin Money, 270. 17 Quoted in Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?” in Not Just Pin Money, 270. 58  that incorrigibility represented the charges of fully eighty-five percent of young women sent to the Vancouver Girls' Industrial School between 1914 and 1937.18   Policewomen wanted to regulate other activities they thought were inappropriate for young women, such as prostitution. In the early twentieth century, prostitution was discussed in euphemistic terms of the Social Evil, which clearly cast prostitution as a crime against morality. The year after policewomen were first hired, the Chief Constable reported that the VPD and policewomen were “very active in its efforts to keep down the Social Evil in the City” with “during the year 336 arrests being made of women of immoral character.”19 The terminology of Social Evil became less popular in VPD reports as time passed, and instead prostitution was discussed as terms of street walkers, bawdy houses, and disorderly houses. These terms connected prostitution with physical spaces to such a great extent that police reports rarely described prostitution itself, but instead described the spaces where prostitution occurred. Again, the police linked immorality with space. In 1915, for example, the Chief Constable reported that the “Department has been active in the suppression of gambling and immorality,” and while gambling was largely a male vice, many women were arrested for charges connected to prostitution: In 1915, 143 women were charged with being inmates of disorderly houses, 90 were charged with being the keepers of disorderly houses, and 45 were charged with being found in disorderly houses. Sixteen men were charged with keeping disorderly houses, and 91 being charged with being found in                                                           18 Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?” in Not Just Pin Money, 269. 19 Chief Constable Report 1913, Vancouver Police Department: Annual Reports, City Publication Collection, City of Vancouver Archives. 59  disorderly houses.20 Reports from the 1910s were characterized by nearly yearly reassurances that the police were working to limit, if not eradicate, prostitution in the city.   Police reports from the 1920s reveal that prostitution and policewomen's concerns regarding prostitution had not disappeared. In 1929, the Chief Constable stated that “at the first of the year, a great number of bawdy houses were being run openly, and a few of these gave us a great deal of trouble before they were finally put out of business.” Some new brothels opened, but “with the present Police vigilance there is little chance of any house of commercialized vice doing any business without being soon detected” and “we have had very little trouble with new houses opening up.”21 That year, the Women's Protective Division laid 212 charges relating to bawdy houses and 141 charges relating to disorderly houses; it is unclear what the difference between these two types of charges was, since both referred to brothels. In 1930, they laid 327 charges relating to bawdy houses and 132 charges relating to disorderly houses.22 Most women charged with prostitution were young women in their twenties, but there were certainly cases of younger adolescents engaging in sex work.   Discussions of prostitution often reveal contemporary racial tensions. As discussed in the first chapter, in 1929 the Juvenile Court encountered a fourteen-year-old girl “prostituting herself with Hindus.”23 This incident was especially problematic for elite women because not only was this girl young, she was having sex with non-white men. In the early twentieth century, Vancouver was a stronghold of racial tensions and many white residents held anti-Asian sentiments, including anxieties                                                           20 Chief Constable Report 1915. 21 Chief Constable Report 1929. 22 Chief Constable Report 1930. 23 Quoted in Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?” in Not Just Pin Money, 270. 60  about sexual relations between white women and Asian men and the potential for mixed-race offspring.24 Many Anglo-Saxon maternal feminists worried about young white women being, in their eyes, corrupted by Asian men; they wanted to preserve the sexual purity of white women, who would become the next generation of mothers. These fears were further fuelled by the location of the city's brothels and bawdy houses, which throughout the 1910s and 1920s were primarily in Vancouver's East End, the neighbourhood where most Asian residents lived.25 Racial anxieties stimulated policewomen to attempt to end prostitution, although they never succeeded.  Policewomen were also concerned about young women's alcohol and drug use.26 The VPD often linked such habits to immorality and the Social Evil. During a discussion of “women of immoral character” in 1913, the Chief Constable also noted that “a large number of convictions obtained for the illicit sale of liquor among this class.” Later, Chief Constable William McRae mourned that “unfortunately a number of young boys, and even girls are in the habit of using drugs.”27 He described drug use as a habit of youth, even – he notes almost with surprise – young women. After the establishment of the Women's Protective Division, policewomen kept statistics on the charges they laid for intoxication and drug possession. Drug possession was rare (in 1929, they laid 6 charges) but they laid some 180 charges for “state of intoxication” in each of their first two years.28 Overall, policewomen were concerned about young women visiting immoral spaces like bars and opium dens,                                                           24 Michael Scott Kerwin, “Re/Producing a 'White British Columbia': The Meanings of the Janet Smith Bill” (MA thesis, University of British Columbia, 1996). 25 Robert A.J. McDonald, Making Vancouver: Class, Status and Social Boundaries, 1863-1913 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1996), 189-191. 26 See Robert A. Campbell, “Ladies and Escorts: Gender Segregation and Public Policy in British Columbia Beer Parlours, 1925-1945” BC Studies 105-106 (1995), 119-138. 27 Chief Constable Report 1918, VPD General Fonds, Vancouver Police Museum Archives. 28 Chief Constable Report 1929; Chief Constable Report 1930. 61  where young women could engage in activities associated with vice, including alcohol and drug use. They thought these activities would damage the moral health and physical wellbeing of young women, and make it difficult for young women to become respectable wives and mothers in the future. Moral Spaces: Reforming and Punishing Delinquency  What happened to girls who were in trouble with the law? With underage girls, this was the jurisdiction of the Vancouver Juvenile Court, which was established in Vancouver in 1910 two years after the passing of the national Juvenile Delinquency Act.29 Juvenile Court workers thought the solution to delinquency was a change of environment: by removing girls from immoral spaces and confining them in supposedly moral spaces, girls could adopt virtuous behaviour. The VPD did not always record how many children and adolescents they brought to the Juvenile Court, but as early as 1913 the Chief Constable wrote in the annual report to express “my appreciation of the work being done by the Juvenile Court and Detention Home, which is closely associated with this Department, and with which we work in harmony.”30 When the VPD began keeping statistics on their connection with the Juvenile Court in 1929, officers apprehended 457 juveniles to be charged in the Juvenile Court; that number rose to 508 juveniles the next year.31 They also apprehended 45 adults who were “contributing to Juvenile Delinquency.” This was a charge that could be filed against parents for failing to prevent delinquency in their children, and could be accompanied with a fine of $500 and a year in prison.32 Policewomen escorted young women to the Detention Home, which served as a temporary home for children being tried in the Juvenile Court, and attended young women's trials.                                                           29 Diane Matters, “A Chance to Make Good: Juvenile Males and the Law in Vancouver, B.C., 1910-1915” (MA Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1978). 30 Chief Constable Report 1913. 31 Chief Constable Report 1929; Chief Constable Report 1930. 32 Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?” in Not Just Pin Money, 267 62   At the trials, the Juvenile Court sent many young women who were labelled delinquent to the Girls' Industrial School, which was intended to provide a virtuous home-like environment for girls to “make good.” The Girls' Industrial School was opened in 1914 on Cassiar Street, then a rural area outside the city. As historian Indiana Matters found, some 600 girls were committed to the Vancouver Girls' Industrial School between 1914 and 1937.33 There was an average of 35 girls living at the school at any given time.34 Most were between the ages of fourteen and seventeen, with a few as young as seven and as old as twenty. Policewomen were responsible for escorting girls to the school, as well as returning them to the school after escapes, which were common; one year, policewomen returned 13 girls to the Industrial School after they ran away.35 The Industrial School was intended to reform young women by providing them with a moral environment and teaching them domestic skills. Margaret Bayne, who was superintendent of the Industrial School from 1918 to 1929, thought that “what is most needed by delinquent girls is training in morals, and in the manual and domestic arts together with physical renovation and development.”36 Unlike the Boys' Industrial School, which faced criticism for the militaristic way it was run, the Girls' Industrial School intended to replicate “a harmonious home atmosphere” for its inmates, many of whom were working-class and came from unstable home environments.37 Girls spent part of the day in simple schooling and the rest in domestic and agricultural training, where they learned how to sew, cook, clean, and garden. With these skills, authorities like                                                           33 Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?” in Not Just Pin Money, 269. 34 Alastair Glegg, “Margaret Bayne and the Vancouver Girls’ Industrial School,” Historical Studies in Education, vol. 18 no. 2 (2006): 210. 35 Chief Constable Report 1930. 36 Annual Report of the Girls' Industrial School 1919, quoted in Glegg, “Margaret Bayne and the Vancouver Girls’ Industrial School,” 210. 37 Annual Report of the Girls' Industrial School 1918, quoted in Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?” in Not Just Pin Money, 268. For the Boys' Industrial School, see Diane Matters, “A Chance to Make Good: Juvenile Males and the Law in Vancouver, B.C., 1910-1915” (MA Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1978). 63  Bayne hoped, young women would be capable of keeping a good house. These young women would then become respectable wives and mothers, and raise strong children for the next generation. Maternal feminists also thought that if, regrettably, a young woman did not become a wife and mother, she could work as domestic labour and be economically self-sufficient without turning to less socially-acceptable methods of earning an income, such as prostitution.38 Authorities thought that after being confined at the Industrial School, young women would avoid spaces that encouraged immoral behaviour and embrace a domestic life in the home, which was the best space for a young women to be in.  The Girls' Industrial School was largely considered a success in the 1920s. As historian Alastair Glegg notes, the school reported that over half of girls had either married or “made good” after leaving the school.39 Young women's experiences at the school are difficult to access from the records, but likely varied. The school may have provided an escape from a difficult home and a chance to learn useful skills for some young women. For other young women, their time at the Industrial School was difficult. As police reports suggest, it was not uncommon for young women to run away from the school, and these escapes were also documented by local newspapers. In May 1918, The Daily Colonist reported that, Two inmates of the [Vancouver] Girls' Industrial Home ... made an attempt to escape last evening. The place was thrown into pandemonium, and the aid of the Provincial police said to be summoned. One girl, armed with an ace [sic], smashed seventeen windows and several doors. Another, attired only in night clothes, in getting through one of the broken windows was badly cut. She was apprehended some little distance away from the home still clad in her                                                           38 Glegg, “Margaret Bayne and the Vancouver Girls’ Industrial School,” 210. 39 Glegg, “Margaret Bayne and the Vancouver Girls’ Industrial School,” 222. 64  bloodstained garment.40 Descriptions like this reveal the desperation, fear, and anger that many young women felt. They serve as a stark reminder that the Industrial School was not a place girls chose to be, despite attempts by authorities to create “a harmonious home atmosphere.”41 Many young women were unhappy about being confined at the school away from their families and their normal lives, and some resisted authorities' attempts to reform them.   However, young women who resisted often found themselves facing greater difficulties. Oakalla Prison Farm represented a more extreme punishment for young women. Oakalla Prison was built in 1912 with a separate women's ward established in 1916.42 Courts, Juvenile Courts, and policewomen sent numerous girls and women to Oakalla Prison. In 1920, policewomen took 48 “Women and Girls” to Oakalla Prison, and that number grew to 89 women by 1929, and 118 women in 1930.43 This could be controversial in cases where underage girls were sent to Oakalla. This thesis opened with an incident in 1918 where five girls were sent to Oakalla Prison after running away from the Industrial School. This was not a standalone incident, and at least once Industrial School Superintendent Margaret Bayne sent a girl from the school to Oakalla Prison for six or seven months                                                           40 “Girls from Victoria Attempt to Escape,” The Daily Colonist, May 25 1918. 41 Annual Report of the Girls' Industrial School 1918, quoted in Matters, “Sinners or Sinned Against?” in Not Just Pin Money, 268. For the Boys' Industrial School, see Diane Matters, “A Chance to Make Good: Juvenile Males and the Law in Vancouver, B.C., 1910-1915” (MA Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1978). 42 There has been little historical inquiry into Oakalla Prison, although it received some attention from social workers in the 1950s. See Jenifer Grace Munday Butterfield, “A Survey of the Women's Division, Oakalla Prison Farm, B.C., 1958” (MA Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1958); Alfred Louis Montpellier, “Group Work in an Institution for Young Offenders: An Analytical Study of the Introduction and Development of Group Work Services at the Young Offenders' Unit of Oakalla Prison Farm, 1951-1959” (MA Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1960). 43 Harris to Anderson, January 1921; Chief Constable Report 1929; Chief Constable Report 1930. 65  for her “persistent and rebellious defiance of authority.”44   The practice of sending underage girls to Oakalla Prison was debated, and women involved in juvenile justice had varying opinions. The Vancouver Local Council of Women protested when young women were sent to Oakalla Prison, arguing that it was “not only not humane, but entirely contrary to the spirit of modern methods of treatment of youthful delinquency.”45 For them, the modern methods of addressing delinquency were to treat a girl as a “misdirected and misguided child,” like the Juvenile Delinquents Act (1908) advocated. But sending a girl to prison would treat her as a criminal, not a child. While the Industrial School was a physical space for reforming delinquent children, Oakalla Prison was a penitentiary for adult criminals. On the other hand, some authorities thought sending girls to Oakalla could be justified. Bayne, for example, reported that the girl she sent to the prison returned “in a chastened mood, and constantly endeavoured to behave herself,” thereby contending that Oakalla was effective at reforming girls.46 As a result, Oakalla Prison was reserved for young women that the Industrial School or Juvenile Court saw as extreme cases, although organizations like the VLCW disagreed. Individual policewomen may have held opinions too, although they did not speak publicly about them and completed their tasks of escorting young women to the prison when necessary. For maternal feminists, protecting young women and their maternal potential was incredibly important, and as a result discussions about the best way to protect young women often sparked heated and passionate debates.                                                             44 Letter from M. Bayne to T. Menzies, December 12 1928, quoted in Glegg “Margaret Bayne and the Vancouver Girls’ Industrial School,” 216-7. 45 Corresponding Secretary to Attorney General J.W. deB. Farris, April 3 1918, box 1, folder 1, VCW Fonds. 46 Letter from M. Bayne to T. Menzies, December 12 1928, quoted in Glegg “Margaret Bayne and the Vancouver Girls’ Industrial School,” 216-7. 66  The Policewoman Paradox  The act of sending girls accused of delinquency to Oakalla was not the only controversy that policewomen might encounter; in fact, the very presence of policewomen in Vancouver could be contentious. While policewomen were discouraging what they (and many other Vancouver residents) saw as unacceptable behaviour by women in immoral spaces, they also represented a paradox. As policewomen sought to patrol and regulate what they saw as unfeminine behaviour in young women, they were displaying some of those same behaviours themselves. Policewomen's visibility and physicality were obvious as they patrolled streets, worked late at night, and arrested both men and women. Policewomen frequented spaces of immorality from boarding houses to train depots, and they were just as visible in these spaces as the girls they were policing. There were few visible markers setting policewomen apart from the general public since they did not wear a uniform nor carry firearms. In other cities, the push of women into the realm of law enforcement was greeted with ridicule, anger, and concern. Historian Tamara Myers notes that when the first American policewomen began work in Los Angeles, journalists characterized her as “tightly bunned, gun-wielding, muscular, even masculine woman who was 'anything but feminine.'”47 English policewomen faced similar taunting in the press, as well as scorn and concern from citizens, as historian Philippa Levine found.48 Policewomen's presence in the city, much like the presence of girls, could be controversial.   Exactly what response policewomen in Vancouver received deserves more historical inquiry. Certainly some residents embraced their presence; clubswomen and other maternal feminists were pleased to have policewomen on the streets, protecting girls and women at risk. Others were probably less happy. The discussions brought up by incidents such as LeSueur's dismissal suggest that there                                                           47 Myers, “Women Policing Women: A Patrol Woman in Montreal in the 1910s,” 234. 48 Levine, “'Walking the Streets in a Way No Decent Woman Should': Women Police in World War I,” 70-75. 67  were deep concerns within the VPD with regards to policewomen, and likely the general public shared some of these anxieties. Policewomen may have navigated certain spaces with greater ease than the so-called delinquent girls they were seeking to regulate. Girls were young and working-class, whereas policewomen were older middle-class women who could pass as respectable because of the work they were trying to accomplish despite their visibility in spaces associated with immorality. Like so-called delinquent girls, policewomen carried cultural meaning, although Vancouver residents may not have agreed on what that meaning was.  Although policewomen were not without controversy, they established themselves as a fixture of the VPD in the 1910s and 1920s. During these years, both young women and policewomen could be found visiting boarding houses, dance halls, cafes, and hotels in Vancouver. These two groups of women had very different goals. While young women chased excitement, romance, income, or sexual fulfilment, policewomen worked to curb the allegedly immoral behaviour of young women. Policewomen's attempts to regulate behaviour relied on patrolling and policing physical spaces that they thought encouraged immorality. Simply by being in these spaces, young women challenged contemporary ideals about morality and appropriate feminine behaviour, at least in the eyes of policewomen, politicians, and social reformers. Policewomen wanted to protect young women and prevent them from engaging in immoral behaviour in these spaces, especially sexually promiscuous behaviour. Young women reacted to reform attempts in different ways – some accepting warnings and policewomen's advice, while others resisting by, for example, running away from the Girls' Industrial School. In 1920, Harris asserted that policewomen were having a “wonderful effect” on the young women of Vancouver, but their ongoing battle against so-called delinquent girls throughout the 1910s and 1920s suggest that their effect was limited.49 Perhaps the “problem” was more complicated than                                                           49 L.D. Harris to Chief Constable James Anderson, January 1921, WD Fonds. 68  policewomen claimed.                    69  Conclusion It is, ere this, commonly known that I appreciate the work of women in the prevention of crime. My association with the women workers ... has satisfied me that the usefulness of women, along the lines of prevention and protection of wayward women, girls and children, is established beyond all question.1   After the establishment of the Women's Protective Division in 1929, Chief Constable WJ Bingham wrote to the Vancouver Local Council of Women to express his recognition of women's “usefulness” in law enforcement and his optimism for the future of policewomen. His appreciation applied to two groups of women: the policewomen who patrolled the city and arrested “wayward” women and juveniles, and the clubswomen who campaigned throughout the 1910s and 1920s for greater roles for policewomen. The relationships between policewomen, clubswomen, and “wayward” young women were complicated and dynamic. As this thesis argues, both clubswomen and policewomen sought to regulate young women's femininity by policing delinquency in ways that were specific to Vancouver, shared with other Canadian cities, and often controversial.  Clubswomen and policewomen were motivated by ideas about motherhood and women's maternal nature. As chapter one demonstrates, these ideas allowed elite women to campaign for greater roles for women in politics and society, and enter traditionally male-dominated fields like law enforcement. These ideas also drove elite women to focus their attention on young working-class women who they thought were not behaving appropriately maternally. Whether young women were attending dance halls or engaging in prostitution, maternal feminists were concerned about young                                                           1 WJ Bingham to HJK Labsik, May 23 1929, box 2, folder 12, Vancouver Council of Women Fonds, Rare Books and Special Collections, University of British Columbia Libraries. 70  women unable to pursue or uninterested in pursuing motherhood. They thought these young women were neglecting their maternal responsibility with dire consequences for the nation and the white race. Clubswomen and policewomen's anxieties were influenced and exacerbated by concerns surrounding women's employment and racial tensions; as such, concerns about delinquency in Vancouver both bore similarities to concerns in Eastern Canadian cities, and were specific to British Columbia. In this way, chapter one deepens historians' understanding of delinquency in British Columbia, and more broadly in Canada.  Chapter two argues that clubswomen understood policewomen as the solution to girls' delinquency because they saw policewomen as maternal forces. Like Bingham, they believed policewomen would protect women and juveniles. Clubswomen campaigned throughout the 1910s and 1920s for greater roles for policewomen. From the time of the first policewoman hiring in 1912, policewomen remained a part of the Vancouver Police Department, although their numbers and influence varied. This chapter shines new light on the work of Vancouver clubswomen, since their campaign for policewomen has been previously unexplored. Furthermore, as historians of British Columbia have generally neglected the topic of early policewomen in Vancouver, this chapter lays the groundwork for future historical inquiries.   During these two decades, policewomen attempted to protect women and prevent immorality by patrolling spaces they associated with delinquency. Chapter three argues that policewomen thought that certain spaces encouraged young women to act in a promiscuous and unladylike manner, and policewomen strove to prevent this by warning, arresting, and laying charges against young women in those spaces. As a result, many young women entered the recently established juvenile justice system, consisting of Juvenile Courts and Industrial Schools, where authorities hoped to reform their delinquent behaviour and produce respectable young women who could become wives and mothers. Authorities 71  committed young women to spaces associated with reform and morality, such as the Girls' Industrial School and Oakalla Prison. Historians have studied the Vancouver Girls' Industrial School, but this chapter situates the school within a historical context where physical spaces were associated with immorality and morality. Policewomen and clubswomen alike expressed anxieties about so-called delinquent girls throughout the 1910s and 1920s; despite their efforts to shape morality through the control of space, their attempts to solve delinquency were never completely successful.  Perhaps their attempts were unsuccessful because the so-called girl problem was more complicated than they realized or acknowledged. These young, working-class women deserve recognition as individuals with agency, although it is often difficult to determine what they thought as they sought excitement, sexual pleasure, or income in Vancouver, or whether they saw themselves as victims, or why they accepted (or resisted) the reform attempts of elite women. Young, working-class women's voices are faint in many archival sources; historical records like police reports, newspaper articles, Juvenile Court records, and clubswomen's letters reveal a great deal about elite women and their anxieties surrounding young women, but very little about these young women themselves. Likely, most of these young women were just trying to live their lives, and negotiate coming of age in a society that was largely hostile to them. Although elite women normally framed discussions of delinquency in terms of preventing, protecting, or reforming, many young women found themselves being punished by elite women and the network of institutions that elite women lobbied into existence. But these young women were subversive in their own way. Although they might never have intended to, young women challenged contemporary sensibilities about womanhood, sexuality, race, and urban space. It was for this reason that elite women spent so much energy attempting to restrain them.  While they sought to regulate young women, it is important to recognize that elite women were revolutionary in their time. Early twentieth-century clubswomen challenged the idea that a woman's 72  place was in the home, and they were among the first women to gain a significant public presence in Canada. They campaigned vocally and publicly for the right to vote, equal opportunity employment, mothers' pensions, higher standards for healthcare and education, and policewomen. Many of these campaigns were successful, although with the exception of Mothers' Pensions, few have received attention from historians. Likewise, policewomen in early twentieth-century Vancouver were pioneers. When Lurancy Harris and Minnie Miller joined the Vancouver Police Department, they were the first policewomen in Canada and among only a handful of policewomen worldwide. Although few records provide insight into the experiences of these two women, they must have faced incredible challenges as they entered a male-dominated field. Furthermore, the existence of scandals, such as the LeSueur incident, reveal that later policewomen faced confrontation as well. Policewomen's public visibility and physicality were impossible to ignore, and not without controversy. They frustrated traditional notions of femininity as they patrolled public spaces, worked all hours of the day and night, and arrested both men and women. They visited spaces associated with immorality and delinquency, including dance halls, cafes, train stations, rooming houses, and brothels. The experiences of early policewomen, and the meanings they imbued in Vancouver, could be a fruitful area for further historical inquiry.   However, despite their progressive qualities, both clubswomen and policewomen supported values that were ultimately conservative. Their emphasis on maternalism limited the ways in which women could act in society. Furthermore, clubswomen and policewomen targeted young women who were already disadvantaged in society. While elite women occupied a privileged position in society as upper- or middle-class Anglo-Saxon women, most so-called delinquent girls were young and working-class. These young women often faced economic hardship, family turmoil, and sexual exploitation. The standards of femininity that elite women sought to uphold were conservative, impractical, and unattainable for young, working-class women. It was precisely this balance – between conservative and 73  progressive – that allowed elite women to be largely accepted in society while advancing rights for (some) women.  At its core, this thesis explores how elite women conceptualized their role in early twentieth-century Canadian society, and how they understood and related to women who rejected that role. This exploration of the relationships between policewomen, clubswomen, and young women provides insight into the ways in which elite women modified traditional ideas about femininity and women's roles to advance their position in society, while at the same time imposing oppressive standards on other women. The lives of elite women and young, working-class women were influenced by the privilege, or lack thereof, allowed by the intersections of their age, race, and class. These groups of women had profoundly different experiences in Vancouver as they policed others or were policed themselves. In 1929, Bingham and many of his contemporaries believed in the “usefulness of women” in policing and preventing crime; today, these women are useful in a different way to historians, as they provide a view into the lives, values, and anxieties of early twentieth-century Canadian women.            74  Bibliography Primary Sources Archival Sources City of Vancouver Archives  City Publications Collection  Vancouver Police Department Fonds UBC Libraries, Rare Books and Special Collections  Vancouver Council of Women Fonds Vancouver Police Museum Archives  VPD General Fonds  Women's Division Fonds Newspapers British Columbia Federationist 1920 The Daily Province 1912 Saturday Sunset [Vancouver] 1908 Vancouver Daily News Advertiser 1912 Vancouver Daily Sun 1917-1918 Vancouver Sun 1920 The Vancouver World 1912 Victoria Daily Colonist 1920 Published Primary Sources Canada Year Book 1932. Ottawa: F.A. Acland, 1932. Murphy, Emily F. The Black Candle. Toronto: Thomas Allen, 1922. 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